^•M^VH

I For February Publication Two New Titles In I littlcMIibrar• ^ • r | No. 61 No. 7

Marx and Engels on The Damned Agitator Revolution in America and Other Stories

By Heinz Neuman By Michael Gold

More than fifty years ago the great minds The development of a literature definitely who first formulated Communist principles— proletarian in character is part of the purpose also foresaw the development of American of the Little Red Library. Labor. The first American publication of this in- In these stories, forming the first booklet of valuable historical material in the Little Red fiction in the series, workers will find a rich Library, brings with it the added advantage of promise of their literary future. The stories its preparation being made by one of today's included are clearly cut bits of working class leading figures in the revolutionary movement life—written by a worker who today, is one of of Germany. the most promising of all American writers. The Little Red Library In (i small /locket series, containing carefully si-lec-ted- material on all phases of the Labor Movement: Trade T'n-ions. Philosophy, Coin- in nn ism. Literature. Art and other subject*. Ani/thint/ of interest to worker* i* included— to form a JJbrary of real value to Labor, ^'ew numbers it-ill be issued steadih/. -

Titles Now Ready For One Dollar Twelve copies will be sent; all numbers now ready and the next -1 Trade Unions in America, by \Vm. Z. Poster, five as soon as off the press. . A Jas. P. Cannon. E. R. Browder. T\ O Class Struggle vs. Class Collaboration, by 10 Cents Each 1^10. £• Earl R Browder. When ordered by single num- Mr» ^ Principles of Communism, by Frederick bers or in quantities under one I^IO. *> Engels—Translation by Max Bedaclit. dollar. J^ A Worker Correspondence, by Wm. F. Dunne. LYDIA GIBSON l^- fi Poems for Workers, by Manuel Gomez. DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING COMPANY 1113 W. WASHINGTON BLVD. Chicago- ILL LENIN MEMORIAL NUMBER 25 CIS FEB 26 .-;? The Greatest Writer in France— HENRI BARBUSSE Author of "Under Fire," "Chains," etc.

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VOL. V. 290 FEBRUARY, 1926 No. 4.

A Letter to the American Workingmen By N. Lenin

We are reprinting below the famous Letter to American banner of peace, the banner of Socialism over the Workingmen, the first direct word to come to the American world. What wonder that we are hated by the cap- proletariat from the great leader of the- world proletarian italist class the world over! But this hatred of im- revolution, N. Lenin. It is now over seven years since it perialism and the sympathy of the class-conscious first reached this country and was made public to the workers of all countries give us assurance of the American workingclass. Its political vitality is so great, the righteousness of our cause. profound significance of its lessons so powerful and so en- He is no Socialist who cannot understand that during, that now, after seven years of struggle and two one cannot and must not hesitate to bring even that years without our great leader, there can still be no more greatest of sacrifices, the sacrifice of territory, that appropriate message to the American worbingclass from one must be ready to accept even military defeat at Vladimir Lenin than these words. the hands of imperialism, in the interests of victory —Editor, Workers Monthly. over the bourgeoisie, in the interests of a transfer of power to the working class. For the sake of Moscow, August 20, 1918. "their" cause, that is for the conquest of world- power, the imperialists of England and Germany nOMRADES: A Russian Bolshevik who par- have not hesitated to ruin a whole row of nations, ticipated in the revolution of 1905 and for from Belgium to Servia to Palestine to Mesopota- many years afterward lived in your country has of- mia. Shall we then hesitate to act in the nameiof fered to transmit this letter to you. I have grasped the h'beration of the workers of the'world from the this opportunity joyfully, for the revolutionary pro- yoke of capitalism, in the name of a general-honor- letariat of America—in so far as it is the enemy of able peace; shall we wait until we can find a way American imperialism—is destined to perform an that entails no sacrifice; shall we be afraid to begin important task at this time... the fight until an easy victory is assured; shall we Had the Anglo-French and American bourgeo- place the integrity and safety of this "fatherland" isie accepted the Soviet invitation to participate in created by the bourgeoisie over the interests of the peace negotiations at Brest-Litovsk, instead of international socialist revolution? ... leaving Russia to the mercy of brutal Germany, a The great Russian revolutionist, Tchernychew- just peace without annexations and indemnities, a ski, once said: Political activity is not as smooth peace based upon complete equality could have as the pavement of the Newski Prospect. He is no been forced upon Germany, and millions of lives revolutionist who would have the revolution of the might have been saved. Because they hoped to re- proletariat only under the "condition" that it pro- establish the Eastern front by once more drawing ceed smoothly and in an orderly manner, that the us into the whirlpool of warfare, they refused to proletarians of all countries immediately go into attend peace negotiations and gave Germany a free action, that guarantees against defeat be given be- hand to cram its shameful terms down the throat forehand, that the revolution go forward along the of the Russian people. It lay in the power of the broad, free, straight path to victory, that there shall Allied countries to make the Brest-Litovsk negotia- not be here and there the heaviest sacrifices, that tions the forerunner of a general peace. It well we shall not have to lie in wait in besieged fortresses, becomes them to throw the blame for the Russo- shall not have to climb up along the narrowest paths, German peace upon our shoulders!.... the most impassable, winding, dangerous mountain The workers of the whole world, in whatever roads. He is no revolutionist, he has not yet freed country they may live, rejoice with us and sym- himself from the pedantry of bourgeois intellec- pathize with us, applaud us for having burst the tualism, he will fall back, again and again, into the iron ring of imperialistic agreements and treaties, camp of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie. • for having dreaded no sacrifice, however great, to They are little more than imitators of ••the free ourselves, for having established ourselves as bourgeoisie, these gentlemen who delight in hold- a socialist republic, even so rent asunder and plun- ing up to us the "chaos" of the revolution, the "des- dered by German imperialists, for having raised the truction" of industry, the unemployment, the lack 148 THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY. 1926 149 .#•I;' of food. Can there 'be anything more hypocritical problems of humanity be solved by struggle and the American people gives me this confidence, this manity. It is not to be expected that the working than such accusations from people who greeted and war. conviction. class which has been exploited and forcibly held We are accused of having brought devastation down by the clutches of want, of ignorance and supported the imperialistic war and made common The best representatives of the American pro- degradation for centuries should conduct its revolu- cause with Kerensky when he continued the war? letariat—those representatives who have repeated- upon Russia. Who is it that makes these accusa- Is not this imperialistic war the cause of all our ly given expression of their full solidarity with us, tions? The train-bearers of the bourgeoisie, of that tion without mistakes. The dead body of bour- misfortune? The revolution that was born by the the Bolsheviki—are the expression of this revolu- same bourgeoisie that almost completely destroyed geois society cannot simply be put into a coffin and war must necessarily go on through the terrible tionary tradition in the life of the American people. the culture of Europe, that has dragged the whole buried. It rots in our midst, poisons the air we difficulties and sufferings that war created, through This tradition originated in the war of liberation continent back to barbarism, that has brought hun- breath, pollutes our lives, clings to the new, the this heritage of destruction and reactionary mass against the English in the Eighteenth and the civil ger and destruction to the world. This bourgeoisie fresh, the living with a thousand threads and ten- murder. To accuse us of "destruction" of indus- war in the Nineteenth Century. Industry and com- now demands that we find a different 'basis for our drils of old customs, of death and decay. tries and "terror" is hypocrisy or clumsy pedantry, merce in 1870 were in a much worse position than revolution than that of destruction, that we shall But for every hundred of our mistakes that are and shows an incapability of understanding the in 1860. But where can you find an American so not build it up upon the ruins of war, with human heralded into the world by the 'bourgeoisie and its most elemental fundamentals of the raging dy- pedantic, so absolutely idiotic as to deny the revolu- beings degraded and brutalized by years of warfare. sycophants, there are ten thousand great deeds of namic force of the class struggle called revolution. tionary and progressive significance of the Ameri- 0, how human, how just is this bourgeoisie! heroism, greater and more heroic because they seem In words our can civil war of Its servants charge us with the use of terror- so simple and unpretentious, because they take accusers "recog- 1860-1865? istic methods. . . . Have the English forgotten place in the every-day life of the factory districts nize" this kind of The represent- their 1649, the French their 1793? Terror was just or in secluded villages, because they are the deeds class struggle, in atives of the and justified when it was employed by the bour- of people who are not in the habit of proclaiming deeds they revert bourgeoisie un- geoisie for its own purposes against feudal domina- their every success to the world, who have no op- again and again derstand very tion. But terror becomes criminal when working- portunity to do so. to the middle- well that the men and poverty stricken peasants dare to use it But even if the contrary were true—I know, of class utopia of overthrow o f against the bourgeoisie. Terror was just and justi- course, that this is not so—tout even if we had com- "class-harmony'' slavery was well fied when it was used to put one exploiting minority mitted 10,000 mistakes to every 100 wise and right- and the mutual worth the three in the place of another. But terror becomes hor- eous deeds, yes, even then our revolution would be "inte r d e p e n d- years of civil rible and criminal when it is used to abolish all great and invincible. And it will go down in the ence" of classes war, the depth exploiting minorities, when it is employed in the history of the world as triumphant. For the first upon one an- of destruction, cause of the actual majority, in the cause of the time in the history of the world not the minority, other. In reality devastation and proletariat and the semi-proletariat, of the working- not alone the rich and the educated, but the real the class strug- terror that were class and the poor peasantry. masses, the huge majority of the working-class it- gle in revolution- its accompani- The bourgeoisie of international imperialism self, are building up a new world, are deciding the ary times has al- ment. But these has succeeded in slaughtering 10 millions, in crip- most difficult questions of social organization out ways inevitably same gentlemen pling 20 millions in its war. Should our -war, the of their own experience. taken on the and the reform war of the oppressed and the exploited, against op- Every mistake that is made in this work, in this form of civil war, socialists who pressors and exploiters cost a half or a whole mil- honestly conscientious co-operation of ten million and civil war is have allowed lion victims in all countries, the bourgeoisie would plain workingmen and peasants in the re-creation of u n t h i n k able themselves to be still maintain that the victims of the world war died their entire lives—every such mistake is worth without terror cowed by the a righteous death, that those of the civil war were thousands and millions of "faultless" successes of and limitations of bourgeoisie and sacrificed for a criminal cause. the exploiting minority in outwitting and taking the form of de- tremble at the But the proletariat, even now, in the midst of advantage of the laboring masses. For only through mocracy in the thought of a rev- the horrors of war, is learning the great truth that these mistakes can the workers and peasants learn interests of the olution, cannot, all revolutions teach, the truth that has been handed to organize their new existence, to get along with- war. One must nay, will not, see down to us by our best teachers, the founders of out the capitalist class. Only thus will they be be a sickly senti- the necessity and modern Socialism. From them we have learned able to blaze their way through thousands of hin- mentalist not to righteousness of that a successful revolution is inconceivable unless drances to victorious socialism. be able to see, to a civil war in it breaks the resistance of the exploiting class. Mistakes are being made by our peasants who, understand and Russia, though it When the workers and the laboring peasants took at one stroke, in the night from October 25 to Octo- appreciate this is facing a far hold of the powers of state, it became our duty to ber 26 (Russian calendar), 1917, did away with all necessity. Only greater task, the quell the resistance of the exploiting class. We are private ownership of land, and are now struggling, the Chekov type work of abolish- proud that we have done it, that we are doing it. from month to month, under the greatest difficul- of the lifeless i n g capitalist We only regret that we did not do it at the begin- ties, to correct their own mistakes, trying to solve "Man in the Box" wage-slavery and ning, with sufficient firmness and decision. in practice the most difficult problems of organizing can denounce the overthrowing the We realize that the mad resistance of the bour- a new social state, fighting against profiteers to revolution for rule of the bour- geoisie against the socialist revolution in all coun- secure the possession of the land for the worker this reason in- geoisie. tries is unavoidable. We know too, that with the instead of for the speculator, to carry on agricul- stead of throw- The American development of this revolution, this resistance will tural production under a system of communist ing himself into working -class grow. But the proletariat will break down this farming on a large scale. the fight with the will not follow resistance and in the course of its struggle against Mistakes are being made by our workmen in whole vehemence the lead of its the bourgeoisie the proletariat will finally become their revolutionary activity, who, in a few short and decision of bourgeoisie. 11 ripe for victory and power. months, have placed practically all of the larger his soul at a mo- will go with us Let the corrupt bourgeois press trumpet every factories and works under state ownership, and are ment when his- against the bour- mistake that is made by our revolution out into the now learning, from day to day, under the greatest t o r y demands geoisie. The world. We are not afraid of our mistakes. The difficulties, to conduct the management of entire that the highest LENIN AND STALIN. whole history of beginning of the revolution has not sanctified hu- industries, to reorganize industries already organ- 151 150 THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1926 ized, to overcome the deadly resistance of laziness And for this reason we are all firmly convinced and middle-class reaction and egotism. Stone upon that the Soviet Republic, whatever misfortune may stone they are building the foundation for a new still lie in store for it, is unconquerable. The Program of American Capitalism social community, the self-discipline of labor, the new rule of the labor organizations of the working- It is unconquerable because every blow that By C. E. Ruthenberg class over their members. comes from the powers of madly raging imperialism, every new attack by the international -bourgeoisie The maintenance of this system of private Mistakes are being made in their revolutionary will bring new, and hitherto unaffected strata of 'N fulfilling his annual duty of reporting to Con- activity by the Soviets which were first created in I• gress on the state of the union, President ownership of the wealth of the country is the cen- workingmen and peasants into the fight, will educ- tral theme of the president's message. 1905 by the gigantic upheaval of the masses. The ate them at the cost of the greatest sacrifice, mak- Coolidge outlined a program of the rulers of the Workmen's and Peasants' Soviets are a new type ing them hard as steel, awakening a new heroism United States—the capitalist class. This program of state, a new highest form of democracy, a par- in the masses. presents in bold outline the measures which the "Liberty Under Capitalism," ticular form of the dictatorship of the proletariat, capitalists consider necessary to strengthen and de- a mode of conducting the business of the state We know that it may take a long time before velop the existing system of exploitation and to Oddly enough, mixed with this defense of the without the bourgeoisie and against the bourgeoisie. help can come from you, comrades, American work- weaken and fetter the class enemy of capitalism— capitalist system there is injected the statement that there can be no liberty under the capitalist For the first time democracy is placed at the service ingmen, for the development of the revolution in the working class. of the masses, of the workers, and ceases to be system. The president argues against the right of the different countries proceeds along various paths, the government' to take wealth except for public democracy for the rich, as it is, in the last analysis, Role of American Capital in Partial Stabilization in all capitalist; yes, in all democratic republics. with varying rapidity (how should it be otherwise!). purposes and in this argument declares, "The pow- We know full well that the outbreak of the Euro- of Capitalism, er over the purse is the power over liberty." For the first time the masses of the people, in a If the power over the purse is the power over nation of many hundred millions, are fulfilling the pean proletarian revolution may take many weeks The role which the American capitalists have task of realizing the dictatorship of the proletariat liberty, then certainly the great organizations for to come, quickly as it is ripening in these days. played in the partial stabilization of European cap- wealth production which control the purse of the and the semi-proletariat, without which socialism We are counting on the inevitability of the inter- italism makes this program of great importance. is not to be thought of, people of this country thru their control over their national revolution. But that does not mean that European capitalism was, after the war,. in the opportunity to earn a living and over what they Let incurable pedants, crammed full of bour- we count upon its coming at some definite, nearby position of a man sinking into quicksand and en- shall receive for their work, also control the liberty geois democratic and parliamentary prejudices, date. We have experienced two great revolutions gulfed up to his armpits. It was going down into of this eighty per cent of the nation. This obvious shake their heads gravely over our Soviets, let them oblivion. Help came from. American capitalism. application of the president's statement, however, deplore the fact that we have no direct elections. in our own country, that of 1905 and that of 1917, By this help European capitalism has been pulled does not trouble him. What he is concerned with These people have forgotten nothing, have learned and we know that revolutions can come neither at up out of the quicksands which threatened its des- is the taxes levied upon the capitalist class of this nothing in the great upheaval of 1914-1918. The a word of command nor according to prearranged truction and is held there by American capitalism. country. combination of the dictatorship of' the proletariat plans. We know that circumstances alone have Its feet, however, are stil held fast. The danger of with the new democracy of the proletariat, of civil pushed us, the proletariat of Russia, forward, that its sinking again is still there. The task which Taxation Policy of American Capitalism. war with the widest application of the masses to American capitalism has set for itself is the attempt ;,::-. *r '-, f» political problems, such a combination cannot be we have .reached this new stage in the social life of to free capitalism entirely from the destructive American capitalism can only take advantage achieved in a day, cannot be forced into the bat- the world not because of our superiority but be- forces let loose 'by the war. The policy is^ to renew of its opportunity to become the dominant capital- tered modes of formal parliamentary democratism. cause of the peculiarly reactionary character of and revive international capitalism, -the United ist power of the world if it has surplus capital with In the Soviet Republic there arises before us a new Russia. But until the outbreak of the international States itself in the center, playing a dominating and which to bolster up the waning capitalist system in world, the world of Socialism. Such a world can- revolution, revolutions in individual countries may directing role and reaping the enormous profits put Europe and to gain control of raw materials in un- not be materialized as if by magic, complete in every of its achievement. developed countries of the world. Under the exist- still meet with a number of serious setbacks and In order to fulfill this role, it must create the detail, as Minerva sprang from Jupiter's head. overthrows. ing tax law, which levies 40. per cent surtaxes up- While the old bourgeois democratic constitu- most favorable conditions for itself at home. It on the big incomes and the profits of the great cor- And yet we are certain that we are invincible, must be certain that it can mobilize the full politic- porations of this country, the accumulation of new tions, for instance, proclaimed formal equality and for humanity will not emerge from this imperialistic al power of the United States government in sup- capital has been interfered with by the government the right of free assemblage, the constitution of the massacre broken in spirit, it will triumph. Ours port of its plans internationally. It must be in a taking the profits which should have become new Soviet Republic repudiates the hypocrisy of a for- was the first country to break the chains of impe- position to exert pressure against those forces capital. In cutting these taxes in half, as provided mal equality of all human beings. When the bour- rialistic warfare. We broke them with the greatest which create conflicts within the capitalist system. for in the capitalist program and in the act about geois republicans overturned feudal thrones, they sacrifice, but they are broken. We stand outside Tie program outlined by the American capitalists, to become a law, American 'capitalism provides the of imperialistic duties and considerations, we have with President Coolidge acting as their mouthpiece, means for securing additional new capital for the did not recognize the rules of formal equality of raised the banner of the fight for the complete over- is a program which will create the conditions for development of its imperialist domination. monarchists. Since we here are concerned with throw of imperialism for the world. the achievement of this goal. The proposals of the president's program for the task of overthrowing the bourgeoisie, only fools the quick liquidation of the national debt resulting We are in a beleaguered fortress, so long as no from the world war is in line with the same policy. or traitors will insist on the formal equality of the* other international socialist revolution comes to our Strengthening American Capitalism Financially. bourgeoisie. The right of free assemblage is not The twenty billions which are now tied up in gov- assistance with its armies. But these armies exist, ernment bonds paid off thru levying taxes thus worth an iota to the workman and to the peasant they are stronger than ours, they grow, they strive, The program of the capitalists as outlined by when all better meeting places are in the hands of President Coolidge opens with a defiant declaration meaning a lower standard of life for the workers they become more invincible the longer imperialism and farmers of the country are to become available the bourgeoisie. Our Soviets have taken over all with its brutalities continues. • Workingmen the in support of the -existing industrial system. "The usable buildings in the cities and towns out of the wealth of our country is not public wealth but priv- as capital for new investments and thus further world over are breaking with their betrayers, with American financial domination of the world. hands of the rich and have placed them at the dis- then- Gompers and their Scheidemanns. Inevitably ate wealth," declares the President in the name of posal of the workmen and peasants for meeting and the capitalist class, "It does not belong to the gov- The efforts to negotiate agreements for pay- labor is approaching communistic Bolshevistic tac- ment of debts to the United States resulting from organization purposes. That is how our right of tics, is preparing for the proletarian revolution that ernment, it belongs to the people." assemblage looks—for the workers. That is the Of course it does not belong to "the people." the war, are part of the program for the extension alone is capable of preserving culture and humanity of the influence of American capitalism. So long meaning and content of our Soviet, of our socialist from destruction. We are invincible. The prole- It 'belongs to the capitalist class. It belongs to indi- constitution. vidual persons who, to a large extent, are the cap- as huge unsecured debts are owing to the United tarian revolution is invincible. italists. States without any agreement as to payment, the THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1926 153 situation in relation to further American invest- of the purpose of American capitalism. The aim is ment in the countries owing these debts are not "to support stability among all peoples." That is but it is to be found behind the fine- favorable. The funding of the debts and a definite the condition of profitable investment. If it cannot sounding phrases of the president's agreement as to payment also gives a new club secure stability thru the World Court and the message to congress. • to the American capitalists over the governments League of Nations, then it will promote this condi- The Farmer. involved. Hence, the continuous efforts to secure tion thru the greatest army and navy that the agreement for the payment of the debts as out- United States has maintained in peace times at For the farmer, the capitalist pro- lined by President Coolidge in his message. any period of its history. gram contains one proposal—that is, that he shall continue to submit to Government Support. ';\ ' The Program Against Labor. the unbearable conditions which have existed in the agricultural field With the program providing for the extension At the same time that American capitalism for some years back. Th president's of American financial doimination of the world, strengthens itself for the role which it is essaying, message indicates that the capital- there is presented the program creating the means of becoming the savior of world capitalism, its pro- ists are aware of the danger for them of defending the investments of the American bank- gram includes the necessary measures for action which exists in the agricultural situ- ers. The imperialist world is threatened by the against the workers whose struggles may seriously ation of this country, but are unwill- many contradictions in the interests of the various disturb the success of its international program. ing to make any sacrifices to meet capitalist countries out of which may, at any mo- it. "Agriculture is a very complex ment, come an explosion which will seriously affect •*. Attack on the Foreign-Born Workers. industry," boasts the president in the the investments of the American capitalists. The 3k message, but all that the president pressure of the American government alone is not The proposal to register, finger-print and pho- has to offer to solve the complex sufficient to prevent such explosions. Hence, the tograph the foreign-born workers, heretofore pres- problems of this industry are fair desire of the dominant American capitalists to ented in proposed statutes introduced by congress- words. LOCARNO. create an international machinery thru which con- men independently, is now put forward officially by The fundamental problems of agri- trol can be exercised over the dangerous spots and the secretary of labor and is given tentative en- culture, that is the backwardness, the explosion prevented. dorsement by the president himself in his program. mechanically and technically, of the agricultural the American government is the agency for the When it is realized that the foreignjborn work- production as compared with the highly developed capitalist class of the United States. It is the best The League of Nations and the World Court. ers are largely in the basic industries, .it will be machine production in other fields does not come evidence that government under the capitalist sys- The League of Nations and the World Court readily understood that there is something more be- within the scope of the capitalists' program for the tem exists in order to exert the state power in sup- constitute such machinery. At the time of the or- hind this proposal than merely the control of im- United States. Nor does the program even go so far port of the ruling economic class and that "govern- ganization of the League of Nations, the great Am- migration. Registered, finger-printed and photo- as willingness to make some sacrifices in the ex- ment for the people" is an Illusion fostered by Am- erican banking houses, which are engaged in the graphed workers are likely to be meek and submis- ploitation of the farmer thru the banks, railroads, erican capitalism to hide the real rule of the cap- international loan business, favored the entry of sive workers. grain elevators, and implement production corpor- italists. the United States into the League of Nations. Since With the fear of deportation constantly hang- ations. What the president has presented to congress their defeat in the 1920 elections on this issue, they ing over their heads, the workers in the basic in- The capitalist program for the farmer is to is a program for the strengthening of the American have continued persistent work to bring the United dustries will have to be careful how militant they continue to take from him for the benefit of the capitalist class in the struggle against other na- States government into the League of Nations. The become in the struggles to improve their condition. capitalists all that he will give up without actually tional groups of capitalists and also for the creation of the World Court, an appendage of the To register, finger-print and photograph eight mil- revolting. strengthening of the American capitalist class in League of Nations, has created a favorable oppor- lion foreign-born workers will create a weapon This analysis of the capitalist program as pres- the struggle against the workers and farmers tunity for them to make a move forward without with which to hold in submission the entire Amer- ented by President Coolidge shows how completely whom this class exploits. having to face directly the adverse vote against the ican working class. For the enslaved foreign-born League of Nations in the 1920 elections. workers can then be used to drive down the stand- The advocacy of the entry of the United States ard of living of the entire working class. into the World Court in the president's message The Song of the Daily Bread makes evident that the great international bank- Attack on the Right to Strike. ing houses have become the dominant power of Translated from the German of Bruno Schonlank With this attack upon the foreign-born work- by A. Ainsworth. American capitalism, and that the interests of this ers come proposals in the capitalists program for group are the foremost concern of the Coolidge ad- This is the song of daily bread, This is the song when the fury breaks, ministration. weakening the fighting powers of all the workers •hi the basic industries, those of coal and transpor- Those who bake—scarcely fed, When past disgrace leaves now no aches. The American Military Establishment. tation. Those who weave—without dress, This is the song when none is spared, The president's capitalist program asks for While working for the participation of the power to limit the right to strike of the workers in Those who build—homeless. For action! Starvelings! be prepared! United ^States in these institutions for international the mining and transportation industries. What domination of capitalism, the capitalists do not Mussolini has enforced against the workers of Italy This is the song of a past generation, overlook the needs, other than financial, to insure the American capitalists wish to enforce against For rulers, land—a servile nationt THE WO^itlBS the position of the American capitalists. .The presi- the workers of this country, government action to The hewers of coal—without hearth, MAX BEDACHT, Editor. dent declares in his message that the military esta- deprive the workers of the right to strike, or if they blishment of the country is of a greater strength do strike, to compel them to strike against the gov- The makers of wealth—without worth. Official Organ Published by The Workers Communist The Daily Worker Society than ever before in time of peace. This establish- ernment and thus open the way for the use of the Party 1113 W. Washington Blvd. ment, the president says, is an instrument "to pro- whole governmental power against them in their This is the song of hellish fame, Chicago, 111. mote good will and support stability among all struggles. For the rich, bread—for the poor, shame. peoples." The program of the American capitalists- to For the poor, night and bitter stress, 25 Cents a Copy Business Manager, The last words of this quotation are significant $2.00 a Year—$1.25 Six Months Moritz J, Loeb achieve this end is not yet as open as Mussolini's, For wealth, light and gluttoness mess. THE WORKERS MONTHLY (FEBRUARY, 192 fr 155 154 Lenin, the American Workingclass and Its Party By Bertram D. Wolfe and Jack Stachel genuine popular revolution ON THE CONTINENT" T ENINISM, the tlieory and practice of the dicta- (Marx's letter to Kugelmann, 1871—emphasis ours). torship of the proletariat, basing itself on the If Marx has excluded America from this formula- principles of Marxism, has developed under the con- tion, is Leninism at fault in including it, or has the ditions of world imperialism and the proletarian Leninist analysis of the bourgeois state and the revolution—in the period of dying capitalism. It revolutionary destruction of it no applicability to is today directing millions of workers in every America? Was not De Leon right when he de- country of the world thru the Communist Inter- clared that in the United States a peaceful revolu- national, leader of the world proletariat—a world tion is possible because it is "the only country in party with sections in the different countries direct- the world whose constitution provides for its own ing on an international scale the struggles of the oppressed of the entire world for the overthrow of amendment"? the capitalist system. This brings the American The Period of World Imperialism and Proletarian working class face to face with the question: Are Revolution. the fromulations of Leninism valid for America Imperialism with its dominance of monopoly whose path of. development seems so different from and finance capital, with its small rival financial that of the European powers and which seems to oligarchies dominating the entire globe, has only be exempt from the destructive forces that are shifted competition from the domestic field between clearly at work in other parts of the world. individual capitalists into the international field "Theory Also Becomes a Force Once It Seizes Hold of the Masses!" Is Leninism Valid for America? between vast combines involving whole series of ..." .For example, Lenin has classified the present countries. Thus imperialism, far from solving any as;the period of decadent dying capitalism. Does of the contradictions of capitalism, only sharpens America—A Link in the Imperialist Chain. of the world chain of decadent dying capitalism, anct this hold true only for war-wrecked bankrupt Eu- and intensifies them, causing acute contradiction and conflict on three fronts. America is today an imperialist power—a is not exempt from the laws of its decline. '"'""' rope and the revolting colonial peoples, or does it In the home country, on the internal front of link in that "unified chain of world economy" of apply,to prosperous imperial "unshaken" American the class-war, the big trusts intensify exploitation imperialism. Its twenty billions of loans and invest- Can the United States Escape Violent Revolution? capitalism as well? Again Lenin has declared that "imperialism is by their wage cutting, speed-up policies, supression ments abroad, its dominance in production for the As to the United States being a democratic the.beginning of the socialist revolution" (Imperial- of labor organizations, utilization of the govern- world market, make it absolutely dependent upon republic, Engels long ago pointed out that: ism, the.Final Stage of Capitalism). He analyzes ment, its courts, police and army, as a. strike-break- what happens in the rest of the world. A boycott, "In a democratic Republic wealth uses its the present epoch as the epoch of the proletarian ing apparatus. AH this, of course, develops the of American goods on the part of the rest of the power indirectly but so much more securely, first revolution. Does this apply to America? Is Ameri- class-consciousness and will to struggle of the American continents would throw over a million by means of direct bribery of officials as in Ameri- ca part of that world which has entered into the workers and lead to the adoption of revolutionary workers out of employment. A repudiation of the ca; second, by means of an alliance between the epoch of the proletarian revolution or has it not methods of fighting. debts owing to the United States by the rest of the Government and the Stock exchange as in France been drawn into that main stream, of development On the colonial front, the conversion of capital- world would wreck our financial system. A revolu- and America." (Origin of the Family). And Marx ism into a world system of financial enslavement tion in England would shatter the American eco- declares in the "Critique of the Gotha Program" which is leading toward the overthrow of capital- of the overwhelming majority of the population of nomic and political structure beyond repair. A ism? that it is precisely in "this ultimate political form Lenin has pointed out that governments are the earth by a handful of "civilized states," changes successful nationalist revolutionary unification of of bourgeois society is the class struggle to be dictatorships and has described the state "as an the individual national economic unities into "the China in alliance with the Soviet union (an even- fought to its ultimate conclusion." instrument of exploitation of the oppressed class" links of a unified chain of world economy" and at tuality not at all improbable) would not only de- It was not therefore the fact that the United, (State and Revolution). Can this formulation be the same time splits the population of the earth stroy our markets and investments in Asia but States was a democratic republic or England a applied to a democratic republic where universal into two camps, driving the overwhelming majority would imperil them in Europe as well. In the uni- constitutional monarchy that caused Marx to admit suffrage obtains, where there is no hereditary rank of the colonial and semi-colonial peoples to fight fied chain of world economy the breaking of any the possiblity of .a peaceful revolution in those coun- or office, where all citizens are equal before the for liberation from the imperialist yoke. link is the breaking of the entire chain. tries when writing in 1871. It was the absence of On the inter-capitalist front of imperialist the "burocratic-military machine" at that period law? antagonism and war, the already completed division •- Where Does the Revolution Begin? in these two countries. And when the opportunists Or yet again—Leninism emphasizes the neces- of colonies and "spheres of influence," the uneven sity of the violent destruction of the bourgeois state Where does the revolution begin? Should it of all lands seized upon the words of Marx to dis- machinery as a prerequisite for a transition to so- development of the different capitalist countries prove the necessity for a violent revolution "at least leading to a struggle for the redivision of the earth begin first in America because it is the most highly in some lands," Lenin answered: cialism. Yet, has not Marx himself said that in according to the changing balance of forces—all developed capitalist country with the most numer- England and America a peaceful revolution was this speeds the accumulation of new antagonisms ous working class and with highly developed tech- "Now, in the year 1917, in the epoch possible? And when Marx discusses the signifi- bringing with it new imperialist wars and a further nical prerequisites of a socialist society? of the first great imperialist war, this limi- cance of the Paris Commune and writes that the weakening of capitalism.* No—is the answer of Leninist analysis. The tation of Marx disappears, and England and proletariat cannot take over the ready-made "bu- chain breaks first at its weakest link and a chain America, the greatest and last representa- reaucratic military machine and use it for its own * To these fronts should be added a fourth, the front is "no stronger than its weakest link." tives of Anglosaxon 'f reedom'—in the sense purpose as it was before, but must destroy it," he between the Soviet Union and the capitalist -world. Thus America, tho its strongest link, is a part of the lack of militarism and burocracy specifically adds that that is necessary for "any FEBRUARY, 192 6 157 156 T H E" WORKERS MONTHLY

—fell completely into the dirty and bloody can industry and the large supply of free lands in' The trade union movement, in the other hand, against the revolutionary character of the European swamp of the bureaucratic mil- the West. These gave constant opportunities to with the socialists on the outside, was unable to labor movement. It is opposed to the itary apparatuses, to which everything the most energetic workers (the natural class develop by itself beyond pure trade unionism and movement's being directed against the must submit and -which chokes all life. leaders) to escape from the working class. could not therefore develop a socialist ideology or foundations of capitalism, and is in favor Today, in England as well as in America, This escape from the working class of whole even effect an effective separation of the working of its following tlje line exclusively of de- 'the prerequisite for any true popular revo- sections of it during every generation, together class from the capitalist political parties. mands that are 'acceptable' and 'capable lution' is the DESTRUCTION (emphasis with the stream of immigration attracted by indus- of attainment' under capitalism. It is quite Lenin's) of the 'ready made' state ma- trial expansion, made each new generation a new Lenin on Trade Union Ideology. completely in favor of the 'line of least chine." (STATE AND REVOLUTION). working class in the sense of having come recently "The history of all countries attest to resistance.' The theory of spontaneity is from Europe with a new language, new traditions, the ideology of trade-unionism." (Stalin: the fact that, left to their own forces, the "Lenin and Leninism"). The Backwardness of the American Working Class. a new standard of living, and no inheritance of working class can only attain to trade un- working-class traditions from the generation that ion consciousness, to the conviction that is The theory of spontaneity denies to the party For a revolution to be successful, it is not only had preceded it in America. Thus, to the lack of necessary to unite in unions, wage the its role; it is against the party's "interfering" too necessary that the objective conditions be ripe, but class fixity was added a lack of continuous tradi- struggle against the bosses, obtain from much in the spontaneous developments of the la- the subjective factors also must be at hand—name- tions without which no class can develop revolu- the government such or such labor re- bor movement and thereby leads to the party's be- ly, a working class that is revolutionary, led by a tionary class consciousness. Without such traditions forms, etc. coming a mere tail hanging on to the .rear of the -conscious revolutionary party. The American the consciousness of a class must remain on an "As to the socialist doctrine, it arose labor movement and dragging on behind it. working-lass is still far from following the leader- elementary plane because each generation must from philosophic, historic, and economic (Khvostism—tailism). "This theory is the logical ship of the Communist Party. It is still largely make its class discoveries anew. With the great theories elaborated by certain educated basis for all opportunism." (Lenin and Leninism resting its faith in the capitalist system and in the strikes of the 70's and 80's culminating in general representatives of the possessing classes, —emphasis Stalin's). leadership of the capitalist parties, and is only just strikes and the fantastic growth of the Knights the intellectuals. In their social situation beginning to form itself as a separate class, as of Labor relatively high level of class consciousness the founders of contemporary scientific so- (4) Incapacity for self criticism. expressed, by the movement for a labor party. was reached which, however, the American work- cialism, Marx and Engels, were bourgeois In this connection Lenin points out that The question thus arises: why is it that in the ing class did not maintain. Yet there was already intellectual s." ("WHAT IS TO BE "revolutionary experience and ability in most developed capitalist country of the world, the greater class fixity for the lands of the West were DONE?"—Lenin). organizing are things which are acquired working class is so backward in comparison with by that time largely closed to the workers. The provided that one wishes them, provided the less developed capitalist countries of Europe? failure to maintain these gains was due to a new Lenin, in the work cited above as in other that one is conscious of his faults—a Secondly, can we speak of revolution in Ameri- rapid expansion of American industry, not hori- writings, analyzes the defects of the trade union knowledge that, in revolutionary matters ca, when the working class is so undeveloped and zontally (to unoccupied lands), but vertically, thru ideology both in the "pure" form as it exists in the is equivalent to a half-correction of errors. sections of it are even counter-revolutionary, and trustification and then to the entrance of America unions themselves, and in its injurious effects when "But the half-evil becomes a true evil may we expect a radicalisation of the American on its imperialist career. it is carried over into the party. when that consciousness commences to workers in the near future? The industrialization and trustification, of obscure itself . . . when people and even American capitalism drew in enormous masses of Trade unionist ideology is: social-democratic organs, (this was writ- Causes of American Backwardness. unskilled workers recruited from ever fresh waves ten in 1902 when Lenin was a member of of European immigration (not, as before, skilled (1) The underestimation of the role of con- the social-democratic party) appear ready The class consciousness of a working class mechanics from Northern Europe, but 'unskilled sciousness and of theory in the proletarian move- to elevate their faults into good qualities depends not merely upon the technical and organ- ment. izational development of capitalism asnd the standard landworkers and peasants from Southern and East- and try even TO JUSTIFY THEORETI- of living of the workers, but also upon its traditions ern Europe with a lower standard of living and a "The majority of the 'economists' CALLY THEIR SERVILE SUBMISSION and the historical 'Conditions under which it has lower and less proletarian standard of culture). (Russian representatives 'of trade union TO SPONTANEITY." (Emphasis ours— Thus it became necessary for expanding industry ideology in the workingclass party—B. D. J. S. and B. D. W.). developed. to grant concessions to the skilled workers in As a whole, the standard of living of the Ameri- W. and J. S.), with perfect sincerity disap- Thus we see that trade-unionist ideology when can workers today is still higher than that of the America in order the better to exploit the vastly prove, and by the very essence of econom- larger masses of the unskilled. To this may be it enters into the party in the form of an uncon- workers of any other country in the world. But ism, can not help but disapprove of all scious submission to spontaneity, passes over from this does not mean that the American working class traced the rapid triumph of the A. F. of L. over the theoretical discussion, all factional differ- Knights of Labor and the creation of the basis for ences, all big political questions (cf. the complete lack of theory (simple trade unionism) will have to be reduced to the standard of living of the development of pure and simple, aristocratic to the construction of a false theory by way of other countries before it will become as revolu- charges of "high politics" in the American attributing to objective conditions the errors com- tionary as the proletariat elsewhere. Any attempt craft trade-unionism and for the divisions into the Party) . . . the trade unionist (is of the) skilled and unskilled, the organized and unorgan- mitted thru submission to spontaneity. By this to reduce a standard of living, from whatever level, opinion that our business is the labor move- theoretical construction the error itself is elevated meets with resistance. Levels are not absolute but ized. ment and all the rest is doctrinaire inven- This new stratification and these fresh streams tion, and 'overestimation of ideology.'" to the dignity of a theory and thus becomes a con- relative within a given country and it is in terms of immigration robbed the American working class scious submission to spontaneity. (E. g. "The of its own level that a working class judges "high" of its organized leadership and largely wiped out Similarly Lenin speaks of "An extremely curi- masses do not want a labor party" and "The isola- or "low." Yet capitalism must attempt to lower the populism, American utopianism, and German ous trait of our economism: the fear of publicity tion of the T. U. E. L. is entirely due to objective the level of the American working class and is so socialism and anarchism that had developed up to (in political discussions)." (Both quotations from conditions"). attempting now, and the struggle to maintain that "What is to be done?"—Lenin). (5) Underestimation of the relations with standard of living becomes a revolutionary struggle that tune, reducing the socialist movement to a other classes. against capitalism itself. mere sect and rendering impossible, for the time (2) Ecclecticism. being, the further development along lines hitherto ". . . Not the replacement of one Trade union ideology in the party manifests manifested toward a broad working class party. itself by "an enthusiasm for the narrowest possible The Historical Development of the American theory by another but liberty in regard to forms of activity" ("realism," "anti-adventurism"). Working Class. This was accentuated by the unmarxian character all theoretic systems, ecclecticism and the of the German socialists in America and their sec- absence of principles." (Ibid). In its effort to correct the old dangerous sectarian- The American working class crystalized very tarianism, so sharply criticized by Marx and Engels, ism which separated the socialists from the unions, slowly and very late because of the lack of class which prevented them from utilizing the trade (3) Spontaneity. it falls into a new sectarianism of exclusive action fixity until recently, due, in the first place, to the unions for the building of a broader working class "The theory of bowing before spon- in the unions and separation from the unorganized rapid expansion and natural advantages of Ameri- party. taneity sets itself *ip quite decisively and from all other classes. 158 THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1926 159

This Lenin attacks very sharply in the work the day revolution and the dictatorship of the pro- All these factors make for a greater homo- intensified and politicalized—carried out more sys- cited above and warns that a true political socialist letariat. geneity and permanence in the working class. They tematically and in a more organized and more com- (communist) consciousness cannot be developed furnish the prerequisites-for the development of a munist fashion. so long as the vanguard of the working class limits New Tendencies in the American Working Class definite cumulative and continuous working class A new factor in the revolutionization and de- its activity entirely to activity within the unions. Movement. tradition in America. velopment of the proletarian consciousness of the He goes further and points out that it is not suffi- The mechanization of industry further develops working class today and one we are prone to neg- cient to limit our activities to the unions and the American capital has abandoned its former this tendency by the breaking down of craft skill. lect, is the existence, and continued socialist growth shops, nor even exclusively to the working class. isolation and is now definitely imperialist. For the This is counteracted in part by the granting of con- of the Soviet Union. The party must hold this Only then can a communist consciousness be de- working class this means new allies and the stimu- cessions to certain upper sections of the working constantly as a symbol to the American working veloped and a proletarian revolution be prepared lation of the development of internationalism. Al- class in great industries to prevent the organization class of the concrete achievements and meaning when the vanguard of the proletariat concerns ready this is manifesting itself in highly developed of the large masses of the unskilled. It is further of Leninism. itself with all social classes and leads the working forms such as the proposal among different sections counteracted by the possibility of the world's richest class to concern itself with all classes. The party of the organized labor movement to send a trade- imperialism to bribe strategic sections of the work- Multiform Activity. must react to every manifestation of oppression ' union delegation to Russia and in a deep love for ing class out of its imperialist super-profits. and injustice, wherever it may be produced and the Soviet union among the masses of the unorgan- Thus we find conflicting tendencies, some lead- From what was said above about the necessity whatever class or social stratum may suffer from ized workers. ing to broader forms of struggle and others to a of the proletariat's concerning itself with the life it. The party must know how to utilize every such Imperialism is developing in America an unpa- complete abandonment of the struggle (class col- and problems of all classes, it follows that we must instance for the advantage of the proletariat and ralleled gigantic, centralized • military-burocratic laboration) ; some leading to greater homogeneity develop a multiform activity, we must at all times for the extension of the influence of the party and machine controling every department of life. The and solidarity, others to still further stratification analyze the entire political and economic situation the class it represents. This attitude is summed big monopolies that have grown up and are still as a result of which we may expect finally a split in the country and not merely that part of it which up in Lenin's famous dictum: "The social-democrat expanding with "every day a merger day" control in the bureaucracy and the aristocracy of labor it- is the "immediate concern" of the proletariat. (communist) ought not have as his ideal the trade- this government and use it alike for foreign politics self, some joining with the militant proletariat and union secretary, but the 'tribune of the people,'" and home oppression. Then- labor-hating policies assuming leadership there and the rest becoming The Leninization of the Party. ("What is to be done?"). lead to the use of the government as strikebreaker the shameless and open parasitic allies of capital Not only must the proletariat develop a con- Thus in America, trade-union ideology mani- and this is naturally poh'ticah'zing ever-larger sec- and the frank betrayers of the working class. tinuous tradition but the party itself must have a fested itself in our party in a certain opposition to tions of the workers and winning for the working tradition of its own—a Leninist tradition. For the work among the farmers, among the Negroes, and class new allies among other sections of the popula- What is Our Task? development of our party to the point where it can among the housewives, in the underestimation of tion oppressed by the same combines and their gov- In such a situation our task is clear. The con- carry on these gigantic tasks in a complicated situ- the youth work, in indifference to anti-imperialist ernment-machine. scious revolutionary vanguard must more success- ation without losing itself and without falling into work, in opposition oh principle to the LaFollette The anti-union policies of such powerful com- fully penetrate the unions in larger numbers and, those deviations to the right or to the left that are manoeuver, in indifference to such phenomena as binations of capital can no longer be fought by the better organized thru communist fractions, we most prone to occur in a period of partial stabiliza- the Scopes case, Teapot Dome, prohibition, the old methods or by the old limited craft organiza- must rally around us a broader left bloc on the tion, especially in that country where the stabiliza- Wholesale departure of the bankrupt farmers from tions. This new situation develops new, forms of basis of a broad class program and throw all its tion is at its highest level (the strongest link in the the land, etc. In the Young Workers League we unionism on the one hand (amalgamation, indus- influence on the side of that tendency which makes chain of capitalist world economy), we must estab- find a similar phenomenon! in a certain reluctance trial unionism, mass unions of the hitherto unor- for class struggle, for consciousness, for the politi- lish theoretical clarity in our ranks, fight bitterly to work among the students. This was originally ganized) and on the other, it leads to complete sur- calization of the trades' union movement and for not only deviations themselves but the demagogy a healthy reaction against the student domination render of a fighting policy and to class collabora- the organization of the unorganized, workers,— that seeks to prevent their correction. We-must and the unproletarian composition of the old Yipsel tion. thereby transforming the unions into real mass root out that trade union ideology that Lenin called movement. But it has now become harmful and economic organizations for militant struggle and the source of all opportunism; we must raise the must be rooted out. The Crystallization of the American Working Class. for the schooling of the working class in commu- whole theoretical level of our party and of our class To the comrades who are afraid that his mul- This contradictory development is manifested nism. and set ourselves consciously and systematically tiple activity in all strata of the population, will also in the changes in composition and in the de- to the study of Marxism and Leninism and the ap- destroy the proletarian character of our movement velopment of stratification on the one hand and Towards a Leninist Party. plication of their methods to American problems and our work, Leninism replies not with sectarian- homogeniety on the other in the working class. The In the light of Leninist analysis it becomes ap- and to our daily activities. ism and the limitation of our activities, but with "filling-up" of the free -lands of the West and the parent -that the elementary and fundamental task more clarity in principle, a higher theoretical level, change of direction of further expansion thru the of the party is to accelerate the class formation of The Leninist Worker. a more ruthless struggle against all deviations from export of capital replacing reinvestment at home the American working class. To this primary task - The party must develop a continuous leader- the strict line of Marxism-Leninism a firmer disci- and even import make a supply of fresh immigrants all our activities must be directed, for it is the first ship of professional revolutionaries giving their full pline, a more active "interference" of the party in unnecessary. . There is an adequate reserve army step in the development of the proletarian revolu- time to the movement. "The organization of revo- all of the work of its members, the organization of at home. This restriction of immigration is a fac- tion in the United States, otherwise all social strug- lutionaries (Communist Party) must before all and the entire party into fractions in all organizations tor working toward greater fixity and homogeneity gles will remain within the framework of capital- principally consist of those who make revolutionary in which we work and the control of these fractions of the working class and the closing of the Western ism. The working class must break with the ..cap- activity their profession." ([Lenin: "What is to by the central authority of the party. lands helps in the same direction. The disposses- italist political parties and form a party of its own, be done?") These are the "vanguard of the van- Indeed, from a certain standpoint Leninism can sing of the farmer on an ever larger scale reinforces a party having as its foundation the broad and rela- guard." Whether they are intellectuals or workers be characterized as a theory of the allies of the the working class with native elements already hos- tively permanent base of the trade unions. This does not matter. "In the face of these general proletarian revolution, that is to say, the strategy tile to the rule of finance capital. The industriali- does not mean, however, that we must wait until characteristics of the members of such an organ- of gaining allies, accumulating reserves, taking zation of the South further adds American elements we have won all or even the majority of the trade ization all differences between workers and intel- from capitalism and imperialism such reserves as (the Negro) to the working class. unions to the labor party (idea of the "all-inclusive lectuals must completely disappear (emphasis Len- it may have, and neutralizing such sections of the Again, the large-scale nature of modern cap- labor party"); it will be time to give organizational in's) not to speak of the differences of trade and population as cannot be wholly won as allies. A . italist enterprise makes impossible the dream of form to our efforts in that direction when at least occupation." (Ibid). movement which does not concern itself with the escaping from the working class and thus makes a half-million organized workers are prepared to Lenin points out that it is easier for an intel- problem of alliances proves thereby that it does possible the development of greater class consci- support the labor party. lectual to develop the full consciousness and knowl- not take seriously and has not put on the order of ousness. •Our work in the trade unions must be extended, edge necessary to become a revolutionary leader FEBRUARY, 19 2,6 161 160 - THE WORKERS MONTHLY another link of the capitlaist chain had to break. than for a worker to do so and that every care on that which is 'accessible' to the laboring That the chain broke at its weakest link was masses, to the 'average rank and filer' should be taken and every effort made to develop »> surprising to—those who has not learned the les- leaders "not out of the average, rank-and-file work- sons of Marxian analysis. er, but out of the superior worker" capable of de- We have spoken of the backwardness of the The war had proceeded only six months when veloping such capacities. American working class and of the low theoretical the inadequacy of tsarist Russia to conduct the "In order to prepare himself complete- level of our party. These genuine "American" char- struggle began to be apparent. The inadequacy ly for his task, the revolutionary worker acteristics the party must strive to eliminate. But of Russia's factory system to keep 12,000,000 sol- ought also to become a professional revo- certainly we can find partial consolation in the diers supplied with the modern equipment of war lutionist. . . . Every talented working knowledge that there exists another "American" was shown by many things, as, for instance, the class agitator ought not to be working characteristic in which the development of the Len- sending of hundreds of thousands of soldiers to the eleven hours in the shop. We ought to inist worker in this country will find great support. front unarmed, where they were expected to drill arrange things so that he can live at the "The union of the Russian revolu- with sticks of wood until enough of the armed sol- cost of the party . . . if not he will tionary spirit with American practicality diers were killed off to enable them to arm them- not acquire great experience, will not wid- —that is the essence of Leninism in Party selves with the dead comrades' weapons. The en his horizon. . . . And we commit work. ... bureaucratic government and military machinery an error in not stimulating the workers "Only this union will give us the com- was notoriously corrupt—with army officers ped- enough to go thru their revolutionary ap- pleted type of the Leninist worker and the dling the plans of battle in advance to the German^ preticenship. Rather do we drag them technique of Leninism at work." (Stalin: staff. Defeat piled upon defeat. Morale sank to back only too often with stupid speeches Lenin and Leninism). the lowest ebb. The first series of defeats of the army caused the Russian bourgeoisie to make frantic efforts to patch up the deficiencies. The millionaire indus- trialist Ryabushinsky spoke for his class in raising the slogan "Every workshop, every factory must be Lenin and the February Revolution used to break the enemy's force!" Rapidly the AEHHHCKHM fl mobilization of all class elements to win the war By Robert Minor was attempted. It could not be successfully ac- KHNPOBONVCC complished. On the one hand the landlord-bureau- H MHP030 cracy was not of the stuff that was needed. The VTOTHING could be more absurd than the idea it was a system of compromise with tzarism. In central government did not have the direct repre- Lenin, Leader of the Workers, Peasants and that the revolutionary proletariat is "not inter-- the 1905 revolution the Russian bourgeoisie had sentative relation to the capitalist system necessary Oppressed Colonial Peoples! ested" in bourgeois revolutions. The revolutionary pushed ahead only to the point where it became for its function as the head of a modern capitalist- proletariat, and above all the revolutionary party evident that its new-born enemy, the working class, imperialist war. Autocratic power in the hands of of the proletariat, is interested in all the events of was already strong enough to be more threatening a weak-witted tsar, with his court the scene, not history and especially in all revolutions. The bour- than its old enemy, tsarist feudalism. Confronted of the quickly executed commands of captains of long decades of bourgeois rule, of the stamping of geoisie has been in its own time the supremely with the danger of the proletarian revolution de- industry (as was, for instance, the American white a whole society with bourgeois ideology, and -of a revolutionary class, and many revolutions have veloping within and following upon the heels of its house), nor a place for th'e automatic rubber-stamp- "labor aristocracy" of the highest skilled workers been the results of its work. "own" revolution, the capitalist class of Russia had, ing by a nominal monarch of the plans of an astute firmly implanted as the first rank of the labor move- But history, unlike the well advertised Heinz during the revolution of 1905, quickly made its bourgeoisie (as was the "royal" institution of Great ment and' enjoying a relatively high standard of pickle factory, is not a perveyor of "pure" products. peace with tsarism and aided in crushing the prole- Britain).. In the palace of the tsar, where supreme living. The jealously guarded rule of the landlords Not only does every stabilized capitalist society car- tariat. authority was placed, the influence of a hysterical and nobles had given the capitalist class an oppor- ry over from the past many remainders of feudal The Russian imperial tsarist-bourgeois mon- woman of the lowest degeneracy—her imperial tunity to establish this condition only to a compara- society, but the bourgeois revolutions, especially strosity, after 1905, entered into a career of impe- majesty, the tsarina—could outweigh the shrewdest tively slight degree. the later bourgeois revolutions, have been "impure" rialist intrigue which entangled it in contradictions advice of an industrial king; the influence of a On the contrary, Russia had a very small, but with at least the strong germs of proletarian revolu- much sharper than the contradictions within other crazy priest turned into dust the slogans for the at the same time ideologically the most highly de- tion. Even the American Civil War served as a imperialist systems. Holding something like half mobilization of industry for the production of rifles veloped revolutionary working class. The Russian mid-wife to a certain militant phase of the Ameri- a hundred conquered nationalities within its borders and munitions. workers had been disillusioned and hardened by the can labor movement. under ruthless Cossack rule, tsarist-capitalist Rus- experience of 1905. Russia was but poorly de- The proletariat cannot understand its own sia entered into the Franco-British combination veloped industrially—it is true—but much of the revolution without understanding _ the bourgeois against Germany, and dipped deep' into intrigues in The Russian Proletariat and Its Party. existing industry was concentrated in enormous revolutions. the Balkans, supporting Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia establishments under the stimulation of foreign Especially clearly is this understood in regard against the Turks in 1912. Feudal tsarism and Rus- The lack of a long-established control of so- capital. This concentration of large groups of in- to the Russian bourgeois revolution of February, sian capitalism found a common basis in seeking the ciety by the capitalist class meant the lack of that dustrial workers tended to balance against the fact 1917, in the very body of which was present also conquest of Constantinople, and thereby made in- social machinery for the control of the labor move- of general lack of modern capitalist development the proletarian revolution which was to burst into evitable a clash with German imperialism whose ment by the bourgeoisie, relatively speaking. Not throughout Russia as a whole. mature form eight months later, shattering, with line of advance toward the East also passed through that the Russian bourgeoisie did not have its agents Russia had been presented by history with the the establishment of the dictatorship of the prole- Constantinople. among the working class. Plekhanov and other conditions for the building of the best revolutionary tariat, the bourgeois dream of a new, great capital- ex-Marxian leaders, representing the corruption of working class party in the world, and under the ist imperialism freed of medieval restrictions. Russian Capitalism and the War. Marxian theory and practice, did their best to hold leadership of Lenin such a party—the Bolshevik August, 1914, found the Russian imperial mon- the working class under the control of the bour- Party—had been hammered together in twenty Russian Capitalism After 1905. strosity plunging into the world war in partnership geoisie. But the corruption of the working class years of struggle against tsarism and opportunism. with its allies, Britain and France. by the bourgeoisie did not have the deep social roots And this revolutionary party of the workers, Capitalism developed late in Russia. As it such as it has in this country as the result of this Bolshevik Party, was firmly implanted in tflie existed in the years between about 1905 and 1917, The world war was a strain in which one or THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 192-6 162 163 form of shop nuclei in every important workshop, shaking in its boots. Troops suppressed the strike under the dissolving influence of discontent and in every factory and mine. with the most ruthless brutality, setting the work- indifference." ing class of Petrograd into flaming rage. Fran- The Role of 1905 in the February Revolution, tically the bourgeois representatives tried to head The Intrigues of Franco-British Capital. off the storm, and while hysterically condemnig the The "miraculously" quick success of the bour- strike, tried to set up a machinery of "arbitration" The dismay of the Russian big bourgeoisie was geois February revolution in Russia was, in its with which to soften the blows of the workers and heightened when in the bedlam of the tsar's court turn, made possible only by the preceding revolu- deceive them into docility. This and all other at- it became apparent that the monarchy was on the tion of twelve years before—in 1905—and th'e tempts were turned to dust in the hands of the verge of closing a separate peace of Russia with counter-revolution of 1907 which followed it. But feudal bureaucracy. Germany. This would mean a colossal disaster for not only that. The 1905 revolution and its after- the bourgeois ambitions in imperialism. British math had also served as the "dress rehearsal" which The Struggle Against the War. and French diplomats helped and even directed a made possible the quick and successful development plan for a "coup d'etat" for the overthrow of the of the proletarian revolution as well. Lenin wrote: The storm raged on. Desertions from army tsar. mounted into the hundreds of thousands. Bolshe- It was not intended that the monarchy should "This first revloution (1905), and its vik party nuclei in the regiments were repeating be done away with—but that Nicholas II should succeeding counter-revolutionary period the slogans of "Peace, Land and Liberty" to the be removed through a "palace revolution" (such as during 1907-1914, fully revealed the nature peasant soldiers. had happened more than once before in Russian of the tsarist monarchy and brought it to The Bolsheviki had never' slackened their fight history), and that another tsar, under the influence the verge of ruin, exposing all its infamy against the war. When practically all of the offi- of Franco-British finance capital, should be put in and vileness, and the cynicism and corrup- cial socialist parties of the world openly deserted his place. tion of the tsarist circles dominated by the socialism at the beginning of the war, the' party infamous Rasputin; it exposed all the bes- of Lenin held firm. The war found Lenin living The Masses Rise Against Tsarism, tiality of the Romanoff family—that band near the Russian border in Galicia, whence he was of assassins which bathed Russia in the - compelled to go to Switzerland. His struggle there While the British Ambassador, Buchanan, was blood of Jews, the workers, the revolu- for the cause of international socialism—for revolu- plotting with the representatives of Russian capital, Lenin, Leader of the World Revolution. tionaries—those 'first among peers,' who the workers and the city population generally pro- tionary Marxian Socialism—is a book in itself. It ceeded on their own line. owned millions of acres of land and would cannot be written here; we can only say that the of the tsar with the intention of enriching stoop to any brutality, to any crime, ready leadership of the Russian Bolshevik Party (which Lenin described it: itself by exploiting Armenia, Constan- to ruin or crush any section of the popula- was called the Russian Social Democratic Labor tinople and Galicia. tion, however numerous, in order to pre- Party joined with the Central Committee, distin- "A fortunate coincidence of favorable serve the 'sacred property rights' of them- guishing it from the Menshevik section which held conditions in 1917 enabled different social "4—The further power, which com- selves and of their class. to the same Party name) held aloft the banner of forces opposing tsarism to co-operate in bined with the bourgeois, imperialistic "Without the Revolution of 1905-1907, proletarian revolution and prepared as best it could one general action for power. These forces forces, and the most, important of all, was without the counter-revolution of 1907- for the coming revolution. are: a strong proletarian movement, the organ- 1914, it would have been impossible to Lenin wrote: "1—Anglo-French financial capital, ized and revolutionary workers. The pro- secure so clear a self-definition of all clas- that rules and exploits the whole world letariat made the Revolution by demand- ses of the Russian people and of all the "Nor can it any longer be doubted that through investments and Imperialism. In ing peace, bread and liberty.- It had noth- nationalities in Russia, or so clear an align- the war is an imperialistic war on both 1905 it was opposed to the revolution, and ing in common with the imperialistic gov- ment of these classes in relation to each sides; only the capitalists and then* adher-. helped tsarism crush the revolution by ernment, and it secured the support of the other and to the tsarism, as transpired ents, the social-patriotic 'Socialists' who means of the big loan of 1906 (largely en- majority of the army, consisting of work- during the eight days of the March, 1917, support the war and their government and gineered by French capital against the des- ers and peasants. Revolution. . . ." abandon Socialism, can deny or suppress pairing protest of the revolutionary democ- this fact. Both the German and the Anglo- racy). But now Anglo-French finance took "Without the three years, 1905-1907, The Political Crisis and the Discontent of the French feuorgeoisie are waging war for the an active part in the revolution by organ- of tremendous class conflicts and revolu- Masses, conquest of foreign territory, for the sup- izing the coup d'etat of the Guchkovs and tionary energy of the Russian proletariat, pression of small nations, for the financial Milyukovs, the bourgeois interests and the this second revolution could not possibly With the unsuccessful conduct of the war and supremacy of the world, for the division leading military groups for the overthrow have had the rapid progress indicated in the breakdown of the economic system supporting and re-distribution of colonies. It is a war ' of the tsar. From the standpoint of world- the fact that its first phase, the overthrow the war, the tsar's ministries arose and fell in reg- to save the tottering capitalist regime, by politics, the Provisional Government of of tsarism, is accomplished in a few days. ular succession, none able for any length of time deceiving the workers in the various coun- Milyukov-Guchkov is simply the clerk of The Revolution of 1905 ploughed the to ride the storm. tries and causing dissension among them. the banking firm England, France & Co., ground deeply and wiped out the preju- In the factories of Petrograd (which had "pa- and a means of prolonging the imperial-* dices of centuries; it awakened to political triotically" changed its name from the German form istic war. life and struggle millions of workers and of St. Petersburg and was yet to change it again) Russian Tsarist-Capitalism Collapses. tens of millions of peasants. ..." and in those of Moscow and other cities, the ther- "2—-The defeats in the war waged by mometer of discontent rose every day, and in the The opening of the Duma in February, 1916, the government of the tsar. These result- "bread lines" awaiting turns to get miserable doles found imperialist Russia on the verge of disin- ed in clearing out the old guard in control The Soldiers Join the Workers in Revolt. of bread on war-tickets the revloutionary spirit tegration. The bourgeoisie pulled together a "pro- of the army and created a new and young bourgeois group of officers. On the 8th of March, 1917, workers began to rapidly solidified. Toward the end of 1916 this took gressive bloc" of its supporters in the attempt to riot on the streets of Petrograd in protest against the form of wide-spread agitation for a political bring capitalist order into the feudal chaos. But - "3—The Russian 'bourgeoisie in its the bread shortage. On the next day the streets general strike. the bourgeois leader, Shidlovsky, expressed the different groups. The bourgeisie organ- failure with the cry: "The forces of the nation, became torrents of marching, singing, shouting Suddenly the voice of the working class rang ized itself rapidly between 1905 and 1917, workers. On the 10th of March, a Saturday, the above the bedlam. A strike at the Putilov munition bereft of unity, aim and guidance, have been spent and has united with the nobility in the in vain, and the great national effort has weakened police began shooting workers on the,street. Sun- factory (near Petrograd) set the bourgeoisie to struggle against the corrupt government day morning found the city still more densely FEBRUARY, 19 2 6 164 THE WORKERS MONTHLY 165 manner, of absolutely opposed movements, proletarian heroism in the civil war against packed with demonstrating workers. The troops even obtained power after the proletariat absolutely different class interests, and ab- were called out, and fired upon the workers, but had delivered the first blows against tsar- tsarism; you must now display marvels of solutely hostile political and social tenden- proletarian organization and international one body of troops, the Pavlovsky regiment, after ism. Nor is this government a fortuitous cies. -The Anglo-French imperialists were shooting down some workers at the command of assemblage of persons. action in order to secure your victory in behind Milyukov, Guchkov &. Co. in their the second stage of the revolution.' ... their officers, marched back to the barracks declar- seizure of power in the interests of pro- ing that they would not fire upon their fellow- "The persons in this new government "Through Kerensky," said Lenin, "the are the representatives of a new class that longing an imperialistic war, with the ob- imperialistic bourgeoisie addresses the workers again. has risen to political power, in Russia, the jects of waging the war more savagely and . workers as follows: 'We give you the re- The Bolshevik Party nuclei were working like class of the bourgeoisie and capitalistic . obstinately, accompanied by the slaughter public, the eight-hour day (which actually fury among the soldiers of the garrison. That landowners. This class has already and of new millions of Russian workers and exists in Petrograd), we promise you this Saturday night was. a big night for the party of for a long time been ruling our country peasants, that the class of Guchkov might and that liberty, but only because we want Lenin, and also for all the many sympathetic and economically; in the Revolution of 1905- have Constantinople, the French might you to hlep us take away the .booty from partially sympathetic elements among the workers 1907, in the counter-revolutionary period have Syria, the English Mesopotamia, etc. German Imperialism and turn it over to and soldiers. of 1907-1914, and then, with extraordinary That was one element in the situation, English and French Imperialism.'" rapidity, in the period of the war, this new which united with another and opposite Monday morning, March 12, dawned with at class organized itself politically, swiftly element,—the profound proletarian and On March 18th the -Central Committee of .the least two regiments won over to the revolution. taking into its hands local administrations, popular mass movement, consisting of all Bolshevik Party issued a Manifesto containing the The Volhynsky regiment marched out of its bar- popular education, conventions of every the poorest classes of the cities and the following demands: "Democratic republic; eight- racks, bound for the arsenal in Liteynaya Ulitza, type, the Duma, the war industry commit- provinces, revolutionary in character and hour day; confiscation of the landed estates of the and on the way was joined by the Litovsky Guards. tees, etc. This bourgeois class was already demanding bread, peace and real freedom nobility in favor of the peasants; confiscation of Tsarist officers quickly gathered as many loyal practically in power in 1917; therefore the n ' stocks of grain; immediate preparations for peace troops as possible to bar the way to the arsenal, first blows against tsarism were sufficient negotiations,—not through the government of but these were beaten and driven back, several to destroy it, and to clear the ground for The Proletarian Revolution on the Order of the Day! Guchkov and Milyukov, but through the Council of more regiments joining the revolt. By Wednesday the bourgeoisie. The imperialistic war, re- To the astonishment of the "Marxian" sup- Workers and Soldiers.This council according to the night, after three days of fighting and skirmishing quiring an incredible exertion of strength, porters of the bourgeoisie, Lenin immediately raised Manifesto, constitutes the actual revolutionary gov- and feverish agitation in barracks and on street imparted to backward Russia a tremen- the question of the proletarian revolution: vernment. ..." corners—Petrograd was in the hands of the rebel- dous acceleration. At a single stroke, at lious troops and workers. "The first revolution arising out of the Lenin saw through the maze of illusions and least it seemed like 'a single stroke,' we general imperialistic war has broken out. pseudo-Marxian cant. He declare^: The tsar's police during this time were alter- caught up with Italy, England, France al- And this first revolution will certainly not "Alongside of the Guehkov-Milyukov nately fighting and running to cover. Toward the most; we secured a 'coalition,' a 'national' be the last. last those of them who had not disappeared were government (which means a government government, representing the imperialistic hunted out of then- sniping nests on the roofs of to carry on the imperialistic slaughter and "The first phase of this first revolu- bourgeoisie, there is developing a new, un- houses and disposed of by the workers and soldiers. deceive the people),—in short, a 'parlia- tion, namely, the Russian Revolution of official, as yet-undeveloped and compara- mentary' government. March, 1917, has been completed. Nor will tively weak government, representing the The Tsar Abdicates. this first phase be the last phase of our interests of the proletariat and of the entire "The government of Guchkov-Mil- Revolution." poorer elements of the city and country On the next. Thursday, March 15, 1917, the yukov, the government of the junkers and population. This is the government of the bewildered semi-idiot, Tsar Nicholas II, autocrat of the capitalists, can give neither bread nor To the pleas of the Mensheviki and Socialist Soviets, the Councils of Workers and Sol- all the Russians, tremblingly put "his signature to peace nor liberty to the people. It con- Revolutionaries that "this is a bourgeois revolution" diers' Delegates. . . ." the paper of abdication of the throne. stitutes a government for the continuation and that therefore the proletariat must not and can- not proceed toward the taking of power into its own The Soviets, in the hands of the "socialist" of the war of conquest, which openly de- hands, Lenin replied: Lenin's Analysis of the Situation. clares that it will respect the international agents of the bourgeoisie, issued official screams treaties of the tsar. These treaties have " 'Our revolution is a bourgeois revo- of protest against this bold declaration of the revo- Lenin's writings from Switzerland at this first as their purpose: robbery. This govern- lution, therefore the workers should sup- lutionary role of the Soviets. The newspapers of moment of the revolution were gall and wormwood ment can at most postpone the crisis, but port the bourgeoisie,'—this is the cry of April 16, 1917, carried the following official decla- to the bourgeois political servants, the Mensheviks, it can not free the country from hunger; the worthless politicians in the camp of the ration of the Petrograd Soviet: who, like their bourgeois masters, saw in these it has no power to give freedom, no matter 'Socialist' compromisers and opportunists. "Whereas, we have received from great events only a bourgeois revolution leading to what has been promised, because it is con- a capitalist republic. Lenin raised again more " 'Our revolution is a bourgeois revo- comrades information concerning the •forcefully than ever the slogans against the impe- nected with the interests of feudal land lution,' say we Marxists, 'therefore the So- spreading of subversive propaganda, pro- rialist war—for the very purpose of continuing property and of capital. cialist workers should open the eyes of the ceeding under the cover of the flag of the which the bourgeoisie and their Anglo-French ". . . The whole course of events people to the deceptive practices of the Revolution, and sometimes even under the friends had helped the overthrow of the tsar. Lenin ' in the March Revolution shows clearly that bourgeois politician, should teach the peo- flag of the Social-Democracy, and concern- wrote from Switzerland: the English and French embassies, with ple not to believe in words, but to depend ing particularly the propaganda of the so- their agents and 'connections,' who had wholly on their own strength, on their own called Leninites; and, "The workers and soldiers of Petro- long made tremendous efforts to prevent organization, on their own unity, and on "Whereas, we consider this propagan- grad, as well as of the rest of Russia, self- _a 'separate' agreement and a separate their own military equipment.' ... da to be just as harmful as any counter- sacrificingly set themselves to the task of peace between Nicholas II and Wilhelm II, "But this is a transition period. We revolutionary propaganda from the Right; fighting against the imperialistic slaughter. had at last determined to dethrone Nich- are emerging the first period of the Revo- and, Anglo-French finance, in the interest of olas and provide a successor for him. lution into the second, from the revolt "Whereas, we recognize the impossi- continuing and sharpening the slaughter, against tsarism into the revolt against the bility of taking any repressive measures engaged in court intrigues, planned con- "The rapid success of the revolution, bourgeoisie, against the imperialistic war. against propaganda as long as it remains spiracies, encouraged and gave hopes to the and, at first glance, its 'radical' success, In this transition the 'order of the day' is: within the bounds of propaganda, there- Guchkovs, and Milyukovs, and proceeded was produced by the unusual historical 'Workers, you have displayed marvels of fore, to erect an entirely new government, which conjuncture, in a strikingly 'favorable' THE WORKERS MONTHLY 166 FEBRUARY, 192-6 167

"We, the Executive Committee of the 'understanding' of the situation, so that the The Russian Party and the Battles of the Youth. tions, and the relative weakness of the class strug- Soviet of Soldiers' Delegates, declare that majority of the people may realize the ne- gle. In such a situation the students played excel- it is absolutely necessary to take every pos- cessity of this transfer of power to the Not only, however, were the best elements of lently the role of the vanguard in the struggle 'Soviets. ..." the proletarian youth in the party but the party sible step to oppose this propaganda with carried on, in a manner of speaking, the struggle against Czarism, the role of light cavalry incessant- our own propaganda and agitation. We for the youth. The problems facing the proletarian ly tormenting the common enemy, and finally the should aim at making our organization so Lenin Arrives in Russia! youth—militarism, extreme economic exploitation role of a reserve from which the political parties strong that it will be able at any moment just begining to arise could draw their "special to oppose with our own activity every On the famous "sealed train" through Ger- and social oppression, etc.—are problems that de- troops" (propagandists, journalists, etc.)." (Kam- counter-revolutionary activity, no matter many, Lenin arrived in Petrograd on the night of mand a revolutionary answer, that call for the wag- enev). from what quarter it may proceed. We April 16,1917, when the revolution was but a month ing the revolutionary class struggle. Mere dicker- declare emphatically that the Executive old. On the following day before a meeting .of the ing for petty reforms in parliament or a policy Lenin and the Student Youth. Committee should, to combat this subver- Bolshevik Party in Petrograd he made a report in calculated to catch petty bourgeois votes will not which he outlined his views—the outline which be- do. The proletarian youth demands more and Lenin knew well how to estimate the role of sive agitation, undertake an agitation of its the student youth under the given circumstances own, not only in the press but also in the came the basis of that classic of proletarian scien- therefore the opportunist social-democracy of Eu- tific literature—"The State and Revolution." rope had nothing to say. The problems facing the and how to maneuver in relation to them. It was military units." ... youth—which are among the most basic problems Lenin who, at the second Congress of the Russian But Lenin was inexorable. He boldly reit- With an eye cleared for sharp vision by the science of Marxism, Lenin was able to see the phe- of the proletariat—were not their problems and so Social-democratic Labor Party (1903), drafted the erated : nomenon of "dual power" which meant that the they had no answer to give except meaningless resolution "On the. Student Youth" which was adop- "Our propaganda is: all the power of phrases bestowed with the most patronizing conde- ted by the Congress—not however without impor- government must pass to the Soviets of proletarian revolution was also in the womb of Rus- sia, and that the revolutionary science in the hands scension. The strivings of the proletarian youth tant excisions (indicated below by brackets). Workers', Soldiers', Peasants', etc., Del- could find no outlet in the recognized social-demo- egates, alone, as these Soviets are the re- of the workers' revolutionary party could deliver it. "The Second Party Congress of the R. S. D. L. P. It is necessary to understand bourgeois revo- cratic movement and therefore sought other chan- greets the revival of revolutionary independence presentatives of the great majority of the nels separate from and opposed to the party. The people. To attain this end we must spread lutions. among the student youth, proposes to all Party or- history of the origin of the European youth organ- ganizations to support in every way the strivings izations—from clubs primarily based on anti-mili- of this youth, and calls upon all groups and circles tarist activity and on the struggle against appren- of students, first to place in the foreground the ticeship and economic oppression,—testifies to development of a complete, logical socialist world- this. conception among its, members, to acquaint them How different was the situation in Russia! with Marxism on the one hand and with Russian Lenin and the Youth There the Bolsheviki offered a revolutionary solu- tion to the problems of the youth and defended Populism and West European opportunism on the By Will Herberg their interests with the greatest tenacity. Who other....; secondly [to beware of the false friends fought the economic struggles of the workers of the youth who divert them from serious revolu- better than the Bolsheviki? Who carried on a more tionary education thru empty revolutionary-idealistic systematic, a more extensive, a more effective anti- phrases and philistine'laments over the harnrtfulness "Upon the youth organzation falls the gigantic almost equal extent the leading circles were largely militarist work than the Bolsheviki? Who, finally, and uselessness of a sharp polemic between the task of struggling for revolutionary internationalism, composed of young proletarians—of young workers carried on a more bitter and revolutionary political revolutionary and opposition tendencies, since these for true socialism and against the dominant op- from the shops and factories. This comparative struggle against Czarism and the bourgeoisie than false friends in practise spread only lack of principle portunism that has gone over to the side of the youthfulness contrasted- strongly with the "wise Lenin and his followers? Is it not natural then and a light-minded attitude towards revolutionary bourgeoisie."—Lenin. old" heads of European social-democracy. that the advanced proletarian youth, full of the work; thirdly] to attempt; .. .to connect them up with the social-democratic organizations. . . so as to "Lenin never concerned himself specially with spirit and fire of revolution, flocked to the banner The Role of the Youth in the Party, of the party in Russia and thereby completely neg- be able to prevent big mistakes from the very be- the youth movement. Yet naturally he could not, ginning." either in his writings or in his political calculations, It is not, therefore, the utter lack of sig- lect the task necessary under any circumstances of creating an organizationally independent move- neglect so important a factor in politics as the nificance of the proletarian youth that the absence The Decline of the Student Youth. organization of the revolutionary youth." (Kam- of a youth organization signifies , but—the exact ment of the proletarian youth? enev). opposite. The best elements of the revolutionary These are some of the reasons why "before The revolutionary days of the student youth This, in itself, is remarkable. How was it that proletarian youth were in the party, bearing the the war the proletarian youth movement in Russia were, however, fast disappearing. The rapid ad- a revolutionary of the genius of Lenin "never con- brunt of the bitter struggle against Czarism and was fused with the general movement in that it vance of the social struggle, the developing radical- cerned himself specially with the youth movement?" the bourgeoisie. had neither its own problems or its own organiza- ization of the broad masses of the workers, and the How was it—and this question covers the first— tion." But, as we have noted, this did not mean sharpening of the political struggle that began more Why did the proletarian youth find such free and more frequently to manifest itself in the form that in Russia there were no special organizations entry and such eager welcome among the Russian that the revolutionary youth was neglected. In of the revolutionary youth until the clays of 1917, fact the problem of the youth loomed large and of open class war, began to shift the center of social-democrats as compared to the extreme cool- gravity away from the student youth and as a con- that only in the stress of revolution was a Young ness of the European social-democracy. Can we absorbed a great deal of the attention of the leaders Communist League born? of social-democracy. sequence produced a considerable change in the not trace it for one thing to the obvious fact that , outlook of thp student youth itself. "Of one flesh the voteless and "parliamentarily" valueless youth and blood mth the Russian intelligentsia the stu- The Russian Revolutionary Movement and the were of no apparent use to the "respectable" Euro- The Role of the Student Youth. Youth. dents of tLose days experienced together with them pean social-democracies that were already begin- The problem proved to be somewhat compli- the ebb

The Great Importance of the 1. L, G. W. U. the convention the left cast 110 votes representing Party to which Gitlow belongs with an undying of the union, to split the broad left wing from the Convention, two-thirds of the membership against 154 for the hatred, made the announcement of Gitlow's release Communists and demoralize it. machine. to the convention. Second, failing in this, to provoke a split for Of the two conventions that of the I. L. G. Loud cheers from the left wing delegates. which the left wing, and particularly the Commu- W. U. was by far the most important for several 3. Character of the 1. L. G. W. U. Bureaucracy. Still louder cheers from the right wing dele- nists, could be blamed. reasons: Third, because of the social-democratic char- gates. The Strategy of the Left Wing. 1. Size of the Union. acter of the I. L. G. W. U. bureaucracy, its previ- A motion to invite Gitlow to address the con- The obvious strategy for the left wing in this First, because of the size of the union—it is ous training in the class struggle school enabling vention was passed unanimously. Gitlow spoke. it to fight and maneuver far more skilfully against A right wing delegate moved that his speech be situation was to expose the Sigman machine as the exceeded in this respect, according to A, P. of L. made part of the minutes. This was passed with- advocate of cooperation with the bosses, as the figures for 1924, only by the United Mine Workers the left wing than the cruder bureaucrats of the disorganizes of the union and show the convention of America, the unions of Carpenters, Painters, other A. F. of L. unions. out a dissenting vote. and the membership at large that the left wing Street Railwaymen, Railway Carmen and Electrical The why of the above is as follows: Sigman's Maneuvers in the Gitlow Case. The demand for the release of Gitlow was a stood for unity on the basis of the class struggle, Workers, It paid per capita to the A. F. of L. in good left wing issue. The left wing was going to that by this program alone could the class interests that year for 91,000 members. The figures for the As an instance of this let us take the action of of the membership be protected. Electrical Workers and Railway Carmen are padded the Sigman bureaucracy in the case of Benjamin demand endorsement of his release from the con- for convention purposes so that the I. L. G. W. II. Gitlow. vention. Gitlow is a needle trades worker and The Strategy of the Communists. even with the decrease in membership caused by On the first day of the convention a machine known to every needle trades worker as a fearless fighter. A Hutcheson, a Berry or a John L. Lewis The Communist strategy was: the Sigman policy, is actually one of the five largest delegate moved that a protest against the imprison- To firmly consolidate the left wing on the basis unions in the A. F. of L. ment of Gitlow be sent to the authorities. The mo- could have, because of the lower level of class con- of their left wing program, to turn the convention tion was carried unanimously. Then the "impart- sciousness! among their union membership, and The Fur Workers have approximately 10,000 would have, because it is their method, fought discussion into an ideological campaign to convince members. •"al chairman" of the governor's commission for the progressives and win them for that program. regulating wages and working conditions in the against Gitlow's release to the bitter end. 2. Strength of the Left Wing. ladies' garment industry in New York proceeded to Gitlow's release was expected during the holi- The Deviations of the Left Wing and the Commu- Second, because of the numerical strength of Albany, where he conferred with Governor Smith. days so the Sigman machine very cleverly man- nist Fraction from Their Line of Strategy. the left wing and its defeat of the Sigman machine By long distance telephone he informed President euvered to appear as the deus ex machina and thereby increase its prestige as against that of the In actual practice both the left wing and the in the pre-convention struggle in New York—the Sigman that Gitlow's pardon had been obtained. Communist fraction departed considerably from largest center of the ladies' garment industry. In Sigman, who hates Gitlow and the Communist left wing. Incidentally, the governor's "impartial" commission would profit also. their strategic line and the net results of the con- Actually, it was the mass pressure of the mem- vention are therefore less for the left wing than bership behind the left wing that forced Gitlow's might have been obtained. release. For this the Communist fraction must take the The Sigman machine made no fight on such responsibility. issues as a labor party, amalgamation or recogni- Its convention actions were a weird mixture of tion of Soviet Russia, altho true to its socialist leftism and opportunism—leftism in that it followed training it dragged in the issue of "political pris- an objectively splitting policy until the last day of oners" in Russia. It agreed to resolutions denoun- the convention, opportunism in that this splitting cing the Ku Klux Klan and the Fascisti. It accept- policy was'based on the naive belief that the Sigman ed a resolution providing for a trade union delega- machine was sincere enough in its unity maneuvers tion to the Soviet Union with the provision that a to make substantial concessions to the left wing member of the executive board should accompany in order to avoid a split in the union. it. It agreed formally to abandon the expulsion This complete misunderstanding of the role of policy which precipitated the crisis in the union the bureaucracy in the present period, that of dis- following the Boston convention. rupters of the unions and agents of the capitalists In other words the I. L. G. W. U. bureaucracy in the union, is responsible also for a desire, and made concessions to the left wing which the left even attempts, which manifested themselves from wings in other unions can visualise only in dreams time to time during the convention to share control of the distant future. of the union with sections of the Sigman machine. Not only was the objectively splitting policy 4. Size of the Communist Fraction. and tactics based on lingering remains of confidence Fourth, the I. L. G. W. U. convention is im- in the Sigmanites as "honest trade unionists." It portant because of the size of the Communist con- had the additional and extremely dangerous defect vention fraction. The strength or weakness of the of being based on a wrong estimation of the relation- left wing in Philadelphia was the strength or weak- ship of forces in the needle trades industry, to say ness of the Communist fraction and therefore a test nothing about its not taking into account at all the of the correctness of understanding of the policy relationship of forces in the whole American labor and tactics of our party in this field. movement. Our party in its work in the trade unions does The Strategy of the Sigman Machine, not "make a fetish of unity" but it has a right to The Sigman machine disclosed a carefully insist that when an objectively secessionist policy worked out two-sided strategy: is followed by a Communist fraction in a needle First, by concessions, liberal gestures and "un- trades union affiliated with the A. F. of L. that some ity" maneuvers, accompanied by a vituperative de- consideration be given to the fact that in the power- nunciation of the Communist Party, with the pur- ful Amalgamated Clothing Workers union the left LENIN AT WORK. pose of convicting it and its members as disrupters wing is almost non-existent. 175 174 THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1926

Our party also had to take into consideration Communist observers at the convention inter- concluded after the struggle in New York with the The Left Wing Sways to the Other Extreme. the fact that the left wing in the I. L, G. W. U. had preted this action correctly as the second open sign rank and file committee of action and which stipu- From a split position the day before, the left been built up largely as a result of the struggle of an objectively splitting policy. They were cor- lated among other things that certain important wing now swayed to the other extreme as a result against the expulsion policy of the machine and rect and in a very short time their judgement was questions be submitted to referendum and that the of this new evidence of the desire for "unity" on that what jurists call "a reasonable doubt" exists confirmed by the refusal of the left wing to serve representation to joint boards be on a proportional the part of the bureaucracy. So overcome was it as to whether workers who fought for the right of on the convention committees. The reason given basis. with what might be termed the "peace on earth, militants to stay in the union would follow them for this was that the appointments of left wingers The Walkout of the Left Wing. good will to men" feeling that it made no fight for out with the same loyalty into a secessionist move- had been handled by the machine so as to keep the proportional representation for joint boards in gar- ment. most able off the most important committees The left wing delegation promptly left the con- ment centers outside of New York—a failure which There is in addition the one decisive fact that —such as those on the report of the general execu- vention without even making a statement. under slightly different circumstances uaight have a left wing which appears in this period of the tive board, organization, and appeals. The threatened split became an actual fact. created serious dissension in the left wing—allowed development of the American labor movement as Subsequently the left wing formally agreed to But the left wing leaders stubbornly insisted First Vice-President Nlnfo to be elected without the advocate of unity of the American labor move- appear before the committees but to the best of my that they had no intention of seceding and no nominating a candidate against him, and in nomi- ment and of the world trade union movement, and knowledge this policy was not carried out. If it amount of argument seemed to convince them that nating its own candidates for other offices failed whose whole prestige is based on this fact, cannot was it was in a very half-hearted manner. one does not need to deliberately plan a split to to take the opportunity to state that the left wing carry out a secessionist policy in this stage of the The refusal to serve on the convention com- have a policy which produces one. supported these candidates because they in turn struggle without bringing disaster on itself and on mittees had been announced with the belief that In spite of the protestations of the left wing it stood on the left wing platform. the entire left wing. the machine would yield to pressure and revise the is my belief that the leaders had no intention of So much for the mistakes of the left wing- Neither can it afford, in the absence of a center committee appointments. returning to the convention unless the Sigman ma- mistakes for which I repeat, the Communist frac- group in the convention, to enter into election com- chine made certain concessions. If they did not tion must stand responsible. This is obvious when promises with the bureaucrats. The Provocation Policy of the Machine. intend to secede they have the difficult task of we know that out of 110 left wing delegates 52 Both of these dangers confronted the left wing explaining why they staked everything on the pos- were Communists. in the I. L. G. W. TJ. convention. That these ten- Not only did it not do this but it began a policy sibility of the machine making concessions and pre- dencies were overcome, that the left wing did not of deliberate provocation obviously intended to pared no way for a retreat with their forces intact. The Causes of the Mistakes of the Left Wing. deal itself a blow from which it would not easliy enrage the left wing still further and provoke a As a matter of fact the machine did make some These mistakes were due to the inflated im- recover, is a tribute to its working class character, further tendency towards secession. Continual minor organizational concessions and the left wing portance attached to the issue of union control and consciousness and militancy. insulting speeches by Sigman were used to increase to a certain provincialism which fails to see the the tension. returned to the convention. The concessions made From the first day of the convention it was seem to have confirmed some of the left wing in left wing struggle as a whole, over-estimating the evident that the question of control of the union, Only during the first part.of the debate on the the belief that its dangerous maneuver, which for importance of the needle trades in the American partial or complete, was uppermost in the minds report of the general executive board which had a few hours threatened the whole left wing in the labor movement, and finally to a lack of ideological of the left wing—including the Communist fraction. been divided into three parts—industrial conditions American labor movement with disaster, was a very preparation fo the masses of left wing followers. Controlling New York, the largest center of the and future policy, the New York situation and the morale of the organization—did this policy of pro- brilliant performance. The exact opposite is the The Essential Strength and Vitality of the union, the left wing resented the manipulation case. which gave the machine a convention majority to vocation relax. Left Wing. which it was not entitled. Without any clear and The reason for this was that the machine The Dangers of the Walkout Maneuver. Such mistakes are not fatal if corrected and open formulation of its purpose, the left wing real- hoped to administer a moral and political defeat to the left wing by showing a superior knowledge In the first place the walkout was based on the fact that the left wing went thru three weeks ly intended to club the machine into giving substan- the idea that the Sigmanites, in spite of their de- of ardous convention struggle without losing a tial concessions or else to secede. It did not at first of the industry and the history of the union. Much single delegate, that in New York the workers to the surprise of the bureaucracy and, I think, to liberate provocation of a split, would yield rather see that the Sigman machine was ready and willing than see the union divided. showed their intense interest in the convention and to provoke a split if the left wing could be made to some extent of the left wing itself, the left wing support of the left wing by huge mass meetings, carry the blame for it. showed at least an equal knowledge of the special In the second place, had not concessions been that in Philadelphia, a thousand needle workers met, Sharp challenges amounting to ultimatums to conditions of the industry and by its superior under- made which allowed the left wing to save its face, listened to and endorsed the left wing program dur- the Sigmanites were made by left wing speakers standing of capitalist development in the United the left would either have had to actually secede, ing the convention, proves that the left wing is right at the beginning of the convention. No ob- States, coupled with its fight for a program based having led the membership to this point, or to have essentially sound with vitality enough to overcome jection could be made to these evidences of mili- on the class struggle, was able to defeat the ma- gone back into the convention defeated and demor- any wrong tendencies. tancy had they been accompanied by clear explana- chine in the debate on this question. alized. tions of the position of the left as the defenders Needing a smashing victory over the left wing The fact that the machine yielded cannot be The Problems facing the Left Wing in the and unifiers of the organisation. But this was not on the firsx part of the officers report in order to taken as evidence of the correctness of the left I. L. G. W. U. done. In addition to this the early fight of the left break even on the whole report—for it could make wing's action or the manner in which it was carried The left wing in the needle trades faces tre- was on the question of credentials and other organ- no plausible defense of its policies in the debate out. The truth is that the Sigman machine had mendous problems. It is now officially responsible izational matters, dragged out for days, laying the on the New York situation and on the morale of been carried away by its hatred of the left wing for the interests of the union in the city of New left wing open to the charge of obstructing the the union—the Sigmanites became desperate and and the Communists and had blindly chosen an York. It has the unscrupulous tactics and bitter work of the convention. abandoned all unity maneuvers. They renewed the issue on which to provoke a split for which it could enmity of the Sigman machine, the A. F. of L. Then came, the decision of the left wing to stay provocation by such methods as the provocateur not rally all of its own forces. Hence it made bureaucracy, the bosses and the Hillman machine away from the official banquet—where Green or speech of Yanofsky—discredited and deposed editor concessions. The effect of these concessions upon of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers to contend Lewis was to speak—not to extend the fight against of Justice, the union's official organ—by threats the future attitude of the left wing in the conven- with. the machine at the banquet itself but to hold an to use police to clear the hall of the rank and file tion brings to mind the warning against Greeks The Sigman machine left the New York organ- affair of its own. The excuse given by left wing members attending the convention and culminating bearing gifts. ization penniless and hundreds of thousands of dol- leaders for this aetion was that they could not in the driving from the convention hall of delegates The machine agreed to proportional represen- lars in debt. explain to the rank and file their reasons for attend- and visitors by a squad of bluecoats. tation for the New York joint board and to submit A general strike will probably be necessary in ing the official banquet—proof in itself that the When the bureaucracy believed that the left certain questions to referendum—"not earlier than the entire New York ladies' garment industry this rank and file had not been sufficiently informed as wing could stand no more, it brazenly refused to- six months and not later than one year from the spring. A half-million dollars are needed for this to objectives and methods. abide by the provisions of the "peace agreement" adjournment of the convention." alone. 176 THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1926 177

There is but one way of meeting and solving to root out the Left Wing. The administration went that the Joint Board had been properly recognized by Following the betrayal, the Left Wing rallied these difficulties. It is by firmly consolidating the so far as to attempt a murderous assault tipon B. the acceptance of tens of thousands of dollars in dues their forces and through pressure brought to bear up- forces now following the left wing and at the same Gold, present manager of the New York Joint Board, by the International office. on the Left Wing of the Sorkin group, the fight was time drawing more masses into their ranks by win- in December 1923, in order to paralyze the Left Wing. The machine, which had built np a Chinese wall reopened the following day in an attempt to reconsider ning the thousands of Italian workers who are still It suspended M. Suroff, a vice-president of the organ- of constitutional provisions during 13 years of exist- the question and to get a record of clear-cut condemna- deceived by Ninfo and Antdnini, and who form now ization, Fanny Warshawsky, and other leading Left tion of the activities of the International machine. the chief strength of the Sigman machine, ence, proceeded to the employment of every device, Wingers and used the entire underworld in order to even to the walking out of the hall, when it realized The Kaufman machine, sensing the situation, of- In addition to this, the closest relations must break up the meetings of the Left Wing. At the last fered a further concession in the form of an interpre- be established and maintained between the I. L. G. it was defeated. The opposition was firm and Gold convention, it established complete autocracy in the was seated, even against the votes of the Kaufman ma- tation of the compromise proposal adopted the day W. "U. left wing and the left wings in the Fur Work- organization, ruled out the T. U. E. L. and empow- before, which promised not to reopen the fight in any ers and the Amalgamated. In the Amalgamated chine. ered the G. E. B. to suspend or expel any member The Struggle Over the "Supplementary Report." way, and which offered support to the New York or- the left wing must be stimulated and broadened by "who attempts or takes part in a protest meeting or ganization in the coming fight with the bosses. systematic exposure of the Hillman machine and unauthorized meeting against the union, or anyone The chief fight, which lasted three days, was de- an energetic struggle against its class surrender who will slander or libel the union or the officialdom." voted to the issue between the New York Joint Board The Left Wing Triumphs. policy. Kelentless war on the bureaucrats is the and the International. The latter had cleverly drawn This the Left Wing rejected, and in spite of all " only way to victory over the bosses. The Work of the Left Wing in New York, up its general report into two parts, one devoted to constitutional and parliamentary maneuvers, the ma- The strength of the left wing lies not in offices In July, 1925, through a united front of the Left its activities outside New York, and the other a 32- chine was compelled to yield to the Left Wing, to a but in the masses. With the loyal support of thou- Wing with a former section of the Kaufman machine page document, dealing with the New York situation, resolution which held the International office respon- sands of conscious workers, with the economic which had agreed to a policy of cleaning out gangster- known as the "supplementary report." In this it sible for the violation of democratic principles of the struggle fought militantly and efficiently, the ques- ism in the organization, the New York Joint Board adopted a policy which was later used by Sigman at organization, and for suspensions in the course of the tion of power in the union solves itself. was won against the Kaufman opposition. With the the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union fight. In spite of the weak formulation of the resolu- The splendid left wing of serried thousands in convention, of separating the Left Wing fight from the tion, it was nevertheless a victory over the Kaufman Left Wing dominating the united front, gangsterism machine. the I. L. G. W. U., steeled now in a two-year strug- was cleaned out, the paralysis in the local organiza- general issues of the union, so as to give the impres- gle, is the most hopeful sign on the horizon of the tion overcome, the grievances of the workers adjusted, sion that the Left Wing fight was one of political is- The Issue of the General Report. American labor movement today. and a campaign for the organization of the workers sues and outside interference, and unconnected with In the fight on the general report of activities, the resulted in 1,500 Greek workers (that had formerly the policy of class collaboration and the ruinous eco- lefts did not measure up to the level of the fight which IL The Furriers' Convention been an obstacle to the progress of the union) being nomic policy of the administration. they had made on the supplementary report. They ex- * organized. The machine at first maneuvered to prevent the posed the class collaboration policy of the machine By William Weinstone With the opening of the convention, the influence fight and it brought pressure on the Sorkin group, which had gone as far as the use of injunctions against of the New York organization was dominant and the proposing to them a compromise which would declare the bosses in Boston, against long-term agreements 'THE ousting of the bureaucratic socialist Kaufman Kaufman machine demoralized and weakened in the the fight at an end and clear the administration. The with lower standards and poorer wages in South Nor- machine took place at the seventh International other locals in the country. Sorkin group was at first ready to yield to these pro- walk, against the wastefulness of the machine, its Fur Workers' Convention, held in Boston, November posals, which came directly and indirectly from the lack of any policy of organizing the unorganized and 10th to 19th inclusive. This convention, regularly Relation of Forces at the Convention. administration, but it was dragged into the fight by the pitiful results brought about in this field at an ex- horbitantly'high payroll, but the Left Wing did not scheduled for May, 1926, was called as a special con- The relation of forces at the convention was as the ultimatum of the Left Wing, who used the club vention because the International officials, who dom- of the New York membership over them to get them bring up the full strength of the opposition in this follows: The Kaufman machine controlled 34 votes, fight. Sorkin and his right wing of the united front inated the union, could no longer continue in office. representing about 2,000 members, chiefly of the out- to join in the discussion. Gold of the Left Wing and The revolt of the rank and file.against the policy of Shachtman of the united front Sorkin group were the were too ready to asubmit to the demagogy and flim- of-town locals; the opposition to the bureaucrats num- flammery-of class collaboration arguments made by terror and gangsterism which had ruled the organiza- bered 41 delegates, divided between 26 Left Wingers chief spokesmen for the opposition. In a speech last- tion for the past four years, and which was intensified I ing two hours, Gold related the story of the corrup- Kaufman in his reply, and the latter was able to "get and 15 controlled by the Sorkin group, which made up away with it" on this issue. after the reactionary convention held in Chicago in the united front in the New York organizaiton. tion and terrorization and the foul practices of the 1924, brought the Kaufman machine to its knees. Kaufman machine, until the machine was stripped Labor Party and Russian Recognition. The New York Joint Board, representing 80 per The Attacks on the New York Joint Board. naked of every vestige of decency and of any pretense The Kaufman machine recognized that because of cent of the membership of the entire International, The Left Wing opened up the convention by strik- to its rights of leadership in the organization. the instructions given by the New York membership had been won by the Left Wing and this victory broke to the delegation from their locals, the Kaufman ma- ing a militant note with the demand for the removal The Betrayal of the Right Wing Sorkinites. the backbone of the Kaufman machine. of scabbing taxicabs from in front of the American chine could not win on the clear cut Left Wing issues, The administration refused to recognize the New The Kaufman machine, realizing that it was de- such as, for a Labor Party, recognition of the Soviet House, in which the convention was held. The ma- feated, again resorted to a maneuver of compromise York Joint Board but it was powerless in face of the chine hesitated, maneuvered to get rid of the issue, Union and amalgamation. They therefore, adopted tac- tight grip of the Left Wing over the New York mem- proposals under the cover of "peace" in the organiza- tics of uniting with the Sorkin group members on is- but was finally compelled to submit upon ultimatum tion withdrawing its resolution of condemnation of bership. The convention was ostensiby held in order from the Left Wing that they would not remain in the sues which they could call Communist. The resolution to settle the issue of the New York Joint Board and the New York Joint Board, and in this move it was for a Labor Party, for the recognition of the Soviet convention. The first fight arose over the proposal of successful through the betrayal of the right wing ele- the International, but in reality it was to decide the the credentials committee, appointed by the G. E. B., Union, against class collaboration, for a delegation to fate of the Kaufman machine, which already consid- ments of the Sorkin group, led by Sorkin, Woll and Eussia, for amalgamation, were all unanimously car- to unseat B. Gold, who was the manager and delegate Winnick. The latter entered into a deal with the ered itself defeated before it entered the convention. from the New York Joint Board. The machine raised ried, the Kaufman machine making no opposition. Kaufman machine to accept the compromise in ex- However, on other issues, such as release of political The Attacks of the Kaufman Machine on the objection because the New York Joint Board was not change for support by Kaufman to office in the organ- prisoners in Eussia, the endorsement of the Freiheit, Left Wing. recognized by the International. Eealizing the bpposi- ization, and for the defeat of the Left Wing in the tional Left Wing in order to destroy the hold of the tion forces against it and that it was outnumbered, the elections to the G. E. B. Sorkin himself did not par- Kaufman machine on the out-of-town locals, which The Kaufman machine had formerly controlled machine attempted to postpone the seating of Gold un- ticipate in the battle. He kept ominously silent. He New York, but when the Left Wing was organized in are now the centers of Kaufman strength. Within til after the whole case against the Joint Board was had been involved in a sordid deal in the 1920 strike, the G. E. B., the Left Wing must continue its policy 1922, the growing discontent of the rank and file with heard. In this way they wished to prejudice the con- with which the report cleverly began, in which he of opposition, sharply drawing the line between its the Kaufman administration caused the latter to resort vention against Gold and put the Left Wing under a surrendered the strike to the bosses. The less he there- to a policy of gangsterism and suppression in order disadvantage. But the opposition correctly argued own policies and the practices of the Sorkin group. fore said about the matter, the better. It must do everything to raise the ideological level of THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY. 192-6 179 as well as the endorsement of Communist institutions, the Left Wing at the expense 'of the leaders of the the combined vote of the Kaufman machine and enough other group. The 12 delegates of the Sorkin group, of the Sorkin group, were able to defeat the Left Wing. by no means represented corresponding strength The Great Negro Migration Elections to the C. E. B. among the members, on the contrary, the membership By Jay Lovestone In the elections to the G. Ei B., the deal which meetings which were held after the convention showed had been consummated by the Sorkin group with the that Sorkin and the right wingers represented an in- Kaufman machine, came to the surface. The Sorkin finitesimal section of the membership, the resolutions AS a result of the world war, the class divisions from 1916 to 1924 the figures reached one million. group, whose ideology fundamentally does not differ demanding their removal from office because of this and the relation of class forces in the United The influence of this upon the concentration of from that of the Kauffman machine, had from the very betrayal in the New York organization, were unani- .States changed deeply. population is obvious from the following figures: beginning attempted to reach an agreement with the mously carried. A most striking phenomenon of this character In 1910 the Southern states included 80.68% of Kaufman machine, which was that Kaufman should It was the task of the Left Wing in the elections is the mass migration of the Negroes, mainly from the Negro population of America, while in 1920 retire in favor of Weiniss, the present secretary and to have cleared away such unreliable elements as Sor- the cotton plantations of the South to the indus- only 76.99%. In four of these eleven states, the a common slate which the Sorkin group put up. Not kin, Woll and Winnick, so that they could success- trial centers of the northern and eastern states. decrease of the general population from 1910 to being successful in this, they agreed to accept the sup- fully continue their fight for the organization. The 1920 was primarily due to the migration of the John Pepper characterizes these migrations strik- Negroes. .: port of the Kaufman machine for their candidates Sorkin group, however, utilized the fight correctly for ingly as "unarmed Spartacus uprisings" against against those of the Left Wing. They, however, had themselves, to further their position and to entrench the slavery and the oppression of the capitalist In 1923, 32,000 or 13% of the colored agricul- agreed to the slate proposed by the Left Wing which themselves with the support of Kaufman in the Inter- oligarchy in the Southern states. This phenom- tural workers left Georgia for the North. In the was for Shachtman (the Left Wing of the Sorkin national office. It used the united front for its advan- enon is of tremendous economic, political and so- same year, there migrated from Alabama 10,000, group) for president, Skolnick, a Left Winger, for sec- tage at the expense of the Left Wing. This lesson cial significance for the whole American working from Arkansas, 15,000, and from South Carolina, retary, B. Gold as first vice-president and several of must be learned. The united front made on the issue class. 22,700 Negroes. . the Sorkin group and other Left Wingers for the re- of gangsterism was correct, but the united front re- Co-dncident with such dynamic forces influenc- On the other hand, the Negro population of maining posts. But the Sorkin group betrayed this quired a policy of differentiation from the Sorkin ing the class relations in the United States, is the the Northern industrial city, Detroit, the greatest agreement. They put up Woll, a Sorkinite, for secre- group, a policy of criticism when necessary in order increasing world supremacy of American imperial- automobile center, increased in the period of 1910 tary against Skolnick and Winnick, another of the that the Left Wing may not carry the responsibility ism, • to 1920 from 57,000 to about 90,000 and of Chi- same type, against Gold for vice-president. With the for this group. America has become the center of the econ- cago, from 109,000 in 1919 to 200,000 in 1924. The votes of the Kaufman machine, they secured the dom- This was not always carried out by the Left Wing omic and cultural emancipation of the Negro. strength of this migration from the South is evi- ination of the new G. E. B. A. Gross of New York, in the New York organization. The Left Wing, which Here this movement forms and crystallizes itself, denced by the fact that records show that in one and Englander of Canada, were the two lefts elected is one of the most vigorous in the needle trades, has Therefore it is especially important for the success day 3,000 Negroes passed thru a railroad station to the G. E. B. shown real heroism in the fight against the Kaufman of the efforts of the Comintern and the Red Inter- in Philadelphia. And this was not unusual. The Lesson of the Convention—the United Front, machine and gangsterism; nevertheless, at the conven- national of Labor Unions striving to mobilize the mass of the emigrants consisted of agricultural In spite of this betrayal of the Sorkin group, the tion, it failed to introduce a resolution for shop com- millions of Negro masses of Africa, Costa Rico, workers and small tenants. convention represents a marked advance for the Left mittees, one of the vital demands of the Left Wing. Guatemala, Colombia, Nicaragua, and the satra- Because of the lack of labor power, many cot- Wing. The betrayal of the Sorkin group prevented It was not sufficiently prepared for its fight upon the pies of American imperialism such as Porto Rico, ton and fruit plantations had to change to cattle the Left Wing from gathering more of the fruits of general issues of the trade. Its failure to introduce Haiti and Santa Domingo, against the world bour- breeding and dairying. According to the investi- its activities. The Left Wing forced the Kaufman ma- the resolution for shop committees can be attributed geoisie, that the movement of the Negroes in the gation of the Bankers Association of Georgia, there chine out of. office. It won upon the issues of class col- in fact to its nervousness and hesitation in the face United States should develop in a revolutionary were, in 1923, in this state, no less than 46,674 laboration, a Labor Party, amalgamation and Eussian of the unrealiability of the Sorkin group, which sought direction. deserted farms and 55,524 unplowed plots of land. recognition. It made a fine fight on the issues in the an opportunity to bolt the united front and find a Furthermore, on account of the migrations there union in the debate on the supplementary report. pretext for lining up with the Kaufman elements. Extent of the Negro Migration. was a loss of national wealth to the state amount- The convention, however, holds a lesson for the The Tasks of the Left Wing, According to the last census (January, 1920) ing to $27,000,000. Left Wing on the issue of how to make a united front, The future will see the growth and consolidation there were in the United States 10,463,131 Negroes The bourgeoisie and the big landowners in the which if it had been properly conducted would have of the Left Wing within the Furriers'. Union, provided of whom eight millions were then still in the South- southern states naturally at first resorted to strong still further strengthened the Left Wing and brought the lessons of the united front with the Sorkin group ern states. The recent migration of the Negroes measures against the mass exodus of their slaves. it more organizational gains. The Left Wing failed to are learned. The Left Wing must make clear that from the South took place during two main periods. Thus in Georgia, for example, a law was passed realize that it would inevitably be betrayed by the Shachtman can secure support as president only on The first was 1916-1917 when? because of the en- according to which the "hiring of workers for other right wing of the Sorkin group at the convention. condition that he breaks with the Sorkin group, car- trance of America into the world .war, a strong states; thru private persons or organizations is to The united front which had been made between the ries through vigorously the fight for amalgamation demand for skilled labor power arose and whole he considered as a crime." The plantation owners Left Wing and the Sorkin group upon the issue of of the unions, fights against class collaboration, con- Negro colonies and Negro villages migrated to the in Tennessee forced their government to put all clearing out gangsterism had outlived its usefulness tinues the war against Kaufman, who while defeated, northern industrial centers. This migration total- those Negroes hi custody who registered themselves in the New York organization. The Sorkin group has not yet been wiped out of the organization. ed approximately four hundred thousand. The in unemployment bureaus. In South Carolina and itself began to realize this when it secured 12 out of The Left Wing, which has the overwhelming second period, 1922-23 coincided with the peak of Virginia, all agents who were to obtain workers the 30 delegates to the convention. Sorkin and his backing of the membership in the New York organ- American industry that followed after the economic for other states had to pay a special license fee of group were discredited before the New York member- ization, must be broadened out and made into a na- crisis of 1920-21, and is to be traced back to the $2,500 on the pain of suffering greater fine or im- ship and sooner or later the Left Wing would be forced the Left Wing and draw more leading elements into great demand for unskilled labor, in the Northern prisonment. to clear them out of the organization. the leadership of the organization. districts. In the election of delegates to the convention, the With the adoption of a militant fighting policy According to the findings of the United States Causes of Migration. Left Wing had its opportunity. Its prestige among in the administration of the New York locals, the re- Agricultural Department, the period since 1916 has the membership was high, due to its victories for the construction of its machinery for greater response te seen an annual migration of 200,000 Negroes from The most important causes for the migration rank and file in the short period in office. The Left the needs of the rank and file, the victories already the Southern states, as against ten to twelve thous- of Negroes from the South are the following: Wing, however, turned their united front into a mar- achieved in the Furriers' Union will grow in volume and annually for the period before 1916. In the 1. The oppressive conditions of life and work riage with the Sorkin group. They failed to realize and Kaufmanism and SorMnism will soon be com- four years from 1916 to 1920 between 400,000 and of the Negro population^ consisting mostly of ten- that the united front has for its object to strengthen pletely wiped out in the organization. 730,000 Negroes left for the North. In the period ants and agricultural workers. 180 THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRtTARY, 19,26 181

2. The boll weevil plague in the cotton plant- status of tenant is unchangeable. Leading a miser- ible for the murder of many Negroes burned alive, ations. able existence, the Negro tenant is in the rarest of whom we never hear in our great newspapers, 3. The general agrarian crisis which forced cases 'able to provide his children with an element- and if we keep in mind that the Negroes working the tenants in the South, as well as in the northern ary education. Thus, in 1923 in the state of Geor- on the plantations are helpless and defenseless states, to look for work in the cities. gia, the appropriations for the schools for Negroes beings who are thrown into panic at the very men- who at that time composed 45% of the .population tion of the Ku Klux Klan, then we win be able to 4. The deepgoing dissatisfaction among the reached the total of $15,000 as opposed to the ap- understand the other causes of the mass migration. Negroes in the South, especially after the world propriation of $735,000 for the whites. We must Nowhere in the world is there among the civilized war. add to this the usurious credit system which still peoples a human being so cruelly persecuted as the 5. The intense development of industry in the more diminishes the scanty earnings of the tenant. Negro in the South. Almost every day we read northern states, as a consequence of the world war, The prices of the commodities bought by Negro that some Negro was baited to death with dogs or coupled with the immigration ban, as a result of tenants on credit are on the average seventy per- whipped to death, or burned alive amidst the howls which the demand for unskilled labor power grew cent higher but in Texas it is 81% and in Arkansas of huge crowds. How they could ever cherish the tremendously. 90%. hope in the South that these people would suffer all this without protest when twenty dollars, the 1. Living and Working Conditions of the As a rule, the Negro tenant has a claim to only a half of the product of the labor of his relatives price of a railway ticket, can be sufficient to free Southern Negroes, or others whose help he can obtain. Of this, the them from this hell, passes my understanding." owners are legally empowered to deduct for sup- 2. The Boll Weevil Plague and the Agricultural Most of the labor power in cotton production posed allowances and services by the land barons in the South has been Negro. In the period from for means of life, clothing, medical help, etc. Many Crisis. 1880-1920, the percentage of plantation owners in landowners are at the same time also merchants. The boll weevil plague which recently visited the cotton belt sank from 62% to 49.8%. Seventy Since written agreements are entirely unusual, the the cotton plantations, has been a tremendous fac- to ninety per cent of the cultivated land in the cot- Negro is thus further uniformly swindled in the tor in changing the South. According to the ap- ton districts of Georgia, South Carolina and Mis- most shameless way. proximate evaluation, the damages wrought by this sissippi are rented by Negro tenants. In Mississippi pest in the years 1917-22 amounted from $1,600,- 60% of all cotton farms are worked by Negroes, The Negro masses are exploited so intensely 000,000 to $1,900,000,000. As a consequence of of whom 85% are tenants. that they are often more miserable than under this, cotton-cultivated land grew markedly smaller. INDIA 6JBSON. The tenants have not the slightest prospect of chattel slavery. The status of the Negroes, their Thus many black workers and tenants were forced NEW-COMERS ever acquiring the possession of the land on which working conditions, and their sufferings, are illus- to go to the North. they work—a prospect that is still in the realms of trated in the following quotation from a report of possibility for the white farmer in the northeastern the National Association of Manufacturers, of Oc- 3. The World War and the Negro. made mighty steps forward and with this the de- states, altho even here such prospects are now un- tober 7, 1920: "The bad economic exploitation in This wretched system existed prior to the mand for labor power rose. The industrial reserve der ever growing dimcuties. For the Negroes, the these cases indicates a slavery many times worse world war. The Negroes were dissatisfied even be- army had to be filled up and the bourgeoisie of the than the former real slavery. Thousands of Negroes fore the world war. Yet it was the world war North turned to the Southern states. . In the Negro ( who have been working all their lives uninterrupt- with its consequent fundamental economic changes masses they saw a fitting reservoir to supply their edly are not able to show the value of ten dollars, and the Negro migration as a result of the rapid gigantic factories of the northern and eastern and are not able to buy the most necessary cloth- industrialization in the North and East that gave states. ing at the close of the season. They live in the special impetus and created favorable opportunities To illustrate how the capitalists looked upon most wretched condition... and are lucky to get for a wave of intense dissatisfaction among the hold of a worn out pair of boots or some old cloth- the Negro problem in this phase of development, we ing ..." Negro tenants and agricultural workers. have the following quotations of Blanton Fortson We must not underestimate the deep going in a recent number of the Forum: "Disregarding Judge S. 0. Bratton who was able to obtain change in the ideology of the Negro masses called his low stage of development, the undesirable im- in Little Rock, Arkansas, an accurate picture of forth by the world war. Whole generations were, migrant is characterized by all those traits which the relations between the whites and the blacks, so to speak, tied down like slaves to the soil. To are foreign to the Negro. He is permeated with writes as follows: "The conditions today are worse them, their village was the world. And now, sud- Bolshevism. He understands neither the American than before the American Civil War... The sys- denly, hundreds of thousands of them (376,710) language nor the American employers, contracts tem of exploitation is carried to such a point that were drawn into military service. Over 200,000 marriage with American women, multiplies very most Negroes can hardly keep themselves alive up- were sent across and returned with new concepts, fast, so that finally, if the door is not closed to the on their earnings. The plantation owners maintain with new hopes, with a new belief in their people. stream of people of his kind, the real native work- so-called 'commission businesses' in which the Then* political and social sphere of ideas broadened. ers will be suppressed by them. prices of commodities are fixed at the order of the Then- former hesitancy and lack of decision was plantation inspectors. The Negroes are prevented "In normal times, there always exists in the now leaving them. The Negroes were stirred en industrial centers a demand for unskilled labor. in every possible way from keeping an account of masse and set out to carry thru then* aspirations, the wares taken by them." Where can the North find this? To import unskil- left their miserable shacks and went to look for led workers from eastern and southern Europe Lll Another big source of misery is to be found in better working and living conditions. means to increase the number of inferior people the "lynch law" and the terror of the Ku Klux Simultaneously, the immigration of European in America (To this apologist of capitalism, the Klan. In the January 1924 issue of the North workers into America was practically ended by the 'people permeated with Bolshevism' are inferior. American Review we have an illuminating report world war. In the post-war period, strict legal J. L.) If, however, we make use of the Negroes for of Howard Snyder who spent many years in the measures were taken for the same end. In this this purpose, then we will simply redistribute the WHA 01BSOH. plantation districts of Mississippi. Mr. Snyder says: way, one of the best sources of the stream of un- people of a lower race already existing in the United skilled labor was dried up. Thru the world war, States and not increase them; in fact, diminish SHARE-CROPPERS "... If we add the cruel lynch law which is respons- however, the development of American industry them." 182 THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1926 183

A more open declaration as to how the ruling 3. Concentration of the Negro Proletariat. Republican as well as the Democratic Party made sistently refusing to accept the Negro into the trade class in America fills up its industrial reserve army the greatest attempts to win these voters for them- unions. We can cite the attitude and practices of with the help of the South and in this way lowers The migration of the Negro proletariat to the selves in the northern industrial centers. the railroad workers, locomotive enginemen and wages could hardly be found. industrial cities of the North hastened its concen- firemen, the boilermakers and other trade unions. tration. As evidence, we can point to the growing 3. The Negro Question—a National Problem. The Negroes who are tenants or agricultural The American Federation of Labor has con- laborers naturally seek to escape from their oppres- number of colored people living in the cities. In Thru the migration of the Negroes to the North cerned itself with the organization of the Negroes sive condition in the South. Better wage and work- the last 20 years this rate of increase among the the Negro problem did not lose any of its signifi- only on paper. It is true that there was established ing conditions in the North, somewhat more favor- colored workers has grown much faster than among cance for the United States as a whole. On the in 1920 a special commission for this purpose. But able educational facilities, and the illusory h9pes of the whites. Whereas the white urban population contrary, it gained importance inasmuch as it be- it did nothing. At the congress of the A. F. of L. finally escaping from their difficulties are the mo- was 43.3 per cent of the total population of the came a question of national significance. In prac- in 1923 the Executive Council reported that it was tives of the Negroes in their migration. This United States in 1900, 48.1 per cent in 1910 and tically every industrial center the question of the impossible to prevail upon the railroad workers and phenomenon is one of the most significant in his- 53.3 per cent in 1920, the following relations ob- segregation of the Negroes, then* segregation in the boilermakers to change their statutes and ac- tory. Today a Negro quarter can be found in near- tained for the colored population: 1900—22.6 per separate quarters of the city, stood on the order cent, 1910—27.3 per cent, 1920—34.2 per cent. In cept Negroes into their organization. This, how- ly every one of the smallest towns of the northern as an acute problem in some form or other. Thus, ever, was only a gesture, since in fact nothing was states. " ...... 1920 more than 50 per cent of the Negro population in the last report of the American Ass'n for the Ad- in 27 states was found in the cities. With the white undertaken to exercise any pressure upon these vancement of the Colored People, it said, "In 1924, unions. Because of the efforts of the American The Results of the Migration _-,oi the Nsgroes population only fourteen states showed fifty per the most significant question was the creation of cent or more living in the cities. Negro Labor Congress, it is said that the Executive 1. The Improvement of the SiandarcJ of Living, separate schools, of separate city quarters for the Council of the American Federation of Labor has No one can question the fact that thru this This tendency also prevails in the South, de- colored population of the United States." put on four organizers ostensibly for special work migration of the Negroes the standard of living spite of the mass migration of the Negroes. For The broad masses of the Negroes migrating to among the Negroes. of the colored workers and peasants has been con- example, in the state of Mississippi the total num- the North have to a great extent recognized that siderably raised. In comparison with the conditions ber of Negroes fell by 75,000 from 1910 to 1920, The harmfulness of these tactics of the trade the illusions which caused them to look upon the union bureaucracy is shown with special clarity in confronting them in the southern states, before the colored urban population increased by 3.4 per Northern states as a paradise were painfully un- 1914 the colored workers today certainly have more cent. Above all, the social composition of the Ne- the following occurence in the steel industry, in founded. The apparent social and political equality which at present, many Negroes are employed. opportunities to dispose of their only possession, la- groes has changed extraordinarily. Before the mi- of the Negro with the rest of the population of the bor power. Moreover, the mass exodus from the gration, the overwhelming majority was employed From this it is clearly seen how the bosses play the North had only the slightest pretense to existence reactionary leaders against the Negro workers in South has forced the ruling classes in the cotton on the cotton plantations, today the greater propor- in fact so long as the Negroes constituted only a fields to ameliorate the cruel treatment of their tion work for the industrial concerns. In the North, order to prejudice these workers against all the agricultural workers and in many cases even to the Negroes had formerly been engaged as domes- small minority. activities of the trade unions in the steel industry. raise their wages. The strong demand for colored tic help. Now, however, they are dominantly em- The more the Negro problem takes on a na- The Negro organ, "The Crisis," made public in workers has raised their price. ployed in heavy industry. tional character the more important a role does November, 1923, a circular distributed by the In- 2. The Strengthening of Race Consciousness. the South begin to play in the economic and polit- diana Foundry Company of Muncie among the The Significance of the Migration. ical life of the United States. To the working colored workers who at that time were brought . A further result of the mass migration of the In the South there is to be found approximately masses the Negro problem appears on first con- in as strike-breakers. We quote from this circular Negroes is the development of a stronger race con- one quarter of the total population of the United sideration as a class and racial question. But we which had very serious consequences for the sciousness. Since hundreds of thousands of color- States. Therefore, this migration is of tremendous should not forget that the basis of the class prin- strikers: ed people have freed themselves from the yoke of economic, political and social significance for the ciple and not the .racial principle, must serve as slavery in the South, their pride and their confi- entire country. . our point of judgement in this instance. In short, "Our factory works on the open shop principle. dence in the race have grown. The Negroes have Most of our puddlers, who are colored, have just 1. The Industrialization of the South. the mass migration has not solved the Negro prob- begun to organize themselves. They are now tak- lem in the United States. On the contrary, the been trained by us. The union is not in agreement ing up the struggle against their oppression in a Up to now the operation and organization of with this and wants to force us to submit to its great Negro migration has placed this problem be- will. In our city there are four factories in which more organized fashion. This is one of the real the cotton plantations were on an extremely primi- fore us with greater clarity. meanings of the still organizationally weak Amer- tive level. It was largely because of the migration only members of the union may work and three ican Negro Labor Congress. of the black workers that the bourgeoisie were We point to the plans to isolate the Negro which are open to all workers. Our factory is the It is, therefore, no accident that in the recent forced to reorganize their cotton culture and use population in the northern states, to the Negro only one in which the Negroes can rise to be skilled years lynching has been on a decrease. For ex- machinery on a larger scale. Besides, the capital- revolts, as well as to the expulsion of the Negroes workers. Now the union demands that all colored ample, in 1892, there were 155 Negroes murdered ists were forced to pay more attention to the na- from the industrial city of Johnstown, Pa., in 1923. workers who are employed as puddlers should be in the United States; three decades later, 1922, tural resources of the southern states. This also Negro Migrations and the American Proletariat. replaced by whites and that these must submit to only 61; and in 1923, only 28, while in 1924 there hastened the industrialization of this section of the the union's statutes." were only 16. This is partly to be traced to the country. 1. Racial Prejudice. The trade union bureaucrats therefore make it changed attitude of the capitalists. But primarily 2, The Negro as a Political Factor. Considered from the economic standpoint the possible for the capitalists to split the proletarian it is to be attributed to the fact that of late Negroes The mass migration of the Negroes to the Negro problem Is a part of the general problem of ranks and in the above case were" responsible for have been offering more effective resistance to their North has increased their importance as a political the unskilled worker in the United States. Except the capitalists being able to beat the white as well oppressors. factor. It is clear that their votes are of great for those working on the cotton plantations in the as the black workers. In October, 1919, for example, the colored ten- importance in the elections of the northern indus- South, a large number of Negroes work in the steel ants in Phillips county, Arkansas, rose up against- trial states. In the South the Negroes are very industry, in the coal mines, in the packing houses, 3. The Possibility of Organizing the Negro. their oppressive exploiters. It went as far as a often deprived of then- suffrage upon this or that in tobacco and cigar factories. The unionization Unquestionably, the racial prejudice of the bloody battle in which five whites and seventeen pretext. In the North such dlsfranchisement is of the Negroes is made extraordinarily difficult by workers makes it much harder to organize the Ne- Negroes were killed. Also in Charlestown, West not so open or prevalent. From 1910 to 1920 the the artificially nourished hatred of the white worker gro proletariat. It must further be added that the Virginia, Tulsa, Oklahoma, we had similar revolts. number of Negroes with votes (from 21 years up) for his colored fellow-worker. The bourgeoisie is Negroes on the cotton plantations of the South Furthermore, the Negro uprisings in the Northern increased in New York from 95,177 to 142,580; in very eager to stimulate racial prejudice. were working and living under an almost patri- centers, Chicago, Omaha and Duluth, were in a New Jersey from 58,467 to 75,671; in Ohio from 2, The Trade Union Bureaucracy and the Organ- archal system in relation to their masters. This certain sense;also the evidence of a strengthened 72,871 to 126,940; in Indiana from 39,037 to 53,- ization of the Negro. naturally still tends to influence their minds. race consciousness. 935 and in Dllmois from 74,225 to 128,450. The The trade union bureaucracy has been eon- Yet the Negroes have many times demon- FEBRTJARY, 1926 185 184 THE WORKERS MONTHLY ities of the situation." Hence followed the slogan of the wane, and that the same thing was true as well in stated their organizibility. In 1913 the well-known to split the proletariat thru racial hatred and prej- the Mensheviks, to legalize the party at any price, or, party circles—which were passing through the inevit- petty-bourgeois Negro leader, Booker T. Washing- udice then they will deliver themselves body and as we then ironically expressed it—to slink into le- able reaction following upon the failure of the Decem- ton, attempted to determine to what extent it was soul to their deadly enemies. gality. And this Menshevik standpoint was compre- ber uprising, and the arrest of the members of the possible to organize the Negro. Out of the 51 5. What.Must the American Workers Do? hensible. If, as they believed, the revolution was at- Petersburg Soviet. It was only, thanks to these cir- questionaires he sent out for this purpose, only 2 an end, there would be no further struggle, Eussia had cumstances that at the Stockholm Congress, the Men- were received with the answer that it was impos- A solution of the Negro problem in the United entered a peaceful era, and would develop according to sheviks succeeded in obtaining a majority—although sible to make the Negroes good members of a labor States is offered only in the program of the Workers the Prussian pattern, then it clearly followed that a negligible one—of the party, and in dictating its tac- organziation. Moreover, there are already in the (Communist) Party. The American proletariat it was necessary for the party to emerge from its un- tical line. When the question of armed insurrection United States several mixed unions that include in must at every opportunity support the Negro in his derground existence, legalize itself, narrow its pro- was placed upon the order of the day, they introduced their ranks white as well as Negro workers. Out- struggle against the exploiters and oppressors of gram, adapt itself to legal work, and discover a a resolution opposing it, disguised, of course, in more side of that, there are 400 independent trade unions all the workers—white and black. The American method of living at peace with the monarchy and the or less diplomatic form. Following this they put of Negroes. Then, there are hundreds of thousands Negro Labor Congress is a step in the right direc- bourgeois parties. through the Maslov-Plekhanov agrarian program, of Negroes who are members of mass organizations tion for the development of a movement to unify which was also directed against revolution, and pro- of colored workers. all workers regardless of color against the bour- The Unity of the Bolsheviks with the Mensheviks. posed that the land come under the municipal organs geoisie. —-the land committees—which in actual fact meant 4. Necessity for Unity Between Negro and White The American working class must fight for the These then were the two platforms—the Bolshe- Workers. vik and the Menshevik—in the early part of 1906. the wealthy peasants. Finally they passed ax resolu- social, political and economic equality of the Negro. The Bolshevik and the Menshevik leaders were com- tion for participation in the elections to the First The rapidly advancing concentration of the The representatives of the working class must pelled to seek unity following the revolutionary strug- Duma, and the building up of a social democratic unit Negro proletariat, the increasing political signifi- do everything to remove the obstacles which many gle of the end of 1905, under pressure from the within this body. cance of the Negro workers, the efforts of the bour- trade unions place in the way of the acceptance of masses. This constitutes an exceedingly interesting geoisie to stimulate the racial antagonism between the Negroes becoming members. Where this is episode in the history of our party. In fact the masses The Tactics of the Bolsheviks. the Negro and the white workers, and finally the not possible at the present moment, it is not out have more than once forced the Bolsheviks to seek growing racial consciousness of the Negro—all of of order to form temporarily organizations of Ne- reconciliation with the Mensheviks. And this is not There was nothing left for the Bolsheviks but these demand that the workers of the United States groes, the chief task of, which must be, under all strange. Still in 1917 one could hear it said: "Why formally to submit, since they were in the minority, and their organizations should not allow racial prej- circumstances, to demand unification of the Ameri- and the workers were demanding unity. But in actual udice to dominate in the least but should adhere can proletariat regardless of race or nationality split? If the Bolsheviks join with the Mensheviks and even the Social Eevolutionaries, then we shall fact the unity congress had in no way united the Bol- only to the class principle. If the white workers against the exploiters, against the bourgeoisie as a sheviks and Mensheviks, and we left Stockholm in real- follow any other tactics and permit their exploiters whole. surely overcome the bourgeoisie and czarism." This was the belief of the broad worker-mass, who had no ity two fraction. Several of our comrades, whom we experience in political struggle, including even party used to speak of as "hostages," were taken into the members. In all events, in 1905 there commenced a Central Committee. At the Congress itself the Bol- strong movement in favor of unity. In a number of sheviks created their own inner, and, from the party places united committees of Bolsheviks and Menshe- standpoint, illegal Central Committee. This period in viks were formed, which created common committees the history of our party, when we were in the minor- The History of the Russian Communist Party on a parity basis, and carried on the struggle together. ity 'both in the Central Committee and in the Peters- The consequence was that the Central Committee had burg Committee, and had to carry on our special ac- By Gregory Zinoviev to enter into a like federative relation with the Men- tivities secretly, was a difficult and painful one for us. shevik Organization Committee. Later, under press- The situation was as though two parties were active ure from the masses, was called the unity congress of within one frame. The Formula: "1847 or 1849?" tween the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks. the party which was held in 1906 in Stockholm. The As literary documents of this time, in which the In 1906 there arose in the party the question: The Bolsheviks maintained the standpoint that most important differences of opinion between the struggle of the Bolsheviks with the Mensheviks is we were living through a 1847, that the revolution had Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks at this congress con- mirrored with great distinctness, must before all be what now? Is the revolution finished? From out of not yet come to a close, that its self-imposed objective the resulting controversies was formulated the ques- sisted in the fact that the former maintained that we mentioned the pamphlet "A Eeport to the Petersburg tasks were still unfulfilled, and that sooner or later were living through an 1847, while the latter believed tion: Are we living through an 1847 or a 1849? Or, the revolutionary waves would once again begin to Workers on the Stockholm Congress" written by Com- to phrase this in a different way: have we now an it to be an 1849. In other words, the Bolsheviks de- rade Lenin who attended the congress as delegate from rise. The peasantry, we said, has not gained the di- clared: we have been defeated in the first revolution- the Petersburg workers,—and also the book, "The Con- 1847j that is, the eve of the revolution of 1848, or an vision of the land, the demands of the workers remain 1849, that is the period after the half victory and half ary skirmishes, but the future holds another revolu- quest of the Cadets and the Tasks of the Workers' unsatisfied; these two classes compose the overwhelm- tion, the aims of which were not fulfilled in 1905. The defeat of the revolution of 1848? As you know, in a ing majority of the population. In this respect then, Party." number of countries the revolution of 1848 came in the Mensheviks declared, on the contrary: you are Utopi- the tasks set by the revolution have not been dis- ans and dreamers, you are unwilling to face the sad following manner; it came to birth prematurely, and charged; perhaps Stolypin and the czar may strangle Further Controversy Over "1847 or 1849?" ended with a compromise, by which the fruits of con- fact that this is no 1847, but an 1849. We have been the revolutionary struggle for a while, but only for a completely beaten, and the Eussian revolution irre- After the Stockholm Congress, which was follow- quest were reaped by the bourgeoisie. Thus in party while, and then new battles will be inevitable. That circles the question was put: what are we living vocably destroyed. Eussia will turn into the path of ed by a long year of decline of the revolution and of which we lived through in 1905, was only the outpost constitutional monarchy, and under the banner of this through in the year 1906:—-that which Germany and skirmish, only a dress rehearsal, only an 1847, while Menshevik control, the dispute over "1847 or 1849," or a large part of Europe went through in 1847, or what campaign the party must follow the path trodden by as to which had been correct, the Bolsheviks or the the real battles are still before us. European social democracy. they experienced in 1849? In other words: is the The Mensheviks of course maintained a different Mensheviks, still continued unabated. The Menshe- viks declared to us, frequently and triumphantly: you year 1906 only the harbinger of new struggles, or is viewpoint. They stated it in the following terms: The Triumph of the Menshevik Tendency. the great struggle already behind us, and are we now "We have now entered upon the road taken by Prussia see, how mistaken you were; you thought that the revo- going down-hill, that is, are we now living throught after its misfortune of 1848, when the result was half The Menshivks captured the victory at the Stock- lution was not ended, and that a new conflict was im- an 1849, and must the revolution be looked upon as favorable to the revolution, and half to the kaiser. holm congress. This was evidence of the fact that minent; but see, how much time has already passed already ended? On this basis, and in relation to this The czar remains, we shall have a constitutional mon- throughout the land, under the influence of defeat, the since then. The next revolution did indeed make its formula, an exceedingly hot discussion went on be- archy, and now we must adapt ourselves to the real- revolutionary sentiment of the worker masses was on appearance only in 1917, that is, after ten years. But 186 THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1926 187

does it follow from this that the Bolsheviks were shevik (majority) Petersburgh Committee had beaten wrong? No. The Bolsheviks had set no exact date, the big Menshevik (minority) Central Committee. although they did believe, it must be admitted, that matters would progress very much more rapidly, nor The Dissolution of the First Duma. did they foresee that a whole decade would pass by In view of the fact that the Cadets held political until the triumph of the working class. But, as you leadership in it, the First Duma had to pay tribute to know, in the matter of setting a time all have erred, the revolutionary, and especially to the peasant move- even Marx, who more than once predicted that the ment, which was continually broadening out, and was world revolution was near. It is quite understand- compelled to place the land question on the order of able, that every sincere revolutionist inclines toward the day, albeit in a sufficiently hesitant fashion. On fixing the date rather earlier than later. At any rate, this ground a conflict between the Duma and the czar- our prognosis was in general correct: the revolution ist government arose. The First Duma was dissolved. was not at an end, its fundamental demands had not The Cadet party in the heat of the moment hastened been objectively fulfilled; the proletariat and the peas- to Finland, to an'illegal conferfence of its own, and antry had not been satisfied, a new struggle was in- there issued the famous Viborg Manifesto, which at evitable, and for us there could be no question of fol- the time was dubbed the "Viborg Cake," This docu- lowing a Prussian path, but only a Eussian, which ment called to the population to refuse to pay their would lead us to a great social overturn. These predic- taxes, and was in reality only a repetition of that tions of ours were proved.to be correct. All this became gesture which the moderate liberals indulged in dur- clear—and fairly soon, too. ing the revolution of 1848, when they shook their fists The Stockholm Congress fell at the same time as —in secret—at the monarchy. They did not really the amazing victory of the Cadets—the party of the mean to seriously support the revolutionary struggle, liberal bourgeoisie—in the elections for the first and knew beforehand that none would pay any atten- Duma. They gained a large number of seats in the tion to their call not to pay taxes. The czarist mon- Duma, and, together with these, political leadership archy of course did not take "the Viborg Cake" ser- in the first Eussian parliament, getting in the cele- iously, and condemned its bakers to only three months brated Moronzev as chairman. The Cadet party occu- in prison,—a trifling enough sentence. pied the leading position in the Duma, and its leaders, CHeryonefc.tttr^Mv! The dissolution of the First Duma was only a Nabokov and others, were the principal parliamentary '! *?¥ * *"*.' T- ~ ~ a^iife little falling out of czarism with the liberal bour- orators. In the final analysis, the First Duma repre- The "Economic Foundations." Two Ch's That geoisie. It was speedily forgotten and in the Second Are Stable! Two F's That Are Toppling! Duma a nice neighborly relation existed between the sented a great victory for the Eussian bourgeois-lib- LENIN POINTS THE WAY! eral party, which called itself the Constitutional-Dem- two sides, a part of the liberal bourgeois openly sing- press was fond of making the joke that the little Bol- ing the praises of Stolypin. ocratic Party. (C. D.—whence the name "Cadets"). But at this point matters began to go awry: this slo- The latter constituted a very serious political factor, gan of theirs spelt ruin for the Mensheviks, and aided confronting the workers' party with the problem of us in winning a majority in Petersburg. I remember what attitude to adopt toward it. that the Viborg district, where there were many fac- tories, was hundred per cent Menshevik. To us, erring Reviews The' Responsible (Cadet) Ministry, Bolsheviks, the workers of that section would scarcely listen. But as soon as the slogan was brought for- The Menshevik Central Committee, which was at ward,—for a responsible Cadet ministry—and it be- pamphlets,articles, and speeches have sprung directly that time directing the party, was in transports of came plain as the palm of your hand that the Menshe- A Revolutionary Epic out of Marx's concept; the life of one-sixth of the delight over the victory of the Cadets. It believed that vik tactics were leading to support of the bourgeois A EEVIBW BY JOSEPH FREEMAN. globe is directed under its guiding light; but .the arts a new era had opened in Eussia and that the victory ministry, the picture began to change. From this mo- CHAINS: By Henri Barbusse. Translated from have only recently begun to grope toward its expres- of the Constitutional-Democratic Party which sub- ment on the Mensheviks began to lose one factory after the French by Stephen Haden Guest. Two volumes. sion in aesthetic form. scribed to its own views, would help the country to a another in the Viborg section. Next the Petersburg 589 pp. New York: International Publishers, $4. peaceful solution of the agrarian and many other basic City Conference also took its stand against the Men- Henri Barbusse—turned inside out and recreated problems. And in this connection the Mensheviks ad- shevik slogan. This conference was held in Finland, A THOUSAND YEAES passed before Europe be- by the war, finding intellectual salvation within Com- vanced the slogan: a Cadet, or—as it was expressed which was at that time comparatively free. I remem- gan to mould an art based on the concepts of Chris- munist ranks, and dedicating his gifted pen to the at the time—responsible .ministry, i. e., a ministry ber how, on a Saturday, under fire of the glances of tianity. When those concepts had sunk into the blood workers' cause—has just attempted to write an epic which should be responsible not to the czar, but to the a whole band of spies in the Finland Station we took and bones of the western world so that people no around the class struggle. That is the central, hence Duma. This, in general, is the classical formula of all our seats in the train for Terioki. The conference longer thought them, but felt them deep in their un- the greatest theme of our time. The Communist Mani- bourgeois parliaments. In reality, however, the min- lasted all Sunday, and at times it almost came to conscious, the madonna, the holy infant, and the festo will be, in a way, for many new writers what the istry that is meant to be responsible to the parliament, blows between the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks. Fin- saints became universal subjects for painters and Bible was for so many writers of a dead day. Milton is, in actual fact, responsible to a handful of bankers. ally despite the pressure exercised by the Menshevik poets. and a thousand others sang of "man's first disobedi- Hardly had Menshevist social-democracy put forward Central Committee, we succeeded for a time in gaining It is only seventy-five years since Marx discovered ence and the fruit"; Barbusse and a thousand with the above slogan, than its supporters began a frenzied the majority first in Petersburg, and then in a whole the law which has revolutionized the modern world. him and after him will sing of the oppression of the agitation in the workers' quarters for the support of series of other cities. This was already half a victory A comparatively small section of humanity has been, many by the few, the curse of slavery, the glory of the idea of the "responsible ministry." As you can on the all-Eussian general staff, since Petersburg was for this brief period, familiar with the concept of the revolt. see, the behaviour of the Mensheviks was logical and the political center of the country. The Menshevik class-struggle. A new fundamental concept shapes These platitudes are invoked in recognition of the ran true to form. Here too, they sought a suitable Central Committee was powerless in the face of the ideas and action first, imagination only afterward. greatness of Barbusse's attempt in Chains, He has formula for the support of their beloved bourgeoise. Bolshevik Petersburg Committee, and the bourgeois Thus thousands of economic and historical books, tried "to attack directly the whole tremendous drama 188 THE WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1926 189 of Man deployed across the centuries; to stir the sil- author quotes quasi-scientific evidence' in support of conflicting philosophies. A Chaldean priest delivers less speeches. To-the author's impassioned cry: "For ence of history, its complexity and obscurity, its jun- ancestral memory. At once the reader's critical facul- an oration on the virtues of his civilization; an Egypt- wisdom's, for pity's sake, revolt!" We can only ans- gles of ciphers and of names whose meaning has been ties, far from being lulled, are sharply aroused; he ian priest replies with an equally long oration; the au- wer, "We will!" weighs evidence for and against the theory of racial lost." thor as chairman casts the deciding vote. The decision For all its weaknesses the book comes like an In a magnificent introduction the author'tells us memory, or immediately resists the pretention. If is highly controversial; one is moved to agreement or electric charge among so much of the feeble personal how history appears to him. He believes that differ- this is to be not merely a game, but is to be taken as disagreement—and there art ends and discussion be- literature that readers in this country have been get- ences between the crises and institutions which mark science, the reader treads cautiously. Science is a gins. ting. It has been well translated from the rich and the evolution of entities are nearly always either realm where it is possible to asstime but not to pre- varied French into a lucid English by Stephen Haden merely apparent, or superficial; the resemblance tend. The spell is broken; the reader continually All the great religious are debated in this way. Why not read Kautsky on Christianity, then? Or Guest, and made available to live-minded people by the always profound. The common denominator is "a feels that he is not really watching the unfolding of International Publishers Co. Class conscious workers few against all." He is shocked by the power which man's destiny, but merely the destiny of one man; Freud's Totem and Taboo? Or Frazier's Golden Bough? If one wishes to write an outline of history, will be stimulated by it, even when they will not the language of men has over them, "the ascendency of that he is watching a series of nightmares in the mind always agree with it. formulae." He inveighs against timidity, ignorance, of a young poet. why the young poet and the hallucinations and the hypocrisy, above all against the oppression of the That, of course, is a story in itself; but it is not interminable debates and philippics? The reader is masses; he sings clearly and beautifully in praise of the story we were promised. In these nightmares the not stirred deeply, at all; he asks, critically, is this those workers who have "united reality and thought, poet thinks he relives the history of mankind. Time analysis of religion correct? Is this a dialectic view bound action to dream." He appeals to the "intellec- and space are suspended, and Clement Trachel carries of history? He wants to shout to the author: Wait, tuals," no longer Ms fellows, not to be the last to see on a double existence, one in the present of reality, wait, dear comrade! Don't rush to make metaphysical THE INFORMER by Liam O'Flaherty. Alfred A. how rational and moral, how magnificent and good is the other in the past of his imagination. While climb- generalizations so dogmatically! You are telling us Knopf, New York. this total reformation now roughly mapped out by the ing a staircase, taking a walk, talking to his sweet- a story; why do you take advantage of our attention Communists. heart, he may be caught in a trance, and transported to put over the highly doubtful creed that "the sub- A very silly book indeed. It pictures the Irish back to another age, when he was living another life. jective is real and the objective its obverse"? Communist Party as a group of thugs and whores, This passion and these ideas are the common her- ruled tyrannically by a muddled adventurer. itage of all revolutionary workers. Barbusse, being In this hectic alteration between present and past, he passes, in chronological order, from stage to stage< of How history is chopped up to fit the head of the a worker whose job it is to give literary form to feel- Parisian poet, Clement Trachel! All life, time, space, The story concerns itself with the bewilder- ings and ideas and to suffuse them with imagination, mankind's development. ment and dread felt by a communist in the interval But this development is not a development at all! the density of nations and religions, philosophies and undertakes to build an epic around them. It is so arts, are squeezed to the measure of that one pigeon- between Ms betrayal of his pal to the police and great a theme that he finds the old forms inadequate. It is merely a repetition. his execution next day as an informer. He spent In all stages, the story is essentially the same. hole. Like Swinburne's Hertha, Trachel is both sub- He has the courage to break through the requirements ject and object, persecutor and persecuted, tyrant and most of the interval in a wb.ore-b.ouse, drunk. of the conventional novel, and to attempt something The few rule; the many suffer. Now Trachel is a prim- itive man in flight with wife and child before an ice- slave. In the end, after all the speeches, comes one This trash has received generous praise from which partakes at once of the "novel, the drama, deluge; now a slave at the dawn of Sumerian civiliza- great speech for our own times. After the reign of the bourgeois critics. It deserves such praise. poetry, and even the immense perspective of the cine- tion ; later a mason on the Egyptian pyramids; a gal- the beast, the "first man"—the worker who flings his ma, and the ever-present temptation of the fresco." NO into the teeth of the ruling classes: —George Meyler. Has this great plan been carried out successfully, ley-slave on a Carthaginian vessel; a Jewish peasant or is it (as the hero of Chains asks himself about his during the early persecutions of the Christians; a "All that you say is nothing," he cries, "nothing own writings) "far greater than the actual accomp- twelfth-century monk biirned at the stake for his sci- at all. It is all lies to put people to sleep. Your re- lishment lying there visibly and clumisly spoiled?" entific experiments; a feudal lord burning and hang- ligion is hell, your republic for profiteers, your patriot- One may ask that question as an engineer, approving ing his serfs and ravishing their daughters; a revolu- ism stamping on the people, and your newspapers in a rough verbal description of a dam, might ask, on tionry in 1789 who betrays the revolution. their millions of bales, dirty linen ... Your progress In every age, in every land there is blood, torture, is nothing, nothing." STAT seeing the completed work, whether it functions, slavery. The story becomes an imending indictment whether the water will flow. And of class-rule and of man's brutality to man. Terror is That chapter is an iron shout, curse and blessing The author of Chains resorts to an old device to the keynote of Chains. There is no relief. Men never in one; derision for the dying bourgeoisie, veneration tell his story. He presents Clement Trachel, a young laugh or play; they never have the illusion that god's for the rising proletariat; scorn for the "middle way," modern poet who suffers from hallucinations which he in his heaven and all's right with the world. Life has praise for "red logic, red truth." REVOLUTION calls "racial or ancestral memory." It is a device no up and down, only down. And this story of unre- used by Jack London, Eudyard Kipling, Edwin Ar- lieved horror is told in a style that is maintained at Yet we are told that the "new man" is after all, By nold. The scheme of Chains also resembles, in cer- the highest tension throughout. All is fortissimo. only a reincarnation of other figures of other times, tain of its aspects, the pattern of Flaubert's Tempta- The most trivial event is related with the same intens- only the Helot, the Father, the slave, the caryatid— tions of St. Anthony. Any device is good if it is con- LENIN ity as the most enormous. Love (to use Trotsky's as Trachel himself is a reincarnation. (V. I. ULIANOV) vincing., If the reader is gradually disarmed, and the phrase) is described as if it were the migration of na- How hopeless! At one stroke goes toppling the ground carefully prepared, it is possible to create the tions. There is no climax anywhere, because all is A new edition of this classic by the great temporary illusion that fairies exist, that the wild climax. whole life-giving concept of eYolution, the law that leader has recently been issued. No worker asses of the devil roam the streets of London, that So shaken is the author with volcanic feeling, that which is can never be precisely that which was. can be without this invaluable work pointing men have actually visited the moon. The illusion must that almost no incident is related objectively. In Instead of the dialectic world we know, we are pre- clearly to the overthrow of capitalism and the be created with a deft touch. The fancy will appear fact, there are very few incidents. Things do not hap- sented a world in which "the more things change the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Pro- to be a fact only if we may, half-consciously, continue pen; they are merely talked about. The reader sees* more they are the same." The "eternal verities" pose in letariat. It is a> guide for every worker and to realize that it is, after all, only a fancy; that we are the world's history unroll, but obscured by many new masks; the "everlasting" realities behind the a sharp answer to the falsifiers of Communism. not going through an intellectual conversion, but are screens. Events are heard second, third or even fourth ephemeral appearances. Isn't that a false picture? merely playing a game through whose symbols we may hand, almost never directly. What happens or hap- The Daily Worker Chains is full of such contradictions; an immense Pub, Co,, catch a glimpse of some essential truth. pened is heard from Trachel, who heard it from some- mob of events, thoughts, words, with no central execu^ 25 Cents Unfortunately the violent dogmatic style of 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Duroflex Covers one else. Often no events are discussed, but long par- tive concept to create order out of chaos. Yet much Chicago, Hi. Chains wrecks the illusion from the 'beginning. The liamentary debates take place between exponents of can be forgotten for the sake of the last of the count- Another February Lives and Lessons of ADDITIONAL Daily The Menace of Opportunism Worker DATA— By MAX BEDACHT Nicolai Lenin Karl Liebknecht Publication Rosa Luxemburg New Material—Recent Important A scientifically critical analysis of the vari- Developments— ous tendencies expressed in the revolution- 15 IN ONE BOOKLET Have caused a postponement in the publication ary movement today— Cents By Max Shachtman date and a change in the sise and price of A CAREFUL JUDGEMENT AND A WARNING— Ready Soon There is no more fitting way to celebrate the memory of our martyred comrades than A booklet no "worker can omit from among THE DAILY WORKER PUB, CO., to distribute this booklet into every corner of those invaluable guides to the footsteps of 1113 W. Washington Blvd., the country—wherever workers congregate. The Awakening of intelligent Labor. CHICAGO, ILL. We expect a great rush, of orders. We therefore ask you that you get yours in early so as to give us plenty of time to get them to you. Single Copy 15 Cents. In Lots of Ten or More 10 Cents. China FILL OUT THE BLANK BELOW By James H, Dolsen. Why did the MacDonald government collapse? Young Workers (Communist) League of America Why is the British Labor Party afraid of revolution? A brilliant and arresting book These steps were found neces- What is the British tradition of the use of force? 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, 111. sary to allow not only a more ex- Enclosed please flnd $ for booklets tensive treatment of the subject in What is happening to British capitalism? dealing with the lives of Lenin, Liebknecht and Lux- view of the recent important What is the Bolshevik program for England today? CHAINS emburg. changes in that country, but also to allow increasing the value of These and Other Vital Questions Are Answered by by this work by the addition of origi- nal documents that will prove of real value to both student and Henri Barbusse City , State worker. LEON TROTSKY Never before has such a thorough in His Brilliant Book study of China been presented to This is the same Barbusse American Labor. whose UNDER FIRE stripped, Whither England? the glamour from the imperialist Here are facts—a complete $1,75 war, . . CHAINS similarly picture of conditions: foreign strips the glamour from the lies YOU WANT A of history and civilization. . , influence and exploitation, the Have You Secured Your Copy of growing industrialisation of An epic book. , . The world is its canvas. . . Its theme is the China, the growth of a Nation- Historical Materialism revolutionary spirit of man from You are sure to find it at alist Movement and the rise of By NIKOLAI BUKHARIN the dim dawn of prehistoric times a new force in the Far East— All Social Sciences Remodeled Into a Marxian Sociology to the present day. . . No the rise of Chinese Labor, more significant and brilliant - ... At All Bookstores or From novel has been written in our The addition of many original II- day. . . GOOD BOOKSflWORKERS lustrations—and the striking and World [fnfte"— "°vel binding—make the book a INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS INCORPORATED 2 Volumes, $4.00 in Chinese. truly unusual publication. 38! FOURTH AVEMUS NEW YORK

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