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If You Have Issues Viewing Or Accessing This File Contact Us at NCJRS.Gov If you have issues viewing or accessing this file contact us at NCJRS.gov. 104020 u.s. Department of Justice National Institute of Justice This document has been reproduced exactly as received from the person or organization originating it. Points of view or opinions slated in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position or pOlicies of the National Institute of Justice. Permission to reproduce this.cD~d material has been granted by Public Domain National Institute on Aging to the National Criminal Justice Reference Service (NCJRS). Further reproduction outside of the NCJRS system requires pelmis­ sion of the ~t owner. • · _ ....-."." .or.' $",,~(;·r ,I ~ 1":;:...... 1-:-. ~,,' '-it "I ';at'!'; rj ax tit t}2!£Cti$'1t; 2fRs4' "'t'?lm t(i,tt?'M·~ki'''·$'¥<ffi¥ Ipj"'oc%>l'#t n\'t~? "trttMlj'!-'lifif210.:. ~~t~~",,''')f~''I:I'''''-'"~:I<''1t.O~Ii''~4' ..,A. ~ -.,. EAl February, 19B5 Introduction After two decades of research and intervention into the problem of abused children and one decade into the problem of abused wives, academics and policy makers have only recently turned their attention to the problem of abused elderly. Since the middle 1970's, there have been a small number of stUdies complemented by a growing number of policy papers, all directed to raising public awareness about the problem (Block and Sinnott, 1979; Lr "j Douglass, et al., 1980; Lau and Kosberg, 1979; Sengstock and Liang, 1982; ELDER ABUSE: ITS RELATIONSflIP TO OTHER FORMS OF DOMESE., VIOLENCE Wolf, et al., 1982; Giordano, 1982). States have responded to this new interest with mandatory reporting laws and protective services programs (Kane, et al., 1984). Even with the new research interest, very little is yet known about the causes and consequences of elder abuse. No reliable incidence figures are available, no definition of elder abuse has been generally agreed upon, David Finkelhor and Karl Pillemer and no definitive profile of a "typical" abused elder has been established. Knowledge extends little further than what has been observed l Family Research Laboratory & by professionals in the course of their practice, and even these ~ observations are heavily colored by stereotypes (cf. Pedrick-Cornell and ! () Department of Sociology Gelles, 1981; Giordano and Giordano, 1984). University of New Hampshire There has also been remarkably little conceptual thinking about the ~ ~ phenomenon. The empirical and descriptive studies or elder abuse that Durham, New Hampshire 038211 have been done for the most part have borrowed rather uncritically concepts drawn rrom the family violence literature. Researchers have made the ~if,. assumptl.on that the sociological and psychological explanations for those [\l other forms of family violence apply to the phenomenon of elder abuse. b\. [ Such presumptions about the nature of elder abuse, however, need to be ~ ,~ critically examined. The unreflective transfer of ideas from other types (., of family violence may cause the unique features of the problem to go [;' Faper presented at the Second National Conference on Family Violence unnoticed. Further, policy decisions regarding the nature of elder abuse Research, Durham, NH in August 1984. intervention may be influenced by assumed parallels that are untrue. The ~ purpose or this paper is to Question some of these assumptions. It is hoped that this discussion here will alert researchers to possible matters that ~ need to be studied rather than simply taken for granted. Research for this paper has been supported by funds from the National Some boundaries Institute on Aging (1 ROl AGOIj333-01), the National Institute of Mental Health (HH15161), the Eden Hall Fann Foundation and a speCial Title IV-C There are three major boundaries we want to establish for purposes of grant from the Administration on Aging. The writers would like to our discussion. These are as follows: acknowledge the assistance of Ruth Miller and Sigi Fizz in the preparation of this paper. 1) Our analysiS is limited to physical abuse, and omits discussion of other forms of maltreatment. For the purposes of this paper, physical abuse is defined as "an act carried out with the intention, or perceived intention, of causing phySical pain or injury to another person," in this case, a person over the age of 65. Some studies have not differentiated ~CJlt5 adequately among forms of abuse, as Pedrick-Cornell and Gelles (1981) have noted, resulting in lack of clarity. We will exclude from the present discussion types of abuse that are primarily psychological or material, or ~ .4 \S'Bi! hann that occurs to the elderly due to neglect or acts of omission. '; 2) We consider here only abuse that occurs in dQm~stic settings. Our discussion does not include maltreatment that occurs in institutions. Page' ,.oQUt51'flOtlS ea1A/Pp,EA451,06FebB5, ealA/pp,EA451,06FebBS, Page 2 i ~ 3) Data on elder abuse are still relatively scarce, especially in comparison to data on other fOnDS of family violence. Thus many of the Finally, the special categorization of elderly abuse also makes sense observations here will necessarily be speculative and remain to be because of the relationship society has to the elderly. A service system confirmed. exists that includes institutions, such as old age homes, and specialized I~, professionals who relate to the elderly and deal with their needs and problems. Concern about abuse of the elderly has developed within this , Elder abuse as a special category of abyse context, and it has legitimately evolved as a distinct problem, separate " from other forma of family violence. Ilesearch and solutions will all An important question has been raised as to whether the phenomenon of develop within this distinct social matrix. i: elderly who are phy sically a bused deserves a uniq ue classifica tion and a Ip special term. Callahan thinks not: ELDER ABUSE AND OTHER DOt£STIC VIOLENCE ~ The fact that violence and abuse exist and that ~ older people are affected does not necessarily NotWithstanding that elder abuse deserves special categorization, it mean, however, that public policy is to be served is also important tq recognize that it does indeed share features with i by carving out that segment of abuse and other types of domestic violence, particularly child abuse and spouse developing specialized programs to deal with abuse. Here we WOuld like to outline what would appear from current it... In otner words, does calling this behavior knowledge to be some of these similarities. Later we will mention some of ~ the contrasts. ~ "elder abuse" help us move along in solving the problem ••• ? My answer to that question is that the well-being of the elderly will not be 1) Elsewhere (Finkelhor, 1983). we have analyzed family abuse as [ increased by a focus on elder abuse (p.l). violence that occurs toward socially vulnerable and powerless groups. Elder abuse certainly falls wi thin this framework; wha t makes violence against the elderly "abuse" is the specially vulnerable status of the Unlike Callahan, we would argue that the phenomenon of abuse of the elderly. elderly does constitute a distinct category. Such classification is justified by the special characteristics of the elderly, which affect their 2) In addition, many of the empirical observations about those at risk vulnerability to abuse and the nature of the abuse they Buffer, and also by for elder abuse correspond with our understanding about what creates risk the nature of SOCiety' B relationship to older persons. for other forms of family violence as well. Elder abuse, for example, like other types abuse, appears to be more common under conditions of family First, the aged as a group share characteristics that can create stress (Justice & Justice, 1976; O'Malley, et al., 1979; Sengstock, Barrett vul nerabili ty to abuse. Some elderly (particularly persons over the age of & Graham, 1982; Straus, Oelles & Steinaetz,1980) and economic deprivation 75) experience increased frailty, especially as measured by the ability to (O'Malley, et al., 1979; Straus, et aI, 1980). perform ordinary activities of daily living (ambulation, dressing, bathing, etc. ) • As Reichel notes, "The elderly generally show diminutions of 3} Those who commit elder abuse have been noted to share physiologic' capacities; in fact, the definition of aging is the decline in characteristiCS with perpetrators of other types of family violence. For physiologic capacities or functions in an organism after the period of example, such perpetrators frequently have drug or alcohol problems or reproductive maturity" (1978:17). Many oth!!lr gerontologists (Hickey, 1980; histories of other types of anti-social behavior (Douglas, Hickey & Noel, Kart, et al., 1978) have chronicled the heightened physical vulnerability 1980; Wolf, et al., 1982). Although the evidence is more sketchy, there are of the elderly, as well as their greater likelihood of suffering from Buggestions, that some elder abusers, like some other family abusers, were neurological 1mpairments (Hendricks and Hendricks, 1981). These physical themselves victims of family violence and abuse (Steinmetz, 1978). One mB¥ vulnerabilities can exacerbate the risk for abuse as well as affect the presume that earlier experience with family violence teaches that violence nature and effects of the abuse that elderly suffer. is both legitimate and efficacious in the family context. Second, the elderly can be specially vulnerable to abuse because of 4) Elder abuse has many effects on its victims similar to those of tneir devalued social status. Butler (1975) observes that "a systematic cnild and spouse abuse.. These effects include a lowering of the self stereotyping of and discrimination against people because they are old esteem and coping skills of the victim, a sense of stigma and associated exists- (see also Levin and Levin, 1980). This contributes to a loss of attitudes of self-blame, and the isolation of the victim from peers and the .eaningful roles (Newell, 1961) and to what Atchley (1977) has termed the general community.
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