Understanding the Geographies of Religion and Secularity: on the Potentials of a Broader Exchange Between Geography and the (Post-) Secularity Debate

Geogr. Helv., 73, 285–300, 2018 https://doi.org/10.5194/gh-73-285-2018 © Author(s) 2018. This work is distributed under

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Understanding the geographies of religion and secularity: on the potentials of a broader exchange between geography and the (post-) secularity debate

Georg Glasze and Thomas M. Schmitt FA University of Erlangen-Nuremberg, Institute of Geography, Wetterkreuz 15, 91058 Erlangen, Germany Correspondence: Thomas M. Schmitt ([email protected])

Received: 22 December 2017 – Revised: 7 August 2018 – Accepted: 22 August 2018 – Published: 24 October 2018

Abstract. For a long time, the mainstream of social and cultural geography seems to have implicitly accepted that religion is becoming obsolete and is of little social signiﬁcance. However, since the 1990s, religion has aroused new interest in the social sciences in general, and to some extent also in social and cultural geography. Against this backdrop, a controversial discussion has started in geography on the relevance of theories of secularisation and the notion of post-secularity, as well as on possible contributions to these debates. The paper introduces the interdisciplinary debate on revisions of theories of secularisation and the promotion of post- secular perspectives, referring, among others, to Jürgen Habermas, Peter Berger, José Casanova, and Talal Asad. In a second step, we argue that an understanding of post-secularity that focuses on the contingency and context- dependent delimitation of the secular and the religious promises to be fruitful for social and cultural geography and can help us to understand the geographies of religion and secularity.

1 Questioning secularisation – a significant debate relevance of religious practices and discourses, thus reduc- for geography ing their study within academic geography to a marginalised sub-discipline. Interestingly enough, the post-secularity de- Often related to the notions of post-secularity, post-secular bate has attracted more interest since the late 2000s. Espe- society, or post-secular geographies, an interdisciplinary de- cially in Great Britain, geographers have used the debate to bate has begun to question the idea of a linearly and globally analyse the ethical potentials of religious groups for tackling progressing secularisation of contemporary societies. This social problems in western European cities. We discuss to discussion of the role of religion in contemporary societies what extent social and cultural geography may profit from was triggered by empirical observations which suggested that a broader discussion of the theories of secularisation and religious practices and discourses do not simply disappear. the post-secularity debate and to what extent the interdisci- Besides these empirical arguments for a persistent, or even plinary debate may in turn profit from specific discussions growing, significance of religion, the post-secularity debate and sensitivities within social and cultural geography.1 also encompasses more normative discussions on the sig- 1 nificance of religious norms for contemporary societies and This special issue is related to two conferences that took place conceptual discussions that scrutinise the specific configu- in 2015 on the relationship between the post-secularity debate and rations of religion and secularity in different historical and social and cultural geography: firstly, an interdisciplinary conference held at the FA-University of Erlangen-Nürnberg in June hosted geographical contexts. by the Centre for the Anthropology of Religions (Zentralinstitut With very few exceptions (Wunder, 2005; Wilford, 2010), Anthropologie der Religionen) in cooperation with the Geography there has been no conceptual discussion of the theories of Religion working group (AK Religionsgeographie) of the Ger- of secularisation within social and cultural geography. The man Geographical Society (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Geographie) mainstream of the discipline in the second half of the and the Institute of Geography at the F.A University of Erlangen- 20th century implicitly accepted the idea of the growing ir- Nürnberg; secondly, a panel session at the German Congress of

Published by Copernicus Publications for the Geographisch-Ethnographische Gesellschaft Zürich & Association Suisse de Géographie. 286 G. Glasze and T. M. Schmitt: Understanding the geographies of religion and secularity

Our introduction to this special issue on the relevance of presupposing the existence of a secular age which is now be- the post-secularity debate for social and cultural geography ing challenged by the survival of religion. Referring to the begins with a short presentation of the arguments offered by writings of Talal Asad, Benedikt Korf proposes a provincial- the most important supporters of the theories of secularisa- ising of the ideas and practices not only of secularism but tion or the secularisation thesis (Sect. 2)2 and subsequently also of post-secularism. sketches the arguments of authors who question this thesis. We will then give an overview of the different strands of the (post-)secularity debate and propose three different un- 2 The secularisation thesis – competing meanings derstandings of post-secularity: (1) post-secularism as a nor- of secularisation and critical assessment mative programme demanding the acceptance of religious voices in the public sphere, (2) post-secularity as the descrip- The debate on post-secularity is based on various theories of tion of a new era where religion is of increasing (or at least secularisation which can mainly be traced back to Max We- stable) social significance, and (3) post-secularity as a new ber’s sociology of religion (Weber, 1988, orig. 1920) – even perspective for the social sciences which denaturalises the if Weber himself hardly ever used the term secularisation notion of secularity and the notion of religion and calls for (Gabriel, 2008). Among the internationally known sociolo- greater sensitivity to context and contingency (Sect. 3). Sec- gists, Peter Berger (1967) was one of the first to reflect sys- tion 4 shows that the reception of the (post-)secularity debate tematically on the concept of secularisation in the period fol- in social and cultural geography has focused to a large ex- lowing the Second World War. He defines secularisation as tent on the first two understandings. This reception has led “the process by which sectors of society and culture are re- to sharp criticism by some geographers, calling into ques- moved from the domination of religious institutions and sym- tion the relevance of the whole post-secularity debate. We ar- bols” (Berger, 1967:107). The discursive and institutional au- gue, on the contrary, that an understanding of post-secularity thority of religion declined following the rise of the empiri- that focuses on the contingency and context-dependent de- cal sciences and their specific claims to truth and validity, limitation of the secular and the religious promises to be with the gradual ending of pressure to provide religious le- fruitful for social and cultural geography and can help us gitimation for political power, and in the wake of industrial- to better understand the geographies of religion and secu- isation and bureaucratisation.3 According to Gabriel (2008), larity. However, in order to illustrate the interdisciplinary Weber (1988) did not limit “secularisation, as rationalisation broadness and diversity of the debate, we have invited two of the world, . . . to the place of its first breakthrough in scholars who are critical of the notion of post-secularity to western Europe. He cannot conceive of any other possibility contribute to this themed issue and have placed their con- than that its triumphal progress around the world started in tributions in short “Contributed texts”. Christoph Bochinger Europe.”4 However, the disenchantment of the world, which critically reflects on the post-secularity debate from the per- was the result of rationalisation (which can be traced back spective of the study of religion and proposes the concept of to the monotheism of early Judaism and, later, to medieval religious heterogeneity (see Sect. 3 and “Contributed text 1”). scholastic debates) and modernisation, was not a pure West- Benedikt Korf (a cultural and political geographer; see “Con- ern success story for Weber but at least to an equal extent a tributed text 2”) criticises the notion of post-secularity for story of loss, since neither capitalism nor science nor bureau- cratic rule could fill the resulting void in the way people inter- Geography in Berlin in October 2015. We thank the many speakers and discussants at both conferences. In addition to the authors pret and give meaning to their lives (see Müller, 2007:256). of the articles in this issue, the authors of the contributed texts In more recent debates, different dimensions or levels of (Christoph Bochinger and Benedikt Korf) were present at the con- meaning of secularisation, in various concrete forms, have ference in Erlangen. Our thanks also go to Justin Beaumont, Rein- been distinguished (see Casanova, 1994, 2015; Taylor, 2007; hard Henkel, and Edgar Wunder for their contributions to the con- Barbieri, 2015), which in part can be explicitly traced back ferences and to the three anonymous reviewers for their contribution to Berger (1967) and at least implicitly to Weber. Our own to a preliminary version of this paper. These very fruitful exchanges variant, which we will present here, is based on a triadic con- have helped us to clarify our own understanding of the potentials ception of the social, i.e. its institutional, discursive, and sub- and problems of the post-secularity debate, and as a result our po- jective dimensions, the latter including individual and collec- sition within this debate has become modified since this themed tive practices but also subjective experiences and convictions issue was first conceived of in 2015. We also thank Stephan Adler (see Schmitt, 2015:10): (graphic design) and Ruth Schubert (proof-reading). 2It makes sense to differentiate between the complex and some- what heterogeneous theories of secularisation and the reception 3This also reduced the pressure on individuals, in terms of social of a more simplified secularisation thesis claiming the irreversible desirability, to participate in religious practices. “loss of the social significance of religion in modernising societies” 4Original Text: “Säkularisierung als Rationalisierung der Welt (Pickel, 2011:138, translated from the German). We will switch be- [ist] nicht auf den Ort ihres ersten Durchbruchs im westlichen Eu- tween the two terms depending on the context. All translations by ropa beschränkt. Es ist für ihn nicht anders denkbar, als dass sie von the authors. Europa aus ihren Siegeszug über die ganze Welt antritt.”

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– Secularisation has an institutional and organisational dimension, which, in the course of the functional dif- [%] 60 ferentiation of modern societies, affects their macro- structures. The influence of the values and norms of 50 churches and religious communities on other social 40 spheres such as politics, economics, education, sci- 30 ence, or art has continuously declined; these spheres 20 have emancipated themselves from the religious sphere 10 (Casanova, 2015:18–19). 0 1950 1970 1989 1990 1995 2000 2005 2015 Percentage of... – The rise of modern science and technology, as well as members of Protestant national churches Roman Catholics Muslims empirical social science and the emancipation of philos- in the total population of Germany (1949–1989: East and West Germany) ophy from theology, led to a decline in public respect Sources: REMID e.V., www.destatis.de, own calculations for the claims to truth and validity of religions and theologies: this concerns the discursive dimension of secu- Figure 1. Quantitative decline in relative frequency of adherents larisation. Thus, especially since the European Enlight- in Germany: percentage of members of the Roman Catholic church and Protestant churches (Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland) and enment, there has been increasing acknowledgement of estimated relative frequency of Muslims over time. positions having no religious legitimation. – In addition to its institutional and discursive dimensions, secularisation also has a subjective side (Berger, 1967:107) – an individual dimension relating to practices, which manifests itself “in the falling off of religious belief and practice, in people turning away a kind of tacit knowledge (see “Contributed text 1”). To put from God, and no longer going to Church” (Taylor, it bluntly: important categories in the social sciences were 2007:3; this corresponds to both Taylor’s (2007:3) and class, the shift between capitalism and socialism, differences Casanova’s (1994, 2015:19) second dimension of sec- between north and south, and issues of race and gender, ularisation). It involves (a) a decline in religious be- but neither culture nor religion were significant. To borrow liefs among individuals and (b) a decline in individ- Casanova’s (2015:17) statement referenced earlier: many so- ual participation in religious practices, such as church cial scientists regarded life in a world without religion as nor- services. And indeed, in respect of European societies mal. – but not the United States or many other parts of the However, if we take a closer look, the story of a complete world – a large number of empirical studies have shown domination of secular ideas in the social sciences and human- a long-term decline in religious attitudes, church atten- ities turns out to be an illusion; in reality, this can be said only dance, or church membership (see Fig. 1; on Germany, of certain academic milieus or disciplines. In fact, there were see for instance Mahne-Bieder and Hilpert, 2016). At many internationally recognised and often quoted social sci- least in some parts of the world, it seems that the experi- entists and philosophers, representing different intellectual ence of secularity, of living in a world without religion, movements, who made intensive investigations into the role has become the normal, quasi-natural case (Casanova, of religions in society. These include Berger (1967), Luck- 2015:17); this is also a leitmotif in Taylor (2007). mann (1967), Bourdieu (2011), Foucault (2014, orig. 1980), Luhmann (2000) in his posthumously published work Die For Weber and other adherents of the secularisation the- Religion der Gesellschaft (English: A systems theory of reli- sis, it appeared that there was an inherent nexus between gion), Ricœur (1995), or Galtung (1980, 1996) in his stud- social modernisation and secularisation and that these pro- ies of the social effects of religious cosmologies. And within cesses necessarily follow a parallel and global path. This the sociology of religion, scholars made clear that the idea philosophical interpretation of history has been increasingly of a simple disappearance of religion was inadequate to de- questioned since the 1990s – often under the label of post- scribe social reality: “Of course, religion does not disappear: secularism (Gabriel, 2008). institutions survive, consciousness lingers, religious individuals and groups persist” (Wilson, 1982:155, cited in Wunder, 3 Questioning secularisation and the debates on 2005:80). And finally, cultural anthropology, for example, re- post-secularity tained its fascination with the phenomenon of religion in its analysis of present-day non-Western societies. In the 1990s, For the mainstream in the social sciences in the second half in the course of the cultural turn, when cultural anthropology of the 20th century, the secularisation thesis, in the sense of rose to become a kind of new leading discipline in the social an irreversible loss of the significance of religion in present- sciences and humanities, studies in cultural anthropology re- day societies, was apparently an unquestioned consensus – lating to religion also attracted new interest in the neighbour- www.geogr-helv.net/73/285/2018/ Geogr. Helv., 73, 285–300, 2018 288 G. Glasze and T. M. Schmitt: Understanding the geographies of religion and secularity ing disciplines.5 However, the religion-related contributions of those authors did not have a broad reception. Nonetheless, [In %] 0.0120 the widespread narrative of the hegemony of the secularisa- 0.0100 „Religion“ tion thesis should be relativised and treated with caution. 0.0080

A reference point for the fundamental critique of the secu- 0.0060 larisation thesis in the 1990s was the study published in 1994 by José Casanova, Public religions in the modern world, 0.0020 which significantly influenced international debates on reli- „Religionen“ 0.0016 gion, politics, and modernity (Große Kracht, 2010:270). This study motivates the reader initially by referring to the atten- 0.0012 tion paid since the 1980s to the topic of religion in the media 0.0008 (see Fig. 2), politics, and the social sciences based on the ev- 0.0004 idence of particular events and processes, such as 0.0000 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 – the Iranian Revolution and the rise of supranational forms of Islamic extremism, Figure 2. The relative frequency of German-language books in the Google book corpus relating to the word “Religion” and its plu- – the violent conflicts in the Balkans and in the Middle ral form “Religionen” over time (1945–2008), as represented in the East, with their increasingly religious connotations, and Google Ngram data. The graph seems to confirm the declining role the role played by Pope John Paul II in the peaceful rev- of religion in publicistic debates from about 1963 to the end of olution in eastern Europe, the 1970s, in line with the secularization thesis, and a renewed interest in the subject of religion from about 1993. At the same time, – the social and political consequences of the growth and it is clear that the phenomenon of religion is increasingly conceived spread of Protestant free churches in the Americas, of in the plural (second graph; note the different scales). However, due to the specific construction of the Google Ngram corpus (with – and, for example, the fact that Nancy Reagan, as Amer- changing selection criteria for the corpus over time), the reliability ica’s First Lady, consulted astrologers in respect of of the curves as indicators of cultural change is low (see Koplenig, political decisions made by her husband (Casanova, 2017; Zhang, 2017), and they should be regarded as soft indications 1994:4). rather than as reliable proof.

Casanova interprets these phenomena as signs of a revitalisation of at least the public role of religion and thus as a kind of The studies published by Talal Asad from the 1990s on- deprivatisation of religion, contrary to the mainstream idea of wards question the theories of secularisation in an even more secularisation in the social sciences, and argues that it is nec- fundamental fashion. Asad argues that large parts of the sec- essary to revise common secularisation theories, at least in ularisation debate are Eurocentric and that the categories sec- part (Casanova, 1994:5). In 1999, with the publication of the ular and religious have been naturalised as a universal binary edited volume The desecularization of the world: resurgent opposition (2003). The experience of secularisation as a so- religion and world politics, Peter Berger also prominently cial process has to be seen as a specific feature of modernisa- distanced himself from an unreflected acceptance of the the- tion in western European societies and is thus tied in various ory of secularisation: “My point is that the assumption that ways to the specific political and social situation of Christian we live in a secularized world is false. The world today, with churches in Europe. He points out that the political concept some exceptions to which I will come presently, is as furi- or ideology of the separation of state and religion – secu- ously religious as it ever was, and in some places more so larism – was born in western Europe and then exported to than ever. This means that a whole body of literature by his- all parts of the world through colonisation (see also Iqtidar, torians and social scientists loosely labelled ‘secularization 2012). Thus, he considers the categories of secular and re- theory’ is essentially mistaken” (Berger, 1999:2). ligious as co-constitutive constructions with a specific background in European societies and in the European history of ideas. Authors such as Asad (1993a, b, 1999, 2003) and Iqti- 5With methodological essays like “Thick Description: Toward dar (2012) argue that the secular and the religious are not an Interpretive Theory of Culture” (Geertz, 1973b), cultural anthropologist Clifford Geertz, for instance, became a reference author for given and distinct social spheres but that they are contingent the cultural turn in the social sciences. In a large number of publica- categories of modernity (in its many different forms), which tions, he offered ethnographically based analyses of contemporary are separated or mixed in very different ways and which mu- Islam (Geertz, 1971) or anthropological approaches to religion in tually constitute each other. Thus, questions relating to how general (Geertz, 1973a). It is remarkable, however, that the broad and by whom the secular and the religious are defined, de- acceptance of his methodological ideas, not least in (new) cultural limited, kept separate, or allowed to overlap are always also geography, did not lead to a deeper interest outside his own disci- questions about politics and the exercise of power. pline in his substantial research on contemporary religion.

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As Parmaksız (2018:99) has pointed out, the term post- or growing importance of religion, Habermas preserves the secular emerged in the 1960s and 1970s in the context of so- notion of a largely secular public and political arena. Thus, cial theologies and was centred around the question of how Habermas uses the term post-secularity mainly to refer to a religious communities can adjust to a secular age on the one new perspective on religion within societies that are continu- hand and overcome its pathologies on the other. However, ing to become further secularised (see also Habermas, 2008). these normatively driven theological debates at first found The prominent use of the term by Habermas triggered an little resonance within the social sciences. It was not until intensive, interdisciplinary, and polyphonic post-secularity the early 2000s that the term post-secular became a key com- debate that still continues today. Within this debate, we can ponent of discussions on the social role of religion.6 Inter- distinguish at least three aspects, or uses, of the term, which estingly, as many authors agree (see for instance Barbieri, are quite distinct in different publications but often overlap:8 2015:59), it was Jürgen Habermas, a prominent theoretician (1) post-secularity as the description of a new era where of modernity, who catapulted the term post-secular into the religion is of stable or increasing significance, (2) post- central areas of academic and public debates. “For many peo- secularism as a normative programme demanding the accep- ple, Habermas’ supposed turn towards religion was a sensa- tance of religious voices in the public sphere, and (3) post- tion (literally ‘drumbeat’, German: Paukenschlag); he him- secularity as a conceptual paradigm shift in the social sci- self seemed to be the embodiment of the ‘post-secular soci- ences which denaturalises secularity. ety’ of which he spoke” (Bochinger, unpublished data). As the most influential representative of the second critical the- 1. The term post-secularity and its derivations like post- ory generation, Habermas hardly mentioned issues relating secular society, post-secular cities, or especially a to the sociology or philosophy of religion in his voluminous post-secular age tend to suggest a stadial understand- work up to the 1990s (see Reder and Schmidt, 2008:12). ing: post-secularity as the historical era after a pe- However, after his speech held on the occasion of being riod of secularity. However, there are very few authors awarded the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade in Oc- (e.g. Thomas, 2003) who explicitly use these terms in tober 2001, Habermas became one of the most sought-after such a way and link them to a global resurgence of reli- speakers on topics relating to religion in contemporary so- gion (a process whose empirical evidence remains dis- cieties. In his speech, entitled “Glauben und Wissen” (En- puted; see, for example, Moghadam, 2003; Graf, 2004; glish: Faith and Knowledge), Habermas takes the attacks on Krech, 2015). Habermas critically reflects on the argu- the World Trade Center in New York, which had taken place ment of a resurgence of religion and argues in a nu- just a few weeks earlier, as the starting point of his reflections anced way that the term post-secular society can be and first describes contemporary religious fundamentalism applied to European societies (and countries like Aus- as a phenomenon inside, not outside, modernity (Habermas, tralia, Canada, and New Zealand), where a conscious- 2001:10).7 However, Habermas does not see the new visi- ness of living in secularised societies became common bility of religion as a purely negative phenomenon, as his after World War II and where this consciousness now choice of 9/11 as a starting point for his arguments might needs to adjust to the increased significance of religion, suggest. For him, a post-secular society is one “which ac- at least in the public sphere (2008). cepts the continued existence of religious communities in an 2. The claim that modern societies increasingly rely on re- increasingly secularised environment” (Habermas, 2001:13, ligious principles for ethical orientation has been linked translated from German) and which must learn to ensure that by some authors to the notion of post-secularism (or believers and unbelievers are able to carry on a public di- post-secularity; for a summary, see for instance Barbi- alogue (p. 14). For this purpose, religious groups need to eri, 2015:66). As Parmaksız (2018) has shown, this un- translate the religious content of their arguments into secular, derstanding can be traced back to authors with back- or generally shared, terms, in the way that some Christian ac- grounds in Christian and Jewish (social) theology writ- tors have started to do in ethical debates on genetic engineer- ing in the 1960s and 1970s. Later, in the context of ing, for example (Habermas, 2001:14, 20 pp.). Thus, while the post-secularity debate, such a receptive attitude to Casanova and Berger reject at least the basic tenet of the the- the normative messages in religious texts can also be ories of secularisation, emphasising instead the continuing observed in the writings of other authors from philosophy and political theory (see for example Kristeva, 6As shown by Beckford (2012), for example, scattered instances 2009, and many articles in the edited book on politi- of the term post-secular can be found from the end of the 1960s. But cal theologies by de Vries and Sullivan, 2006). Haber- a broad conceptional debate with a large number of conferences, mas (2005:137) describes “believers and religious com- edited volumes, and articles was launched only in the 2000s. munities” explicitly as “resources that create meaning” 7In this text Habermas does not explain why he sees the attacks for the secular society. In an exchange with Joseph as part of modernity. In our opinion, the choice of a modern tech- Ratzinger, Pope Benedict XVI, he reflects on the fa- nical instrument such as an aeroplane to carry out an attack on a symbolically charged site is not adequate justification. 8Barbieri (2015) proposes a division into six aspects. www.geogr-helv.net/73/285/2018/ Geogr. Helv., 73, 285–300, 2018 290 G. Glasze and T. M. Schmitt: Understanding the geographies of religion and secularity

mous Böckenförde dilemma and worries about a derail- Beckford, 2012; Krech, 2015; cf. the contributed text below ing secularisation that might lead to a running dry of the by Bochinger, who prefers religious heterogeneity to post- sources of societal solidarity (Habermas, 2007).9 secularity as a basic concept for the analysis of religion in contemporary societies). These authors argue that there has 3. A number of authors use the notion post-secularity to never been a definitely secular age and that there is no clear- designate a paradigmatic shift that denaturalises secu- cut break leading to de-secularisation and a resurgence of larity and thus makes it possible to analyse the con- religion; while it is true that the individual and social im- tingencies, historicities, and geographies of secularity portance of religion has undergone fundamental changes in in a manner inspired by Foucauldian perspectives and the modern period, the idea of an era of completely secu- often builds on the discussion by Asad of formations larised societies is untenable. Even in western European so- of the secular (see Oosterbaan, 2014; Barbieri, 2015; cieties, religious practices, religious organisations, or reli- Gökarıksel and Secor, 2015; Molendijk, 2015; Fordahl, giously legitimated discourses have never disappeared. And 2016; Parmaksız, 2018). Such a shift enables a thematic while many empirical observations suggest that the public opening of the social sciences and the humanities to- and political importance of religion has been increasing since wards the always specific configurations of secularity the end of the 20th century (see Fig. 2 or, for example, the and religion (see for example the discussion by Han- disproportionately high number of publications in German cock (2008) on spatialities of the secular) and the re- on issues relating to religion),11 there is also empirical ev- lation of religion and secularity to questions of power, idence of ongoing processes of secularisation, such as the 10 identity, and politics. What is more, such a decisively continuing fall in numbers of church members in many west- constructivist perspective, which challenges established ern European societies (see for example Krech, 2015). concepts and boundaries, can also be helpful for a con- The understanding of post-secularity as a normative pro- sideration of contemporary practices of spirituality and gramme (aspect 2), as post-secularism, might be a valuable sacralisation beyond the big, established religious or- impulse for the different theologies and their exchange with ganisations (Bartolini et al., 2017; Schmitt, 2017) Of philosophy and wider political theory. In an exchange with course research on new forms of religiosity is older philosophical traditions related to the Enlightenment, reli- than, and was developed independently from, the notion gious arguments might occur as potential ethical resources. of post-secularity (e.g. Bochinger, unpublished data). And these exchanges can help the social sciences to reflect on But the reference to the concept might be used as a re- their own, often rather implicit, normative foundations and minder that religion is not just a declining but, in the also on the implicit ethical foundations of contemporary so- conditions of modernity, a vital phenomenon – and that cieties. However, we would argue that the empirical social its vitality is essentially driven by encounters between sciences are better equipped to observe and analyse these de- different religious traditions in the context of globalisa- tion and by encounters between religious traditions and 11For example, in November 2015 numbers 2 to 5, 14 and 19 on modernity. the well-known Spiegel non-fiction bestseller list were books that were clearly devoted to religious issues. While number one on this The notion of post-secularity, and the wider post-secularity list of non-fictional works was “The secret life of trees” (German: debate, has aroused criticism in religious studies and so- Das geheime Leben der Bäume), number two was “Incredulous ciology of religion. In particular, many authors reject the amazement. On Christianity” (German: Ungläubiges Staunen. Über idea of a post-secular era or period (aspect 1 above) which das Christentum) by Navid Kermani, a German–Iranian intellectual. chronologically follows a secular period (e.g. Joas, 2004; Number 3 was “The fighter in the vatican” (German: Der Kämpfer im Vatikan), a portrait of Pope Francis by journalist Andreas En- 9In 1976, the German constitutional judge Ernst-Wolfgang glisch, and number 4 was a critical biography of the Prophet entitled Böckenförde said, “The liberal, secularised state depends on con- “Mohamed. A critical review” (German: Mohamed. Eine Abrech- ditions which it cannot guarantee.” (Orig.: “Der freiheitliche, nung) by the German–Egyptian political scientist Hamed Abdel- säkularisierte Staat lebt von Voraussetzungen, die er selbst nicht Samad. A thin volume entitled “Ethics is more important than reli- garantieren kann”). See also the Benedikt Korf contributed text, be- gion” (German: Ethik ist wichtiger als Religion) containing an in- low. terview with the Dalai Lama by Franz Alt was number 5. Num- 10The history of the “Sociology of Religion” section in the Ger- ber 14 was a report by journalist Jürgen Todenhöfer entitled “In- man Sociology Association (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Soziologie) side IS – 10 days inside the ‘Islamic State”’ (German: Inside IS – 10 reflects this opening: due to the dominance of the secularisation the- age im ‘Islamischen Staat’), and number 19 was “Mecca Germany. ory, this section was closed at the beginning of the 1970s and then The silent Islamisation” (German: Mekka Deutschland. Die stille re-opened in 1995 (DGS, 2017). The new academic interest in re- Islamisierung) by the clearly anti-Islamic journalist Udo Ulfkotte. ligion, which was in part politically inspired, found expression in Other titles in this list were devoted to philosophy, including a his- the establishment of chairs and professorships in sociology of reli- tory of philosophy entitled “Know the world” (German: Erkenne gion, as well as professorships in Islamic religious studies. Up to die Welt) by Richard David Precht, or could be described as philo- now there has been no comparable institutionalisation of such a dis- sophical or psychological self-help books (e.g. Wilhelm Schmid’s ciplinary focus in university departments of geography in Germany. “Serenity”, German: Gelassenheit).

Geogr. Helv., 73, 285–300, 2018 www.geogr-helv.net/73/285/2018/ G. Glasze and T. M. Schmitt: Understanding the geographies of religion and secularity 291 bates than to participate in them. The social sciences should He then discusses the dialectics of secularisation, critically analyse these debates as social and political negoti- which even in the so-called West has led to funda- ations inevitably shaped by questions of power. mentalism and apparently irreconcilable religious An understanding of post-secularity which overcomes uni- and non-religious positionings within one and the versalist and teleological conceptions of a globally progres- same society. Seen from the perspective of the sive secularisation (aspect 3) is helpful for analysing and un- study of religion, we may note that Habermas, derstanding the contingent social processes that produce spe- like Charles Taylor, does not present empirically cific configurations of religious and non-religious beings in based arguments in the strict sense but describes the world in specific social, historical, and geographical con- and interprets certain intellectual, epistemological, texts (see the articles in Burchardt et al., 2015). However, and political or ethical developments in normative there are also authors who warn the social sciences that there terms. At least Habermas is fully aware of this. De- is only a thin line between such a denaturalisation of secular- spite their references to spectacular events in the ity and religion and a cultural relativism which would impede present, these two authors do not defend the the- any critique. Thus, in a discussion of post-secular feminism, sis of a shift away from secularisation and back to Vasilaki (2016) acknowledges these writings for enabling a religion in the traditional sense. Yet this thesis is critique of excluding and marginalising practices legitimised frequently linked to the concept of post-secularity. as secular while at the same time criticising them for losing As we often hear, secularisation was a dominant sight of the marginalisation and exclusion produced by some paradigm in the academic discourse from the first religious practices and subjectivities (see also the discussion half of the 20th century and to a certain extent in Özdemir Sönmez, 2010, on the end of a secular Ankara still is today. This paradigm dominated not only or the critical review of Asad’s Genealogies of religion by those disciplines that were devoted to religion, es- Lincoln, 1995). pecially sociology of religion, but also many other In Table 1, we offer a comparison of contemporary secular, disciplines. Thus, for a long time it was taken for post-secular, and neo-fundamentalist religious perspectives granted in the mainstream of political science and and their translation into physico-material geographies and international relations to assume that religion is topographies. We relate the post-secular perspectives to the unimportant in modern political processes. Current three different understandings of post-secularity developed in developments in religion and politics have led to this chapter, which, however, often overlap in respect of spe- such disciplines revising their ideas so that now cific phenomena or arguments. This is an indicator of the em- they talk of a resurgence of religion. This is not pirical coherence of the debates on post-secularity. The table primarily a matter of whether religion is on the also shows that it is possible to link different post-secular per- increase or the decrease in the world as a whole; spectives either to secular or to neo-fundamentalist religious the point is that these disciplines have discovered positions, inasmuch as the sense of an argument is boosted or that they must take religion into account, although weakened in one or the other direction. Adequate approaches they define themselves as secular sciences. This is in the social sciences, as we see in post-secularity aspect 3 a problem that scholars in religious studies (and (PS 3), normally avoid binary black or white thinking. I presume also scholars interested in religion and geography) may not be able to appreciate, because Contributed text 1: religious heterogeneity as an for them it is clear that they need to distinguish alternative to post-secularity (Christoph Bochinger, between their own location in the secular world Bayreuth) of science and scholarship and the religious location of the phenomena they set out to study. Much The concept of the post-secular, at least in the more fundamental than criticism based on empir- German-speaking countries, entered public dis- ical findings is the post-colonial critique of the courses in 2001 following Jürgen Habermas’ secularisation paradigm going back mainly to two speech entitled “Faith and Knowledge”, made on books published by the anthropologist Talal Asad: the occasion of being awarded the Peace Prize of Genealogies of religion (Asad, 1993b) and For- the German Book Trade. For many people, Haber- mations of the secular (Asad, 2003). This critique mas’ supposed turn towards religion was a sen- has mainly influenced those areas of religious stud- sation; he himself seemed to be the embodiment ies that deal with non-Western societies but is also of the post-secular society of which he spoke. more wide-reaching. Asad (1993b) regards the bi- The speech was made in the autumn of 2001, nary religious–secular as a specific construction shortly after the spectacular events of 11 Septem- of Western modernity, which was spread around ber. At the beginning of his speech, Habermas de- the world in the course of colonialism and post- scribes the situation as an “apocalyptic” confronta- colonialism. From this point of view, it is difficult tion between the secular and religious worlds. www.geogr-helv.net/73/285/2018/ Geogr. Helv., 73, 285–300, 2018 292 G. Glasze and T. M. Schmitt: Understanding the geographies of religion and secularity

Table 1. Secular and secularist, post-secular, and neo-fundamentalist positions and perspectives – a comparison.

Secularist and secular Post-secular perspectives Religious neo- perspectives fundamentalist perspectives As scientiﬁc (a) Historically: Recognition of the Contestation of scientiﬁc programmes emancipation of relevance of religious theories which are seen empirical sciences phenomena in the social as contradictory to from religious sciences (and humanities) religious doctrines (e.g. institutions and (PS 3 and 1)∗ the theory of evolution theology by US evangelicals) (b) Assumption that Analysis of the co- religion is to a great constitution and the extent irrelevant for delimitation of religious explaining the and secular spheres contemporary (PS 3) (social) world; religion as a declining Religion as a normative relict of premodern source – also for the societies social sciences (PS 2)

Assumption of a renewed signiﬁcance of religion in societies (PS 1 and – normatively – PS 2) Conception of relation Weak form: Recognition of the Reversal of secular between state and independence of states importance of religious political structures (e.g. religions or governmental institutions and voices in Turkey after 2016) institutions from religion; the public sphere (esp. separation of PS 2) governmental and religious institutions

Strong form: opposition to religion in the public sphere Normative positions in Weak: limitation of role Recognition or Delegitimation of secular respect of religion in the of religion and its truth acceptance of the or atheist arguments public sphere claims in public legitimacy of religiously within the public sphere discourse; emergence of founded arguments and (e.g. Islamic countries non-religiously grounded religious voices in a referring to an Islamic or atheist truth claims pluralist society (esp. law; campaign by PS 2) Christian creationists in Strong (explicit or the USA against the hidden): assertion of teaching of the theory of religiously grounded evolution in public arguments in public schools) discourses

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Table 1. Continued.

Secularist/secular Post-secular perspectives Religious neo- perspectives fundamentalist perspectives Empirical phenomena Institutionalisation of Diminishing inﬂuence of Ongoing relevance of Roll-back of religious religions within societies religion due to functional religious institutions institutions (e.g. Turkey differentiation of within societies since 2016) societies Renaissance of religious institutions and religious practices after an era of secularisation (PS 1)

New ritual and organisational formats within established Christian churches (e.g. city churches) (PS 3)

Historically and geographically contingent constitutions of specific secularities and religions (PS 3) Physico-material In Europe: Multireligious Destruction of religious geographies and demolition of appearance of urban buildings belonging to topographies superfluous churches neighbourhoods with communities whose or new use for profane facilities for different beliefs are seen as purposes religious communities contradictory to own (PS 1 and 3) religious beliefs (e.g. by Islamist groups in North Reuse of religious Africa and Middle East) buildings for new religious purposes Individual practices and In Europe: Religious decline as a Global spread of beliefs decline in numbers of mainly European universal fundamentalist – church members phenomenon (and in (not locally grounded) – people with religious formerly socialist variants of religious beliefs countries); not so in norms, with strict beliefs – individual religious other parts of the world and strict observance of practices (such as (possible interpretation religious norms (such as participation in according to PS 3) Salafism) religious services) – people regarding Revitalisation of religious observance of practices in Europe due religious practices as to immigration (PS 1 and 3) binding

Popularisation of Asian forms of religious practice in Europe and Western countries (yoga, Buddhist meditation) (PS 3)

∗ PS: post-secularity. The arguments in the rightmost column are assigned to the three different understandings of post-secularity as developed in Sect. 3. www.geogr-helv.net/73/285/2018/ Geogr. Helv., 73, 285–300, 2018 294 G. Glasze and T. M. Schmitt: Understanding the geographies of religion and secularity

to speak of post-secular societies because this is 2010; Dwyer, 2016). Not least as a result of the new impor- still based on the binary religious–secular. tance of religion in public discourses (see above), geographers have carried out research on the role of religion in pro- Although events in many present-day globalised cesses of identity construction, identity politics, and political societies can certainly be described as post-secular, confrontations (see, for example, Schmitt, 2003, on conflicts I think it is less misleading to speak of religious over the building of mosques in Germany; Hopkins, 2007, heterogeneity. Like many other societies, German on the role of religion in the construction of identity among society is characterised neither by complete secu- adolescents in Great Britain; Reuber, 2015, on “political ge- larisation nor by the opposite but by increasing het- ographies of the religious” in Tibet; or Hancock, 2015, on the erogeneity. While the great majority of people in headscarf debate in France). Germany attach little importance to religion, there Before this backdrop, a discussion in geography of the are people for whom it is important or who sud- secularisation theory (see Wunder, 2005:234; Wilford, 2010; denly find it important. Religion can dominate all Tse, 2014) and the post-secularity debate has begun. On the aspects of a person’s life, even if other people find one hand, this discussion draws on the interdisciplinary dis- this hard to understand. Despite all efforts to initi- cussions initiated by Habermas. On the other hand – and ate interreligious dialogue and understanding, reli- this may well irritate some social scientists – it also draws gion is, at least potentially, a stumbling block that on genuinely theological and ethical debates (cf. Parmak- is not comprehensible to outsiders. People who sız, 2018). A group of British geographers forged a link be- have no interest in religion are generally not inter- tween the post-secularity debate and empirical studies car- ested in interreligious dialogue and see no point in ried out in western European cities, with a focus on social such activities. It is also characteristic of many re- services provided by organisations which define themselves ligious groupings that they refuse to talk to people as religious (“faith-based organisations”, especially Christian with different ideas. I think that as scholars inter- organisations) and on the ethical and normative motives of ested in the study of religion or in religion and ge- these actors and organisations. Thus, Cloke et al. (2005) dis- ography, we need to reveal this heterogeneity and cuss to what extent organisations that provide services for not cover it up in the name of an interreligious homeless people on the street in Great Britain are motivated ideal. not only by a religious, Christian caritas or a secular human- This text is a translation from the German, based ist logic but also by a post-secular ethic which does not fol- on excerpts from the keynote address “Religiös low universal ideas of right and wrong but which determines heterogene Gesellschaften. Die Debatte um Post- what is ethically right in each particular context (p. 309). In säkularismus aus religionswissenschaftlicher Per- later articles (e.g. Cloke, 2011), Cloke develops the concept spektive”, delivered on 11 June 2015 in Erlangen of theo-ethics, which he regards as a discursive shift within by Christoph Bochinger at the conference entitled Western Christianity, away from a missionary agenda and to- “Geographien post-säkularer Gesellschaften”. wards caritas (in the sense of practical charity) and agape (in Christoph Bochinger holds the chair for the Study the sense of altruistic love). Beaumont (2008) discusses the of Religion with a special focus on contemporary effects of neo-liberalism on the welfare state in the Nether- culture at the University of Bayreuth. From 2009 lands and shows how faith-based organisations fill the gaps to 2017 he was chairman of the German Associa- left by cutbacks in state services – often based on collaboration for the Study of Religions (Deutsche Vereini- tion between religiously and non-religiously motivated vol- gung für Religionswissenschaft). unteers. In later articles, Cloke and Beaumont (2013) de- scribe this form of collaboration as “post-secular rapproche- ment”. Williams (2015) builds on the work of Cloke and ——————————————————————— Beaumont (2013) and, in an empirical study of a homeless centre run by the Salvation Army in the UK, shows how 4 The debate on (post-)secularity within social and the practical translation of theo-ethics can intersect with hu- cultural geography – past receptions and future manistically motivated practices and be opposed to the neo- potentials for research liberal and libertarian logics of social services. This reception of the post-secularity debate stresses the ethical potentials of The theories of secularisation have not received much ex- religion and can thus be interpreted as an element within a plicit attention in social and cultural geography. The main- broad turn to questions of ethics and morality within social stream of the discipline during the second half of the and cultural geography. 20th century seems to have implicitly conceived of religion However, some scholars engaged in the field of religion as being obsolete and of little social significance. and geography have been more cautious in their reception However, since the 1990s, religion has aroused new inter- of the post-secularity debate. In particular, Kong (2010) est in social and cultural geography (see for example Kong, criticises ideas of post-secularity as a re-emergence or re-

Geogr. Helv., 73, 285–300, 2018 www.geogr-helv.net/73/285/2018/ G. Glasze and T. M. Schmitt: Understanding the geographies of religion and secularity 295 engagement of spirituality, ethics, and/or the sacred as be- analyse the “hybrid and contradictory” processes of secu- ing historically oversimplified and too Eurocentric. Like larisation and religious revival in so-called gospel villages Ley (2011), she criticises the implicit or explicit discourse of with many rural migrant workers in the Shenzhen area. They newness. They both reject the idea of secular and post-secular use a post-secular perspective to analyse the overlapping and eras or periods (see also Benedikt Korf’s critique of the post- parallel geographies of processes of secularisation and re- secularity debate in “Contributed text 2”). Wunder (2005) sacralisation. and Wilford (2010) have made a more fundamental criticism: these two geographers claim that social and cultural geogra- Contributed text 2: provincialising the concept of the phy should deal much more intensively with the theories of secular (Benedikt Korf, Zurich) secularisation and criticise the post-secularity debate as being too superficial and too normative to serve as the basis Until recently, most (critical, leftist) geographers for an adequate discussion of religion in the social sciences. seem to have been “religiously unmusical”: con- On the basis of a well-informed discussion of the theories of sciously or unconsciously, they imagined religion secularisation, and a fairly broad definition of religion, they as something out of place in their studies and their argue that processes of social differentiation have led to fun- radical or progressive politics (Henkel, 2011). Im- damental changes in the conditions for religion in the mod- plicit in these imaginations has been a teleological ern age and that the resulting transformation processes can Enlightenment thinking that placed secularism at be adequately described in terms of the theories of seculari- the endpoint of history, both as a state of a society sation. They both interpret the increasing religious diversity and as a way of thought. This teleological think- in the US as the result of processes of differentiation under ing falls prey to what Doreen Massey has called secular conditions. Ultimately, they argue that the theories of “turning geography into history”, i.e. placing dif- secularisation must be clearly distinguished from normative ferent configurations across space along a norma- political programmes of secularism and that the task of social tive, teleological axis of stages in an evolutionary and cultural geography should be to investigate the different progress. The concept of post-secularism questions spatial and contextual transformation paths followed by re- the idea of this secular endpoint, but it does not ligion in the modern age (see Cannell, 2010, for similar ar- solve Massey’s (2006) concern about the turning guments in respect of anthropology). A problematic aspect, of geography into history, for the debates on post- however, is their narrow conception of (Western) modernity. secularism have been Eurocentric and teleological In the case of Wunder, this leads to an explicit spatial limita- – they had to be, in fact. The very idea of post- tion of his interpretations to Europe and North America (see secularism presupposes that there has been some- also the review by Henkel, 2006), and in the case of Wil- thing approximating a secular society from which ford, despite claims that his arguments have global validity, a post-secular society has now evolved through the the empirical examples he uses to illustrate them are (almost) advent of a new religious revival. Such a view is exclusively from North America. questionable at best (Joas, 2004:123) and sounds In recent years, there has been a broader conceptual debate awkward to people living at the post-colonial mar- on post-secularity as a denaturalisation of secularity and reli- gins far away from the universe of enlightened gion within social and cultural geography. Thus, Gökarıksel Western intellectuals. and Secor (2015) follow an understanding of post-secularity It is the task of cultural and political geogra- which refers to the genealogical and de-essentialising view phy, therefore, to contribute to the project of of the secular proposed by Asad (2003). In their study of ev- provincialising the idea, politics, and practice of eryday experiences of headscarf-wearing women in Istanbul, (post-)secularism. Talal Asad (2003) started to they show how the borders between the religious and the sec- provincialise the concept of the secular genealogi- ular are constantly negotiated and disputed. Gökarıksel and cally: how this concept is tied to particular ideas Secor (2015) give up the idea of a supposedly neutral, secu- of Enlightenment that had their origin in Eu- lar public sphere (a concept retained by Habermas, for exam- rope and then travelled to other sites. Asad pro- ple) and adopt instead the idea commonly found in debates vided the groundwork for a number of comple- in social and cultural geography, namely, that the material mentary practices to provincialise the idea of sec- and symbolic form of public spaces, and the normative ex- ularism that geographers need to embrace. In a pectations associated with encounters in public spaces, are first step, we should zoom in to disentangle the socially constructed and pervaded by power. Thus, concep- geographies in this genealogy by acknowledging tions of a secular public space need to be analysed as specific the multiple genealogical sites where a variety political constructions. In a similar way, O’Mahony (2018), of ideas of (post-)secularism have been debated in his analysis of Marian statues in Dublin, connects local within the Western tradition. For example, we can- practices of place-making with religion, secularity, identities, not fully grasp Habermas’ Friedenspreis speech and geopolitical events on different scales. Gao et al. (2018) without acknowledging the canonic status that the www.geogr-helv.net/73/285/2018/ Geogr. Helv., 73, 285–300, 2018 296 G. Glasze and T. M. Schmitt: Understanding the geographies of religion and secularity

famous dictum of former German constitutional have been concerned with political struggles over judge Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde enjoys in Ger- the proper place of religious actors in public life man public and academic debates on the role of and politics. In her study of Catholic priests in religion in society and politics. Böckenförde wrote Sri Lanka’s civil war, Deborah Johnson (2015), for that “Der freiheitliche, säkularisierte Staat lebt von example, has shown how religious actors became Voraussetzungen, die er selbst nicht garantieren highly political but could do so only by claim- kann” (Böckenförde, 1976:60) (The liberal secu- ing a religious exceptionality that made them un- larised state lives by prerequisites which it can- touchable to the violent political actors surround- not guarantee itself). Böckenförde’s dictum seems ing them. Observing deliberations between civil to imply that a secular, liberal democracy needed rights activists and Islamic leaders in post-war and to be rejuvenated by the moral resources of reli- post-tsunami Aceh, Christine Schenk has probed gion(s), a position that Habermas embraced in his into the politics of textual interpretations to recon- concept of post-secularism. The influence of this cile secular concepts of women’s rights with the dictum resonates with the wide-spread entangle- ethical injunctions of Islam in law-making pro- ments of the Christian churches with the secular cesses (Schenk, 2018). Philippa Williams has stud- state in Germany, which would be incompatible, ied how Muslims in India invoke the “rhetoric of for example, with the French idea of laïcité. secularism” to propagate their citizenship rights and to undergird their political belonging to the In- In a second step, we should zoom out to look be- dian state (Williams, 2012). yond the Western tradition, i.e. at how the idea of secularism has travelled to other sites and been re- All these ethnographies of the everyday entangle- arranged and reshaped in the process of accultura- ments of religion and politics force us to unravel tion. Today, almost all societies live through some the idea of post-secularism, if post is to be under- form of religious pluralism: “Religious pluralism stood as a period coming after and going beyond a is the normal condition in which religious subjec- period of secular society. Paraphrasing Bruno La- tivities are formed” (Das, 2014:82); this includes tour, we might come to the conclusion that “we agnostic and atheist positions (Quack, 2012). Sec- have never been secular” (and never will be). ularism is not only the separation of politics from ——————————————————————— religion in the singular but from many religions Let us now summarise the relevance of the debate on with different theologies, institutions, and tradi- post-secularity for social and cultural geography and con- tions. India, a society with a secular constitution versely possible contributions from geography to this in- and a multitude of spiritually strong religions, has terdisciplinary debate. We would argue that social and cul- had to experiment with this difficult task, and al- tural geography can benefit from a broader reception of the though religious violence has emerged regularly (post-)secularity debate. A denaturalisation of secularity and in recent decades largely as a result of the rise of religion helps to sensitise geographers to the relevance, the Hindu nationalism, Indian intellectuals have been specific roles, the delimitation, and the co-constitution of at pains to conceptualise a model of Indian secular- practices and arguments legitimised and framed as religious ism (R. Barghava). Perhaps those ideas could fruit- or secular in contemporary societies (see aspect 3: post- fully inform European deliberations about how to secularity as a paradigmatic shift). At the same time, such deal with Islam and other non-Christian religions a decisively constructivist perspective also enables a broad in a secular democracy. conception of religion which goes far beyond the practices In a third step, geographers need to provincialise of European Christianity or the classical world religions. the concept of the secular ethnographically, show- Having said that, we need to consider the possible con- ing how – in everyday practices, religion, and pol- tributions of social and cultural geography to the interdisci- itics – the religious and the secular are multiply plinary debates on (post-)secularity. We would argue that so- entangled, and yet there are many attempts to pu- cial and cultural geography is well equipped for studying the rify these concepts to claim boundaries between role of specific spatial configurations for the constitution and these realms. In this sense, geographers should stabilisation of specific social relations. Research in social observe these concepts as categories of practice and cultural geography can analyse how practices which are (R. Brubaker), i.e. observe how these categories legitimised as religious or secular interact, or are disputed, in and the boundaries between them are negotiated, the symbolic and material production processes of (public) translated, purified, and rearranged in different so- spaces. Such research can link the debates on post-secularity cial or political configurations. A number of re- explicitly with approaches related to the material turn in the cent ethnographic studies on the everyday poli- social sciences and humanities, which was to a large extent tics of religion in post-war, post-colonial societies inspired by geographers (Hicks, 2010) and has already had an

Geogr. Helv., 73, 285–300, 2018 www.geogr-helv.net/73/285/2018/ G. Glasze and T. M. Schmitt: Understanding the geographies of religion and secularity 297 influence on interdisciplinary research on religion (Karstein approaches from social and cultural geography is therefore and Schmidt-Lux, 2017). Studies informed by the material required. This includes studying the role of practices which turn take materialities, objects, and artefacts as a starting regard themselves as religious or secular in the symbolic and point for cultural studies (in contrast to the hitherto domi- material production of (public) spaces or investigating spe- nating philological practices within religious studies). The cific regional paths in respect of the delimitation and co- combination of approaches inspired by the material turn and constitution of secularity and religion. debates on (post-)secularity allows us to reflect on how mate- The empirical studies presented in this special issue, which rialities and material arrangements in religious fields express, go back to a conference and a panel session in 2015 (see symbolise, and structure changed relations between religious footnote 2), represent attempts to explore the benefits of us- traditions and the state, the changed situation of religions ing these approaches to the empirical analysis of contempo- in the public sphere, and encounters between religion and rary societies, in the border zone between social and cultural modernity and between different religious traditions. Dut- geography, religious studies, sociology of religion, and, for tweiler (2017), for example, looked into the materiality of instance, architecture. new multireligious spaces and Schmitt (2017) into that of new spiritual centres connected with both Christian and Bud- dhist traditions. Last but not least, the tradition of regional Data availability. The data used in this paper is available upon re- comparison in geography might contribute in overcoming quest by contacting the correspondence author. universalistic conceptions and thus be part of an agenda aiming at “‘provincialising’ the idea, politics and practices of (post-)secularism” (see Korf in “Contributed text 2”). How- Author contributions. The article was jointly developed and ever, such a research agenda, aiming at the understanding written by the authors, with approximately equal shares regarding of geographies of religion and secularity and sometimes la- the substantial contents and the workload during the production process. belled as a “spatial turn in religious studies”(for example, by Dwyer, 2016), must be based on a sound knowledge of theological systems and debates, as well as on the history of Competing interests. The authors declare that they have no specific traditions and translations of secularity, and thus re- conflict of interest. quires interdisciplinary cooperation. Edited by: Benedikt Korf Reviewed by: three anonymous referees 5 Conclusion and outlook

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