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The Rape of Baturyn: The Archaeological Evidence Author(s): Volodymyr Kovalenko Source: Harvard Ukrainian Studies, Vol. 31, No. 1/4, POLTAVA 1709: THE BATTLE AND THE MYTH (2009-2010), pp. 37-78 Published by: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41756497 . Accessed: 19/04/2013 04:26
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This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Rape of Baturyn: The Archaeological Evidence
VOLODYMYR KOVALENKO
In the final months of 1707,at thevery height of the Northern War, King CharlesXII of Swedenmarched eastward with 44,000 troops- a hugearmy in those days- intenton pushingthe Muscovitestate away from the Baltic Sea and CentralEurope. He had alreadysucceeded in subduingDenmark, the Polish-LithuanianCommonwealth, and Saxony,whose leaders had triedto halt Swedishexpansion on theEuropean continent. Charles was convincedthat the timehad come forSweden to deal decisivelywith another enemy, Peter I of Russia,whose troops had been taughta harshlesson at theBattle of Narva on 20 November1700.1 A countrypractically lacking all naturalresources, Sweden had managedto createa mightyempire, having unpredictably expanded its borderson the BalticSea at the expenseof its neighbors,Denmark, Saxony, Poland-Lithuania,and Russia.From his father, Charles XI, theyoung Swedish monarchhad inheriteda properlyfunctioning state, a powerfulnaval fleet, and a large,well- trained, and well-equippedarmy that specialists justly considered to be one ofthe best in Europe. Despitethe numerical superiority of Russian troops, Peter was veryuneasy at the prospectof facingthe best armyin Europe.Not entirelyconvinced of thebattle-readiness of his newlyformed regiments, the Russian tsar resolved to use an ancient,Scythian-era tactic against the enemy: withdraw deep into thecountry, along the way destroying all possiblesupplies and resourcesahead ofthe advancingenemy, and simultaneouslyevading decisive battles. It goes withoutsaying that during this type of operationthe fateof the local popu- lationwas of no concernto eitherof the warringsides. Towns and villages weremethodically burned to theground, and all supplieswere shipped out or destroyedso thatthe enemycould not layhis handson anything.Any resis- tancewas decisivelyand mercilesslycrushed. Soon, the Swedeswere forced to begineconomizing not onlyon foodbut also gunpowder.The triumphant marchof the undefeated army, which was complicatedby endless skirmishes withPeter's mobile detachments and local partisans,was inexorablyturned intoa strugglefor survival. There was onlyone solution:to catchup withand
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 38 KOVALENKO defeatthe elusiveTsar Peter.A frenziedrace to close the gap began in the impenetrablePolissian swamps. Charles XII, elatedby the fact that from time to timehis troopsmanaged to inflictannoying blows on his enemy,failed to noticethat his armywas graduallymelting away, and, along with it, all chance ofsuccess. The 29 September1708 defeat at Lesnaiaof General Adam Ludwig Lewenhaupt,who together with King Charles was leadinga hugebaggage train withartillery, gunpowder, and supplies,spelled the definitive end of the Swedes' hopesfor a speedyvictory. Before the onset of winter Charles decided to head forthe food-richsouth, to "Cossackia"- thatis, Ukraine,where he expected to remainuntil springtime, when he wouldresume his march on Moscow and inflicta decisivedefeat on his enemy. However,this course of eventshardly suited the rulingUkrainian elite headed by HetmánIvan Mazepa. Afterall, no matterwhich of the warring sideswould be victorious,the only prospects awaiting Ukraine were the ashes of smolderingruins and the sufferingof its civilianpopulation. Therefore, Mazepa, pressuredby his closestassociates and afterlengthy reflections and vacillations,decided to makea cardinalchange to hispolitical orientation and allyhimself with Charles XII, ofwhose victory the hetmán, like all ofEurope, was almostabsolutely certain. On 29 October1708 Mazepa and his followers arrivedat the Swedish camp near the villageof Hirky,next to Novhorod- Siverskyi.The arrivalof Mazepa, who had promisedto place manythousands ofCossack troops at Charles'sdisposal and to supplythe Swedes with all neces- sarysupplies in exchangefor an alliance,was mostfortuitous. Bythis time Mazepa had alreadyamassed considerable quantities of food and foragein his capital,Baturyn, as wellas gunpowder,the scarcity of which was causingthe Swedes increasingdifficulties. Baturyn was protectedby a reliablegarrison of between 7,000 and 8,000 troopsloyal to Mazepa, and some 70 to 100 cannon.During the Battleof Poltava,which would decide the fate of Europe,the Russianarmy had nearlya hundredcannon, and the Swedes thirty-four,only four of which were used duringthe battle because ofthe lack ofgunpowder.2 It thusbecomes clear why Peter, after learning of this turn of events,dispatched to Baturynan entirecorps consisting of between 15,000 and 20,000 soldierscommanded by his favorite, Aleksandr Menshikov, with orders notto allowthe Swedes to takeadvantage of these supplies at anycost. "Prince Menshikovwith part of the army is to go and captureBaturyn, where Mazepa's fellowthinkers, Colonel [Dmytro]Chechel' and the aide-de-campKeniksek [Friedrichvon Königseck]have establishedthemselves with the Cherkassy [UkrainianCossacks]."3 Not awareof the mood in theBaturyn garrison, Men- shikovsought to convinceits commandersto admitthe Russiantroops into thefortress under the pretext of strengthening its defenses. "Because we have newsabout the enemy's approach toward the Desna and abouthis intention, in crossingthat [river], to marchto Baturyn,for that reason the great sovereign
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 39 orderedthat a regimentof Great Russian infantry be attachedto theLittle Rus- sian troopsto thegarrison in thatcastle in orderbetter to repulsethe enemy. ...Andfor that reason, it is incumbenton Col. Chechel'immediately to admit theGreat Russian troops into that castle and togetherwith them to rebuifthe enemy'sattack, to whichcastle's assistance the great sovereign himself, together withhis army,will deign to arrive."4
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Whatkind of a citywas Baturynat the time when the Russian troops approached it in thefall of 1708? Unfortunately, not a singleplan ofmedieval Baturyn has been discoveredto thisday, and afterthe city was destroyedall thestructures of the hetman'sresidence (like Mazepa's suburbanmanor in Honcharivka) weredismantled for building materials. For obvious reasons, Soviet historians avoidedall researchon Baturyn-and Mazepa-relatedtopics, mentioning only the "gloriousvictory" achieved by Menshikov, "a fledglingfrom Peter's nest," overa "littleband of traitors,"whom "ordinary Ukrainians did not support." What's more,even thoughSoviet archaeologistsrecognized that the ruins of Baturynwere an unparalleledarchaeological monument of the Cossack era,they too had to steerclear of this topic. Thus, for centuries these meager accountsof contemporaries and eyewitnesseswere the only source of informa- tionabout the socio-topographicstructure of Baturyn.On 26 May 1994 the "HetmánCapital" State Historical and CulturalPreserve was establishedin Baturyn(designated today as an urban-typevillage) by Presidential Directive no. 201. The internationalarchaeological expedition, launched by the T. H. ShevchenkoNational Pedagogical University of Chernihiv and theInstitute of Archaeologyof the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, began its work in Baturynin thesummer of 1995. In 1995-97and 2000-2010 archaeologists exploredmore than 5,000 square meters of the cultural stratum within the pro- tectedzones ofthe ruined city. Based on theaccumulated research, they were ableto sketchthe first general plan of the preserve's defensive zones, which was approved[...] on 6 March1996 by the Chernihiv Oblast StateAdministration in orderto drawwider public attention to Baturyn. From2001 to 2010,the Baturynarchaeological project was sponsoredby theCanadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies (CIUS), thePontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies(PIMS) at the Universityof Toronto,and the Shevchenko ScientificSociety of America(NTSh-A). Prof.Zenon Kohut,the directorof the CIUS, heads the Baturynproject. Dr. Orest Popových,the presidentof NTSh-A,is as a patronand academicadviser to thisundertaking. The author ofthis article (Chernihiv National Pedagogical University, Ukraine) heads the archaeologicalexpedition in Baturyn.Dr. Volodymyr Mezentsev (CIUS) is the co-headand an executivedirector of the Baturyn project on theCanadian side.
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 40 KOVALENKO
Prof.Martin Dimnik (PIMS) collaborateson thehistorical research of medieval Baturynand thepublication of the project results in NorthAmerica. Every year duringthe last decade up to 160 studentsand scholarsfrom universities and museumsbased in Kyiv,Chernihiv, Nizhyn, Hlukhiv, Sumy, Kharkiv, Melitopil, Lviv,Chernivtsi, and otherUkrainian cities, as wellas Toronto,Edmonton, and Montreal(Canada), havetaken part in theexcavations in Baturyn. Recentarchaeological research has revealedthat Baturyncomprised a citadel(Lytovs'kyi zamok/Lithuanian Castle), the cityitself, which was also protectedby mighty fortifications (a fortress), the Podil- thelower part of the city- and unfortifiedsuburban settlements (figs. 1-2; all figuresare found at the end ofthis article). Adjacent to Baturynwere numerous suburban granges and farmsteadsowned by Cossack officers,the BaturynSt. NicholasKrupyts'kyi Monastery,and others.5The centerof medievalBaturyn was the citadel,an ancientcastle dating to the KyivanRus' era,which was restoredin the early partof the seventeenth century and beganfunctioning as theresidence of the Ukrainianhetmans after 1669. It occupieda highpromontory overlooking the left-bankterrace of the Seim River(130 x 100 m). Leadingto thecitadel there were "entrygates, [with] a toweron the gates [i.e.,a gatehousetower], and threeblind towers (hlukhi bashni )."6 On theouter side thecitadel was flanked by a 15 m wide rampartand a drymoat (ditch).In Mazepa's timethe moat was 10-11 m wide and between7 and 7.5 m below the currentsurface. The lowerpart of the moat retains a highmoisture level, which helped preserve the wooden stakeslining its walls (compactly placed pilesand narrowlogs with a diameterof up to 0.25 m),which have remainedintact up to a heightof 2 m; decayis evidentto a heightof approximately 3 m. Accordingto theresults of the2008 archaeologicalexcavations, oak was used to linethe northern (outer) side of the moat.In additionto oak, pine and maplewere used forthe walls on the side of the fortress(fig. 3). The main structureof the moat consisted of severallines (threeto fourin the area near the gatewaytower and two in peripheralareas) ofoak logstied together (measuring between 2.4 x 2.4 m and 2.8x 3 m),which were laid out in chessboardfashion (in addition, every second logwas eitherinserted into the ground to a depthof between 0.5 and 0.7 m,or wereplaced directlyon theground). The externalrows of logs (horodni ) were reinforcedwith clay, while the innerrows (kliti) were used to storesupplies 7 and to house guards(fig. 4). Leadingto the citadelwas a drawbridgewhose threemassive supporting oak beams,with a diameterof up to 0.4 m, were placed at intervalsof between 1.75 and 2 m. Theywere discovered in frontof thegateway during the 2008 excavations. Accordingto historicalaccounts, the territory of the castle included a vari- etyof residential buildings and outbuildings,as wellas thehetman's masonry palace comprisingthree chambers, a bricktreasury, and thewooden Church of the Resurrection.Judging from the ruinsthat were uncovered during the
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 4I excavations,the hetman'smasonry palace was located in the northernsec- tion of the citadel.It was builtwith grooved ("Lithuanian") bricks (for the mostpart measuring between 28 x 15 and 16.5x 4.5-5.5 cm). This structure, measuringapproximately 26 x 20 m,was rectangularin form,and itsdesign is an exampleof a typicaltraditional Ukrainian "house divided into two halves," witha centralcorridor and severalrooms and hallswith brick floors and large stovesdecorated with polychromatic ceramic tiles (fig. 5). Verylikely it was constructedin keepingwith the Ukrainian(Cossack) baroque style,and its closestanalogs are the buildingof the regimentalchancellery in Chernihiv (1690s) and Mazepa's masonryresidence in Kyiv.8 The castle Churchof the Resurrectionwas constructedof wood, which explainswhy it was notpossible to findany archaeological traces of this struc- ture.However, the rather large cemetery adjoining the church helped scholars to determineits locationin the northernpart of the municipalsquare (fig. 6).9 The actualcity (the fortress, or posady i.e., "suburb," according to a descrip- tion datingto 1654),covering an area of 600 x 440 m, lay adjacent to the LithuanianCastle, forming a semicirclefrom the southand west.According to thisdescription, "...near the adjacentsettlement, from three sides toward a lake,is a palisade [and] an earthenrampart, that rampart is fencedon both sides byoak logs. Threeentry gates are builtin thatearthen city; ...there are six cornerflanking towers...."10 The fortresshad an independentsystem of defensivestructures.11 The dominantarchitectural landmark of Baturynwas the seven-domed Churchof the Life-Giving Trinity (figs. 7a and 7b),first mentioned in documents datingto 1692.This main church of the hetmán capital, built in approximately 1690-92,was fundedby HetmánIvan Mazepa, who spent20,000 ducatson itsconstruction. The participantsof the Baturyn International Archaeological Expedition,which took place in 2007-9, wereable to excavatethe foundations of the churchand recreateits designand dimensions.This was one of the largestchurches in the Cossack State,with a lengthof 38.7 m and a widthof 24.1 m. It had threenaves, three altar apses (a centralfaceted apse and two roundedside ones),an articulatedtransept, and a largefive-faceted vestibule ( babynets') on the westernside. Near the churchwas an emptyarea, where marketfairs probably took place. A largebell tower, known as "Mazepa'sPost," was constructednear the church.12 Throughoutthe seventeenth and earlypart of the eighteenth centuries the networkof streets in the hetmán capital corresponded to a considerabledegree to the directionsof the streetsin contemporaryBaturyn. The streetswere denselybuilt up by mansions( sadyby ). Theirdimensions vary from 500-550 sq. m (14-18x 25-30 m) on plotsof land close to thefortress fortifications to 750-900 sq. m (25-30 x 25-30 m) plotsof land located near the castle- further
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 42 KOVALENKO proofthat this was wherethe representativesof the upperstrata lived in the hetmáncapital. Comparisons between the area ofthe fortress - approximately 25 ha (600 X 440 m)- and the size of individualdwellings should not give rise to concernamong scholars. At the most,the area of the fortresscould havebeen occupiedby some 200-250 mansions- thatis, approximately 1,500 inhabitants(between six and sevenpeople per building). Even if one takesinto accountthat the majority of households included two residences (occupied by adultchildren, landless peasants living in a housenot owned by them, or hired laborers,who lived in the second house owned by parents or masters),the total populationcould have reached 3,000-4,000 people,including the permanent residentsof the castle,but excludingthe militarygarrison. According to the 1654 descriptionmentioned above, therewere 710 households:436 owned byCossacks and 274 ownedby burghers. By the time of the 1666 census,the numberof burghers' households had increasedto 365.However, it shouldbe keptin mindthat the majority of the ordinary residents of Baturyn (Cossacks, craftsmen,petty traders, servants, etc.) livedoutside the city fortifications in varioussettlements and in the lowerpart of the city,while the Cossack elite livedon farmsteadsand countryestates. Particularlyfascinating are the remnantsthat were uncovered during the excavationsin 2003 and 2004 nearthe Church of the Resurrection (1803) and in the courtyardof the Sundayschool (1903),as well as the remnantsof the "grainstores" (velikoi magazein) dating to thelate seventeenth-early eighteenth centuries.These were substantial above-ground log-style structures featuring large(2-3 sq. m) open grainpits dug intothe clay floors, which were located in parallelrows (fig. 8). Duringtwo seasons of excavations nineteen such pits wereexamined. Judging by archaeological stratigraphy (sequence), these pits, linedwith logs, were part of two adjacent structures, and weremost likely used to storestate grain supplies for the garrison in theevent of a siege.13 Unprotectedurban settlements enclosed the fortressin a semicircle,and the ratherextensive lower part of the town,where, as notedearlier, most of Baturyn'sordinary residents lived, was locatedalong the Seim River. The rapid developmentof the cityand the complexpolitical situation did not resultin the buildupof a new stretchof fortificationsin these suburbanareas; nev- ertheless,they were full-fledgedparts of the hetmáncapital. Even masonry churcheswere constructed in thesedistricts. Between 1696 and 1698,on the site of today'smarketplace construction began on the five-domedChurch of Saint Nicholas the Wonder-Worker,for which Hetmán Mazepa donated 4,000 ducats.The Churchof Saint Mary the Protectress was also constructed in thesuburbs. However, most of the churches in Baturyn,as in othercities of the time,were small parish and household-affiliatedpatron's churches, such as thewooden Churchof the Entrance of the Mother of God, a house church locatedon the estateof Vasyl' Kochubei, the generaljudge.14 A considerable
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 43 numberof the Cossack elitelived on homesteads,of which there were more thantwenty located around Baturyn, according to historicaldescriptions. Some of themwere situatedat a considerabledistance from the city.For example, Colonel Chechel'shomestead was in the villageof Trostianka,some 14 km fromBaturyn, and Friedrichvon Königseck'swas in thevillage of Syvolozh, in theBorzna area. Ivan Mazepa's suburbanresidence in Honcharivkahas been studiedin greaterdetail. This structurewas builton a high(nearly 10 m) promontory overlookingthe left terrace of the Seim River,formed by the river's edge and a largeravine that reached the floodplainslocated southof the intersecting Kyiv-Moscowand Baturyn-Konotophighways. Judging by the configuration and the precise,nearly triangular form, the residencewas builtaccording to a clear-cutplan (see fig.2). The sitechosen for its construction was a flatarea spanningnearly nine hectares, along the perimeter of which from the outer side (fromthe west and south)opened up a ditch(2.8 m deep and 6 m wide) with an earthenrampart (its base was 9 m wide butthe height of the rampart was only1.5 m) and fiveearthen bastions located at practicallyequal distancesfrom each other.15A cross-section did notreveal any kind of defensive constructions withinthe structure of the rampart or thebastion. Mazepa's palace in Honcharivkawas situateda hundredmeters southwest of the edge of the promontoryand some 9-11 m fromthe edge of the ter- race.All thebricks of this structure, right down to thefoundation wall, were latercarted off by local residents.A sketchof thispalace, executedin 1744 by FriedrichWilhelm von Bergholtz,is on displayat the NationalMuseum in Stockholm.It shows the walls of the façade,which were stillstanding at thattime. An analysisof the drawing as wellas archaeologicaldata showthat Mazepa's palace occupied an area of 20 x 15 m and had threestoreys with a mansardand a deep cellar.This was the earliestof a seriesof palaces that werebuilt and decoratedin theWestern European baroque style in Left-Bank Ukraine.16In 2008 theremnants of a rathersizable wooden wing with a deep basementwere discovered; a similarstructure was located symmetricallyto it in thearea northof the palace.
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Thus,at the beginningof the eighteenthcentury Baturyn was a thrivingcity in theHetmanate, although it was notcomparable to Europeancapitals of the day.Neither should the strength of its fortifications be exaggerated:as Vasyl' Kochubeinoted in his denunciationto PeterI, Baturyn'sdefensive structures had not been repairedfor a considerableperiod, and at the timeof the siege theywere not in bettershape. Nevertheless,Baturyn was a seriousthreat to theRussian troops, not so muchbecause of its numerous cannon and garrison,
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 44 KOVALENKO butbecause of its high concentration of military supplies and foodstuffs,which couldprovide Swedish troops with a necessaryrespite and evenan opportunity to spendthe winter there. This explainsPeter's concern about Baturyn,as well as the insistenceof Menshikov,who arrivedin thevicinity of the citytogether with the voevoda ofKyiv, Dmitrii Golitsyn, by 25 October.The nextday, his "SereneHighness" (Menshikov),who was notyet fully apprised of the moods and intentionsof the Baturyngarrison, made an unsuccessfulattempt to senda delegationto Batu- rynfor negotiations. He firstsent Colonel Ivan Annenkov, followed by Captain AndriiMarkevych. Baturyn reacted to theunwelcome guests by dismantling thebridges spanning the Seim River, closing the gates and coveringthem with earth,and placingcannon along the walls. "And Baturyn... locked itself up from all sidesand thethree gates; only the fourth, riverside, gates, which were from the Seim River,were unlocked."17 Then, as Menshikovreported to thetsar on 26 October,"after clearing off into the castle, all theguardsmen as wellas other local residentsestablished themselves [there] and, having cleared the bridge, theystood in formationthroughout the city with standards and witharms and withcannon...."18 Also to no availwas Count GavriilGolovkin's letter to the commanderof the garrison, Chechel', demanding that he admita regimentof Russianinfantrymen into the city, in keepingwith the tsar's decree. Thus, as notedearlier, on 30 Octobera militarycouncil held in thevillage of Pohribky, near Novhorod-Siverskyi,which was attendedby PeterI, Menshikov,and Golitsyn,resolved to captureBaturyn at all costs. On 31 OctoberMenshikov returned to Baturynwith an even largerarmy consistingof dragoons bolstered by infantry regiments. He triedagain to per- suade Mazepa's loyalistgarrison soldiers to accede to theirdemands through promisesand threatsconveyed by Prince Golitsyn and, later, by Captain Mark- ovich,who was dispatchedby Menshikov, but these communications did not producethe desired result. On theafternoon of 31 October Menshikov and his troopsarrived at theSeim River.In responsefrom the "riverside gates," which opened up at the river,the "Cossack artillerycaptain" Königseck, issued a command:"six cannon were sent from the castle, and they were pointed against us on thebridges, which, prior to our arrival,had been scatteredabout."19 The cannonwere also pointedat the dragoons,but the arrivalof a groupof fifty grenadiersdispatched by Menshikov forced the Cossacksto withdrawto the city.20 Duringthe night a messengerarrived in Baturynwith a letterfrom Hetmán Mazepa, reportingthat the Swedish army was rushingto theassistance of the besieged.This news cheeredthe Ukrainiantroops, and on the morningof 1 Novemberthey opened fireon a buildinglocated in thesuburbs where Men- shikov'ssoldiers had concealedthemselves. Ivan Zheliabuzhskii, the Muscovite high-rankingboyar (okolnichii), noted in thisconnection, "from the city they began firingcannon at our headquartersacross the river,as well as at the
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 45 troops...standing near the bridge....They also set fireto the suburbsaround thecity.... And severaltimes he sentmessages to themto unlockthe city. And theydid not obeyand beganfiring cannon."21 Thedescriptions of subsequent events in Ukrainianand Russiansources are markedlydifferent. According to theauthor of Istoriia Rusov , on i November Menshikov"made the courageous decision to stormit and thereforeimmedi- atelyled histroops against the city fortifications. Mazepa's troops, which were garrisonedin the city,called serdiuksand formedfrom freebooters, mostly UkrainianPoles [i.e.,those who hailed fromRight-Bank Ukraine- VK] and Wallachians,knowing well whatthey should expect from the tsaristtroops, defendedthe city and itsfortifications with bravery and daring.Several times assaultswere repulsedfrom the cityramparts, the urban ditchesfilled up withthe corpses of those killed on bothsides, but the battle continued every- wherearound the city. Finally, night and darknessseparated the warriors, and theRussians withdrew from the city and crossedthe Seim Riverfor a retreat march."22 However,this information is not directlycorroborated by othersources. The eyewitnessaccount of Abraham Cederholm (Tsederhelm), a Swede who participatedin the campaign,"about the firstattack on the cityon Monday" (i.e., i November),as cited by SerhiiPavlenko; of the Swedish memoirist, JosiasCederhielm; and informationderived from oral folknarratives and othersources23 describe these eventsin such a vague fashionthat they can be interpretedin a varietyof ways.This, in fact,led the Russianhistorians VladimirArtamonov and KirillKochegarov to categoricallyreject i November as theday when Baturyn was stormed.24Artamonov writes, "Menshikov tried to accomplishthe task without bloodshed, and on i Novemberhe sentthe next proposalwith one Zazharskii,"25to which the besieged Ukrainian troops replied withabusive language. There was no sense in continuingthe negotiations, all the moreso as Menshikovhad receiveda dispatchfrom the tsar,informing himthat the Swedeshad crossedthe Desna River."Therefore, if it is possible to finishthis night before morning or in the morning,then finish with God's help.If it is impossible,then better to withdraw,for the enemy is crossing[the river]within four miles of Baturyn."26 Afterthis setback Menshikov ordered the installation of a battery-accord- ingto Artamonov,it was installedin thearea ofthe Konotop gates, which is an entirelyreasonable assumption, considering the topography- and at 4:00 p.m. he launcheda bombardmentof the fortress walls, after ordering his soldiers to preparefascines and laddersfor the assault.According to the accountof the Englishofficer, Daniel Defoe,"he launchedsuch savagefire that in one night and a dayhe made a considerablebreach. It could not be called a trueone in thefull engineering sense, but it allowed [thetroops] to beginthe storming. The garrisondefended itself with great perseverance and killeda multitudeof Muscovitesin thedry moat."27
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Artamonovsheds lighton the furthercourse of eventson the basis of an anonymousreport entitled "About the Capture of the City of Baturyn," which he discoveredin the SwedishState Archive in Stockholm.In his view,this textwas based on Menshikov'srecollections, but for some reasonit was never includedin any of the editions of Gistoriia Sveiskoi voiny : "And after the onset of night,they prepared for the storming, having readied the fascines and ladders. And theyordered specifically General Major Volkonskiito go by the side of thegates on theright side [and] ColonelAnnenkov [to go] up theslope from behindthe river, and on theleft side 200 Tatarshunkered down to givewarn- ing,in orderto raisethe alarmand shoutsand shootingbefore the storming so thatthose from the place thatwe wereintending to stormwould lure away the people. And thus,on the second dayafter midnight, at six o'clock,when the alarmwas soundedin the rearby the Tatars,a largeproportion of those thievesresponded to thatalarm. Meanwhile, our people beganto stormfrom twosides. And because the ladders were short, we enteredthe city through the ratherintense gunfire with Goďs helpeven without a ladder.After two hours of gunfirewe took thatfortress, where we killedmany thieves and captured quitea fewalive."28 In Artamonov'saccount, duringthe assault Annenkov'sdetachment advancedalong the long "slope behind the river" that led fromthe Seim nearly to the centerof the fortress,to the area of the central(Kyivan) gates, while Volkonskii'ssubunit advanced to the"side of the [Konotop]gates," which were indeedlocated on theright side if one facesthe fortress. According to theplan, the "Tatars"(Artamonov calls themKalmyks) were supposed to raise a hue and cry,imitating the sounds of another force storming "from the left side" (c AeBOMCTopoHM aah TpeBorw)in thearea betweenthe Kyivanand Sosnytska gates,which corresponds to today'smarketplace.
Notably,atsix o'clock in the morning, feinting gunfire and shouting began "behindthrough the Tatars." A largepart of the garrison threw itself in thatdirection of the walls. At this very time Menshikov's Troitsk, Viatka, Nizhegorod,Tver, Smolensk, Rostov, and Siberian dragoon regiments... as wellas theregiments that had fought under Bour's command ascended tothe fortress.... Apparently,the darknessand the weak preparationof the gun calculationsof the Mazepistartillery did not permitan effective counteractiontothe attackers.... Thesoldiers and dragoonstore out from behind the walls on both sides....The decisive role in the capture was played by Annenkov's attack throughthe riverside gates. Along the "slope" the attackers quickly broke throughto the center of the city.29
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Artamonov,who has visitedBaturyn and thusis familiarwith its topography, is entitledto hisopinion that the breach made by Annenkov's column through the"riverside gates" played a "decisiverole" Annenkov's subunit was supposed to advancea couple ofhundred meters along the narrow but deep (30-40 m) gullylocated between the fortifications ofthe citadel and thefortress. Even if one acceptsArtamonov's conjecture that someone inside Baturyn could have openedthese "riverside gates," which were banked up withearth on theinside,30 to admitthe Russians(the followersof Captain Zhuravkaallegedly allowed Russiantroops to enterthe Novhorod-Siverskyi fortress this same wayon 27 October),this was hardlya guaranteeof success. Even in thetotal darkness of thenarrow gully it was impossibleto misshitting the densely packed group of attackers.In thisauthor's opinion, the sourcecited by Artamonov, as quoted above,clearly indicates that entry into the citywas gainedby a breachin a wall. Stormingladders were not necessaryto ensuresuccess for Annenkov's column,which was supposedto exitthe gullyinside the fortress,practically in its verycenter. Of course,the very appearance of a significantnumber of enemysoldiers behind the fortress's defenders was designedto disorganizethe resistanceof Baturyn's defenders and, in fact,to nullifyit. Perhapsthis may be thevery incident that sparked the legend and enduring discussionsabout "underground passages" and a "secretwicket gate," which, in Artamonov'sopinion, folk tradition could haveturned into the "water gates," throughwhich Menshikov's soldiers might have penetratedthe fortressand which,according to the conjecturesof manyhistorians, ensured the success of the storming:the unexpectedattack from behind the defendersnot only demoralizedthem, but led to theopening of the gates of the fortress to admit theRussian cavalry.31 Following in the footsteps of Mykola Kostomarov, Dmytro Doroshenko,and otherhistorians,32 Serhii Pavlenko cites thisinformation and providesdetailed substantiation, while Artamonov, Kochegarov,33 and a numberof other Russian scholars either believe this to be "a pieceof nonsense" notcorroborated by authentic sources, or simplyignore it. Artamonov admits, however,that "the birth of the legend about a breachin a wall,an underground passage,or secretwicket gate, through which the dragoons made their way into thefortress" is linkedto a diarykept by the Slovak pastor Daniel Krman,who was in Baturynwith the armyof Charles XII six daysafter the destruction of the city.34Krman reports, as recountedby Artamonov, that "from the words ofsome Mazepisthe recordedan impromptulegend about a treacherousser- vantof the hetman's" and that"there were underground empty spaces (I'okhy ) there."35Nevertheless, Artamonov is convincedthat "these vaults served... as storageplaces forfood and property."36In a note to the book Artamonov refersto an "emptyspace" thatwas discoveredby the BaturynInternational ArchaeologicalExpedition on 2 May 2008, "whichstarted from the cellarof theabove-ground structure."37 These were indeed remnants of a secretunder-
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 48 KOVALENKO groundtunnel that archaeologists discovered in the middleof the Baturyn citadel.It led fromthe cellarof an ordinarystructure to somewhereoutside thefortress, and onlysome Cossackcommanders and thecitadel guard could be entrustedto knowabout this secret passage. It shouldbe notedthat the information about the underground passages in Baturynis notsimply the stuff of legends and folkbeliefs. By all accounts,these undergroundareas had a long-standinghistory. The Poles beganto construct themin the earlyseventeenth century in accordancewith the traditionsof EasternEuropean military architecture, and theirexpansion kept pace with the growthof the city.They differed from Western European underground passagesin one fundamentalway: instead of beingused to storesupplies or hide inhabitants,they were part of an activedefensive system, especially for launchingspeedy and suddensorties that were supported by frontal fire. Thus, the fortresshad a ramifiednetwork of undergroundhiding places, tunnels, and a numberof secret trapdoors through which it was possibleto launchan unexpectedattack, send out scouts,or simplyto escape. Eventually,the local residentsforgot about thesepassages, which were no longerused according to theirdesignation. From time to time,though, these underground passages madetheir presence known whenever cave-ins occurred or the ground opened up in variousparts of the city, mostly on theterritory or in thevicinity of the formerfortress. The earliestmention of these underground passages was recordedby A. I. Gil'denshtedt,who spent time in Baturynin the fall of 1774: "On a flatelevation, on thehigh, steep left bank of the Seim lies an old fortresssurrounded by an irregularrampart, the former residence of Hetmán Mazepa from1687 to 1708. The fortresshas remainedin a neglectedstate since the time it was destroyed in 1708at Peter'sbehest. At the center of it is a brickchurch that has also fallen intodecay and collapsed.In thisfortress is an entranceinto underground pas- sageswith a widthof 1 sazhen [2.13m], a heightof more than 1 sazhen and 15 lengths;at theend ofthe longitudinal passages are side [passages]of the same length.These passages,called I'okhyby the local residents,are dug intothe claysoil and are not linedwith stone; in bygonedays of troubles they served as storehousesfor municipal property."38 This is the source of Artamonov's conclusionabout the "economicdesignation" of the Baturynunderground passages. A largecave-in also occurredin 1896.General M. Brandenburg,who exam- ined it,declared that it was an undergroundpassage. The ratherlarge cavity revealedthree underground passages intersecting in one spot(the exact site of thecave-in). Each ofthe passages was shapedlike an arcand was meticulously linedwith bricks, which were still so hardthat "it was difficultto smashthem evenwith a sledgehammer."39 Cave-insstill happen in Baturynto thisday. Unfortunately, the only extant
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 49 accountsof these occurrences are thoserecorded by local residentsof Batu- ryn.A residentnamed M. S. Chervoniashchyi(b. 1922)recalled that when a house (no. 5) was beingbuilt on the streetnamed todayafter Hetmán Ivan Samoilovych,the buildersdiscovered huge iron doors in a trenchbeneath thefoundation. When thelock was smashed,an undergroundpassage nearly 1.5m wide opened up, leadingtoward Kochubei's orchard. It was possibleto walk10 m alongit. Another resident named O. A. Honter(b. 1928)mentions a cave-inthat took place in 1939-40 on thecorner of today s Iushchenkoand Kooperatyvnastreets, near a pharmacy.The cave-inwas filledup withearth, butaccording to V. V. Kuz'ko (b. 1940),a telegraphpole caved in on thisspot in 1956or 1957.The cave-inwas so deep thatthe pole was danglingby its wires.It was obviousthat this was an undergroundpassage that ran parallel to IushchenkoStreet. Another Baturyn resident, M. F.Chukhno (b. 1941)remem- bersthat in 1965-66 and in 1975cave-ins happened at thissame intersection, buton theother side of Kooperatyvna Street, near the Palace ofCulture. Other cityresidents, including K. I. Parfenenko(b. 1951),O. P. Zhurs'kyi,and several othersrecalled cave-ins occurring near this building.40 As mentionedearlier, the Baturyn International Archaeological Expedition discoveredthe cave-inmentioned by Artamonov. After a heavyrainfall on 2 May 2008, duringthe reconstruction of the architectural-memorial complex identifiedas thecitadel of the Baturyn fortress in the northern part of the build- ingsite, beneath the crypt of the Church of the Resurrection the ground opened up at a depthof 3 m fromthe current surface, and sectionsof a seventeenth- centuryunderground passage appeared, heading in a northwesterlydirection towardthe promontory formed by the edge ofthe terrace and thedry moat of thecitadel. The tunnelhad been dug out ofthe earth,a dense,loamy soil; its wallsdid nothave any artificial supports, and thearch and thewalls at thetime of the dig weremounds of loose earth,each measuringup to severalsquare meters.Since the tunnelhad been open to the elementsfor a long periodof time,rainfall and springrunoffs were gradually destroying the walls and arch. Thatis whyduring the process of cleaning up thewall of the crypt site initially it seemedthat the passage was nearly3m highand 4m wide,which led to the publicationof a numberof unsubstantiated claims in themass media. A smalldig site was set up at thebottom of the foundation pit beneath the crypt,closer to itssouthern edge, which led downsome stairsinto the depths, carvinginto the layer of soil (loose loamysoil) untilit reached the original bot- tomof the underground gallery. Excavations conducted along the passageway withinthe foundationpit allowedarchaeologists to locate thebottom of the passage,a thinlayer of tamped-downhumus soil fromthe timethe tunnel was stillin use, at a depthof 7.1 m fromthe levelof the currentsurface, and to determineits originalwidth (1.2 m) and height(2.05 m) in the area closer to the entranceinto the passageway,which was located in a hiddenplace (a
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 50 KOVALENKO cellar,most likely) next to thefoundation pit of the future church and partly excavatedin dig siteno. 10 (structureno. 24, 2003) and no. 22 (2006), when itwas mistakenlyidentified as a "well"because ofits significant depth (fig. 9). In theeastern wall of the foundation pit archaeologists were able to determine thatthe passage continued for a distanceof more than 9 m;further excavations pastthis point in thepassage were suspended because ofthe risk of a cave-in.41 Furtherrestorations of the tunnel were undertaken by professional miners on theinitiative of Viktor Yushchenko, then president of Ukraine. The probablelength of the tunnelwas determinedto be 45 m, the dis- tancefrom the entrance to theedge ofthe terrace, where the drilling machine encounteredan emptyspace in the soil duringthe processof installingsup- ports.Inside the underground passage archaeologists discovered fragments of ceramicstove tiles, animal and humanbones with marks left by animal teeth, a heeltapof a boot,a knife,an ironcrampon, fragments of a circulardish dating to theeighteenth or nineteenthcentury, etc. The constructionof the structurethat served as the secretentrance likely datesto thetime that the hetmán residence was movedto Baturynin 1669.The entrancewas dugon theside of the citadel in the direction of the dry moat, and thesoil was broughtout onto the promontory. A layerof clay partially covered earlierburial sites in the cemeteryof the castleChurch of the Resurrection, whichwas in turnscored by burial pits containing the remains of the victims ofthe 1708massacre in Baturyn.This layer was laid forthe foundation of the hetman'spalace beforeits reconstruction in 1669,and had coveredup all the old foundationpits that predated the excavationof the undergroundtunnel and thereconstruction of the palace. Thus,the discovery of an ancientunderground passage in thecitadel of the Baturynfortress confirms not onlythe existenceof a whole networkof such tunnelsin thisearly modern city, but also thepossibility that a subunitof the Russianarmy made its way surreptitiously through one ofthe passages at dawn on 2 November1708.
*
Thereare also groundsto questionArtamonov's claim about the supposedly ill-trained Cossack gunners. As varioussources attest, Königseck was a highly experiencedspecialist, and he paid due attentionto hissubordinates' military training.42Defoe's account, cited above, confirms that the garrison at Baturyn was properlytrained, and a Swedishleaflet published in December1708 noted thatMenshikov lost 2,000 soldiersduring the assault.43 Artamonov, however, paysno credenceto theseaccounts. Instead, he citesinformation from Istoriia Rusov- whichhe describesas a "doubtfulpolemical source" - thatMenshikov was toldby a CaptainSolomakha, who was underthe command of Ivan Nis, actingcolonel of the Prylukyregiment, that the Cossacks of thisregiment
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 51 who were defendinga section of the fortificationsof the BaturynFortress had promisedto shootover the heads ofthe attacking Muscovites.44 This last piece ofinformation corresponds entirely to theinformation contained in the MahilioůChronicle, which states, "When the troops began the general assault, a Germanbetrayed the citywhen, being in commandof the cannon on one towerduring the stormingof the ramparts,he did not firethe cannonat the troopsbut upward. And, thus, the Muscovites entered through that tower and capturedthe city."45To some extentthis explains why the attackersachieved such quick success:the penetrationby one of Menshikov'ssubunits through a secretunderground passageway, and the betrayalof the defendersby the Cossacksmanning one ofthe sectors of the Baturyn fortifications, who merely pretendedto directcannon fire at theattackers, thanks to whichthe Russians, despitetheir too-short storming ladders, managed to breakthrough the city fortificationsand enterthe city at dawnon 2 November1708. The subsequentcourse of these historical events is stillthe subject of harsh polemicsamong representatives of the Ukrainian and Russianhistorical tradi- tions.Ukrainian historians rely on accountscontained in mostlyUkrainian and Swedishsources, asserting that after a two-hourbattle the soldiersin thegarrison were slaughtered, as was the majorityof the civilian population, and thenthe citywas burnedto theground. The LyzohubChronicle offers a broad panoramaof the apocalyptic,bloody night when the hetmáncapital was destroyed:"The army was blood-stainedand, what is more,the rank and filesoldiers, having gotten drunk (since therewas an abundanceof all kinds of beverageseverywhere), were slaughteringand cuttingpeople to pieces, and, because of this,other people sat in fearin hiddenplaces untilthe fire surroundedthe entire city, and thosewho werehiding suffered; few, however, weresaved from the fire and onlyone littlehouse owned by an old man,which stood beneaththe verywall of the westernrampart, survived; the wooden churchinside the castle burned down, in thecity the top partand theinterior workof the stone [Churchof the] Holy Trinity were burned.... Many people drownedin the Seim, fleeing across the ice thatwas notyet solid, many burned to deathhiding in houses,in vaults,in cellars,in pits,where they suffocated, butthey burned to deathin thehouses."46 This account is echoed by the author of Istoriia Rusov: "Menshikov... approachedthe cityand enteredit in utterquiet and, once the Serdiukshad gottendrunk on theoccasion of their victory the day before and werein deep sleep,with the entire army he attackedthe sleeping and thosewho werewak- ing;he cut the defenselessto pieces and killedwithout any mercy,and the moreimportant ones he bound one to theother. After thus getting rid of the Serdiuks,Menshikov attacked the unarmed burghers who were in theirhomes and had nottaken any part in Mazepa's plans;he killedevery last one ofthem withoutsparing either gender, age, or even sucklinginfants."47 Thencame the turn of the captives, most of whom were executed after being
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 52 KOVALENKO subjectedto torture,and thenall otherswho were simplycaught up in the massacre.According to theSwedish historian Anders Fryxell, the author of a historyof Charles XII, "Menshikov ordered the corpses of the leading Cossacks to be tiedto boardsand sentfloating along the Seim Riverso thatthey would givethe news to othersabout the perdition of Baturyn."48 Atfirst glance, these brief accounts contradict each other:according to the LyzohubChronicle, a considerablenumber of Baturynresidents fleeing the burningcity drowned after falling through the thin ice; accordingto Fryxell's information,Menshikov ordered rafts onto which the corpses of Cossack offi- cersexecuted in Baturynwere tied to be set afloatdown the Seim River.How- ever,this apparent contradiction may be easilyexplained: in theseventeenth and eighteenthcenturies the main riverbed of the Seim Riverpassed beneath the walls of the Baturynfortress. To thisday, owing to its swiftcurrent, the riverfreezes later in theyear than the otherrivers in thisregion, and its old riverbed,Lake Popivka,whose still waters could indeed have frozen consider- ablyearlier than the main current, reached the city in thevicinity of the "water gates"- beneaththe walls of the castle (citadel). In the view of Ukrainianresearchers, between 13,000 and 15,000people weremassacred that day: warriors, civilians (mostly women and children),and peasantsfrom surrounding hamlets and villages, who had fledto theprotection ofthe Baturyn fortifications.49 After looting the city and cartingout everything theycould, the victoriousRussian soldiers burned the cityto the groundin ordernot to leave anythingto the enemyand, at the same time,to instill fearthroughout Ukraine. They also set fireto the "greatstorehouse" ( velikoi magazein), includingthe above-mentionedfood storehouses,surrounding villagesand hamlets,thirty mills on theSeim River, and eventhe suburban St. NicholasKrupyts'kyi Monastery. Then they quickly departed because Hetmán Mazepa and CharlesXII wereapproaching Baturyn. Menshikov's flight was so precipitousthat he failedto take all of the artillery:he orderedthe heavy fortresscannon to be blownup, fragments of which are stillbeing unearthed duringthe digs at Baturyn.The bells of the Baturyn churches were also blown up. Nevertheless,Menshikov took the time to plunderprecious objects, rich collectionsof weapons and paintings,as wellas thehetman's personal library and archive,which were long consideredto be irretrievablylost, but were recentlydiscovered in thearchives of St. Petersburgby Tatiana Iakovleva.50 The massacre and destructionwere so absolute thateven two decades latereyewitnesses declared that "the city of Baturynis entirelydeserted, and everythingnear its bulwarks and wallshas collapsedand become overgrown, and thereis no new or old structurein boththe castles, only two empty stone churches:the Life-GivingTrinity and SaintNicholas the Wonder-Worker... and thereare no churchadornments left at all- [including]doors and win- dow frames-and in placesthe arches have collapsed; the small stone military
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 53 houseof the former hetmans and thetraitor, Mazepa, threerooms, has entirely collapsed."51The once-flourishinghetman's residence in the outskirtswas in thesame condition:"The traitorMazepa's manorand orchard[was] in Hon- charivka...thebuilding is gone...,it was surroundedby an earthenrampart and insideof it [therewas] a smallbirch grove."52 "In thathouse the stonerooms are desertedand wrecked;the wooden churchthere is intactwith some part ofthe iconostasis "53 Recentarchaeological research has confirmedthat these accounts are not exaggerated.As a resultof the eventsof 1708,Baturyn's defensive structures weredestroyed. The bottomlayers of the ditches show clear traces of the huge conflagrationthat enveloped the fortifiedcity. They are coveredwith a layer ofconstruction debris from the destruction of the palace, among which were foundthe bones of the lower part of a man'storso- legsand pelvis- whichhad been savagedby dogs; a fragmentof an ironcannonball; lead bullets;and other similar"calling cards." In 2003 theremains of another skeleton were found in thecastle, in thefoundation pit of the structure from where the underground tunnelbegan, at a depthof 4.7 m. Thus,it is difficultto comprehendwhat Artamonovmeant when he claimedthat "Ukrainian archaeologists did not locate a solid layerof charred ruins."54 If he had done an unbiasedreading of thereports of the Baturyn expedition or, at thevery least, read the articles pub- lishedby the participants of the digs, he wouldcertainly have not overlooked the findingsthat have been reiteratedpractically every year: the destruction ofnearly all thestructures in Baturynoccurred on thesame date,2 November 1708.Archaeologists studying the remains of the foundations of the hetman's palace in the castlediscovered that the firewas so intensethat fragments of glassdishes had melted,and in some places thefire had even meltedbricks. More eloquentproof of the massacre that took place in Baturynwas discov- eredin the northwestern part of the fortified city. During the last thirteen years (1995-2008) dozens ofskeletons, many of which show signs of violent death, havebeen uncoveredin thecemetery of the burned Church of the Resurrec- tion.55The bottomlayer of the burial sites in thisarea containedthe remains ofelderly people, who wereinterred in keepingwith Christian burial rites, in woodencoffins that were lowered more than one meterinto the ground. This is a typicalchurch cemetery dating to theseventeenth century and earlypart of the eighteenth.These remainswere coveredby a second layerof shallow interments,with no tracesof any coffins. In one burialsite, which contained the skeletonof an elderlywoman with a smashedskull, archaeologists discovered a smallicon pendant(10.1 x 7.7 cm) severelydamaged by fire. Portraying the Motherof God and theinfant Jesus, this pendant, executed in oils on a copper diskwith traces of gilding, was producedin theworkshops of the Kyivan Cave Monasteryin thelate seventeenth century (fig. 10a). Also uncoveredwere the remainsof an elderlywoman with an infantlying on herchest (fig. 11).
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Almostat the wall of the destroyedpalace archaeologistsdiscovered the burialsite of a womanbetween the ages of twenty and thirty, whose frontal lobe showsthe traces of a blowinflicted by a curvedweapon, such as a broadsword or a saber,which had slicedthe skull neatly in half.A bone cut-markanalysis indicatedthat the blow was inflictedby a tall individualwho was facingthe woman.The blowwas made bythe right arm in a downwardmovement from rightto left.The cut-markshows that the broadsword penetrated three to four cm intothe skull,after which it splitin twoby itself. The skeletonof another youngwoman was foundwith her face shattered by a bluntinstrument (pos- siblythe buttof a musket).The parietalbones of the skullof a youngman betweenthe ages of18 and 21showed an obviousfracture of circular form with unevenedges, with a diameterof 60 x 55 mm.The bones ofthe lower third of the forearmof a teenagedgirl (15-18 years old) were shattered.The skullof a middle-agedman showedobvious injuries inflicted by a firearm:an entry woundin thearea betweenthe left temple and parietalbones, with a diameter of 15x 17 mm;the jagged exit wound in theright temple bone measures10.5 x 15x 15mm. Buried next to a childbetween the ages ofnine and twelve,with a bullethole at the back ofthe head,was a littlegirl between the ages of five and seven,whose foreheadwas wrappedwith a thinsilver band sewn onto a red ribbon.The skullof a middle-agedman showedthat a musketbullet had enteredand exited.Also found were the remains of a woman,a youngman, and a teenager,all withfatal skull fractures. Archaeologists also uncovereddozens ofskeletons of children between one and fiveyears old (one ofwhose skulls is missing),who had been laid in a rowin shallowpits (fig. 12).56 Some burialsites had been clearlydesecrated: the bones of the deceased had been thrownout of the coffins.This recallsthe desecrationof Cossack gravesitesthat took place during the destruction of the Zaporozhian Sich, when on the ordersof PeterI thebones of deceased Cossackswere removed from theircoffins and - to instillfear in theliving - theskin of dead Cossacks,and evenmonks, was flayedoff. One suchburial site in Baturyn(no. 34,2003) was foundin a structurethat had woodenwalls, a floor,and a covering;measuring 1.75x 2.75m, it is locatedapproximately 1.5 m fromthe current surface. This is thegrave of an adultof high social standing, possibly a cleric,and was probably constructedsometime in theearly eighteenth century. More thanlikely it was theburial place ofan importantpersonage from Hetmán Mazepa's circle.By thetime it was discovered,the body had completelydecomposed; only bones remained.Thus, there is no doubt thatafter the fallof the hetmáncapital thisburial site was deliberatelywrecked, and the bones werethrown out of thecoffin. The motivecould hardlyhave been robberybecause a silvercross measuring68 x 43 mm,with a thicknessof 3.5 mm,was foundin thevicinity ofthe bones.57 Themajority of the burial sites in the top layer should probably be attributed
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 55 to theinterment of victims of the Baturyn massacre. The childrenburied there wereno olderthan ten yearsold, and in a numberof cases theywere much younger,as thereare several infants. These data imply that during the storming of Baturynthe childrenof the local elitewere hidden in the safestand most reliableplace - in the castle,where the deathtoll turned out to be the high- est. As mentionedearlier, the wooden Churchof the Resurrectionwas also destroyedin thefire, which means that the remains of the children who were buriedthere in November1708 form the upperlayer of this cemetery. Later, therewere no people leftto buryand no one to do theburying. Justlike inside the castle, archaeologists discovered vivid traces of the total slaughterthat took place in variousareas ofthe fortress. Next to house no. 2 (digsite 2, 1996)they uncovered the remains of a childwho was buriedwithout benefitof a coffin- anothervictim of the massacre of 1708. In digsite 1 (1997), archaeologistsdiscovered the remains (a skull)of a teenagerin thecavity of a burnedhouse locatedin theunfortified settlement; the burial pit cuts across thelayer of the 1708fire. Another skeleton, which was discoveredin a house destroyedby the conflagration, was discoveredin thetrench in thefall of 2003. In 2005 archaeologistsalso discoveredthe burial site of an earlyeighteenth- centuryteenaged girl, who musthave hiddeninside a grainpit duringthe slaughterin Baturyn,where she died ofsmoke inhalation (fig. 13). The absenceof skeletons of adult males among the excavated burial sites is striking.The bodies ofthe defenders of Baturyn,of whom there were several thousand,as wellas thebodies ofMenshikov's soldiers, were probably buried in mass gravesthat have yet to be discovered.Mostly likely, these graves are locatedin theditches of the fortress, now densely built over by private houses, whichwill make further excavations next to impossible.After their return to Baturyn,Cossacks loyal to Mazepa buriedonly their massacred children and relatives,whose bodies theydiscovered among the rubbleand charredruins ofthe city.58 The eighteenth-centurysources and, above all, accountsof eyewitnesses and contemporariessupport the archaeological data. Forexample, a Swedish leafletdated December 1708 reported,"Only 1,000 men departedfrom the garrisonacross the Seim. But the commander and all theremaining residents , women,and childrenwere killed in a pitifulfashion , afterwhich they set fire to thecity."59 The results of the slaughter were also described by the Swedish historian GustavusAdlerfeld: "Menshikov, who was nearby,rushed in with several thousand menand on 2 Novemberattacked [Mazepas residence].He capturedit without particularlosses through the hand-to-hand combat of his troops and afterthat, withoutdistinction as to ageand gender, both old and young people were cut down inthe most brutal fashion , the remaining women were taken away. The same thing happenedto thelarge guns, of which there were forty, not including mortar. Fifty millson theSeim around the city were burned, and everythingwas plunderedin
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 56 KOVALENKO thecrudest and inhumanefashion. Part of the garrison made it safely across the Seim,but the commander was recapturedand he meta dismalend. His namewas Kenigsek[Königseck] and he was fromPrussia.... It was impossibleto gaze upon theterrible devastation without horror; the air was tainted by the stench of the dead and thehalf-burned corpses"60 LieutenantColonel and Adjutant General Baron David Natanael von Siltmanns, a Prussian,thus described the Baturyn massacre: "The route passed very close to Baturyn;I was in thecity and sawthe ruins. Unable to continuethe siege and not wishingto leavethe Baturyn 'nest of treason' to theadversary, Menshikov not only burneddown the fortress , but also killed a greatnumber of the garrison and residents. However,after the two-hour assault not only part of the population but also around a thousand[men] from Mazepas garrisonnevertheless managed to escapefrom Baturyn,which was devastatedin a terriblehurry."61 AndersWesterman, battalion chaplain of the Livgardet(Life Guards), a combinedcavalry and infantryregiment of the Swedisharmy, wrote: "On 11 Novemberwe minedthe capitalof HetmánMazepa, Baturyn,which shortly beforehandwas takenby storm by the Russians, devastated, and set on fire."62 Accordingto a Swedishlieutenant named P. Petre,"the enemy captured the cityof Baturynby storm,plundered it, burned it, and carriedoff people as captivestogether with the commander, having turned the main city of Ukraine intoa wildernessand charredruin."63 Sven Agrell,a clergymanin the Swedishroyal service, recorded the fol- lowingaccount: "We marchednight and day in orderto come to the aid of Mazepa's residence,Baturyn, which until that time was closelyencircled by the enemy.But we arrivedlate, when, a fewdays before this the enemytook the cityby storm,which was fortifiedno betterthan all the othercities of thisland. Here theenemy behaved in themost brutal fashion and tormented the poor people; the cellarswere fullof dead bodies of thosewhom he had chased in thereand laterset on fire."64The Slovakianpastor Daniel Krman noted: "Only 300 men were able to escape througha breach in the castle wall,but themajority were killed. We saw thesmoking mills , smashedhouses , "65 and half-burned, bloody human bodies, The high-rankingMuscovite boyar Ivan Zheliabuzhskiileft this account: "Andwe took thatcity by storm,we killedeveryone, and set it on fire."66An interestingaccount of the aftermath of the stormingof Baturynwas recordedin the diaryof PeterI: "The cityof Baturyn(where Mazepa the traitorhad his residence)was takennot with greatlosses, and we capturedthe foremost thieves, Colonel Chechel'and the generalCossack captain,Königseck, with several of theirconfederates; and we killedthe rest , and burneddown that city with everything and destroyedit to itsfoundations"67 Accordingto theChernihiv Chronicle (first quarter of the eighteenth cen- tury),when Mazepa arrivedat the charredruins of Baturynon 8 November
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1708- a weekafter the storming - he saw that"the city and suburbswere full ofpools ofhuman blood"68 But by far the most vivid description of the horrific eventsthat took place in Baturynon 2 Novemberwas recordedin the Mahilioů Chronicle,preserved in the ManuscriptDivision of the Saltykov-Shchedrin StatePublic Library in St. Petersburg:
Inkeeping with the tsar's ukase, all themilitary and city people were utterly cutdown and stabbed.In concealedspots and hiding places, wherever thesick, the gray-haired, and innocent young maidens were found, those wereraped, and afterbeing raped they were stabbed, and themonastery wasplundered and [the monks] were massacred. At thisvery time during the siege the more important city people, savingtheir lives, with their treasures, with their wives, with their children, fledto the Baturyn church, built with the funds of that Hetmán Mazepa, andthey locked themselves inthere. But like lions and predatory wolves, enraged,the Muscovite army, expecting to findtreasures there, [and] afterdragging a cannon,they shot out thedoors that were solid, and whateverlay people and clerics they found there they completely cut them down,they raped maidens on thechurch altars, and seizedthe hidden treasuresthere, and devastated the city and burned it down. To thisday noneof the people in thatcity of Baturyn are allowedto buildhomes andlive. The only people left are those in the suburbs, in the virgin forest overgrownwith brushwood, and few of them have their own house.69
Accordingto theleading specialist on Belarusianand Lithuanianchronicles, M. M. Ulashchik,these earlyeighteenth-century eyewitness accounts con- stitute"the principal value of the chronicle...;in manycases, thesefacts are unique."70This information is likelybased on theaccount of a Baturynresident who survivedthe massacre and was able to escape theburning city and settle in theGrand Duchy of Lithuania. The resultsof the 2006-9 archaeologicalexcavations of the ruinsof the Churchof the Life-GivingTrinity, described above in the extractfrom the MahilioůChronicle, absolutely confirm this information. For some timeafter theBaturyn massacre the site of the church was stillused forburials. During the2007-9 archaeologicalexpedition more than 230 gravesites were excavated, a significantnumber of which contained the remains of victims of the massacre, inasmuchas theburial sites cut across the layer of fire in thechurch. In one of thewomen's burial sites archaeologists found a smallcopper icon pendant with tracesof gilding, which was probablythe work of late-seventeenth-century icon paintersin theworkshop of the Kyivan Cave Monastery.The frontpart of the medalliondepicts the Mother of God withthe Infant Jesus (fig. 10b) and on the reverseside, a poorlypreserved image of a saint;another burial site yielded a
This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 58 KOVALENKO littlecross carved out of cypress wood and edgedin silver.Additional, eloquent evidencecorroborating the Mahilioú Chronicle account is whatis now called the"burial of the bride" (fig. 14): a skeletonof a young(16-18-year-old) girl with armssevered below the elbows was foundduring the excavations in 2008 on theruins of the church. She was buriedin a weddingcostume in accordance withthe Ukrainian tradition that young girls who havebeen engagedbut not marriedwere buried in theirwedding dress and withadditional decorations. The churchstood in ruinsfor an extendedperiod of time.As mentioned above,a descriptionof Baturyn dating to 1726notes that the church remained vacant.A similarsituation is recordedin a descriptionof Baturyndating to 176o.71The churchwas dismantledduring the second halfof the eighteenth centuryby local residentsreusing the bricks. Thus,the new archaeologicalfindings support the evidenceprovided by writtensources of Ukrainian,Russian and Westernprovenance. They allow us to gaina betterunderstanding of the ways in whichBaturyn was captured and assess thescope ofthe massacre that followed the fall of the city. The new evidencealso underminesthe efforts of those scholars who tendto downplay thescale ofthe tragedy that befell the defenders and ofthe city and itscivilian population.One hopes thatthe cross raisedat the citadelon 10 April2004 commemoratingthe victims of thislittle-known tragedy will serve as a per- sistentreminder of the Baturyn massacre (fig. 15). The destructionof Baturyn not onlydeprived the army of Charles XII ofconvenient winter quarters and amplesupplies of gunpowder and provisions,it also changedthe very course ofthe Northern War and,ultimately, the course of European history.
Translatedfrom the Ukrainian and Russianby Marta D. Olynyk
Notes
1. On thehistory of the Northern War, see 1. 1. Rostunov, ed., Istoriia Severnoi voiny: 1700-1721gg., (Moscow, 1987); Valerii Vozgrin, Rossiia i evropeiskiestrany vgody Severnoivoiny : istoriia diplomaticheskikh otnoshenii v1697-1710 gg. (Leningrad, 1986). 2. PeterEnglund, Poltava : Rasskaz 0 gibeli odnoi armii , trans. S. Belokrinitskaiaand T. Belokrinitskaia(Moscow, 1995), 75. 3. "Khh3K)MeHiiiMKOBy c nacTMio Boncica htm AoôwBaTb BaTypwH, rAe Ma3enMHbi eAHHOMbiiiiAeHHMKMIIOAKOBHMK HeneAb, Aa reHepaAbHbiM EcayA KeHMKceic c Hep- KaccaMM3aceAM." Zhurnal, ili Podennaia zapiska , blazhennyia i vechnodostoinyia pamiatiGosudaria Imperatora Petra Velikago s 1698 goda, dazhe do zakliucheniia Neishtatskagomira, 2 vols.(St. Petersburg, 1770-72), 1:194. 4. "íloHeaceBeAOMOCTb MMeeM o 3ÓAM>KeHMMHenpMHTeAbCKOM K AecHe m o HaMepeHMMero,nepenpaBAüCb oHyio, math k EaTypuHy,Toro paAM yica3aA bcamkmm
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rocyAapbbo ohoíí 3
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15. AIuZR,10:816. 16. VolodymyrKovalenko and Volodymyr Mezentsev, "Rezydentsiia het 'mana Ivana Mazepyna Honcharivtsiv Baturyni," in VisnykChernihivs'koho derzhavnoho pedahohichnohouniversy tetu, vol. 52, series Istorychni nauky no. 5 (2008):7-14. 17. "A BaTypMH...3anepcHco Bcex cTopoH m Tpex BopoT; TOAbKO oahm neTBepTbie BopoTaóeperoBbie, hto ot CeiiMa,He3anepTw 6mam." "Otryvok starinnoi rukopisi o Kochubeei Iskre," Chernigovskie gubernskie vědomosti , no. 35 (1856). 18. "AcepAiOKM Bee, TaioKe m nponne TyToniHHe hcmtcam, yöpaßniMCb b 3aMOK 3aceAM m,po3MeTaB moct, CTOHAM no ropoAy b CTpoK) 3 3HaMeHbi mc py>KbeMmc nyiii- KaMM..."Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv drevnikhaktov; hereafter RGADA), cat. 9, no.1, box 2, fol. 895. 19. "1433aMKy BbicAaAM rnecTb iryuieK, mOHbie HaBeAM npoTMB Hac Ha moctm, KOTopbie y>Kenpe^cAe npeacAe npwxoAy Harnero 6mam yhmx pa36pocaHbi." Ibid. 20. "rioTOMb Asyx AOTKax MaAbix nepenpaBMAM mwHa Ty cTopoHy rpeHHaAwpoB HeAOBeKc 50, hto yBMAfl Te,kom npn MOCTax c nyimcaMM ctoham, TOTnac bcamkoio TpeBoroK)b ropoA noöeacaAM mHaM moctw ohmctmam." Ibid. 21. "GraAMM3 ropoAa no HanieňroynT KBapTMpe npe3 pexy, TaKO>K mno BOMCKaM... 6am3MecTa ctohhmm, mcnynieic 6MTb...TaioKe npeAMecTbe KpyroM ropoAa Bee 3a>KrAM...I4oh nocbiAaA k hmmMHora>KAbi, hto6 ropoAOTnepAM. M ohm He nocAymaAM,mCTaAM naAMTb M3 nyrneK." I. Zheliabuzhskii, "Zapiski," inRossiia pri tsarevneSof e i PetreI: zapiskirusskikh liudei , comp. A. P.Bogdanov (Moscow, 1990),324. 22. "npMMHHBOABa>KHMM HaMÍp y3HTM ÍÍOrO npMCTynOM i TOMy nOBÍB BÍApa3y BiiíCbKa cboïHa MicbKi yicpinAeHHH. BiíícbKa Ma3enMHÍ, mo ctoham 3aAoroK) b míctí, 3BaHÍ CepAIOKaMMi CTBOpeHi 3 BOAbHMI^i, a ÓiAbUie 3 yKpaÍHCbKMX FIoahkíb (bmxíaijíb 3 npaBOÔepe^HOÏykpaÏHM - aBT.) Ta Boaoxíb, 3HaBiuM TaKO>K, noro ïm cnoAißaTMCH Tpe6aOA BÍMCbK IjapCbKMX, ÔOpOHMAM MÍCTO Ta MOrOyKpinAeHHH 3ÍB3Ípi^eBOK) XOpOÓpiCTK)Ta OABarOK). ÍIpMCTynM BiAÖMBaHO KiAbKa pa3ÍB OA MiCbKMX BaAÍB, pOBMMicbKi HanOBHHAMCH TpynaMM 3aÓMTMX 3 060X CTOpiH, aAe ÖMTBa me TpMBaAa noBCiOAMAOBKOAa MicTa. BpeuiTi híh i TeMpHBapo3BeAM boííobhmkíb i Pocíhhm BiACTynMAMOAMicTa i nepeííiiiAMpiKy CeííM aah 3BopoTHboronoxoAy" Istoriia rusiv,trans. Ivan Drach (Kyiv, 1991), 261. 23. S. Pavlenko,Zahybel' Baturyna 2 lystopada1708 r. (Kyiv,2007), 87; Roman Mlynovets'kyi,Heťman Mazepa v svitlifaktiv i v dzerkali"istorii" (n.p., 1957), 48. 24. V. Artamonov,K. Kochegarov,and I. Kurukin,Vtorzhenie shvedskoi armii na Getmanshchinuv1708 g. (St.Petersburg, 2008), 60. 25. "MeHiiiMKOBnonbiTaACH Bceace 3aBepniMTb acao 6e3KpoBonpoAMTMH mOTnpaBMA 1 HOflöpnonepeAHoe npeAAO^ceHMe c hckmm 3a»capcKMM." Ibid., 60-61. 26. "ToropaAM, eaœAM ceň hohmk yTpymam no yTpycoBepuiMTb bo3mo>kho, c noMoujbK)BoÄMeio OKaHHMBaMTe. EaœAM ace hcbo3mo>kho, to AyTne noKMHyTb, m6oHenpMHTeAb nepeÓMpaeTija b neTbipex mmahx ot BaTypMH."Pis'ma i bumagi
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ImperatoraPetra Velikago, vol. 8, July-December 1708, pt. 1 (Moscow;Leningrad, 1948),258. 27. "Oh OTKpbIATaKOM >KeCTOKMM OrOHb, HTO 3a OAHyHOMb MACHb npoÓMA AOCTa- TOHHyK)6penib. Ee HeAb3H6mao Ha3BaTb HacTonmeii b noAHOM nH>KeHepHOM CMbicAe,ho OHan03B0AHAa HanaTb niTypM. IapHM30H 3ainMiijaA ce6a c 6oAbiiinM ynopcTBOMmnepeÓMA bopBy MHO^cecTBO mockobmtob." Izmena Mazepy i shturm Baturinapo knigeD.Defo, napisannoi s ispol'zovaniem zapisok britanskogo ofitsera russkoisluzhby , cited in Artamonov et al.,Vtorzhenie shvedskoi armii, 170-71. 28. "A no HacTynAeHMMhohm, M3r0T0BH cj)aiiiMHbi mAecHMijbi, k niTypMy M3r0T0- BMAMCb.A MMHHHO rOCnOAMHy TeHepaAy-Maaopy BoAKOHCKOMy nOAAe BOpOT npaByioCTopoHy, noAKOBHMKy AHHeHKOBy C3aAM ot peKMb3B03 matm npMKa3aAM, a c AeBoiiCTopoHbi aah TpeBorn200 neAOBeKTaTap 3aceAM, Aa6bi OHbie npeA IIITIOpMOMTpeBOry MKpMK MCTpeAbÓy yHMHMAM, HTo6Te 143 TOM MeCT, KOM Mbl IIITIOpMOBaTbHaMepMAMCb, AIOAeM OTMaHMTb. 14TaKMM 06pa30M, BO 2 ACHbno noAyHOHM,o 6 nacax, KorAa C3aAM npe3 TaTap yHMHMAacb TpeBora, TorAa 6oAinaH nacTbMX BopoB, Ha Toe TpeBory noiiiAM. A TeM BpeMHHeM HauiM 3 AßyCTopoH uiTypMOBaTbHanaAM. 14noHeace AecHMijbi 6wam KopoTKM, to m 6e3 AecHMijbi, c noMOiijMioBoxcMeio, HaropoA npe3 HeMaAyio CTpeAb6y BCTynMAM. FloABynacHOM OrHK)OHyiO 4>apTei4MK) B3HAM, B KOTOpOÍÍ BOpOB MHOrMX nOÕMAM, a AOCTaAbHblX ^MBbeMno6paAM." "O izmeneMazepy i o vziatiigoroda Baturina," cited in Arta- monovet al., Vtorzhenie shvedskoi armii , 169. 29. "3aTeMHO,b 6 nacoByrpa, «c3aAM nepe3 TaTap» HanaAacb oÖMaHHan CTpeAbóa m KpMKM.BoAbinan nacTb rapHM30Ha öpocMAacb ktom CTopoHe CTeH. B sto >KeBpeMH K(J)OpTei^MM nOAHHAMCb TpOMIJKMM, BhTCKMM, HM>Ker0p0ACKMM, TßepCKOM, Cmo- AeHCKMM,POCTOBCKMM, CMÖMpCKMM AparyHCKMe nOAKM MeHIIIMKOBa..., a TaK^Ce noAKM,cpaxcaBuiMecH noAKOMaHAOM Boypa.... "TeMHOTamCAaóan noAroTOBKa opyAMÍÍHbix pacneTOB Ma3enMHCKOM apTMAAe- pMM,BMAMMO, Hen03B0AMAM 3
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36. "CAy>KMAM3TMnorpe6a...AAH xpaHeHMH npoAyKTOB mMMymecTBa." Ibid., 67. 37. "KoTopaaHanwHaAacb m3noABaAa HaA3eMHOM nocTpoMKM." Ibid., n. 161. 38. "Ha poBHoiiB03BbimeHH0CTM, HaBbicoKOM KpyTOM AeBOM 6epery CewMa aokmt CTapan,OKpyaceHHaa HenpaBMAbHbiM BaAOM KpenocTb, c 1687 no 1708 r. óbiBinaa pe3MAeHi;MeťíreTMaHa Ma3enw. C Texnop, KaK no BeAeHMioIleTpa, KpenocTb 3Ta6wAa pa3pymeHa b 1708 r., OHa ao cmxnop ocTaeTcn b 3anycTeHMM.IlocpeAM ee - KMpnuHHaaijepKOBb, TaioKe nprnueAinan b BeTxocTb mpa3BaAMBiiiaflCfl. B 3TOM)Ke KpenocTM HaxoAMTCH BXOA b noA3eMHbie xoaw, MMeioiijMe 1 ca>K. iiiMpMHbi (2,13m - Abt.),6oAee 1 ca>K.bwcotw m 15 aamhm; b KOHije npoAOAbHbix xoaob eCTbÓOKOBbie TaKOÍÍ >Ke AAMHH. XOAbI 3TM, Ha3bIBaeMbie MeCTHbIMM >KMTeAHMM "AëxaMM",BbiKonaHbi b tamhmctom noHBe m He o6Ao^eHbi KaMHeM; b öhamh 6ec- noKOMHbieBpeMeHa ohm ca)okmam a ah xpaHeHMH ropoACKoro MMymecTBa." Natalia Olefirenko,"Vidkryto pidzemnyi khid Tsytadeli," Holos Het'mans'koï stoly tsi, no. 3 (2008):4. 39. I. Inozemtsev,"Baturinskie pamiatniki," Istoricheskii vestnik 71, no. 3 (1898): 1054-61. 40. Olefirenko,"Vidkryto pidzemnyi khid," 4. 41. Ibid. ' 42. Pavlenko,Zahybel Baturyna , 79-80. 43. Artamonovet al, Vtorzhenieshvedskoi armii , 69. 44. Ibid.,67. 45. "KoamBÌHCbKO 3araAbHO niiiiAO Ha npucTyn, a>K oamh HiMeijb mìcto 3paAMB, koam, MaiOHMKOMaHAyBaHHH HaOAHÍÍÍ óaniTi HaA rapMaTaMM niAnac npMCTyny HaBaAM HeCTpiAHB 3 rapMaT Ha BiiicbKO, aAe b ropy.I TaK MOCKBa nepe3 Ty ôaiiiTy yBiííniAa i 3Ao6yAamìcto." "Mogilevskaia khronika T.R. Surty i lu. Trubnitskogo," inLetopisi belorussko'litovskie,vol. 35 ofPolnoe sóbrame russkikh letopisei, 43 vols.(Moscow, 1980),277. 46. "Boíícko3aionieHoe, a nane pHAOBbie coAAaTbi, noHanMBiiiMecn (noHeaœ Be3Ae M30ÓMAMe6bIAO BCHKOrO HanOK)) KOAOAM AIOAeM MpyÓaAM, a AAA Toro ÖOflHMCfl npoHMeb CKpbiTbixMecTax CMAeAM, a>KKorAa oroHb oôoíínieA BBecb ropoA, m CKpwTbinocTpaAaAw; MaAO eAHaK ot othrcnacAOcn mTOAbKO OAHa xaTKa, noA caMOK)cTeHOK) BaAa ot 3anaAaCTonnan yijeAeAa HenKorocb CTapynixa; ijepKOB y&eb 3aMKyAepeBHHaa cropeAa, b ropoAeTpoMi^bi Cbhtoíí KaMeHHaa BepxaMM mpaõoTOK) BHyTpb oropeAa.... MHoronib b CeiiMe noTOHyAO AioAeň, yreKaiOHM npe3AeA eme He KpenKMM, mhoto noropeAO, kpmbiiimxch noxopoMax, b Aboxax, b norpeóax,b HMax, rAe nane noAyniHAMCH, a HaxopoMax noropeAM." Sborník lieto- pisei,otnosiashchikhsia k istorii iuzhnoi i zapadnoi Rusi (Kyiv, 1888), 47-48. 47. "MeHiHMKOB...npncTynMBao MicTa i bbímuioby Hboro 3 ycieiotmxíctio i, koam CepAiOKM3 HaroAM BHopaniHboï ïxBiKTopiï noBnMBaAMCH i 6yAM b rAMÓOKOMy chí, HanaBbíh 3 yciMBiMCbKOM Hacohhmx i Ha tmx, mo nponyHioBaAMCb, 6e3oöopoHM pyóaBi KOAOB6e3 acoAHoroMMAOcepAH, a 3HaHHÍniMx Í3 hmx OAHoro 3 oahmm nepeBťH3aB.FIo36yBniMCb TaKMM hmhom CepAK>KÍB, Mchiiimkob yAapMB HaMimaH 6e33ÖpoMHMx,mo6yAM b CBoix AOMax i 30BCÍM y3aAyMax Ma3enMHMx ynacTi He
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6paAM,BMÖMB ycix ÏX AO Horn, He MMAyiOHM HÍCTaTi, HÍ BiKy, HÍ CaMMX MOAOHHMX HeMOBAHT."Istoriia rusiv, 262. 48. "MeHIHHKOB3BeAÍB npMB'H3aTM AOAOmOK TpynM HanaAbHMX K03aiJbKMX AIOAeíí i nycTMTMno piniji CeíiMy, mo6 bohm noAaAM BicTKy íhiiimm npo norwóeAb BaTy- pMHa."Cited in Heťmany Ukraïny : istorychni portréty (Kyiv, 1991), 143-44. ' 49. Pavlenko,Zahybel Baturyna, 96-99; see also Serhii Pavlenko, Ivan Mazepa (Kyiv, 2003),371-76. 50. A. Lazarevskii[Oleksander Lazarevs'kyi], "Istoricheskii ocherk Baturina (1625- 1760gg.)," in Chteniia vistoricheskom obshchestve Nestora- letopistsa ,vol. 6 (Kyiv, 1892),112. 51. 'TopoAEaTypMH Becb nycT, m okoao ero 6oABapKM mCTeHbi Bee nopa3BaAHAncb, MBecb 3apOC, M B 060MX3aMKaX HMKaKOrO CTpoeHMH CTaporO M HOBOrO HeT, TOAbKOÄße i^epKBM KaMeHHbie nycTbie: >KMBOHanaAbHbiH Tpowi^bi a a HMKOAaa nyAOTBopqa...,mb hmx HMKaKoro ijepicoBHoro BÓopy - ABepeňmokohhmht> - HeT, MB MeCTaXCBOAbI OÓBaAMAMCb; AaÓbIBIIIMX reTbMaHOB MM3MeHHMKa Ma3enbl ÔbIBaABOMCKOBOÍÍ KaMeHHblíí MaAblíí AOM, TpM nOAaTbl, Becb nopa3BaAMACH." Chernigovskiegubernskie vědomosti , no. 2 (1852). 52. "HaIoHHapoBKe M3MeHHMKa Ma3enw AßopoBoe MecTO c caAOM; .. .crpoeHMH HbiHe HeT...,oÓBeAeHO 3eMAHHbiM BaAOM mBHyTpM OHaro rail 6epe30BMM HeöoAbiuoM." Lazarevskii,"Istoricheskii ocherk Baturina," 114; AIuZR, vol. 10, 816. 53. "BOHOM ABope KaMeHHbie naAaTbi nycTbia mpa36nTbia; TaM ace ijepKOB AepeBHH- Hanî^eAa c HeicoTopoMnacTbio MKOHOCTaca." Getman Ivan Mazepa: dokumenty iz arkhivnykhsobranii Sankt-Peterburga, pt.1, 1687-1705 gg., comp. T. G. Tairova- Iakovleva(St. Petersburg, 2007). 54. "CnAoniHorocaoh no^apnm yKpaMHCKMe apxeoAorM Heo ÖHapy^KM am."Artamonov etal., Vtorzhenie shvedskoi armii, 71. 55. Kovalenko,Motsia, and Sytyi,"Tsvyntar Voskresens'koï Zamkovoï tserkvy," 168-74. 56. V.P. Kovalenko, "Chy rozviiet 'sia pyl zabuttia?" Holos Ukraïny ,7 August 1999; 2, 9, 16August 2001; V. P. Kovalenko, "Baturinskaia tragediia: maloizvestnaia stranitsa russko-shvedskoivoiny 1707-1708 gg," Dialog, no. 4 (2004):83-88. 57. Kovalenko,Motsia, and Sytyi,"Tsvyntar Voskresens'koï Zamkovoï tserkvy," 168-74. 58. Surveysof local residents have confirmed that people living in the area correspond- ingto the territory ofthe fortress have often come across human skeletons - from twoor three to several dozen at a time- whileperforming various domestic chores ontheir properties. Unfortunately, archaeologists have not succeeded in uncover- ingany mass graves to date. 59. "143rapHM30Ha nepe3 CeiiM yin am OTTyAa TOAbKO 1000 neAOBeK. Ho KOMeHAaHT COBCeMM OCTaAbHbIMM >KMTeAflMM, )KeHIlJMHaMM MA^TbMM 6bIAM nepeÕMTbl óeACTBeHHbiM06pa30M, nocAe nero ohm noAoacrAM ropoA." Artamonov et al., Vtorzhenieshvedskoi armii , 68-69. Emphasishere and in subsequent quotations is mine- VK.
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60 . "MeHlHMKOB,KOTOpbIM HaXOAMACH He^SAeKO, nOCneniMA CHeCKOAbKMMM TbICHHaMM HeAOBeKmniTypMOM HanaA 2 Honópa[Ha pe3MAeHijMK) Ma3enw]. Oh b3haeë 6e3 ocoóbixnoTepb pyKonaiiiHMM 6oeM cbomx bomck m nocAe Toro, Kaie CTapwe m MOAOAbie,6e3pa3AMHHH B03pacTa m noAa, acecTOHaiiiiiMM o6pa30M 6wam nopy6- AeHbl,6bIAM yBeAeHbl OCTaBIHMeCfl )KeHIl{MHbI. To >Ke np0M30IHA0 C ÓOAbIHMMM OpyAMHMM,KOTOpblX 6bIAO COpOK, He CHMTa ÄMOpTHp. IlflTbAeCflT MeAbHMIJ Ha CeíiMeBOKpyr ropoAa 6wao co^okcho m Bee >KecTOHaííniMM móecneAOBeHHbiM 06pa30M6biA0 pacxmijeHO. HacTb rapHM30Ha cnacTAMBo yiiiAa nepe3 CeiiM, ho KOMeHAaHT6wa cHOBanoMMaH mnoTOM nAOxo KOHHMA. Ero 3BaAM KeHwrceK m oh 6biApoAOM M3 ripyccMM... HeAb3H 6biAo 6e3 y>Kaca CMOTpeTb HaCTpaiiiHoe onycTonieHwe,B03Ayx 6ha 3apa>KeHBOHbio ot MepTBwxmnoAyoöropeAwx Tpy- noB."Cited in ibid., 92. 61. "MapinpyTnpoxoAMA coBceM 6am3ko ot BaTypwHa,h6ma b ropoAe m bmaca pyMHw. He MMenbo3mo>khoctm CMAeTb b ocaAe m He >KeAafl ocTaBAHTb npoTMBHMKy 6aTy- pMHCKoe«rHe3AO n3MeHbi», MeHiuHKOB HeTOAbKO cacër KpenocTb, ho vi nepeÓMA óoAbinyionacTb rapHH30Ha mJKMTeAeií. OAHaKO nocAe AsyxnacoBoro niTypMa m3 pa3opëHHorob CTpauiHOM cneniKe BaTypMHa Bcë-TaKM ycneAa 6e>KaTb He TOAbKO nacTbHaceAeHMH, ho m okoao oahoíí tmchhm Ma3emiHCKoro rapHM30Ha." Ibid., 87-88. Ignoringthe author's eyewitness account, Artamonov comments, "Here Siltmannsdid not mention the mass deaths of the people in this city." 62. "11HOHÓpa Mbi MMHOBaAM cTOAMijy reTMaHa Ma3enw BaTypMH, KOTopbiii He3a- AOAroao SToro6wa b3ht iirrypMOM pyccKMMM, pa3opeH m co>K>KeH." Ibid., 89. 63. "HenpMHTeAbniTypMOM OBAaAeA ropoAOM BaTypiiH BwrpaÖMA erocnaAMA hyBeA b KanecTBenAeHHbix HapoA BMecTe c KOMeHAaHTOM, npeBpaTMB rAaBHbiň ropoA YKpawHbib nycTbiHK) mneneAnme." Ibid. 64. "MbiHIAM HOHbK) MAHëM, HTOÔbl BbipyHMTb pe3MAeHLJMK) Ma3eilbl- BaTypHH, KOTopanK TOMyBpeMeHM 6wAa nAOTHO oicpyaceHa BparoM. Ho npwMTMmw n03AH0,KorAa 3a HecKOAbKOAweíí ao SToroHenpwHTeAb niTypMOM B3ha ropoA, yKpenAëHHbiiiHeAynme, neM Bee Apyrwe ropoAa 3tom 3eMAH. 3Aecb npoTMBHMK AeíícTBOBaAcaMWM >kcctokmm 06pa30M m TMpaHMA öeAHwx AioAeíí, norpeóa 6mam noAHbiMëpTBbiMHTeAaMM Tex, Koro oh 3arHaATyAa m noTOM noA^cër." Ibid., 90. 65. "TOAbKO300 HeAOBeKcMorAO cnacTwcb nepe3 meAb b cTeHe3aMKa, a 6oAb- niMHCTBo6mao nepeÓMTo. Mw bmacam AbiMHiijHecH MeAbHHijbi, pa36nTbie AOMa mHanoAOBMHy oóropeBiime OKpoBaBAeHHbie AiOACKne TeAa." Ibid., 91. 66. "Mtot ropoA b3Ham npncTynoM, hBwpy 6mam, mbh^ctam." Zheliabuzhskii, "Zapiski," 324. 67. "IbpoABaTypMH (rAe Ma3ena m3M6hhmk MMeA cbok) pe3MAemjMio) AOCTaAM Heco MHorMMypoHOM AioAeíí, mnepBbix BopoB noAKOBHMKa HeneAfl mreHepaAbHoro ecayAaKeHMKceica c HeKOTopwMM mxeAWHOMbiniAeHHMKaMM b3ham;a npoHMx Bcexno6nAM, mtot ropoAco BceMco>KrAM h pa3opnAM ao ocHOBaHMH."Gistoriia Sveiskoivoiny: podennaia zapiska Petra Velikogo , comp. T. S. Maikova,2 vols. (Moscow,2004), 1:294.
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68. "KpoBMaioackom B MecTem Ha npeAMecTbio 6wao noAHO KaAioacaMM." Kievskaia starina29 (April1890): 95. 69. "TmmnacoM OAeKcaHAp AaHMAOBMH Mchihmkob bcamkoio cmaok) o6ao)kmb BaTy- pHHi Ao6yBaB. I xoh K03aKn 3 MicTa BaTypwHa 3HaiHy mockbí AaßaAM bíacíh, OAHaK He3MOrAM BÍAÔMTMCb, 60 KOAM BÍÍÍCbKO 3araAbHO nilllAO Ha npMCTyn, OAMH HÍMeqb mícto3paAMB, KOAM, MaiOHM KOMaHAyBaHHH Haoahííí 6anrri HaA rapMaTaMM niA nacnpwcTyny HaBaAM He ctpíahb 3 rapMaTHa BiíícbKO, aAe b ropy.I TaKMOCKBa nepe3Ty óaiiiTy yBiitniAa i 3Ao6yAa mìcto. A 3a ijapcbKMMyna30M b neHbBecb AIOABÍHCbKOBHH i MÍCbKMM B neHb BMTHAa i BMKOAOAa. ílo CKpMTMX HCeMÍCIJHX i CXOBaHKaX,AeXTO 3HaÎÎIIIOB XBOpWX CMBOrOAOBMX i naHHHOK HeBMHHMX, TMX TBaATyBaAM,a 3rBaATyBaBniM koaoam, i MOHacTHp norpaöyßaAH i BnpÍ3aAM. ToroyK caMoro nacy iiìa nac oÓAornaioam MicbKi, mo 3HaHHÌiiii, pHTyiOHM 7KMTTH CBoe, 3Ì CKapóaMM,3 >KOHaMM, 3 AÌTbMM noBTÌKaAH ao ijepKBM6aTyp- MHCbKOÌ,KOIIITOM TOrO >K TeTbMaHa Ma3enM BMMypyBaHOÏ, i TaM 3aMKHyAMCb. AAeBÍÍÍCbKO MOCKOBCbKe HKOAeBM í XM>KÌ BOBKM, OCKa>KeHÌAÌ, CnOAÌBaK)HMCb TaM 3Ao6yTMCKapÓM, npMTHrHyBuiM rapMaTy, Asepi, mo 6yAM mìijhì, noBMCTpiAHAM, a HKMX TaM AIOAeíí CBÍTCbKMX i AyXOBHMX 3HaMHIAM, B neHb BMTHAM, naHHHOK no BÍBTapHXljepKOBHMX ťBaATyBaAM, i CKapÓM TaM CKpMTi n0p03XBaTaAM, i mícto cnycTOiiiMAMi cnaAMAM. B TOMy míctí BaTypMHi i no qeň A^HbHÍKOMy 3 AiOAy HeA03BOAeHO öyAyßaTMCb i >kmtm. B nymy, narapHMKOM 3apocAy, 3aAMiiiMAOCb, TÍAbKMajoam Ha nepeAMicTi, i to MaAOXTO, Mae CBoe noMeniKaHHH." "Mogilevskaia khronika,"277. 70. "EAaBHyioijeHHOCTb xpoHMKM...; 3TM AaHHbie bo MHorMxCAynanx yHMKaAbHbie." NikolaiN. Ulashchik[Mikalaï Mikalaevich Ulashchyk], introduction toLetopisi belorussko-litovskie,15-17. 71. "OpysBaturyna 1760 roku," in Baturyn: storinky istoriï: zbirnyk dokumentiv i materialiv,ed. O. B. Kovalenkoet al. (Chernihiv,2009), 118.
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*í£ J. J3 ^ 'S. V Tlctí . íTU -g.Eh ^ |ll tí, 5u wiu c I 5 O5 X M Z5 i u ¡-H^ £ 3 a 5 £ jC g a g oU 4"J2 £I « J ^ This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 68 KOVALENKO Figure3. Excavationof the trench at thecitadel of the hetmán capital, 2008. Figure4. Excavationof the rampart of the hetmán capital, 2006. This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 69 Figure5. Plan ofthe hetman's palace on thecitadel with traces of archaeologicalexcavations. This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 70 KOVALENKO cu +•>cd U tí O (D Ucd 73 a. «V5 cdtí Ë "S -tí ^ « § +3 O nö ^ cdtí tí tí c o XÎ .2-M tigj Da e * s g O)«5 o5 c2^ u This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 71 Figure7. Churchof the Life-Giving Trinity in thefortress. A- at work;B - reconstructionof the plan. Figure8. Grainstores dating to theseventeeth or earlyeighteenth centuries in thefortress. This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 72 KOVALENKO ■s _s bß<Ü CAcö cdC/5 o. C S 2 EP ON S S bû t£ This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 73 Figure10. Cöpper icon pendantswith traces of gilding dating to the seventeenthcentury. A - froman intermentin thecemetery of the Churchof the Resurrection, excavated 1995; B- froman intermentin the cemeteryof the Church of the Life-Giving Trinity, excavated 2008. This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 74 KOVALENKO Figure11. Interment of a womanwith an infantin thecemetery of the Churchof the Resurrection. This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 75 C O X» QJu U d O)Vi 04 QJ m-M VM O M uU 3 M u cu p£5-M Vm o >S eu5-1 *5 s U This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 76 KOVALENKO «M*-( «2 CU •3 O J-l>- -MO *CS-l +->cu O) -M c 0 •M 'S, .g *c3Ut bß cd .S S 1 rHCN "Öcu bûcd TJ *5b ed <4-1 O e -Mo *õSjy uo co1-H UCU 3 bß ffi This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RAPEOF BATURYN 77 Figure14. "Burialof the bride" in theruins of the Church of the Life-Giving Trinityin thefortress. A - generalview; B - remnantsof headgear on a skull; C - remnantsof a belt. This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 78 KOVALENKO Figure15. Commemorativecross honoring the victims of the 1708 massacre at thecitadel in Baturyn,sculpted by A. Haidamaka. This content downloaded from 195.209.247.163 on Fri, 19 Apr 2013 04:26:45 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions