1 a Brief Political History of the Baltic States

Notes 1 A Brief Political History of the Baltic States 1 . In April 2007 the Estonian government’s relocation of the ‘Bronze Soldier’ statue (a tribute to Red Army soldiers) from the centre of Tallinn to a military cemetery outside the city led to thousands of Estonia’s Russophones running amok in Estonia’s only major riot since 1991. 2 . Three excellent comparative histories of the Baltic states have been published in recent years (Kasekamp, 2010; Plakans, 2011; Purs, 2012) while Anatol Lieven’s (1994) The Baltic Revolution remains the best English-language text covering the Baltic states’ struggle to break away from the Soviet Union. Richard C.M. Mole’s (2012) recent volume on Baltic identities also contains a good comparative overview of the development of the Baltic states. There are also a number of relatively recent fine individual country histories: Estonian histories include: Taagepera (1993), Smith (2002) and Raun (2002), while Latvia is covered by Plakans (1995), Dreifelds (1996), Eksteins (1999), Pabriks and Purs (2001), and Lithuania by Kiaupa (2002) and Lane (2002). 3 . Amber is the only other natural resource found in large quantities in addition to north-eastern Estonia’s shale oil. However, as Modris Eksteins (1999, p. 9) points out, while amber may well have been sought after in the age of the Greeks and Romans, it now has little monetary value. 4 . The most significant celebration is the ‘John’s Day’ midsummer solstice celebration (Jaanipäev in Estonia, Jāņi in Latvia, and Joninės in Lithuania), which still brings the Baltic republics to a beer-sodden halt in late June. 5 . Hroch’s famous 1985 tome sketches in an explanatory three-stage periodi- zation – (a) scholarly interest; (b) patriotic agitation; and (c) appearance of a mass national movement – that has been used to explain the emergence of nationalism in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania (see, for example: Raun and Plakans, 1990; Kasekamp, 2010; and Mole, 2012). 6 . A term coined by contemporary Baltic Germans and intended as belittlement, rather as the contemporary wealthy, new post-communist elite are mocked for their gaudy, but expensive, style and known as ‘new Russians’. 7 . One of the key figures in the committee was Janis Čakste, who had previ- ously also been a Duma deputy and was to become the first president of inde- pendent Latvia. 8 . This confusion is reflected in the Brāļu Kapi (Cemetery of the Brethren) in Riga, dedicated to the fallen in the Latvian wars of independence. Latvian Red Riflemen are buried next to soldiers from the self-defence forces, although at some stage they were likely to have fought against each other. 9 . Baltic nationalists, Baltic communists, Red Army, Latvian Riflemen, White Russians, the British navy, Finish volunteers and Polish forces (Clemens, 1991, p. 33). 229 230 Notes 10 . Janis Čakste, Alberts Kviesis and Kārlis Ulmanis. 11 . In 1921 the Latvian Trade Union Central Committee had 40,000 members. Although the Central Committee split as a result of the different political factions battling to control it, by 1933 there were 50,000 people regis- tered as members of several hundred different trade unions (Šilde, 1976, pp. 560–562). 12 . Indeed, the political scientist Rasma Kārkliņš has claimed that her distinguished historian father, Ādolfs Šilde, believed that the Ulmanis coup was carried out because the press was about to break a string of compromising corruption stories concerning Ulmanis and his LZS (Zirnis and Veveris, 2005). 13 . For example, Jānis Mežaraugs’s (1928) article on ‘How the left-wing government fought political corruption’ was published by the Latvian Academy of Sciences, although it is more of an angry diatribe against the perceived corruption of the civic parties than an academic investigation of political corruption. 14 . In contrast to Andres Kasekamp (1999), Modris Eksteins (1999, p. 116) argued that the members of the Latvian Thundercross styled themselves on Europe’s fascists. He wrote that Thundercross ‘members wore gray shirts and black berets and adopted a Nazi-style salute accompanied by the greeting “Hail Struggle!” The movement[’]s slogan was “Latvia for the Latvians”’. 15 . In Latvia, the major changes included reducing the amount of parliamentary seats from 100 to 50 while increasing the term from three years to four; creating a popularly elected, five-year presidency (with a two-term limit) and granting the president increased legislative powers as well as the ability to dismiss parliament. The Estonian government offered almost identical reforms. 16 . Laws were passed under Article 81 of the Latvian constitution that gave the Cabinet of Ministers the power to pass laws while the parliament was not in session. 17 . The fluctuating fortunes of titular Baltic families under the different occupation regimes is brilliantly captured in William Palmer’s little-known 1990 novel, The Good Republic . 18 . Occupation is here understood as the effective control of a foreign territory by hostile armed forces, as defined in Article 42 of the 1907 Hague Regulations. 2 Elected and Unelected Institutions 1 . The new preamble reads as follows: The state of Latvia, which was proclaimed on 18 November 1918, has been established by uniting historical Latvian territories and expressing the unwa- vering desire of the Latvian nation to have its own state and its inalienable right of self-determination in order to guarantee the existence and development of the Latvian nation, its language and culture for centuries, provide freedom and promote prosperity for the people of Latvia and for everyone. The people of Latvia won their state in the Fights for Independence. A freely elected Constitutional Assembly served to consolidate the form of government and adopt a Constitution. The people of Latvia did not recognise the occupation regimes, resisted them and regained freedom by renewing their national independence on 4 May 1990 on the grounds of continuity of the state. They honour their defenders of freedom, commemorate victims of foreign powers, as well Notes 231 as condemn the Communist and Nazi totalitarian regimes and crimes committed by them. Latvia is democratic and based on the rule of law, as a social and national state is based on human dignity and freedom; it recognises and protects fundamental human rights and respects minorities. The people of Latvia protect its sovereignty, as well as the independence, territory, territorial integrity and the democratic form of government of the state of Latvia. Traditionally, Latvia’s identity in the European cultural space has been shaped by Latvian and Liv traditions, Latvian folk wisdom, the Latvian language, universal human and Christian values. Loyalty to Latvia, the Latvian language as the only state language, freedom, equality, solidarity, justice, honesty, the work ethic and family are the foundations of a cohesive society. Everyone takes care of one’s self, one’s relatives and the common good of society by acting responsibly toward other people, future genera- tions, the environment and nature. Being aware of its equivalence in the international community, Latvia protects its national interests and facilitates the sustainable and democratic development of a united Europe and world. God, bless Latvia! (Saeima, 2014) 2 . Minority government coalitions lack a formal legislative majority but draw on the support of individual deputies or the regular support of a party that, for various reasons, did not enter government. Minimum-winning coalitions collapse when one party withdraws its support. Surplus majority coalitions contain more parties than strictly necessary for a majority. 3 . Data are for full electoral terms only. Estonia 1992–2011, Latvia 1993–2011 and Lithuania 1992–2012. 4 . Arnold Rüütel won 42% of the vote to Meri’s 29.5%. Rein Taagepera came third with 23% and Lagle Parek won 4%. 5 . Indeed, even before the first round third-placed Rein Taagepera (who had been nominated by the Popular Front) had expressed his own support for Lennart Meri. In a speech he had said: I do not particularly wish to be elected[;] ... if any voters hesitate whether to give a vote for me or Lennart Meri, he or she should vote for Meri[;] ... on the other hand, if any of the voters hesitate whether to vote for me or the person who in 1982 was appointed head of the Estonian government by Yuri Andropov [Arnold Rüütel], then he or she should vote for me. ( Baltic Observer , 1992, p. 3) 6 . In the premier–presidential model the president (a) is selected by popular vote for a fixed term in office; (b) selects the prime minister who heads the cabinet; however, (c) only parliament has the authority to dismiss the cabinet (Shugart and Carey, 1992). 7 . Paksas resigned, alongside his Finance and Economics minister’s, after failing to negotiate better terms for the sale. 8 . If an outgoing prime minister removed by a parliamentary call of no-confidence requests it, the president may, or may not, call an early parliamentary election. 9 . A president may call for a referendum on the recall and early election of parliament. However, this is a zero-sum game, with the president having to step down if the public reject the recall of parliament. 10 . Only after the prime minister has asked for an early election following a parliamentary vote of no confidence in the government. Moreover, three- 232 Notes fifths of the resulting newly elected parliament can call for a new presidential election. 11 . However, if the president’s first and second nominees are not approved by the parliament, the initiative for nominating a prime minister is handed to parliament. All but one of the prime minister candidates nominated by Estonian presidents have been approved at the first nomination. The excep- tion was elected after the president’s second nomination.

Load more