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Contrasting Irreligious Orientations Atheism and Secularity in the USA and Scandinavia

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Contrasting Irreligious Orientations Atheism and Secularity in the USA and Scandinavia PHIL ZUCKERMAN Contrasting irreligious orientations Atheism and secularity in the USA and Scandinavia theism and secularity are not static, fixed orien- and ‘hard’ seculars. Chaeyoon Lim et al. (2010) have tations. Rather, atheism and secularity are con- added ‘liminals’ – those ‘betwixt and between’ re- Atoured, malleable, and deeply shaped by cul- ligiosity and secularity – as a distinctive type, rather tural and social forces. A clear example of the degree similar to those people exhibiting the ‘fuzzy fidelity’ to which atheism and secularity can be lived and ex- discussed by David Voas (2008), and further elabor- pressed quite differently in different socio-cultural lo- ated by Ingrid Storm (2009). Peter Lüchau (2010) cations is revealed by comparing and contrasting the distinguishes between ‘atheists’ and the ‘a-religious’ ways in which they are manifested in the United States – the former actively care about religion and seek to and Scandinavia. curb its influence, while the latter simply do not care about religion one way or another. And finally, N. J. Demerath (2001) and Phil Zuckerman (2008) have Introduction discussed the non-believing, ‘culturally religious’ – In his groundbreaking book Toward a Sociology of Ir- those who identify with a religion, even while simul- religion (1971), Colin Campbell spoke of a ‘range of taneously rejecting its actual creeds and supernatural irreligiousness’ (p. 35), thereby alerting scholars to the assumptions, an orientation very similar to what Ina mistake of speculating or hypothesising about a fixed, Rosen (2009) calls ‘religion-as-heritage’. In short, the ideal, or ‘pure’ type of secularity. Echoing this senti- diversity of secular orientations is significant, and this ment, Paul Pruyser (1974: 195) has acknowledged a significance is becoming more and more recognised ‘complexity of unbelief’, suggesting that unbelief may (Pasquale, Galen & Zucker man 2013). be ‘as diversified as religious belief’. Indeed, both Given that there exist different forms or types of atheism and irreligion come in a fairly wide variety secular orientations, the question arises: what might of shapes, sizes, and textures. For example, a non- account for these differences? Surely, on some level, religious individual can be overtly hostile to religion, it is a psychological matter, relating to individual and actively seek its demise. In contrast, another non- personality types, emotional dispositions, innate religious individual can simply be indifferent to reli- neuro logical wiring, and so on. And it also surely has gion, even oblivious. In yet another instance, atheism something to do with a given individual’s family-life can be something one chooses for very clear reasons, circumstances, personal experiences with religion, maintains with pride, and defends with vigilance – and so on. But beyond these psychological, indi- or atheism can be akin to a passive default position, vidualistic, or familial factors influencing the form an orientation that exists mundanely, uncritically, of people’s secularity or atheism, there undoubtedly even unknowingly. And beyond these various types exists the social or cultural level of influence. That or manifestations of atheisms/secularities briefly de- is to say, the culture/society in which a person lives scribed for the sake of illustration, we can easily im- will greatly shape his or her secular orientation. As agine many other such idiosyncratic irreligious ori- Colin Campbell (1971: 29) succinctly argued, ‘Irreli- entations, with their own important nuances. Some gion can only be specified within a given social and have recently attempted to start to chart this typo- cultural context.’ logical diversity (Pasquale 2006). For ex ample, Barry For a clear example that serves to illustrate the Kosmin (2007) has made a distinction between ‘soft’ above assertion, I will contrast contemporary non-re- 8 Approaching Religion • Vol. 2, No. 1 • June 2012 ligious Americans with contemporary non-religious between the ages of 15–19, 21 per cent were between Danes and Swedes, showing that most non-religious 20–29, 25 per cent were between 30–39, 17 per cent people in America exhibit certain traits and orien- were between 40–49, 15 per cent were between 50– tations markedly different from most non-religious 59, 9 per cent were between 60–69, 7 per cent were people in Scandinavia. I will highlight these three key between 70–79, and 3 per cent were aged 80 or older. differences: Of the 90 American interviewees, all self-identi- fied as non-religious. 47 were male and 43 female; 6 • Different experiences of – and feelings about – per cent were in their late teens, 30 per cent were in their apostasy (rejection of religion). their 20s, 23 per cent were in their 30s, 16 per cent • Different opinions concerning religion. were in their 40s, 15 per cent were in their 50s, 8 per • Different personal beliefs and articulations con- cent were in their 60s, and 3 per cent were in their cerning the non-existence of God. 70s. Approximately 46 per cent of my informants were raised in California, with the rest being raised in the Midwest (10 %), East Coast (11 %), the South Methodology and samples (11 %), the Southwest (3 %), the Pacific Northwest The observations offered in this paper are based (3 %) and about 10 per cent coming from other coun- upon two years of fieldwork in Aarhus, Denmark tries, such as England, Saudi Arabia, Ghana, and the (2005–6, 2010–11), as well in-depth interviews with Philippines. The percentages relating to where people 149 Danes and Swedes, and 90 in-depth interviews were raised are approximations because sometimes with Americans. In both cases, interviewees were people were raised in more than one state or country. obtained by employing a nonjudgmental, purposive, In terms of educational attainment, approximately snowball sampling method, typical for such qualita- 6 per cent had only completed a high school educa- tive research. tion, approximately 29 per cent had either completed Of the 149 Scandinavian interviewees, about two some courses at college or were currently enrolled in thirds self-identified as non-religious, while the re- college, approximately 33 per cent had completed a maining third were religious, of varying degrees and bachelor’s degree, and approximately 30 per cent had types. Of the total interviewed, 75 were men and 74 completed an advanced/graduate degree. As for ra- were women. 103 were Danish, 39 were Swedish, and cial/ethnic identifications, approximately 64 per cent 7 were immigrants to Denmark from Chile, Iran, or of my sample self-identified as White or Caucasian, Turkey. In terms of the education levels of my inform- 12 per cent as Latino/a, Chicano/a, Hispanic, or Mex- ants, approximately 34 per cent had completed the ican-American, 12 per cent as mixed-race or ‘other’, equivalent of a university degree, approximately 15 7 per cent as Asian, Asian-American, or Pacific Is- per cent had completed some university courses but lander, and 3 per cent as Black or African-American never achieved a degree, or were currently enrolled at (these are approximations because there were a few a college or university, approximately 11 per cent had who classified themselves in atypical ways, such as completed the equivalent of a high school education, ‘Celtic’, ‘Jewish’, or ‘Persian’). approximately 11 per cent had completed some sort of specific professional training (such as how to be a social worker, businessman, preschool teacher, etc.), Apostasy (the rejection of religion) approximately 15 per cent had completed some form One major difference between non-religious Ameri- of specific vocational training (such as how to be a cans and non-religious Scandinavians has to do with tool maker, photographer, nurse, physical therapist, the process of individuals’ loss of faith and the ex- etc.), and approximately 14 per cent had completed perience of their overall rejection of religion. Nearly somewhere between the 6th and 9th grade. Out of all of those interviewed – both Americans and Scan- the 149 informants, approximately 23 per cent had dinavians – were raised with some form of religion been raised in small towns (of populations less than in their homes, and nearly all were religious as chil- 5,000), approximately 41 per cent had been raised dren, to varying degrees. And yet, while teenagers in one of Denmark or Sweden’s three largest cities, or adults, they left their religion behind. They came and approximately 33 per cent had been raised in to no longer believe and no longer participate. They medium-sized towns (larger than 5,000 people, but became, to use the formal term, apostates (Bromley not one of the 3 largest cities in Denmark or Sweden). 1988; Zuckerman 2011). Concerning age, 3 per cent of my informants were For Scandinavians, the experience of apostasy – Approaching Religion • Vol. 2, No. 1 • June 2012 9 the process of losing one’s religion – was no big deal. – It just happened. It was a relatively minor, almost insignificant experi- – Was there a decisive factor in his transition to ence in their lives. In fact, religion was rarely some- being a non-believer? thing that they had outright ‘rejected’, but more like – Common sense. something that they had ‘casually left behind’. That is, for most contemporary Danes and Swedes, losing Sigrid, a 53-year-old artist from Aalborg, said that their faith in God was just something that happened she had believed in God as a child, but has considered almost naturally as they grew older. Their rejection of herself an atheist all her adult life. I asked her when it religion was thus an almost matter-of-fact experience, was that she became an atheist, and she replied: about which they had little to say, and little to explain or recall. The majority of the Danes and Swedes that – When I grew up.
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