Urban Studies, Vol. 38, No. 11, 2017 –2036, 2001

Full Circle or Spiralling Out of Control? State Violence and the Control ofUrbanisation in Papua

Gina Koczberski, George N.Curry and John Connell

[Paper Žrst received, August 2000; in Žnal form, March 2001]

Summary. Thereis an administrative reluctanceto recognise the permanency of urban settle- mentin Papua NewGuinea. This reluctance, evident sincethe 1960s, has been characteristicof both the colonial and post-colonial administrations. Opposition to somefacets of urbanisation continues today, despite growing population and land pressuresin mostrural areas and real problems of landlessness emerging in particular rural areas. Colonial control of urban popula- tions has been replicated in contemporary times,often in moredraconian form. Eviction of urban settlershas been tied to issuesof crimeand urban respectability, and lingering perceptions that should be rural residents.The growth of informal settlementsand urbanisation are not seenas issuesof urban planning, nor is the context of urban migration linked to socioeco- nomic inequality, henceother formsof urban policy arelargely absent. Strengthening alliances betweenland-owners and the state (especially police and provincial administrations) have thus emphasised intraurban inequality and hampered national development.

Introduction Urbanisation in Papua NewGuinea is arela- 1980, the rateof urbanisation has slowed tively recentphenomenon. Until the early with growth concentrated in the three largest 1960s, towns and cities in Papua New cities of Port Moresby, Laeand Guinea wereprimarily European colonial ad- (Connell, 1997) (Figure 1). Port Moresby’s ministrative centres. Presently, Papua New annual growth ratefrom 1980 to 1990 was Guinea’s urban population accounts for15 5.3 per cent (National Statistical OfŽce, per cent of the national population, which is 1994) and that growth continued ataround lower than in other Melanesian and PaciŽc this ratethroughout the 1990s. 1 Island nations (Ward, 1997). Despite the Fromthe early colonial period, apervasive relatively limited extent of urbanisation, anti-urbanism and an administrative reluc- the rateof urban population growth since the tance to recognise the permanency of urban 1960s has been, attimes, extraordinarily settlement have been at the heart of Papua high. Between 1966 and 1971, Papua New NewGuinea’ s national development policy Guinea’s urban population grew atover 16 and practice. Urbanisation was slow in col- per cent per annum (Jackson, 1977). Since onial timesand ,just prior to

Gina Koczberski and George N.Curry are in the Research Unit for the Study of Societies in Change, School of Social Sciences, Curtin University of Technology, GPOBox U1987, Perth, WA 6845, . Fax: 89266 3166. E-mail: [email protected] and [email protected]. John Connell is in the Division of Geography, School of Geosciences, University of , NSW 2006, Australia. E-mail: [email protected].

0042-0980 Print/1360-063X On-line/01/112017-20 Ó 2001 The Editors of Urban Studies DOI:10.1080/ 00420980120080916 2018 GINA KOCZBERSKI ET AL. . a e n i u G w e N a u p a P n i s e r t n e c n a b r u n i a M . 1 e r u g i F FULL CIRCLE ORSPIRALLING OUTOFCONTROL? 2019 becoming the Žrst PrimeMinister of Papua able urban planning policies. These new NewGuinea on its independence in 1975, trends suggest that issues of urbanisation and posed the rhetorical question urban development have become crimeis- sues divorced fromtheir socioeconomic and Dowereally want to become acountry of spatial contexts. This paper tracesthese shifts big cities? In all the 700 languages of our in the formof opposition to urbanisation, country wehave never needed words for especially the increasingly violent nature of airpollution, forslum or forunemploy- evictions, and links them to broader pro- ment. Do wewish to build the kind of cesses of change occurring in Papua New country that needs these words? (Somare, Guinea society, particularly the weakening of 1973, p. 2). the state. We Žnally explore the implications Opposition to cities has been manifestin forevicted residents, many of whom are policies opposing migration to the towns, fromeconomically marginal ruralareas and moreoften out of implausible attempts to have been urban residents formany years. preserve an aura of urban respectability by reducing the visible evidence of urban Urbanisation Policies during theColonial unemployment than out of any desire for Period ruraldevelopment (Connell, 1997). In col- onial times, there wereŽ rmadministrative Throughout , but especially in restrictions on rural-to-urban migration, par- Papua NewGuinea, and ticularly on the establishment of informal NewHebrides (), there wereexten- settlements in urban areas.In the post-col- sive attempts to regulate and control mi- onial era,efforts to restrictrural-to-urban gration to towns in the pre-warand post-war migration and curtail urbanisation continued years (Oram,1970; Connell and Curtain, as ofŽcials inherited the assumptions of col- 1982; Connell and Lea,1993; Jourdan, 1995; onial administrators, who perceived Melane- Rawlings, 1999). In the colonial era,regula- sians as ruralresidents, and werereluctant to tions controlling employment and the mo- recognise both the necessity and inevitability bility of wage labour wereenforced and it of some degree of urbanisation. was illegal forthe indigenous Melanesian In the past decade, anti-urban sentiments population to live in town without either a have again intensiŽed and urban growth is job or apermit. 2 Restrictions on movements increasingly being cast as alaw-and-order into towns in Papua NewGuinea wereintro- issue. Evictions frominformal settlements duced as early as 1914 with the Native and intermittent calls forthe colonial Va- Labour Regulations. Together with arange grancy Actto be reintroduced have been of other colonial legislation such as the prominent administrative responses to con- Police Offenders Ordinance 1919– 1939 tinued urban growth and growing law-and- (Papua), the Health Regulations 1922 order problems, especially as urban crimeis (Papua), the Public Health Ordinance 1932– now considered to be amajorfactor deterring 1938 (NewGuinea) and building ordinances, foreign investment and business in Papua these laws served to exclude the indigenous NewGuinea (Levantis, 2000). Fierceoppo- population fromthe urban landscape (Jack- sition to urban growth and the violent nature son, 1977). The Port Moresby community of of evictions signal the emergenceof adis- 1921 was “predominantly white”(Inglis, turbing trend towards the use of paramilitary 1974, p. 27). During the 1920s, whistles or style responses to increasingly complex and bells sounded at8am and 9pm; between seemingly unmanageable urban ‘problems’. these hours Melanesians wereallowed to be Evictions arelegitimised by a‘waron crime’ in town. Through the 1950s, there werecur- rhetoric leading to knee-jerk reactions to ur- fewson the presence of Melanesians in town. ban development ‘problems’without the As lateas 1970, Port Moresby was still need forrecourse to considered and sustain- described as alargely European town in 2020 GINA KOCZBERSKI ET AL.

Table 1. Urban centres,1966 – 90

1966 1971 1980 1990

Port Moresby (NCD) 41 848 76 507 117 991 194 295 16 546 38 707 60 708 80 655 Madang 8 837 15 296 19 718 27 057 8 945 14 982 19 408 23 224 Mt Hagen 3 315 10 621 13 192 18 977 4 826 8 186 11 067 18 368 10 561 12 770 14 581 18 186 3 663 5 744 7 149 8 490 — 1 172 4 659 8 363 512 1 064 1 752 7 908 2 139 4 494 6 343 7 627 Bulolo 2 724 4 001 4 500 7 421 2 142 3 299 4 769 6 486 525 2 499 4 311 6 435 1 687 2 435 4 130 6 192 2 446 2 890 3 588 5 804

All urban 110 716 204 667 297 866 445 488

Sources: Connell (1985, p. 92) and Connell (1997, p. 189). characterwith its political and economic ployees, arelicof the plantation economy spheres dominated by Europeans (Oram, and based on the assumption that workers 1970). Until the late1970s, the towns in wereonly temporary urban sojourners, also Papua NewGuinea, and elsewhere in discouraged permanent urban settlement Melanesia, wereessentially colonial adminis- (Connell, 1985). Administrators at the time trative centres, alegacy that continued into viewed squatter and informalsettlements as the post-colonial era. transitory featuresof the urban landscape; The various legislative restrictions fordis- indeed, as Ward (1998, p. 22) has pointed out couraging movement into cities and towns in forcolonial administrators in the late Papua NewGuinea werebased on aset of 1960s and 1970s it was comforting to assumptions regarding indigenous urban set- think that urban in-migrants to towns, seen tlers. The most important of these werethat as potential problems, werejust there tem- urban settlers weretemporary malesojourn- porarily. erswhose familiesand ‘true’homes werein the village and whose presence in town Rapid urban growth in the late1960s and would lead to moraldecline and law-and- especially in the 1970s challenged the as- order problems. These assumptions under- sumption that urban migrants werethere pinned the restrictions on movement and also temporarily (Table1). 3 Moreover, the val- inuenced wage structures, accommodation idity of the assumption of temporary urban provision foremployees and the practiceof migration was questioned as early asthe mid compulsory repatriation aftera period of em- 1960s when urban permanence was Žrst ac- ployment (seeWard, 1980; Connell, 1985; knowledged (see, forexample, Ryan, 1966; Ryan, 1989). Until 1972, forexample, urban Hitchcock and Oram,1967; Oram,1968; wages werecalculated on the basis of sup- 1970; Ward, 1971; Young, 1977). These porting only asingle man, and most migrants studies alluded to the prolonged residence werehoused by their employers who pro- periods of settlers in towns (Ryan, 1966; vided only single men’s quarters (Curtain, Hitchcock and Oram,1967), the increasing 1980). The compulsory repatriation of em- number of children born in town and the FULL CIRCLE ORSPIRALLING OUTOFCONTROL? 2021

Table 2. Rural and urban wagedifferentials

Minimum cash-equivalent wage, unskilled workers ($/week.)

Year Rural Urban Differential (%)

1961 4.61 6.00 30 1964 4.61 6.50 41 1967 4.86 6.50 34 1970 4.86 7.00 44 1973 5.90 13.80 134 1976 9.50 29.00 205

Source: Report of the Interdepartmental Committee on Incomes, Wages and PricesPolicy , February 1974; cited in Jackson (1977, p. 24).

gradual balancing of sex ratios, all suggest- and the migration of women to urban centres ing amorestable and permanent population also led to anexpansion of urban familylife (Ward, 1971). As Oram(1970, p. 63) noted and the development of amorestable work- at the time force(Jackson, 1977). At this time,the number of informalsettle- Itseems probable that over the next 20 ments in Port Moresby increased (Matwijiw, years an increasing proportion of the urban 1982) as government and private employers population will cometo regard Port failed to provide sufŽcient housing to keep Moresby as their permanent place of resi- pace with the growing numbers of migrant dence. workers and their families.Initially, nearly That prediction cametrue. all the settlements werelocated on customary land with most residents being fromthe Port Moresby region and having some prior tra- The Lead Up to Independence ditional trading relationship with the custom- Beginning in the 1960s, and into the immedi- ary land-owning group (Oram,1976). atepost-independence period, the gradual re- However, with the inux of migrants from moval of restrictions on movement, elsewhere in Papua NewGuinea, ties with relatively higher urban wages, employment customary land-owners weakened and more growth and an expansion in government settlements began to emergeon unoccupied spending on welfareprovision, increased the Crown Land (Oram,1976). By 1979, 25 per attraction of urban employment and resi- cent of the indigenous population of Port dence. Amoretolerant and less negative Moresby lived in informalsettlements approach to urban lifeled to an ofŽcial reluc- (Matwijiw,1982); that proportion has subse- tance to enforce what was in effecta ‘pass quently grown, being around 40 per cent at system’and agradual reduction in the vigi- the start of the 1990s (Monsell-Davis, 1993) lance attached to searching out ‘vagrants’ and perhaps asmuch ashalf atthe end of the (Oram,1976), although intolerance of infor- century. malsettlements in Port Moresby remained an The inux of migrants and the growth of issue.4 However, overall, somewhat moreen- ‘illegal’settlements provided the impetus for lightened and realisticattitudes towards ur- renewed demands to control mobility and banisation in the period leading up to suggestions that aformalpass system be independence in 1975 tended topromote ur- introduced. In the lead up to independence, ban planning and rapid urbanisation (Forbes although it was becoming morewidely ac- and Jackson, 1975; Connell, 1985). Increas- cepted by the administration that long-term ing urban–ruralwage differentials (Table2) settlement of migrants was inevitable, there 2022 GINA KOCZBERSKI ET AL. was also unease and, attimes, objection to While little cameof these attempts to the expansion of informalurban settlements ‘clean up’urban areas,policy responses to- (Oram,1970). Administrators in Port wards urban migration had quite quickly Moresby, forexample, planned toremove all comefull circleby the end of the 1970s. migrants fromcustomary lands on the Instead of being directed by acolonial ad- grounds that the settlers had no security of ministration, they werenow the preferred tenure and the settlements werea “danger to solutions of some provincial governments. health”(Oram, 1970, p. 55). Moreover, whilst some limited attempts were madeto provide housing and improve condi- tions inurban settlements, the assumptions of Turning FullCircle in thePost-colonial colonial administrators regarding urban set- Era tlers appeared to have been inherited by Opposition to urbanisation re-emergedmore many post-colonial ofŽcials. That is, urban strongly in the immediatepost-colonial pe- migrants weretemporary; their rightful place riod as migration to towns increased and was the village; and, their presence in town informalsettlements expanded. At various would lead to moraldecay and crime,and a timesfollowing independence and through- risein urban unemployment. out the 1980s, most, ifnot all, urban authori- Attempts to deal directly with urban prob- ties sought to evict squatters and/or the lemsgenerally lapsed until the 1980s when unemployed often under the guise of cleans- provincial governments, especially in island ing the city of criminals, the unemployed and provinces, once again began to take the ini- ‘illegal’occupiers of government and cus- tiative on this issue. The Island Regional tomary land. For example, opposition to mi- PremiersConference recommended several grants in the North Solomons Province had measures to deal with unemployment in the intensiŽed to the extent that in 1977 and and asked the national 1978 groups of squatters had been repatriated government “to give powers to Provincial by plane to three Highlands provinces Land Boards to evict squatters on tradition- (Talyaga and Olela, 1978). Two years later, ally owned land”( Arawa Bulletin , 3 April growing unemployment, urban crimeand 1981). The national government madeno largerurban settlements wereimportant is- response. Similarly, the North Solomons sues in Port Moresby and Rabaul, wherea province madeextensive effortsto remove provincial government committeewas squatters and formulatepolicies to encourage preparing alist of EastSepiks who wanted to the employment of local workers ratherthan return there or who should be sent home. In migrants, none of which was ever imple- October 1979, one councillor called on the mented (Connell, 1985, pp. 111 –116). Partic- national government both to repatriateunem- ularly high wages in the province (asa result ployed people fromPort Moresby to their of mining) and athriving regional economy home province as asolution to the capital’s stimulated continued migration; towns there law-and-order problem and to issue the em- and elsewhere continued to grow. Despite ployed with identiŽcation cards; the council- frustrations, there werefew new attempts at lor argued, inwhat was to become afrequent policy formation or direct repatriation. refrain,that the of PNG should be aclean Squatters and Crime and respectable place to live in and should In the past decade, opposition to informal comparewith majorcities in other coun- settlements has further intensiŽed as law- tries (quoted in Connell, 1985, p. 108). and-order problems have escalated sharply in In anumber of differenttowns in PNG urban Papua NewGuinea. Newspapers regu- (alongside ruralareas around Rabaul), there larly portray informalsettlements as havens werepressures to repatriatemigrants. forthe unemployed and criminalgangs. They FULL CIRCLE ORSPIRALLING OUTOFCONTROL? 2023 arealso commonly blamed forthe break- Kimbe)has attempted ‘squatter’clearances. down in law-and-order and other social prob- Urban evictions and clearancessince the lemsoccurring in urban areas.Many believe early 1990s have differedin several import- that crimewould diminish ifthe towns were ant respects fromearlier attempts to control closed to those who did not work there or did urbanisation. They arenow on alargerscale, not have a‘valid’reason forbeing there. 5 moreviolent and frequently involve alliances Hence, there have been strident calls forthe of local land-owners with government au- repatriation of ‘vagrants’and the ‘unem- thorities and the police. The scale and violent ployed’to their provinces of origin. nature of evictions was evident in Madang in Although accuratecriminal justice statis- 1997/98 wherethe attempted eviction of ap- tics on the nature and scale of crimeare proximately 8000 settlers represented almost scarce,a range of evidence points to arisein 30 per cent of that city’s 1990 population. crimeand violence in many towns (Dinnen, Police fromneighbouring provinces were 2000; Levantis, 2000; Sikani, 2000). 6 In Port called in and atotal of 300 police wereon Moresby, wheremost crimesare reported, stand-by. During the attempted eviction, statistics on serious crimefrom May toOcto- many houses werebulldozed and Madang ber 1997 included 33 murders, 31 attempted was declared a‘Fighting Zone’for 2 months. murders, 147 cases of rape, 47 cases involv- A3-month liquor ban was also imposed ing grievous bodily harm,44 unlawful (Post Courier ,1997h). Threeyears later, wounding offences and 49 cases of abduction Madang went through much the samepro- and kidnapping (Sikani, 2000, p. 41). At a cesses again. national level, the annual rateof violent In early 1998, when the USwas bombing crime,which increased 20-fold from1970 to Iraq, the cartoon reproduced in Figure 2ap- 1990, is about 2000 incidents per 100 000 peared in the local press following calls by people—Žgures that are10 timeshigher than Police Commander JeffreyVaki to Žght Australia and 6timesthat of the nearby crimeby clearing all ‘squatter’settlements in island nation of —and the probability of Port Moresby. The cartoon exempliŽes the being avictim of crimeis higher in Papua increasingly heavy-handed approach to urban NewGuinean urban centres than in such problems by provincial authorities and po- cities as Kampala, Rio de Janeiro and Johan- lice. Many recentevictions have involved the nesburg (Levantis, 2000, pp. 132 – 133). Fear raising and burning of houses, the killing of of crimeis justiŽed. domestic animals and the destruction of food Because law-and-order problems have gardens. Urban settlers arebeing stripped of grown in many urban areasof Papua New their assets to be lefthomeless ( Post Courier , Guinea—although ruralareas have not es- 1997g, 1998a, 1999a; The National , 1999). caped parallel trends—anti-urbanisation sen- Such destructive eviction exercises appear to timents can be identiŽed in most provincial serve several purposes. They maybe used for administrations and methods of controlling political point-scoring with local land-own- or discouraging migration have been aprior- ersand business interests, to makeother ity of numerous government and provincial ‘squatters’publicly awareand fearfulof the leaders at various timesduring the past dec- government’s ‘crack-down’on crimeand il- ade. During the 1990s, often under the guise legal settlements, and to makesuch settle- of addressing the rapidly rising levels of ments uninhabitable and extremely difŽcult urban crime,there have been large-scale to re-establish. The lack of compassion to- ‘squatter’evictions and attempts atrepatri- wards informalsettlers and the violent nature ation by provincial authorities in most major of recent evictions have raised concerns cities and towns. Between 1997 and 1999, amongst some community leaders about hu- almost every majortown in Papua New man rights violations ( Post Courier , 1998a, Guinea (including Port Moresby, Lae, 1998b, 1999c). Such voices, however, do Madang, Rabaul, , Goroka and little to counter the dominant discourse 2024 GINA KOCZBERSKI ET AL. . 8 9 9 1 h c r a M 3 , l a n o i t a N e h T : e c r u o S . ’ ? i q a r I n a m ’ I k n i h t u o Y ! G N P m o r f m ’ I , e r e h t y s a E ‘ : n o i t a l s n a r T . n o o t r a c r e p a p s w e N . 2 e r u g i F FULL CIRCLE ORSPIRALLING OUTOFCONTROL? 2025 amongst provincial authorities and police 1999 evictions fromthe East NewBritain that such settlements arerepositories of crim- capital of Kokopo, morethan 100 menfrom inals and the unemployed. the nearby village of Ulagunan assisted po- Thereis no evidence that criminalsare liceand ofŽcers from the lands division and morenumerous in settlements, yet it is local government to evict over 200 people. widely believed that this is so; hence, the Armedwith bush knives, they assisted with claimsof settlers forŽ nancial support— the destruction of settlers’houses, food gar- through service schemes and social amenity dens, fruittrees and betel nut palms and the provision—are less likely to be metand are killing of settlers’pigs, dogs and chickens usually routinely rejected. Settlements, un- (Post Courier ,1999a; 1999b). In another employment and crimeare discursively similarcase in March1999, Central Provin- linked by politicians and police spokespeople cialGovernor Ted Diro signed an agreement and “monotonously repeated in the daily with land-owner representatives fromKilak- press”alongside routine contextualisation of ila and Koboka villages near Port Moresby the “inevitable consequences of urban mi- that granted provincial police the authority to gration and poverty”(Goddard, 2001, p. 4) evict settlers fromthese village lands ( Post that invariably lacked substance. Atthe very Courier,1999d). While the agreementgave least, there is aconsiderable diversity of back to land-owners control of their land, it settlements and settlers. also allowed police to evict squatters from This generally antagonistic approach to the along the Magi and Hiritano highways which issue of urbanisation has contributed to an lead out of Port Moresby ( Post Courier , unwillingness to countenance the upgrading 1999d). Ayear later,after there had been and acceptance of settlements that might lead attacks on travellers on the highway, Diro to areduction of urban problems. For exam- called on the national government to remove ple, to discourage migration, infrastructural all squatter settlements in the capital ( Post costs of urban development have been passed Courier, 2000c). on to urban consumers in higher electricity Such alliances between the state and land- and watercharges and, during the 1980s, the owners have tended to iname ethnic ten- National Housing Commission was in- sions, pitting local land-owners against structed to do without government subsidies migrants fromdistant provinces, which legit- (Connell, 1997). Such policies tended to imises and reinforces ofŽcial antagonism to- place urban services further beyond the reach wards settlers and may also provide an ideal of the majority of the urban population, to an solution forland-owners wishing to manage extent that is much greaterthan elsewhere in their lands differently. Many of the initial the PaciŽc region (Connell and Lea,2001). settlers had informaltenancy arrangements Moreover, there was little effortto under- with land-owners and, in some of the earliest stand the circumstances of urban settlers and settlements, settlers had long-standing trad- the factors contributing to increased urbani- ing relationships with land-owners (Oram, sation. Violence and destruction have be- 1976; Goddard, 1998). These relationships comeinstruments of urban planning asurban with customary land-owners and tenancy ar- problems become increasingly complex and rangements areundergoing change in the unmanageable. new social and economic urban context. Now Adisturbing trend in these evictions is the that the commercialvalue of their land has collaboration of local land-owners with local/ increased, alliances with state authorities provincial authorities and police in actions to against settlers mayprovide land-owners evict settlers. 7 Increasingly, indigenous land- with the means to realisethe potential of owners and ethnic groups areseeking higher commercialland values. The mutually government support to repatriatesettlers and/ beneŽcial relationships now developing be- or areparticipating directly with ofŽcials in tween land-owners and the state can be legit- eviction exercises. For instance, in the March imised under the rhetoric of ‘Žghting crime’, 2026 GINA KOCZBERSKI ET AL. thus enabling land-owners torepossess now- gration and thus curb rising levels of urban valuable commercialland while providing crime (Post Courier ,1998e). The private the state with moreeffective control over sector has also been urging the government urban land management. to address the growth of informalsettlements The rhetoric of responding tocrimecan be and the risein urban crimeby reintroducing asubterfuge forthe implementation of urban the Vagrancy Actand introducing an identity policies by state authorities. While crimeis- card system ( Post Courier ,1997f),both is- sues wereprominent in the justiŽcation for sues being considered further by the Minister the attempted eviction of over 8000 settlers of Justice in 2000 ( Post Courier , 2000a).8 fromMadang in 1997, an ofŽcial from the One consequence was anabsolute ban being Provincial Administrator’s ofŽce admitted placed on the construction of new settle- that ments in Port Moresby (aban that had been breached within weeks of its implemen- The government decided to take this stand tation). because of the realshortage of land for These examples illustrate the growing town expansion and the business boom trend to cast urbanisation and rural – urban already taking place ( Post Courier , migration aslaw-and-order problems. Narra- 1997c). tives of violence and cleansing the city of In Madang, some portions of state land titles criminalsand illegal squatters on state and occupied by ‘squatters’had already been li- customary land areby farthe dominant censed to businesses forindustrial develop- themes in the discourse of urban manage- ment, but progress had stalled because ment and control. With the blurring of crime settlers resisted leaving. At the time,the and urban issues, urban land management Madang Governor, JimKas, was reported as strategies arenow infused with the same saying that “illegal settlers on land belonging militaristicstrategies used in dealing with to the state must pave the way fordevelop- crimemore generally. Speaking to the Cham- ment investors”( Post Courier , 1997e), a ber of Commerceand Industry and the Papua callagain repeated there three years later NewGuinea Chamber of Mines and Pet- (Post Courier ,2000d). While the main roleum, the NCD/Central Police Comman- eviction exercise becamestalled in the der, JeffreyVaki in referenceto ‘squatter’ National Court during 1997 and clearancesaround Port Moresby, described 1998, Bilia Point settlement containing 70 the police’s role as “Žghting awar”to “clean houses near Madang Harbour was demol- up”the city ( The National , 1998). ished in November 1998 following acourt The violent nature of urban management order sought by aMadang-based company appears to be part of what Dinnen (1999) has that had been granted alicence to the land identiŽed as amoregeneral trend in Papua (Post Courier ,1998g). The ‘waron crime’ NewGuinea of relying increasingly on mili- rhetoric thus legitimised knee-jerk responses taristicsolutions to internal security prob- to urban development issues without the lemssuch as crimeand social disorder. For need forsustained urban planning policies example, when apolice sergeant was slain and strategies. during arobbery in Madang, the police retal- Alongside these recentattempts aturban iated by burning and ransacking morethan clearances, there have again been several 50 houses and several tradestores in the calls to reintroduce the Vagrancy Actand settlement in which the alleged offenders other policies to restrictfreedom of move- resided (Post Courier ,1997a; 1997b). One ment between provinces. At the 1998 Gover- settlersaid “We arebeing terrorised atnight nor’s Summitin Port Moresby, several by criminals and during the day by police” provincial governors proposed that the na- (Post Courier ,1997a). Agrowing reliance tional government review and reintroduce the on emergency measures such as states of Vagrancy Actto control rural-to-urban mi- emergency, joint police and militaryopera- FULL CIRCLE ORSPIRALLING OUTOFCONTROL? 2027 tions, curfews, special police units and the Not surprisingly, this was not the settlers’ regular use of ‘shoot-to-kill’orders all indi- perception. At the sametime, in Rabaul, catethat violence is increasingly used as a illegal settlers wereordered to be evicted for tool to deal with internal security issues similarreasons. The EastNew Britain Prem- (Dinnen, 1999). 9 These ‘quick Žx’strategies, ierstressed that the exercise was being un- Dinnen argues, reect the weakening of the dertaken forthe good of both the province state which, in combination with an auto- and the settlers craticleadership style, have had adebilitat- ing effecton government agencies. We want to help the settlers so that they can have dignity and that they can grow Coercive solutions offerthe prospect of their own cash crops in their respective speedier outcomes than those likely to villages. Villages arestill the best and ow fromprotracted negotiations or cum- least expensive places to live. Furthermore bersome bureaucratic processes directed wewant settlers to understand that they toward policies addressing underlying werenot born to be slaves in towns. How- causes (Dinnen, 1999, p. 290). ever they aremaking themselves slaves (The Times of , 29 Thus, there is little space forwider dis- August 1991; quoted in Connell, 1997, cussion of issues of urbanisation and devel- p. 210). opment within the broader spatial context of ruraland urban change. Issues of urbanisa- In another example, Police Chief Geoffrey tion and urban development have become Vaki, referringto squatters in illegal settle- crimeissues divorced fromtheir socioeco- ments in Port Moresby and elsewhere, said nomic and spatial contexts. that

Papua NewGuinea was oriented on Urban Residentor Rural Visitor? Melanesian traditions of subsistence farm- Another themein the state discourse on ur- ing and wantok system, and there should banisation in Papua NewGuinea that serves be no excuse forpeople seeking land for to legitimise evictions, and which harks back resettlement. Idon’t think people should to the early colonial period, is the view of the live in such undigniŽed conditions as village as being the rightful place forPapua Baruni and the old parliament since we NewGuineans— aplace that offersa cleaner, have vast land back in the villages where moredigniŽ ed and more‘ traditional’way of people can resettleand makegar- life.The rhetoric of self-reliance,dignity and dens. …Our ancestors never lived in bac- the village providing ahygienic, productive, teria-infested areasand weare a country honest and fulŽlling lifeis strong in the proud of our cultural heritage. No one discourse of provincial and government lead- should tell methey have no place to reset- ers tle (Post Courier , 1998d). My plan to ejectsettlers [in Lae]is a In 2000, all Membersof Parliamentfrom genuine one forthe sake of my people outside Port Moresby wereurged to who want atrouble freeenvironment for “encourage their [ sic]unemployed people to their children …As forPapua New return home and startprojects in their Guinea which has alarge areaof land, Ido provinces”( Post Courier ,2000b). These not see why people should move from kinds of statement emphasise the view that province to province. Iamsure there are the urban migrant’s ‘real’home is the village better things to do in their own villages or wherea communal, subsistence lifestyle pro- towns (Morobe Premier The Times of vides fora wholesome existence. This wide- Papua New Guinea ,6June 1991; quoted spread constructed view of an idyllic rural in Connell, 1997, p. 210). life,a 20th century ‘merrieMelanesia’ , 2028 GINA KOCZBERSKI ET AL. allows the urban migrant to be portrayed as in towns and cities. Growing numbers of temporarily out of place and in an environ- residents in informalsettlements and towns ment lacking the traditions, morals and posi- aresecond- or third-generation urbanites tive societal values of ruralcommunities. with fewif any ties to their ‘home’villages Thus the urban migrant is prone to all the and, therefore, have limited opportunities negative consequences of an urban life—a beyond the town or city (Oram,1970; Zim- squalid, morally impoverished existence and merman,1973; Townsend, 1977; Morauta crime-riddenlifestyle. The task then is a and Ryan, 1982; Connell, 1985; Ryan, 1993; moralone, to remove these people fromthe Kaitilla, 1994; Ward, 1998). In the late urban landscape by encouraging them to re- 1970s, Garnaut et al.,(1977) recognised that turn home to lead ‘fulŽlling’ and productive around aquarter of the children born in Port lives. Moresby, Laeand Rabaul had never visited their village ‘homes’. In astudy conducted in the early 1980s, over half of the Toaripi Back to theLand? (Gulf)migrants in Nine-Mile, Port Moresby, The assumption that migrants can return had never lived in ‘their village’, had none ‘home’is highly questionable forseveral of the ‘survival skills’for village life(or reasons. Periods of urban residence arein- land or close kin there)and hence were creasing as many morepeople areborn in likely to remainurban residents (Chao, town and no longer maintain exchange rela- 1985). Morerecently, many of the residents tionships with ‘home’. Further, and unac- involved in the 1997 Madang evictions had knowledged by government, economic been living there for40 years or more.Their conditions in many ruralareas are worsening commitmentto urban living was evident in such that it would be extremely difŽcult, if the factthat they had begun to bury their not impossible, formany migrants to re-es- dead intown ratherthan sending the corpses tablish themselves and their familiesin their ‘home’for burial. 10 In the lead up to the ‘home’villages. We examine each of these evictions, they petitioned the government points below. forcofŽ ns so that the exhumed remainsof The assumption that people aretemporary deceased relatives could be returned to their urban residents fails torecognise the chang- home villages forreburial ( Post Courier , ing context of rural-to-urban migration in 1997d). Papua NewGuinea. Migration to towns is Long-term demographic trends in Papua increasingly characterised by long-term fam- NewGuinea invalidate assertions that people ily migration and not by short-termcircular aretemporary sojourners who can return migration of young single males.More bal- home. The 1973/74 urban surveys in Papua anced sex ratios in town suggest amore NewGuinea Žrst introduced the concept of permanent and stable urban population— ‘dispossession’amongst urban residents; the trends that wereapparent by the 1971 ‘dispossessed’being those who lacked access census. Although in-migration remainsa to the resources of the village economy, signiŽcant component of urban growth in mainly because of insufŽcient tenure rights Papua NewGuinea (Connell and Lea,1993), (Garnaut et al.,1977). Other studies atthe natural increase is slowly assuming greater time,and morerecently, have reported the importance in the growth of informalsettle- growth of an ‘urban proletariat’comprised of ments. permanent migrants to towns dependent on The assertion that contemporary urban set- wage employment (fora summary, see Con- tlersare temporary sojourners in the urban nell, 1985, pp. 97 – 98; Ryan, 1989). Much of landscape also failsto recognise the very the urban proletariat lack asubsistence long timemany of these settlements have alternative to urban employment either due been in existence, and that many residents to their villages being absorbed into expand- have now lived most, ifnot all, of their lives ing urban areas,or because they had in- FULL CIRCLE ORSPIRALLING OUTOFCONTROL? 2029 sufŽcient resources to enable them to main- by the beginning of 1996. Afteryears of tain close ties with home. The most vulner- village absence, they had become ‘foreign- able migrant groups, with fewopportunities ers’in their home villages and ‘home’was to access resources at‘ home’, arefrom poor now Rabaul. regions: they lack capital fortravel, cannot Thus, while some urban migrants may distribute money and gifts in ruralareas and return home, formany of them, and es- hence must retain their commitmentto a pecially the poorest, the return option is too precarious urban existence (Connell and Lea, difŽcult, or impossible, even ifit were 1993, 1994). Many informalurban settle- sought. Such urban residents arein avery ments in contemporary Papua NewGuinea vulnerable position given the growing intol- aremade up of growing numbers of the eranceof urban settlers. They may have little urban dispossessed and an urban proletariat alternative but tojoin the ranks of the urban who no longer have access to village land dispossessed, constantly threatened by evic- and have few,if any, ties to their ‘home’ tion and harassment by the state authorities villages. with the tacitor active support of local land- Tieswith ‘home’, especially the mainte- owners. Theirdire predicament is reected nance of indigenous exchange relationships, in the words of one resident whose house arevery important forthe resumption of and belongings weredestroyed in the 1999 village resource rights forreturning migrants. evictions in Lae. Migrants who, forwhatever reasons, do not maintain these exchange relationships during We have lived here formore than 15 their absence or failto fulŽl social obliga- years; our children wereborn here; some tions risk foregoing access rights toland and have marriedand areliving with their other resources (seeGarnaut et al., 1977; familieshere. We do not know whereto Morauta, 1981; Curtain, 1980; Morauta and go and wedo not know wherewe are Ryan, 1982; Carrierand Carrier,1989; Curry going to sleep tonight now that our homes and Koczberski, 1999). When Memberof have been burnt to the ground ( The Na- Parliamentfor Moresby South, Lady Carol tional, 1999). Kidu, helped to repatriatea group of 42 The growing pool of dispossessed urban set- young menfrom Two MileHill settlement, tlers is evident in many of the recentevic- she sent asettlement leaderwith them to tions in Papua NewGuinea whereevicted explain to villagers that these young mendid settlers have attempted to re-establish them- not have money with them to distribute at selves atthe samesite afterthe eviction or ‘home’. She requested that the villagers ac- have surfaced atother urban settlements. For cept them as they were( Post Courier , instance, in the October 1999 evictions in 1998h). Often, however, these people join Laein which up to 100 familieswere the ranks of the ‘urban dispossessed’ evicted, one settlerclaimed that this was the (Morauta and Ryan, 1982). Arecentexample third timethat their houses had been burnt was the evacuation of 8000 Sepiks following down and their property destroyed ( The Na- the 1994 Rabaul volcanic eruption (Neu- tional,1999). Following the Kokopo evic- mann, 1997). Many evacuees found they tions in early March1999, Rabaul’s acting wereunwelcome in their home villages and town manager, EphraimWartoro, reported a some found their land had been taken over sudden inux of ‘squatters’to Rabaul. Many by others. Village relatives often asked “Why of these arrivals had originally moved to should wegive you food or let you sleep in Kokopo afterthe 1994 volcanic eruption in our house …afterall you never thought of us Rabaul and now werereturning to Rabaul when you lived in comfortin Rabaul”— a aftertheir eviction fromKokopo referenceto their perceived failureto fulŽl exchange obligations. The majority of those Thereis areported heavy presence of set- repatriated had returned to East NewBritain tlersat Torch Bearer[Rabaul], and we 2030 GINA KOCZBERSKI ET AL.

cannot single out any group, but webe- In the subsequent two decades, ruralcondi- lieve these werethe samepeople who left tions in many parts of Papua NewGuinea Rabaul during the eruptions, went to have deteriorated and ruraland urban dis- Kokopo and arenow coming back parities have increased. Many ruralpeople, (Wartoro; cited in Post Courier , 1999d). forexample, still do not have adequate ac- cess to aregular income, health services, Following the 1994 evictions of 2000 people schools or road networks and transport fa- in Rabaul, the neighbouring West New cilities. For example, health services have Britain authorities wereconcerned about the been deteriorating since the 1980s. Since large numbers of evicted people seeking ref- 1990, half of all ruralaid posts have closed uge in West NewBritain ( Post Courier , because of staffshortages and the lack of 1994). In1998, blockholders atPoro resettle- essential medicalsupplies. In the mid ment scheme in West Sepik urged the 1990s, the Minister forHealth reported that Lands Department to releaseand sub-divide 60 per cent of health facilities in the further land to accommodate people dis- provinces wereclosed, unstaffed or had no placed by evictions fromsettlements and medicines or equipment (Connell, 1997). towns in West NewBritain, Rabaul, Madang The effectsof these closures arere ected in and other urban centres ( Post Courier , asharp risein infant mortality rates. For 1998c; 1999e). Evictions thus pose aburden instance, in Eastern Highlands Province, the forother nearby urban centres (wherethese infant mortality rateincreased from55 per exist), for‘ home’areas (where land is 1000 livebirths in 1980 to 100 in 1994 scarce)but, above all, forthe urban residents (Duke, 1999). Hence, urban – ruralinequali- themselves. ties arewidening and ruralPapua New Guinea is characterised by high infant Rural Migration mortality rates, low educational levels and incomes and poor standards of living The expectation that evictions and other (Table 3). policies of controlling migration will Growing socioeconomic inequalities be- signiŽcantly stemthe ow of migrants to tween ruraland urban areaswill continue to urban areas,or encourage people to return to fuel migration frompoor and densely popu- their home villages, ignores on-going prob- lated ruralareas as ruralvillagers seek to lemsin ruralareas, especially issues of land- escape ruralpoverty and, increasingly, lessness, marginalisation and the growing landlessness (Curry and Koczberski, 1999). economic disparities between urban and rural Attempts to curtail or reversemigration Papua NewGuinea. As aWorld Bank report ows fromrural areas, especially fromde- recognised almost 20 years ago pressed ruralregions, will thereforebe ex- Much of the migrant population in urban tremelydifŽ cult. AsMarion Ward succinctly settlements originates in provinces with stated in referenceto urbanisation in the either relatively high population densities 1960s: “to attempt to stemthe ow of urban or relatively low agricultural potential or migration is …an exercise in Canutian both. Itis difŽcult to see how these areas logic”(Ward, 1970, p. 53). Policies aimedat can be developed sufŽciently and rapidly controlling rural-to-urban migration areun- enough to reduce migrant ows likely tosucceed because they failto recog- signiŽcantly and, furthermore,the cost of nise the role and resilience of social and developing these regions maywell be kinship networks in facilitating migration above the cost of development elsewhere (Curry and Koczberski, 1998). Such net- in the country and will, therefore, run into works lessen risks associated with migration signiŽcant trade-offproblems (World as new arrivals in towns and cities can an- Bank, 1981, p. 9; quoted in Connell, 1985, ticipate support and assistance fromkin. One p. 95). of the key elements of these networks is FULL CIRCLE ORSPIRALLING OUTOFCONTROL? 2031

Table 3. Urban– rural disparities in Papua NewGuinea, 1996

Unit Urban Rural

Infant mortality rate(per 1000 births) Number 33.7 86.6 Households connected to electricity Percentage 59.2 3.2 Population with no formal education Percentage 24.4 50.5 Households possessing amotor vehicle Percentage 19.9 1.4 Realminimum wages(1977 prices) a Kina pw 25 9

a Figures arefor 1992. Source: Bank of Papua NewGuinea (1998, p. 14)

their capacity to sustain population ows dispossessed, as an increasingly alienated independently of objective economic con- and discontented group. Narrativesof viol- ditions atorigin and destination. They can ence and the clean city, the discursive strate- operate largely outside the arenaof policy gies of e´lite opposition to the grassroots, makers, and thus migration ows along marksuch settlers with their ruralorigins, as networks arenotoriously difŽcult to being much like those in shantytowns else- inuence by policy intervention, let alone where to stop. Almost all past attempts to prevent akind of modern-day plague, an unruly such movements have failed. The net- cancerous growth, an infectious epidemic works areenormously resilient, even in the inicted on the once healthy and sound faceof the most vigorous and draconian social body of the community (Scheper- actions of governments. Hence, once es- Hughes, 1992, p. 94; quoted in Goddard, tablished, they become very strong forces 2001, pp. 3– 4). forperpetuating streamsof movements (Hugo, 1997, p. 282). Conclusion Consequently, attempts to reverserural – ur- ban migration in Africanand Asian countries Urbanisation has continued unabated despite have thus similarly failed as they yin the anentrenched anti-urbanism through most of faceof contexts wherethe decentralisation of the colonial and post-colonial periods, and economic activity has been difŽcult ifnot there is no indication that urban growth will impossible, ruraldevelopment schemes have falterin the foreseeable future. Recent at- been poorly implemented through lack of tempts to Žnd solutions to urban growth and administrative resources and conicts be- rural-to-urban migration have focused almost tween state and regional authorities and eth- entirely on harsh punitive measures asurban- nic tensions have surfaced (Riddell, 1978; isation is increasingly represented as alaw- Peek and Standing, 1979; Standing, 1979; and-order issue. However, authoritarian or Connell, 1987). Few schemes have been im- coercive controls on migration address some plemented in recentyears. symptoms of urbanisation (crime,unemploy- Widening economic disparities between ment and the development of illegal settle- urban and ruralPapua NewGuinea meanthat ments), ratherthan the causes of resource the pressures to migratewill continue to misallocation and regional economic dispari- ties (Oberai,1979, p. 242). Two decades ago, build despite the ‘Canutian logic’of current Denoon observed that attempts to stemurbanisation. Increasing numbers of ruralvillagers have little option The attraction of closed towns is very but to accept the risk of aprecarious urban obvious …With one bound werid our- existence. Many of these people will Žnd selves of poverty, ignorance and disease; themselves swelling the ranks of the urban modern towns shed their nasty reminders 2032 GINA KOCZBERSKI ET AL.

of underdevelopment …Closed towns must acknowledge contemporary ruraland arethe millennial dreamof the property- urban conditions in Papua NewGuinea, that owning, rate-paying middle class (De- now involve the existence of large numbers noon, 1980, p. 283). of second- and third-generation urbanites without access to village land, the inaccessi- Denoon has reviewed the rationale forclos- bility of formal-sectorhousing to many ur- ing Papua NewGuinean towns and con- ban residents, the large and expanding pool cluded, by analogy, that of urban dispossessed and the likelihood of a urban problems maybe the manifestation continual ow of the ruraldisadvantaged to of ruralunderdevelopment [so that] the urban areas.These trends arenow en- mereclosure of the towns will merely trenched, and the use of state violence to complicate the problem by obscuring it address urban ‘problems’merely creates fur- (Denoon, 1980, p. 288). ther dissent and alienation, and destabilises the state’s already fragilesocial and econ- Closing towns would thereforebe more omic infrastructure. Without moresensitive likely to worsen ruralpoverty and stress urban and ruralpolicies, recentdraconian rural– urban inequalities. Squatters arepart of responses to urbanisation areof limited an entrenched constituency in post-colonial utility. Melanesia that cannot be sorted out by at- The increasing use of violence, not only as tempts atsocial engineering of akind that atool to manage urbanisation but moregen- might have been possible in formertimes. To erally to address the country’s development advocate repatriation is to assume, erro- problems, has been recognised by observers neously, that the social, political and institu- as reecting aweakening state capacity to tional means arepresent. These modern fears deal with social, political and economic is- and concerns have contributed substantially sues, especially problems related to internal to limited interest in and expenditure on the dissent (Dinnen, 1999; O’Collins, 2000). It poorest parts of cities. also reects the limited capacity of aweak Despite ofŽcial concerns over the manage- state to achieve ‘desired’policy outcomes, ment of urbanisation, alongside anexpressed primarilythe generation of employment op- focus on ruraldevelopment, there have been portunities and service provision (despite an fewgenuine attempts to plan urban develop- urban bias in resource allocation). Violent ment adequately by, forexample, encourag- raids of short duration on informalsettle- ing the growth of smallrather than large ments areeasier than formulating complex towns, which might provide alternative policies relating to urban planning or policies growth centres and enable moreefŽ cient that address the causes of urbanisation—such marketsystems. Similarly, there has been as resource misallocation, ruralpoverty and widespread opposition to the growth of infor- regional economic disparities. Ironically dra- mal-sectoreconomic activities even includ- matic,code-named police raids and the spor- ing markets, ratherthan perceiving this as a adic evictions of settlers serve no wider means of contributing to resolving urban purpose “than ashow of governmental and employment problems (Connell, 1997; police competence in the struggle to achieve Levantis, 2000). Even ifsome violent evic- law-and-order”(Goddard, 2001, p. 25) that is tions have been partly successful in stem- atvariance with both the location of crime ming the ow of migrants into the cities or and criminals and the weakness of the state encouraging some urban people to return to in its inability to stimulate economic and their ruralvillages, the underlying problems social development. Moreover, they also remain.A ‘bulldozer’approach to informal pander to entrenched urban interests, thus urban settlements has not stemmedthe ow emphasising intraurban inequalities. The re- of migrants, particularly fromeconomically liance on arange of ‘quick-Žx’ solutions that depressed ruralareas. Hence, governments increasingly involve state-sponsored violence FULL CIRCLE ORSPIRALLING OUTOFCONTROL? 2033 is leading to asituation where people are people in unskilled formal employment coming into repeated conict with arange of (Levantis, 1997). 6. Acriticalproblem with crimestatistics in state institutions. Hence, there is very real Papua NewGuinea is that most crimescom- potential fora serious breakdown of civil mitted arenot reported in criminal justice society in particular areasof Papua New statisticsor police records; statisticshave not Guinea. Indeed, potential ashpoints been publicly releasedsince 1990 (Dinnen, include not only urban areas,but all areas 2000; Levantis, 2000). Similarly, although severalobservers report arisein the use of where there have been high levels of mi- police Žrearmsand military weapons in gration—mine sites, plantations and land criminal activities and agreaterincidence of settlement schemes (notably those based unprovoked violence from the police, no re- on export cash crops like oil palm)where liable Žgures areavailable. differentcultural groups reside on alienated 7. While crimeissues may legitimise the evic- tion of settlers,many of the conicts be- land. The sharpening of ethnic identities tweensettlers and land-owners appear to be now occurring atsuch sites of high in- embedded within broader ethnic tensions migration appears to be embedded within now surfacing between land-owners and set- broader processes of socioeconomic change tlersin different parts of Melanesia(for ex- ample,Fiji and Solomon Islands). To date, that arecontributing to the tensions now there has been little researchon theseten- surfacing between land-owners and settlers sions in urban Papua NewGuinea, but recent in different parts of Melanesia, including Fiji events on informal urban settlementsand and Solomon Islands (whererecent political resettlementschemes in WestNew Britain violence has ensued). Urbanisation, without and Popondetta revealthat tensions between land-owners and migrants areset within adequate policy formation, has entrenched complex historical and political backgrounds cultural division, emphasised established that will not be resolved easily (Curry and ethnic identities, fostered intraurban in- Koczberski, 1999). equality, exacerbated social problems in 8. The Post Courier (1998f) reported amotion growing urban centres and hampered the put to Parliament to control urban drift into Port Moresby. The motion failed to be task of stimulating economic and social passed by the majority of members. development. 9. According to the Melbourne Sunday Age (2000) the Papua NewGuinea government is considering combining the Defenceand Po- Notes liceforces by establishing asingle paramili- 1. First estimatesfrom the 2000 census of the tary unit. populations of Papua NewGuinea’ s two 10. The spirits of the deceasedare believed to largest cities,Port Moresby and Lae,put play an important role in the lives of their them ataround 245 000 and 120 000 respect- living kin and, therefore, burial sitesmust ively. not be too farfrom the settlementsof living 2. The indigenous population of Port Moresby kin. before 1942 consisted of inhabitants of urban villages which wereoutside the town References boundary and migrant workers who resided in accommodation provided by their employ- (1998) Money and ers(Oram, 1970). Banking in Papua NewGuinea .Port Moresby: 3. At the 1971 census, there wereonly two Bank of Papua NewGuinea towns in Papua NewGuinea with popula- CARRIER, J. G. and CARRIER,A.H.(1989) Wage, tions over 20 000 (Connell, 1997), and less Trade, and Exchange in Melanesia: AManus than 10 per cent of the population lived in Society in the Modern State .Berkeley, CA: towns and citiesin the early 1970s. University of California Press. 4. For example, the Vagrancy Actwas enforced CHAO,M.I.P. (1985) Life in asquatter settle- atleast as recently as1973. ment, Catalyst, 15, pp. 168– 207. 5. Ithas been estimatedthat 15 per cent of the CONNELL, J. (1985) Migration, employment and urban workforce in Papua NewGuinea earn development in the South PaciŽc: Country Re- alivelihood through criminal activity. The port No. 14 Papua NewGuinea . Noumea: averageearnings of those engaged in crimi- South PaciŽc Commission and International nal activities tend to be higher than those of Labour Organisation. 2034 GINA KOCZBERSKI ET AL.

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