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Saint Bob and me The experience of women s community education in Ireland grew out of the struggle to overcome the effects of colonisation, political and religious, and helped to forge a lasting alliance with the poor and oppressed of the world, writes BRID CONNOLLY hen looking at the The htinger strikes by IR.^ prisoners in the IR.A were not pacifists, and as the hunger sloiy of women's Northern Ireland were instigated to demand strikers died, one by one, Ireland was thrown community educa- political status for those who were in prison into a state of extreme confusion. Most peo- tion in Ireland, from for their political activities. Before Bnsh's ple in the Repuhlic of Ireland did not sup- iis liejfinnings in the 'war on teiror', the violent, nationalist side port violence, hut we did support the early of the political divide iti Northern Ireland hunger strikes as an altertiaiive lo guerrilla important lo understand what was happen- were consideitd terrorists, largely. There warfare. By the time the hunger strikes wete wing in the country at that time, and through- called off as a tactic, Irish people were dev- out the 25 turbulent years of iis develop- astated. Political campaigns did not work for ment. This stor)' provides a microcosm of various reasons. Passive resistatice did not the history of Ireland and its relationship The only work: to grant political siatus lo tbe prison- wilh globalisation. Three ven' (litricult mile- ers would have huge implications lor the stones were passed during that period: the UK. Wliat was left? Violence was resumed hunger strikes in Northern Ireland in 1981; way to and continued for another 14 years. the anti-ahorlion amendment to the Irish fonslit\ition in 1983; and the Live Aid cam- Powerless people paign in 1984. This was the ground from counter Overcoming colonisation is very difficult. which the women's community education The tactics need to take account of who has movement giew. the power and how they exercise it. In this article, I will ai^e that colonisa- terror is Powerless people adopt tactics that counter tion is an earlier phase of globalisation (see tbe rules that are laid down hy the powerful. Waters, 2001, p. 95), and that colonisation to uncover 'Terrorist' is the name applied to the violent can take tlie form of domination hy another paramilitarists, hui our experience in state, or the ibrm of coiiti'ollirig the lifeworld Ireland shewed that talking, not violence, through religion. I suggest ihat we can end the purposes was the way to counter violence. The 'war on poverty through learning tnjm the experi- terror' is futile. The only way to counter ter- ences of colonised peoples, like us, and ihat ror is to uncover the |)urposes of it, and to we tan use the process of globalisation to of it, and negotiate the way out. We know, on tefiec- help in the pnjjecl. (Globalisation is nol neu- tion, that it would have been better to open tial. Hut neither is il all bad. discussions in 1968/9, rather than allow the Ireland's histoiy is the story of expelling to negotiate poisonous cycle of violence that ensued, per- tlie colonisers, our neighbours, Britain. This petuated hy all sides. succeeded to sotne degree in 1921, resulting the way One of the key objections to independ- in a treaty that left six counties as part of ihe ence for Northern Ireland was the concern Uniled Kingdom, and the remaining twenty- about how powerfnl tbe Roman C^atbolic six independent. In 1949, these hecame the out Church would be in public and private life. Republic of Irt;land. In 1968 and '69, the "Home Rule is Rome Rule' was the telling struggle for independence in Northern slogan. Within two years of the hunger Ireland was re-ignited hy the nationahst were noii-violetit political paities, hut there strikes, this slogan was proved right. side, who were predotninantly Roman were veiy lew signs that the nationalist side The Roman Gatholic Ghurch and Catholic, and the war continued until the could attain parity through political means. Irishness were deeply enmeshed, with over Good Friday Agreement in 1995. There were The hunger strikes were an attempt to inflict 90 per cent of the population Gatholic. The many very painful, outrageous chapters in violence on the self in order to force the church was not content to look after the spir- this war, but 1 just want to look at the hunger hand of the British government. The tactics itual welfare of the people, lather, it con- strikes of 1981 atid tlie part tbey played in had been used hefoie, most particularly hy trolled tnuch of the educati<inal and health liberation. pacifists, like Mahatma Ghandi. However, provision in Ii-eland from tbe iiiid-lH50s. June 2005 adults learning 17 'The growth in its inlluence coinci(le<l wilh ing following the visit of Pt)pejohn Paul II iTi were demonstrating fbi' the rights of (he the Great Famine, and contintied tmabated 1979. From the late sixties onward, Ireland tinhorn' in much the same way as the anti- until the 1960s, to the extent that political had moved away from the influence of war movement, or other liberation move- life was completely contingent on the teach- Rome, particularly with regards to wtmien's ments. The message of the amendment ings of the cburch. It declined somewhat rights, and the women's movement was, at campaign itnplied tbat peo[)lewere immoral with the wonien's movement, but the re- last, making nn impact on the legal and civil and beartless il they did not condemn abor- emergence of ultra-conservative Cathohcism aspects of Irish society. Tlowever, the years tion. But many women had travelled to with John Paul II heralded tbe resurgence of following the Pope s visit were very dark. A England to have abortions, in shame and its power in Ireland. If globalisation can he small, but very influential group of conserva- secrecy, and did not recognise themselves as traced through three regions of puhlic life, tive Catholics, concerned about the progre.ss bad people, but, rather, as women who were the ecfinomy, the polity and culture (Waters, of the women's movement, forced through left with no choice. The struggle of ordinary 2001, p. 17), then tbe Roman Catholic an amendment to the Irish Constitution to women to reconcile with one another over Church played a crucial role in the polity give legal status to Roman Catholic teaching this issue was probably the most acute issue and cultural arenas, which led directly to the on abortion, in 1983. The cotintry was utter- on the agenda of community education, at economy in Ireland, (ilobally, John Paul II ly divided, atid the bitterness that emanated this time. Out of this morass grew the was at the fbiefi~ont in tbe battle against from the entire campaign seeped into every women's community education movement. socialism, and he - and the neo-consenalive corner. "The confusion that the amendmeni forces in Irish society - attempted to invade catised was deeply hewildering. Ihe cam- Live Aid the lifeworld in Ireland, to consolidate inter- paign adopted tactics from the extreme con- W'hile Ireland was going through these diffi- nal colonisation. It had all the hallmarks of servative wing of the Catholic Church in the cult transitions, the lives of counterpart cultural globalisation. United States, which iiiTiltrated into parish women and children in Ethiopia were Women's community' education emerged groups and other social arenas. In a very unimaginable to us. When Bob Cieldof early in the eighties, an era of hreatb-hold- short time, conseiTative grass roots groups forced us to look at the absolute devastation 18 adults learning June 2005 and catastrophe of Kthiopia, we wept as we energising and subjective. Learning commu- participants: the personal acqtiisition of ga/ed al our own children. nities demonstrate that learning is not just skills, knowledge and development of poten- The itnpact of tbe Live Aid event in 1984 an individual acquisition of knowledge, that tial; and social and community transforma- wa.s profound. It was most people's first It needn't only take place in the classroom. tion and empowerment (AONTAS, 2000, p. experience of immediate connection with Croups are integral to the notion of commu- ")• others with the same agenda from all around nity education, and group processes under- The era of globalisation has ushered in the woild. It was special for us, in Ireland, as pin the vitality of the aiena. The key impact the noticm that our social and communiiy we were \eiT proud of Bob (<eldof and his on learning emanating h"om community worlds include all those who are tnargin- Irish attitude, at the centre of this huge melt- education, and incorporated into the litera- alised and excluded. Community education ing pot (not forgetting tbe part that other ture on adult education, is group-hased transgresses the national borders, and allies people played, especially Midge Ure). But we learning (C'onnolly, 2005). Feminist analyses itself with others. Just as Freire linked us with were deejih' touched for a numbei of other expanded this model, considering, in partic- the poor in Brazil, we connect with the poor reasons as well. We have a residual, collective ular, the location of power, and moving from in Africa. This is our responsibility. 'This is memory of hunger and famine from 1846 to the personal to the social (C:onnolK, 1999). our rotite. Our experience of overcoming the 1H48 and the injustices, rather than the lack However, a person-centred approach is vital, domination of colonisation fits us precisely to of Ibod, that caused it.

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