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BECOMING IRLANDÉS

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© Copyright de esta edición L.O.L.A. (Literature of Latin America)

Copyright 2005 by Edmundo Murray

Revised Edition in English Title of the original edition in Spanish: Devenir irlandés. Narrativas íntimas de la emigración irlandesa a la Argentina (1844-1912), Buenos Aires, Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires (Eudeba), 2004.

Editorial, responsable: Colin Sharp Rodríguez Peña 115 (1020) Buenos Aires, República Argentina. Teléfono: (+ 5411) 4372 - 0518 Fax: (+ 5411) 4372 - 2787 Web site: http://www.lola-online.com E-mail: [email protected]

Murray, Edmundo. Becoming Irlandés: Private Narratives of the Irish Emigration to Argentina, 1844-1912. Buenos Aires: Literature of Latin America (L.O.L.A.), 2005. Includes appendices, bibliographical references and index.

Diseño gráfico: Víctor C. Sarracino.

Se terminó de imprimir en el mes de diciembre de 2005, en los Talleres Gráficos Lux S. R. L. H. Yrigoyen 2463 - (3000) Santa Fe, República Argentina.

Quedan reservados los derechos para todos los países. Ninguna parte de esta publicación, incluido el diseño gráfico de la tapa y de las páginas interiores pueden ser reproducidas, almacenadas o transmitidas de ninguna forma, ni por ningún medio, sea éste electrónico, mecánico, grabación, fotocopia o cualquier otro sistema, sin la previa autorización escrita de la Editorial.

Queda hecho el depósito que previene la ley 11723.

ISBN: 950-9725-71-4

Keywords: migrations, Ireland, Latin America, Argentina, history, emigrant letters.

Cover photograph: Group of Irish settlers (1890s). St. Patrick’s old chapel in Santa Lucía, San Pedro, Buenos Aires province (Roberto Young Collection).

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BECOMING IRLANDÉS Private Narratives of the Irish Emigration to Argentina (1844-1912)

EDMUNDO MURRAY 2005

Revised Edition in English

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To Statia Joyce and Héctor Roldán, who treasured with love and shared with generosity their documents, family letters, and photographs.

They were always making discoveries, by accident and sagacity, of things they were not in quest of.

HORACE WALPOLE

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All was spacious – earth, sky, the waving continent of grass; the fierce and blinding storms, and, above all, the feeling in men’s minds of freedom, and of being face to face with nature, under those southern skies.

Robert B. Cunninghame Graham (Rodeo, pp. 70-72)

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CONTENTS

List of Tables ...... XI List of Illustrations ...... XI List of Abbreviations and Symbols ...... XI Foreword to the First Edition in Spanish ...... XIII Acknowledgements ...... XVII

1 Introduction: Faces, Places and Encounters ...... 1 ‘Identikits:’ the Statistic Approach ...... 7 Trees: the Genealogical Approach ...... 12 Private Documents ...... 14 The South Atlantic Experience ...... 17 The Irish in the Argentine Polyglossia ...... 22 Notes to this Edition ...... 26

2 ‘I began to Think of Leaving Ireland’ The Memoirs of Edward Robbins 1800-1853 ...... 29

3 ‘The Best Country Under the Sun’ Letters to Martin Murphy 1844-1879 ...... 37

4 ‘Everything Came Together, War, Plague and Locusts’ Letters to John James Pettit 1864-1875 ...... 85

5 ‘We began to make a garden’ The Memoirs of Tom Garrahan 1864-1912 ...... 115

Epilogue: Irish Gauchos ...... 131

Appendix 1 Chronology ...... 139 Appendix 2 Genealogic al Guide: Some Persons Mentioned in the Letters and Memoirs ...... 145 Appendix 3 Money, Currency, Value, and Other Conversions ...... 155 Appendix 4 Glossary ...... 159

Bibliography ...... 161

Notes ...... 167 Index ...... 205

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Counties of origin in Ireland ...... 7 Table 2. Parishes of origin in Ireland ...... 8 Table 3. Age upon arrival to Buenos Aires ...... 9 Table 4. Age at marriage ...... 9 Table 5. Age at death ...... 9 Table 6. Place of residence in 1869 census ...... 10 Table 7. Place of residence in 1895 census ...... 11 Table 8. Places of death ...... 11 Table 9. Occupation in 1869 and 1895 censuses ...... 12 Table 10. Occurrences of ‘camp’ in the original texts ...... 25 Table 11. Occurrences of ‘home’ in the original texts ...... 26 Table 12. Exchange rate of £1 ...... 157 Table 13. Purchasing power of £1 ...... 158 Table 14. Other conversions ...... 159

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

Born: b (eg. b1820 = born in 1820) Death: d (eg. d1906 = died in 1906) Approximate date: c (eg. c1850 = circa 1850) Illegible text: [*] Damaged manuscript: [torn] Ellipsis: [...] Father (priest): Fr. Pound Sterling: £ Peso: $

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FOREWORD TO THE FIRST EDITION IN SPANISH

Migrations between Europe and the Americas go back a long way, and they still continue. However, during the nineteenth century they were significantly important in one direction, namely, from the old to the new continent. At that time, Ireland was a net emigration country. Conversely, Argentina ranked high in number of immigrants relative to its native population. In 1900, more than one third of the Argentine residents were born outside of Argentina. Among them, the Irish left their marks and influence in the Argentine social and cultural tissue, though quantitatively they were not the largest immigrant group. Argentina gained a place in the Irish Diaspora, even if it was not a major destination for the emigrants compared to the United States, England or Australia. Therefore, there is a history of this migration or, better said, histories, and this book includes some of them. Edmundo Murray has compiled, translated, and edited a corpus of documents, including four collections of letters and memoirs from Irish emigrants and their families in mid-nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This material is remarkable for three reasons. This is the first attempt to publish this kind of documentation of the Irish-Argentine community in a scholarly format. 1 These are accounts narrated by a multiplicity of voices, including men and women at different ages, from diverse geographic origins, and with heterogeneous life experiences. In addition, since the compilation combines letters and memoirs, and each of these genres include distinct descriptive styles, the collection includes a number of types of narratives. Furthermore, Murray has done a very admirable job of editing. To familiarise the reader with the context, the material has been framed between an introduction and an epilogue. A collection of difficult and heterogeneous texts has been translated with fluency. Valuable and detailed comments have been appended as reference notes. A chronology and a genealogical guide have been produced, and a bibliography and a helpful conversion table have been included. Yet, are a few letters and memoirs able to depict the Irish who emigrated to Argentina and their new country? This question has, at least, two immediate answers. The first one refers to historiography, and the second one to the text itself. In the last decades, historiography has gone through important changes. One of those key changes is the new interest on individual activity and contingency, as essential dimensions of historical interpretation. Contrary to the progress models of clear-cut causality (traditional among historians after World War II), today there is an interest on the role of uniqueness and specificity within the social process. These dimensions, that before were considered trivial in contrast with structural and supposedly determinant forces, are not neglected anymore. This

1 Note from the author. I use Irish Argentine as noun, to refer to Argentine-born children and other descendants of the Irish. I use Irish-Argentine as adjective, to qualify Irish Argentines or their cultures or characteristics.

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FOREWORD TO THE FIRST EDITION IN SPANISH

revolutionary perspective has generated new fields of study and has opened new ways to understanding the past, which today is accessed through a variety of sources. For example, a national census must be weighted on the same scale as a letter from a farmer or a merchant, or an official document as a private text. Any vestige of the past, no matter its origin, is available to historical examination. The heuristic potential of letters (particularly, emigrants’ letters), has been examined to a great extent. There are interesting studies that collect, reproduce, and use this type of documentation as a major source. Among other researchers, we may recall the authors of The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (1920), a book published previous to the supremacy of post-World War II structuralism. W. Thomas and F. Znaniecki brought together hundreds of letters from emigrant Polish farmers, as well as an extensive autobiography and other primary documents. 2 Nearer to the subject of this book, among the studies collecting and analysing the correspondence of European emigrants to Argentina and other South American countries, we find the pioneering work of Emilio Franzina about Italian settlers Merica! Merica! Emigrazione e colonizzazione nelle lettere dei contadini veneti in America Latina, 1876-1902, published in 1979. 3 About ten years later, appeared One Family, Two Worlds from Samuel Baily and Franco Ramella, including a sequence of letters from a family that emigrated in the early twentieth century from Italy to Argentina.4 Even closer in time is David Fitzpatrick’s book based on Irish emigrants to Australia, which Edmundo Murray mentions in the introduction. The other book cited in the introduction is the Memoirs of John Brabazon, translated and edited by Eduardo Coghlan in 1981, which represents another focal change in the historian’s interest in historical documents. Traditionally, historians have cherished the study of memoirs from rulers, soldiers, intellectuals, and other public figures. The novelty of Brabazon’s memoirs, as well as those of Edward Robbins and Tom Garrahan included in this book, is that they were not famous persons. Therefore, their memoirs are private documents from immigrants without public activity, which offer rich ways of understanding the past. This is the historiographical answer to emigrant letters and memoirs of this book. Moreover, a second answer to the question of the sufficiency and representativeness of Murray’s materials emerges from reading these texts. Dozens of histories are mixed up in these pages, in which the characters speak about themselves and the world they see. They have their own script: a private libretto, yet one that offers access points to the reader; keys and clues to understand the past, particularly, the history of immigration and immigrants, the Irish and their families, and the whole of the Argentine society. Every letter and memoir tells us about the authors and the social, economic, political, and cultural history of nineteenth-century Argentina.

2 Thomas, William I. and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, edited and abridged by Eli Zaretsky (Urbana and Chicago: The University of Illinois Press, 1984).

3 Franzina, Emilio, Merica! Merica! Emigrazione e colonizzazione nelle lettere dei contadini veneti in America Latina, 1876-1902 (Milano: Feltrinelli, 1979).

4 Baily, Samuel L. and Franco Ramella (editors), One Family, Two Worlds. An Italian Family’s Correspondence across the Atlantic, 1901-1922 (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1988).

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FOREWORD TO THE FIRST EDITION IN SPANISH

We may read these documents with different approaches. Murray resisted the temptation to explain or suggest a favoured approach to their interpretation. Instead, he chose to present the information and the framework necessary to facilitate our personal reading. Hence, these texts are wide open in their own fullness, so that every reader may interpret them and make a close-up observation of the experiences of some of the Irish in Argentina and their families.

HILDA SABATO Buenos Aires, December 2003

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The context of the narratives included in this book is the cultural transformation experienced by 19th century Irish emigrants to Argentina, and their families. They are private narratives, and they belong to the sphere of intimacy. Moreover, they reveal the values, attitudes and principles of their writers. My guiding idea has been to explore the letters and memoirs of a few Irish emigrants to Argentina. These communications from an elusive past are not easy to grasp given our present fear of differences. These are connections among Ireland, Argentina, and Australia, which reveal the flexibility and dynamism of migration. They are memories of a long-gone way of life, confessions that only the retrospective can bring about. The narratives in this book are not intended to surprise with new interpretations of the Irish immigrant experience, nor to cast light on well-known personages. You will find no celebrities, important men, progressive women, epic achievements or special events here. Rather, these records of everyday life unconsciously demystify any romantic notion the reader may cherish regarding the heroic struggles of these people. The only startling fact is, perhaps, the lack of surprises. The heroes in these stories open the front door of their homes; they introduce their family, friends, and enemies; they show us their work and labours. The elementary candour of these documents stands out for us, who read them more than a century after their first appearance. We see the writers and their communities negotiating daily with fears, weaknesses and needs. The authors of this book are those who wrote its letters and memoirs. My role has been limited to putting their writings in a context as enriched as possible by my own research. My strategy has been to provide the reader with the appropriate framework by including an extensive overview of Irish immigrant history in the introduction, generous notes, an epilogue and a few annexes.

This book is the result of my own work, and I am solely responsible for the research and its interpretation. However, I am indebted to several persons for their assistance and support. I am grateful to the faculty of the University of Geneva, Switzerland. Their multiple perspectives have allowed me to refocus my own viewpoints. I especially thank the professors of English, Spanish and Linguistics: David Spurr, Valeria Wagner, Abdeslam Azougarh, Eddy Roulet, Bernard Schlurick and, particularly, John Blair, who inspired this and other studies about cultural values. I am also thankful to the researchers and friends of the Society for Irish Latin American Studies (previously, Irish Argentine Historical Society) for their support and generosity to share information, documents and ideas, among them, Gonzalo Cané, Graham Davis, Jeremy Howat, Laura Izarra, Guillermo MacLoughlin, Oliver Marshall, Cathal McGoey, Brian McGinn, Pat McKenna, John Kennedy, Hilda Sabato and Emer Singleton.

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Furthermore, I am indebted to Patrick O’Sullivan of the Irish Diaspora List for his guidance and support and for suggesting the title of this edition in English, and to David Barnwell, Patricio Boyle, Claire Healy, Helen Kelly, Sarah Veal and Edward Walsh for their honest feedback and helpful comments on the text. During a field trip to Ireland in the beautiful summer of 2002, Mary Anglim, a teacher from Kilmore, Co. Wexford, took me by surprise by offering the manuscript letters of the Murphys of Haysland. Her aunt, the late Statia Joyce, kept this collection for decades and, in Knockeen Nursing Home, Statia deciphered for me dozens of family photographs. She died eight days later. Julia McInerny, of San Pedro, Buenos Aires, handed over the memoirs of Edward Robbins and several family documents and photographs. Andrew Pettit, of Melbourne, Australia, sent valuable family papers and, particularly, the letters to John James Pettit. Finally, Patricio J. Garrahan of Buenos Aires supplied a copy of Tom Garrahan’s memoirs, as well as continuing support to this project. I am obliged to them and other members of these families in Argentina, Australia, England, Ireland and the United States, who co-operated with their efforts and authorisation to publish these documents. In January 2003, when I was travelling through the Irish Pampas (1,400 kilometres in four days, visiting Irish settlements, villages, estancias, cemeteries, churches, and schools in the province of Buenos Aires), many persons provided invaluable assistance. I thank Gustavo Delía’s friendship and generous support, as well as local historians Héctor Terrén (San Andrés de Giles), Rafael Pérez de Andés (Luján), and the late Héctor Roldán (Salto) for their participation and commitment. The experience and imagination of librarians are often essential to any successful research. In my case, I am deeply appreciative of the patience and initiative of Lise Magnollay and Victoria Espinosa (Geneva), Bernardette Gardiner (Maynooth), Gretta Connell (Mullingar), Martin Morris (Longford), Mary Butler (Tullamore) and Michael Dempsey (Wexford). Nor will I forget the helpful efficiency of graduate students Juan José Santos in Buenos Aires and Helen Kelly in Dublin, who intelligently accessed forgotten archives. Transcribing 19th century documents is an exciting yet challenging task, which requires rigorous critical standards, continued motivation and unlimited patience. Without the assistance of Vivian Sheridan and Estelle Varanguien de Villepin, it would not have been possible to achieve the quality of transcriptions of the letters to Martin Murphy and the memoirs of Tom Garrahan, respectively. I am thankful to both for their insight on deciphering difficult passages. Finally, an acknowledgement and a request to all who write to my address: keep writing. I know no more powerful tools than enthusiasm and emotion. Thank you,

EDMUNDO MURRAY Maison Rouge, July 2005 www.irlandeses.org

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INTRODUCTION: 1FACES, PLACES AND ENCOUNTERS

Imagine this. You are in a space of the human geography. It is a space populated by fairies, druids, monsters and ancient legends transcribed in enigmatic runes. There are blessings and charms flowing through shamrock meadows, as green as they can only grow in an emerald isle. Beyond the hills, the ash trees recite ancient traditions while they soothe your fears. The spirit of a ghostly century-old oak whispers in your ears the direction to follow. Under its protection you arrive at the village. Your spirits are reassured by the enlivening church and the thatched huts, the Celtic music from a harp, and the warm laughter from the pub. Listen to the archaic Milesian connections and traditions uttered in a mysterious and ancient language. Feel the intense religious emotions, probably with heathen origins, dated from before the journey of good Saint Patrick. Voices from ancient times encourage your spirits. In your mind, any of these symbols would suffice to define Ireland and the Irish. However, none of them are present in the emigrant letters and memoirs of this book. There is not a single reference to the famous Irish fairies. Not even the tiny Leprechaun has hidden between these lines written by Irish-born emigrants and their children. Furthermore, and more surprisingly, in the following documents there are very few references to the traditional oppositions and tensions in the British Isles. Dualities such as English/Irish, Anglo- Saxon/Celtic, Catholic/Protestant do not seem to be especially important for the writers of these texts. Therefore, an unprepared reader would ask, if these 19th century Irish persons did not speak about Ireland and its traditions, what did they speak about? Who were these persons? Why are they so different from the typical “Paddy”, the stock Irish character who is frequently depicted today as a likeable farmer, cheerful, witty, hard-working and deeply religious? The writers of these letters and memoirs are ordinary men and women (although one could reasonably argue that everybody is ordinary until a special event makes them extraordinary). These writers are people from the streets and from the countryside. Only one of them was famous enough to leave his name in a toponym (although not even all the present day inhabitants know that Murphy town, in the province of Santa Fe, was named for John James Murphy or, more accurately, for his wealth). They are men and women with virtues and faults, strengths and weaknesses that are in no way fictitious. They are ambitious and have a generous imagination to carry out their own lives. They have selfish and sometimes snobbish perspectives, and more often than not they neglect the larger society. Sometimes they reproduce in Argentina the very evils that obliged them to emigrate from Ireland. Not one hero, not a saint nor a martyr is to be found in this book. There is no intention here to honour the memory of neglected celebrities, those who contributed to the development of their countries and communities. This book is neither a hagiographa nor a

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Legenda Aurea, intended to evoke martyrs bearing superior ideals. The characters in these accounts are actual persons, who were born and died in a time when inner adventures were supported by mass migrations from Europe to America. They are human beings, with anxieties, selfishness, creativity and, often, inspiration and everlasting patience. They believe in certain principles and hold to their values, and they behave more or less according to them, though, when necessary, they change or adapt these values to their new environments. Before going further, and at the risk of belabouring my point, I feel justified in asking a fundamental question that emerges with relation to all migration: what is a value? What is the relationship between value, belief and identity? How are human behaviours either sustained or transformed by identity? As an introduction to this topic, which is basic of a hermeneutic approach to emigrant private texts, one may argue that “value” is a generalised assumption about a reality external to the society. A significant segment of a society may hold viewpoints more or less conditioned by religion, gender, family, property, home, work or ethnicity. If those viewpoints are concentrated and focused (for instance, as religion may be focused on an individualist spirituality, or property on a distribution according to production efficiency), individual assumptions become social values. Social values may or may not be accepted by the individual person, and may be accepted in diverse degrees or intensity. When the individual accepts values without reserve and criticism he or she has “beliefs”. One can believe even in what is not seen, touched or heard. But one would hardly believe in something that nobody believes. Beliefs, like values, are social and belong to the sphere of conventions. Ultimately, social identity is enacted by means of shared beliefs: it consists in the fact that a significant number of persons hold the same beliefs, i.e., share the same values regarding life (or death), work, sex, gender, childrearing, etc. This is how a common “identity” becomes the kind of social fact historians reckon with. Identity does not link similar persons, having physical resemblance or genealogical closeness. It creates connections among those who believe in the efficacy of a certain set of values. On the one hand, it is important to remark the amorality (or better said, the “extramorality”) of these values, beliefs and identities. I am not speaking about values in terms of good or evil, beliefs in superior or inferior powers, or the qualities of certain persons. I would like to distinguish the concept of value from any moral qualification, which is etymologically class-conscious: “we the noble, the virtuous, the fair, the happy”. This is Nietzsche’s aristocratic morality, which Nietzsche supposed must subtend the value system of the wealthy. In this morality, good is identified with nobility and evil with the populace (On The Genealogy of Morals, 1887). This is the reason why I focus on the “extramorality” of values and on their pure relationship between the subject and the world. Within the context of this book values are neither good nor bad. Simply, they are relations. As relational forces, values are not inert. Additionally, they can be catalogued. A person may change identities when he or she stops believing in a set of values and adopts a new set, when he or she realises with relief, passion and some nostalgia that the essence of the human being is precisely “not being”, that is, becoming. This idea (yet again, it should be considered beyond morality) is not thought in terms of past and future, like history, but as central and dominant points. In Deleuze and Guattari’s Devenir-intense, devenir-animal, devenir- imperceptible (Milles Plateaux, 1980), humans proceed from becoming-man towards some dominant point: adult, man, woman, or child. It is not important to identify the point where

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they go, but the fact that they proceed, they become. Identity is not the static instant of becoming. It is a continuous process. Identities may be studied, analysed and classified according to its components, i.e., values and beliefs. In his celebrated (and poetic) Tristes tropiques (1955), Claude Lévi-Strauss argues that “all the customs in a community are invariably marked by a style: customs conform systems. I am convinced that the quantity of those systems is not infinite. In their entertainments, dreams, or obsessions, human societies and individuals do not believe in absolute truths. They just select among certain combinations from an ideal catalogue, which one should be able to reconstitute.” I am not endeavouring here to develop a theory of values, which should necessarily include a framework of possible identities. Yet, the letters and memoirs in the following chapters represent a good source of examples and counterexamples to illustrate such a theory. From a non-structuralist view, identity is not a synonym of identification. As noted by psychoanalyst Jacques Hassoun, identity is related to “a series of external or internal images that result in the individual seeing and hearing the shape of his or her own particularities without discontinuity” (Hassoun 2002: 64). Identification, connected to the process of symbolisation, “is very singular. The subject identifies him or herself with certain references belonging to the imaginary dimension of identity” (65). If the themes in this introduction seem to be slightly out of synch with our subject matter, this serves to illuminate the approach, which assumes that migrations should be interpreted holistically (with resorts to multidisciplinary resources, history, genealogy, geography, economy, anthropology, among others) and a focus on historical events, instead of following in the tradition of those historians who insist on developing economic ‘models’ of migration as a heuristic dominant by which one can isolate established contextual motives (“push” or “pull”), construct economic or psychological profiles, and find common effects in a diversity of causes through the intellectual hallucinogens of econometric equations. Basically, emigrants are human beings on the move. Fragmenting reality in a way that makes it difficult to rebuild the whole is the end product of the attempt to understand history solely by means of quantification and categorization, as if these tools alone were enough to penetrate a reality that was, and is, a living quality interpreted by living agents even as it is being produced. Following Eric Wolf (1982), “the world of human kind constitutes a manifold, a totality of interconnected processes, and inquiries that disassemble this totality into bits and then fail to reassemble it falsify reality. Concepts like ‘nation’, ‘society’, and ‘culture’ name bits and threaten to turn names into things”. Before considering the documents in this book, it is important to define their discourse. A path was shown above that leads from values to beliefs and to identities. With these themes in the background, I may now analyse their linguistic representation, i.e., the discourse. From a pure linguistic perspective, the discourse is a sequence of related utterances. This sequence does not need to be linear, and it can be made of monologues or dialogues, oral or written pro- ductions, whether spontaneous or contrived (Roulet 1999: 10). The emigrants’ discourse is key to understanding their identities, and it can be seen as a series of values and beliefs linguistically interconnected. When emigrants write or speak about their experience, they articulate discursive lines of representations or ideologies, which include the key elements of their identities.

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migrations Certain discursive categories help to classify the extensive literature about migrations me authors, between Europe and the Americas in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Some authors, speak from like contemporary chroniclers (as well as present-day anti-revisionist historians), speak from ve from the the perspective of the “oppression” discourse, which may be seen as the epic narrative from the their coun- victim’s point of view. This discourse emphasises the grievances of the emigrants in their ns in nine- countries of origin, and the oppressive causes that supposedly made millions of persons in as, Australia nineteenth and early twentieth-century Europe look for their liberation in the Americas, a token of Australia and other destinations. The motivation of these chroniclers was simply to escape a discursive token of their sufferings under others’ power. It is the founding of post-colonialism as a oday’s anti- discursive reality (whether or not it existed in formal colonies). However, the motivation of ical, social, today’s anti-revisionists is to create an ideological opposition in which they negotiate political, social, religious and of course, economic factors. leave his or The oppression discourse, which emphasises the motives of the emigrant to leave his or mpensation” her home derived from the oppressor’s role brings about a second type, the “compensation” e frustrated discourse (identifiable as the hero’s viewpoint in the epic narrative). Through it, the frustrated an, spiritual emigrant becomes a successful immigrant, sharp entrepreneur, recognised politician, spiritual s taxonomy leader or prestigious intellectual. Patrick O’Sullivan, elaborating on Gerda Lerner’s taxonomy of the Irish of women’s history, rightly notes that “to an oppressed people the achievements of the Irish ult present, outside and inside Ireland in a glorified past, or outside Ireland in a tragic or difficult present, failure’, lack provide compensation – or perhaps, I could better say, evidence. Evidence that ‘failure’, lack ility within of achievement, or success, within Ireland, had not to do with some intrinsic inability within ories about the group or the individual – as oppressors assert” (O’Sullivan 1992). Stories about are frequent immigrants who arrived penniless and, after a few years, amassed huge fortunes are frequent s that their within this discourse. With intelligence and energy, they achieved social positions that their nce that the families would never dreamed of reaching at home. It is the presentation of evidence that the emigrant was not colonised because of his faults, but because of the coloniser’s. mpensation Once the emigrants settle into the context of the receiving societies, the compensation parvenu or discourse gives way to the “contribution” discourse. The immigrant is not a parvenu or o interest in someone who arrives to take advantage of the situation –facere l’America– or has no interest in ocal gover- the future of his or her new country. In order to be accepted (particularly by the local d growth in governing elite), the immigrant has to pay the price of contribution to development and growth in the new community. Now the colonised is (or is able to be) a coloniser.1 nsation and Indeed, the arrangement of migration discourses in the oppression, compensation and perspective contribution heuristics exhibits the biases consequent upon taking up a particular perspective y prototype of ideological discourse analysis with, consequently, the limitations typical of any prototype engaged in that reduces reality to theory. The partisanship inherent in discourses that are engaged in at seek the contemporary social acts is necessarily bracketed in those levels of analysis that seek the r particular patterns of sense in these discourses, rather than seeking to support or annul their particular agendas. 19th- and As in every understanding of the past, the Irish Diaspora (as well as other 19th- and 20th- ven, a set of century European massive emigrations) may be studied as an autonomous given, a set of rgetting its statistical data, or through its historians, chroniclers and narrators (without forgetting its gh some of poets, musicians and journalists). The “big history” is displayed, therefore, through some of al history, the focuses or discourses predominant in every period. This big history, the official history,

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reveals the “big” actions of “big” men and women. The limitation of this approach is apparent: not all women and men have been “big”. In the epilogue of his recent work about immigrations in Argentina, Fernando Devoto argues that in the field of “the history wrongly called ‘small’, everyone [in Argentina] is able to make a balance about the success or failure of the Transatlantic migration adventure of his or her ancestors, and about the Argentine country that built them and that they built. Immigrants did not come to this country to redeem it but to carve out a future for themselves. They met with other persons, civil servants, intellectuals, politicians, landlords, gauchos, merchants, and labourers, and most of those persons arrived a short time before them. They developed together a network of experiences that we may call today the Argentine society”. The objective of this study is to observe in detail the network of experiences of a few Irish emigrants to Argentina and their families within the totality of their relations. Previous studies have been focused on the statistical history of the Irish in Argentina, or on genealogical aspects of certain families. On the one hand, the few demographic studies that are available comprise a broad array of subjects, including for instance the classic debate about the total number of emigrants and re-emigrants (which is far from concluded), as well as the traditional idea of identikits. In the case of Argentina, the latter has been reduced to a sole national category, which is insensible to nuances of class, space and time. In order to provide the letters and memoirs included in this book an appropriate framework within the migration flows among Ireland, Argentina and other destinations, I will examine later in this introductory chapter an approximate (and brief) description of the diverse profiles of Irish emigrants to Argentina in 1830-1930. On the other hand, family history of the Irish in Argentina has pioneered in many cases the research of kinship for the emigrants and their families. The work of Eduardo A. Coghlan, in particular, his genealogical catalogue of the Irish in Argentina (1987), is an essential source of any research. There are few examples of similar works in the Irish Diaspora. Genealogy may evolve and provide a qualitative reading of contemporary texts, avoiding at the same time the criticism of statistical methods and its weak theoretical bases or abstract philosophical forms, which could be adapted to any purpose whatsoever. In both paradigms, i.e., demography and genealogy, the hagiographic approach frequently hides the general picture of “ordinary” lives. In that approach there is a recurrent neglect of the silent majority of men and women who made their journey to Argentina and integrated into the growing numbers of middle classes in order to attain social, economic and psychological stability, which they had lost in Ireland and believed they could only recover through emigration. Reviewing David Fitzpatrick’s thorough and innovative study of Irish emigrant letters from and to Australia (Oceans of Consolation: Personal Accounts of Irish Migration to Australia, 1994), Patrick O’Sullivan wrote: “I do not, therefore, wish that Fitzpatrick had littered his book with references to Habermas and Foucault” (Irish Studies Review, 14, Spring 1996). I, however, will “litter” my book with Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s word devenir, becoming. I even included it in the title, “becoming”, a performative verb that expresses the continuum implied by human identification and identity, in particular during migrations in space and time. Emigrants were not Irish because they were born in Ireland. They had to undergo a pro-

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cess, both active and passive, which transformed them internally and gradually modified the type and intensity of the values that conformed their cultural reference. Irish emigrants became ingleses when they made the Transatlantic journey and arrived in Argentina, an informal colony of the British Empire in which everything, except probably meat and hide, came from the British Isles.2 The Irish evolved from colonised to colonisers. They realised that their status as Irish-born British subjects was no longer a flaw, but would actually be an advantage when emigrating to Argentina, a space imagined as a vacuum of native identity in which the local Anglophile elite revered the British Empire and believed blindly in the superiority of “the races of Northern Europe”.3 From the beginning of the 20th century, when the seed of nationalism began to sprout among the Argentine governing classes, the Irish (who previously became English) began to become Argentines. Aligning their values with Gauchesca conventions, they shed their English identity and dressed in chiripá, boots made from the hind-legs of a colt, and gaucho gear. This is not a metaphor. Certainly, some of them actually abandoned English-style garments and began wearing gaucho-like clothing (even if only for exotic and perhaps mocking photos to be shown to their friends). Furthermore, this attire was a symbol of their new Argentineness, which was gradually digested by the Irish emigrants and their children, the Irish Argentines. Tom Garrahan visited his friends in the Argentine military service camp, a fact that would have been improbable a few decades earlier, when John James Pettit’s male cousins made every possible effort to avoid forced recruitment. By the turn of the century, Tom Murray of Capilla del Señor celebrated the Argentine National Day in his estancia, flying the flag and singing the national anthem before the cattle-hands in military formation. Whether gauchos or Irish- born, they were all Argentines (yet the nuances in this scene should not be ignored: it was the landlord who organised the celebration). Becoming, devenir, is a lengthy process. Like the currents of the vast River Plate, becoming never stops yet occasionally changes its direction, or ripples in turbulent flows, forever following its course towards a new identity. The emigrants from Ireland who became English and then became Argentines, eventually became Irish. At the present time they cele- brate St. Patrick’s Day conspicuously, drink beer, decorate their houses with shamrocks, and prefer tea and scones to the traditional mate with bizcochitos. They are moved by the stories of the Great Hunger (which not all their ancestors in Ireland witnessed), and they are easy targets of marketing strategies manipulating poverty in Ireland and emigration to the Americas.4 Becoming-Irish through the discourse is a process represented by narratives of one’s own and others’ identity, and of the mutations of that identity. Yet these are not just any narratives. They are private narratives because they are written to be read in the privacy of the family circle or by friends, not to be published and exposed to unknown readers. Prior acquaintance with the reader is key to understanding certain extralinguistic conventions, which demarcate the sphere of intimacy. The conflicts among the Murphy brothers, the advice to their sister about marriage, Edward Robbin’s frustrations, or the concealed aspirations of John Pettit’s female cousins, represent opportunities to understand more deeply those persons’ values, of which they themselves seem not to be always fully conscious. In order to get a scholarly grasp on these narratives it is necessary to provide beforehand a brief analysis of the most frequent statistical concentrations of Irish emigrants to Argentina.

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A concise demographic history of the “averages” will allow us later to confront them with the values represented in these letters and memoirs.

‘Identikits:’ the Statistical Approach Given the diversity and intensity of human life, is it possible to speak of a “typical emigrant”? More particularly, are we in a position to establish the demographic profile of the Irish emigrants to Argentina? A common discourse is that the Irish settlers in Argentina were the younger children of mid-size farmers from the midlands and Wexford, who would not inherit the family lease (reserved for the first-born son), and preferred emigration to other economic solutions such as the army or the church. Religious affiliation (Roman Catholic) and a nationality (Irish), which automatically transformed emigrants into political exiles, has generally been added to this mythic “identikit”. However, letters, memoirs, censuses and passenger lists shed light on other types of emigrants: aged travellers, women, entire families, places of origin in counties far from Westmeath or Wexford, urban labourers and professionals who had nothing in common with the rural environment. Should we consider those as deviations to the average or heterogeneous profiles?

Table 1. Counties of origin in Ireland

County Immigrants %

Westmeath 766 42.90% Wexford 278 15.60% Longford 273 15.30% Cork 81 4.50% Clare 68 3.80% Offaly 55 3.10% Dublin 47 2.60% Kerry 30 1.70% Others 188 10.50%

Total 1,786 100.00%

Source: Coghlan 1987

The total number of Irish emigrants to Argentina and Uruguay during the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century (1830-1930) may be calculated with some confidence between 40,000 and 50,000.5 From this population, roughly 50% went back home to Ireland or re-emigrated to other countries, the United States in particular. Those who remained in the River Plate, more or less 20,000, were exposed to epidemics (like the cholera outbreak of 1868 and the yellow fever of 1871) and other conditions of acute mortality that reduced the number of survivors to about a half (10,000). Out of this segment, 5-6,000 Irish-born settlers founded families that represent the nucleus of the Irish-Argentine community. In spite of the meagre statistical data about the Irish emigrants to Argentina, the rich and detailed information about those who founded families contained in Coghlan’s genealogical

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catalogue (1987) is a valuable source for their demographic profiling. However, it is necessary to consider that the demographic differences with those who did not found families and, in particular, with those who re-emigrated may be significant. Therefore, the segment identified and described by Coghlan, to whom I will refer in order to develop an identikit, cannot in any way be considered as a representative sample of the universe of Irish emigrants to Argentina. Other identikits should be established for those who died single in Argentina, and those who re-emigrated to other countries. Taking this into account, from a database built with the information provided by Coghlan (1987) I provide the information contained in Table 1.6 The origin of the Irish-born emigrants is heavily concentrated in two areas: the midlands (61.3%), composed by counties Westmeath (42.9%), Longford (15.3%), and Offaly (3.1%), and county Wexford (15.6%). Other counties with some emigrating population to Argentina were Cork (4.5%), Clare (3.8%), Dublin (2.6%), and Kerry (1.7%).7 However, some parishes in those counties were significantly more important than others in terms of emigration to Argentina (Table 2). Ballymore, Ballynacarrigy, Drumraney, and Mullingar (Westmeath), Ballymahon (Longford), Kilkee (Clare), and Kilrane (Wexford) sent their people to Argentina in higher numbers than other places. Particularly in 1860-1870, in some of those areas the emigration to South America was higher than to other continents. During decades, Ballymore, Co. Westmeath, was known as “the village with two ends and nothing in the middle”. All the families who lived in the middle emigrated to Argentina in the 1860s.

Table 2. Parishes of origin in Ireland

Town County Ocurrences Town County Ocurrences

Ballymore Westmeath 82 Rathowen Westmeath 13 Ballynacarrigy Westmeath 59 Tubberclair Westmeath 12 Drumraney Westmeath 46 Edgeworthstown Longford 11 Mullingar Westmeath 42 Kilrane Wexford 11 Ballymahon Longford 38 Sonna Westmeath 10 Moyvore Westmeath 36 Ardagh Longford 10 Miltown Westmeath 35 Castletown Westmeath 9 Kilkee Clare 26 Empor Westmeath 9 Loughnavally Westmeath 23 Castle Annesley Wexford 9 Dublín Dublín 21 Enniscorthy Wexford 9 Kilbeggan Westmeath 17 Tagmon Wexford 9 Castletown Cork 15 Carrickedmond Longford 8 Moate Westmeath 13 Forgney Longford 8 Multyfarnham Westmeath 13 Abbeyshrule Longford 4

Source: Coghlan 1987 When Irish immigrants arrived in Buenos Aires, they were, on average, 24 years-old (20 for women and 26 for men). The average age did not fluctuate much throughout the 19th century, but in 1850-1900 it increased to over 24 years-old (Table 3).8

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Table 3. Age upon arrival to Buenos Aires

From 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 To 1809 1819 1829 1839 1849 1859 1869 1879 1889 1899 1909 1948 Total

Occurrences 3 3 15 22 95 144 175 124 67 14 5 5 672 Average Age 30 21 25 23 23 24 24 23 25 26 23 34 24 Median 31 20 24 23 21 23 22 23 23 26 22 34 23 Mode N/A N/A 19 30 20 21 20 25 20 32 N/A N/A 20 Maximum 32 25 43 55 62 69 60 59 63 54 27 49 69 Minimum 26 17 18 0 0 0 0 0 6 3 20 18 0 Source: Coghlan 1987

Table 4. Age at marriage

Women Men Total

Occurrences 289 461 750 Average Age 25 32 29 Median 24 31 28 Mode 22 29 26 Maximum 73 73 73 Minimum 12 13 12

Source: Coghlan 1987

At the time of marriage, men’s average age was 32 years-old and women’s 25, with a maximum of 73 and a minimum of 12 (Table 4).9 At death, the average age was 66 for men and 70 for women (Table 5).10

Table 5. Age at death

Women Men Total

Occurrences 950 1,283 2,233 Average Age 70 66 67 Median 72 67 69 Mode 75 73 73 Maximum 111 104 111 Minimum 15 2 2

Source: Coghlan 1987

In reference to the settlements in Argentina, the Irish population identified by Coghlan is largely a rural one, and it concentrates in the provinces of Buenos Aires (1869), and Buenos Aires and Santa Fe (1895). There are no occurrences in Uruguay, however there is evidence of temporary and permanent residence in that country. In the province of Buenos Aires, the departments with highest population of Irish-born people in 1869 are the city of Buenos Aires (including Belgrano and Flores), Carmen de Areco, Mercedes, Luján, Salto, San Andrés de

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Giles, and Exaltación de la Cruz. In 1895, the most populated Irish departments are the city of Buenos Aires, Santa Fe province, Mercedes (including Suipacha), Salto, Carmen de Areco, Arrecifes, and San Andrés de Giles (Tables 6 and 7).

Table 6. Place of residence in 1869 census

Province Department Occurrences %

City of Buenos Aires CBA + Belgrano + Flores 750 14.65% Buenos Aires Carmen de Areco 433 8.46% Buenos Aires Mercedes + Suipacha 393 7.68% Buenos Aires Luján 284 5.55% Buenos Aires Salto 270 5.28% Buenos Aires San Andrés de Giles 234 4.57% Buenos Aires Exaltación de la Cruz 231 4.51% Buenos Aires Monte 231 4.51% Buenos Aires San Pedro 214 4.18% Buenos Aires Arrecifes 203 3.97% Buenos Aires San Antonio de Areco 178 3.48% Buenos Aires Navarro 159 3.11% Buenos Aires Lobos 144 2.81% Buenos Aires Las Heras 128 2.50% Buenos Aires Chacabuco 124 2.42% Buenos Aires Chascomús 120 2.34% Buenos Aires Veinticinco de Mayo 116 2.27% Buenos Aires Chivilcoy 114 2.23% Buenos Aires Merlo 106 2.07% Others 686 13.40%

Total 5,118 100.00%

Source: Coghlan 1982

In 1869, 14.65% of the Irish-born population lived in the city of Buenos Aires. This percentage increased to 17.09% in 1895, and, in the beginning of the 20th century, Irish Argentines resided generally in Buenos Aires and Venado Tuerto.11 This trend is also noticeable when analysing the places of death: Buenos Aires city, southern Santa Fe, Mercedes, Carmen de Areco, Arrecifes, Pergamino, and Salto, in that order (Table 8).12 All this would be enough evidence against the generally accepted tradition that the Irish in Argentina was an eminently rural population.

As a final point, the study of different jobs declared by Irish-born settlers in 1869 and 1895 censuses (Table 9) sheds light on the question of the traditionally-accepted theory of ascent from tenant farmers in Ireland to landowners in Argentina. Certainly, there is an improvement on the increase of independent jobs (landowner, cattle dealer, breeder, and share-cropper) and a decrease of some of the waged occupations (farm hand, shepherd, servant, and poster). However, not all of the first group own land, and the strong increase of labourers and employees in 1895 may also be an evidence of the more difficult integration

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Table 7. Place of residence in 1895 census

Province Department Occurrences %

City of Buenos Aires 939 17.09% Santa Fe 508 9.24% Buenos Aires Mercedes + Suipacha 376 6.84% Buenos Aires Salto 323 5.88% Buenos Aires Carmen de Areco 287 5.22% Buenos Aires Arrecifes 233 4.24% Buenos Aires San Andrés de Giles 212 3.86% Buenos Aires San Pedro 183 3.33% Buenos Aires Pergamino 181 3.29% Buenos Aires Chacabuco 180 3.28% Buenos Aires Navarro 145 2.64% Buenos Aires Chivilcoy 100 1.82% Buenos Aires Exaltación de la Cruz 96 1.75% Buenos Aires San Antonio de Areco 84 1.53% Entre Ríos 77 1.40% Buenos Aires Monte 76 1.38% Buenos Aires Rojas 76 1.38% Buenos Aires Lobos 73 1.33% Buenos Aires Campana 71 1.29% Others 1.275 23.20%

Total 5,495 100.00%

Source: Coghlan 1982

Table 8. Places of death

Place of Death Occurrences %

City of Buenos Aires 440 19.98% Santa Fe province 157 7.13% Mercedes 142 6.45% Carmen de Areco 98 4.45% Arrecifes 97 4.41% Pergamino 88 4.00% Salto 86 3.91% Others 1,094 49.68%

Total 2,202 100.00%

Source: Coghlan 1987

encountered by the immigrants who arrived in the second half of the century.

However, as Fitzpatrick rightly notes, “it should be painfully clear that many of the inferences resting upon social arithmetic are hazardous, and external to the individual experience. [...] For the individual representation of migration, for the personal construction

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Table 9. Occupation in 1869 and 1895 censuses

1869 % 1895 %

Farm hand 743 26.9% 119 4.4% Shepherd 660 23.9% 247 9.1% Landowner 426 15.5% 670 24.7% Servant 236 8.6% 210 7.7% Poster 214 7.8% 151 5.6% Cattle dealer 139 5.0% 26 1.0% Teacher 67 2.4% 79 2.9% Labourer 56 2.0% 611 22.5% Merchant 53 1.9% 95 3.5% Breeder 50 1.8% 257 9.5% Employee 46 1.7% 148 5.5% Cook 41 1.5% 86 3.2% Share-cropper 26 0.9% 15 0.6% Others 299 10.8% 624 23.0%

Total 2,757 100.00% 2,714 100.0%

Source: Coghlan 1987

of ‘success’ or ‘failure’, ‘opportunity’ or ‘exclusion’, we must search elsewhere” (Fitzpatrick 1994: 19). On the opposite side of demography is family history, which focus on kinship relations and individual biographies.

Trees: the Genealogical Approach A limited viewpoint of genealogy has been to study family ties without relation to the social and physical environment. Genealogists explore kinship. But they could also establish remarkable cultural, economic and spiritual links among persons who are not seemingly related. For instance, in addition to direct filial, fraternal and other family relations, biblical and mythical genealogists of antiquity offer a wealth of social information. As in any other field, problems arise when focus is reduced to a few loose pieces without relation to the larger whole. Furthermore, in several societies genealogy has been manipulated for different reasons, frequently in relation with the creation of myths associated with communal or national unity under the control of a powerful group. The bourgeois middle-classes in late 16th-century England needed to demonstrate their ties with traditional families in order to avoid being per- ceived as nouveaux riches (precisely because they were nouveaux riches). Matto Grosso’s Bororo chiefs use penis sheathes with symbols representing their family clans as a way to stress their superiority in social hierarchy. Racial purity was depicted in Nazi Germany using the scientific rhetoric of genealogy. In Ireland, “it is clear that from a very early period the Irish learned men had begun to work out a prehistory of their race. This was being done in the seventh century and out of it grew eventually An lebor gabála, “Book of the taking of Ireland”, which united all their dynasties and peoples by descent from a single set of ancestors” (Ó Corráin 1989: 26).

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These examples illustrate the problem of genealogy or, better put, the problem of those genealogical studies focusing exclusively on the history of a limited group. The problem is the need to choose. Traditional genealogy implies choosing some families because it is not possible to apply the same effort to all of them. In this process of forced selection, genealogists frequently use subjective criteria, extracted from the prejudices of the dominant discourses in those families. For example, the stories of women are not given the same prominence as the stories of men, and the stories of children are refracted through their adult destinies. I wonder why we accept a metaphorical relationship between kinship and botany as if there was a natural contiguity between both. Trees, branches, flowers, fruits and roots serve the purpose of representing family pedigrees in a way that blood relations are depicted as natural as the anatomic parts of a vegetable. However, unlike trees or plants, human beings may not be catalogued in taxonomies. Instead of losing sleep over their family trees and roots, I suggest that genealogists build attitudinal rhizomes. “Unlike trees and their roots, the rhizome connects any point with any other point, and its attributes do not necessarily have a relation with other attributes of the same type. The rhizome sets in motion systems composed of very different signs, and even no-sign states. [...] The rhizome is not made of unities but of dimensions or, better said, unstable directions. Unlike the tree, the rhizome is not subject to reproduction. It is an eccentric system, not hierarchical and not signifying” (Deleuze and Guattari 1980: 31). Attitudinal rhizomes may connect points not related by kinship. Stories about brothers who are so different in their values that they only have their parents in common are well known. This new nomadic genealogy has an object beyond the discourse of relations among family members. “History is always written from the point of view of the sedentary. [...] What we need is a Nomadology, the opposite of history” (34). The Nomadology of migrations through the analysis of emigrants’ documents could be an enticing breakthrough. We are in the ubiquitous position of the person who lives in a certain period, and the person who studies the person who lives in that period. There is a background for the use of private documents in migration studies about the Irish in Argentina. In 1981, Eduardo Coghlan translated into Spanish and annotated John Brabazon’s memoirs. The translation may have been biased by the dominant perception. For instance, the translator-editor seems to have understated the religion of the writer (Church of Ireland). Additionally, the translation of the original title The Customs and Habits of the Country of Buenos Ayres from the year 1845 into Spanish (Andanzas de un irlandés en el campo porteño, 1845-1864) suggests a repositioning to the more attractive epic genre instead of the original author’s intention of providing an objective account of the new country. Other private documents have been limited to family member distribution with genealogical purposes. I have already quoted David Fitzpatrick’s work (1994). I think that Oceans of Consolation is a fundamental study and a model for further editions of emigrant letters. Until his book was published, emigrant letters and documents were generally treated as sources in themselves, with little or no relation to the context. From the selection a priori of letter writers with positive or negative public visibility, all the way through flamboyant editions of texts in order to make them understandable in other contexts, many historians (with the probable sole exception of Thomas and Znaniecki in their pioneer Polish Peasant in Europe and America,

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1958) sought to speak instead of making the documents speak themselves. Fitzpatrick’s pioneering work with Irish emigrant letters from and to Australia is in fact a third alternative to the opposition between the detached artificiality of demographic statistics on the one hand, and the biased subjectivity of personal chronicles on the other. Fitzpatrick analysed not only texts but also the originating epistolary conventions and their structures. One of his accurate observations about these types of social conventions is that “personal letters mattered to writers and readers because they were potentially an effective instrument for defining and modifying human relationships” (Fitzpatrick 1994: 23). But the author did not limit his study to the texts. Taking into account the emigrants’ places of origin and settlement, religion, gender, occupation, type of transport and date of arrival in Australia, he managed to structure a classification of persons and backgrounds. I took Fitzpatrick’s study as a model for my work.13 The similarities are obvious. Among the most important differences, I believe that the social characteristics of the writers of letters that I studied are paramount. This contrast in social profiles has a direct impact on the discourses they use, on the type of privacy of their narratives and, in particular, on their conceptions of identity. Another difference was my decision to include memoirs, which are a very different genre from the epistolary.

Private Documents With a sensitive historical perspective, Lévi-Strauss was awesomely perplexed at the societies he studied in the Brazilian Matto Grosso. “I am captive of a choice. Either I am a traveller of the past, facing a fabulous scene in which everything or almost everything escapes my perception (or even worse, which inspires my scorn and repugnance), or I am a modern traveller who runs after the traces of a vanished reality. [...] In the centuries to come, in this same place, another traveller as careless as myself will lament the disappearance of everything that I could have observed but I did not. Victim of a double agony, everything that I perceive hurts my spirit. Restlessly, I reproach myself for not having looked more attentively” (Tristes tropiques, 1991). The French anthropologist, a genuine time traveller, would have had a double joy at the sight of these letters and memoirs. The generosity of some colleagues and friends, the intelligent perspective of others, and a patient and somehow obsessive search have resulted in the opportunity to study these four amazing collections of documents from Irish emigrants to Argentina. Faced with these documents I feel like a 19th-century and modern traveller at the same time, and perceive as I please, time and again, the vastness and intensity of human beings in the process of achieving their becoming other. With a little shame and a lot of shamelessness I observe the privacy of family quarrels, bigoted perceptions, error and bravado, which are apparent from one letter or memoir to the other. I respect these persons. Perhaps they were suffering or smiling when writing and reading these documents. Conceivably, they felt the weakness and high-mindedness of being part of or motor for big changes. However, none of the writers in the Robbins, Murphy, Pettit, and Garrahan collections ever imagined publishing their texts.14 Their audiences were limited to family members, friends and neighbours. These documents are private, intimate, with the typical structure of confidential communications among people who know each other. If the writers had been aware of the publication of these texts, they would have used a very different style. Plausibly,

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the spontaneity and freshness typical of private documents would have been replaced by rhetorical formality. This is the reason why one can consider these documents as precious evidence of their writers’ “belief systems”.15 Obviously, the drawback is the relatively limited representation potential of these texts as a valid sample of the universe of values. Yet, in such a heterogeneous universe, in order to comprise the intimate beliefs of so many persons, the size of the sample should be awfully similar to that of the universe. Hence, even if it is not valid to extrapolate the values represented in these letters and memoirs to the universe of Irish emigrants to Argentina and their families, it is possible to imagine them behaving within the extensive array of intercultural relations of the community in which they lived. Emigrant letters, in particular those sequences that comprise long periods and broad spaces, include a significant aggregate vision. On the one hand, letters represent a narrative “chronotope” in itself,16 including an intense dialogic level in its structure, and frequently characterised by the colourful nuances of the writer’s intentions. On the other hand, memoirs may be described as accounts of the writer’s own life with an emphasis on the witnessed events, instead of his or her own personality or life (autobiography) or the justification of his or her own faults (confessions). Benedict Anderson argues that “these narratives […] are set in homogeneous, empty time. Hence their frame is historical and their setting is sociological. This is why so many autobiographies begin with the circumstances of parents and grandparents, for which the author can have only circumstantial, textual evidence” (Anderson 1983: 204). In addition to this, the reference time in diaries is the present whilst in memoirs reference time is the past, and they are written during a precise period of the writer’s life. Whether written for fiction or real purposes, both letters and memoirs require a different analysis of their representations. In this book I have presented the documents in a sequence guided by the time/space combination that migrants have in mind instead of chronological time. Edward Robbins’ memoirs open the sequence; when he wrote, the writer’s thoughts were mostly still in Ireland. In fact, out of the narrated period (1800-1853), only the last four years refer to the writer’s life in Argentina. Robbins exposed his perspective of a happy youth (seats of my youth when every sport could please, he says quoting Westmeath-born poet Oliver Goldsmith), growing in a family environment that provided both physical and psychological security. As he grew up and assumed responsibilities according to his role in society, Robbins saw that initial security vanish before the forces that led to the drama of migration. The writer and his family do not control their lives, and they are obliged to take desperate decisions. The journey to Argentina and the first disappointments are a premonition of the sad end, full of frustration and homesickness. Robbins’s perceived successes or failures can determine the mood of his retrospection, which in turn should guide the historian in trusting this material. In some way, the letters of the Murphy brothers (1844-1879) represent the opposite point of view. The writers, John James in particular, have a high degree of self-satisfaction. Their new country, Argentina, where they still feel foreign, is the space in which they wish to carve out their future. This space is more important than the geographic topos. It is a space in which the settlers build the idea of their success, or their compensation for voids and abandonment. They outline this space to family members and friends in the other space (Ireland), in which they project failure, frustration and a dull life. In general terms, the writers of these letters have their

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mind both in Argentina and in Ireland. Their day-to-day life occurs in the estancias of Salto and Rojas, but their social network is in southeast Ireland, among their friends, family and neighbours of Kilrane parish, Co. Wexford. It is important to understand that their Ireland (not the geographical but the one in their minds) has been relocated to Argentina in the form of Irish shepherds and labourers living in the pampas as if they were at home. Moreover, many of them go back to Ireland after having saved money in Argentina. For this reason, Murphy’s letters go second in the sequence.17 Most of the letters received by John James Pettit in Melbourne, Australia, are written by women and consequently have a feminine standpoint. Three female cousins (Sally, Kate and Fanny) born in Argentina write without any connection to Ireland. For them, the emotional space is restricted to Buenos Aires and its countryside, and the likelihood of going “back” to Ireland is not at all present in their texts. Argentina is the land where they live and where they probably will die. However, with its problems and different culture, it is a space to which they do not belong. Finally, Tom Garrahan identifies Ireland as a mere genealogical space. There is only a short reference to the Irish visits at home. His empathy is with his family, the camps of Luján and Lobos, the community of Irish and other estancieros and shepherds, but not with the Westmeath of his grandparents. With all probability, he wrote these memoirs in the late 1920s, when he was about 60 years old. They were written in English, and the vast majority of the people mentioned are Irish or have Irish ancestry. Tom Garrahan is the emblematic “Irish Argentine”, born in Argentina but living, working and thinking within an ethnic conclave in which most of the other parties are also Irish Argentines. In these texts there are certain parallels and crossroads. In the letters to John James Pettit there are references to John James Murphy and to Patrick Garrahan (Tom’s grandfather). In another letter, J.J. Murphy mentions J.J. Pettit’s father. More than hazardous coincidence, these links are yet another evidence of the high level of endogamy among the Irish in Argentina, who until relatively recent times did not open the intimacy of their families to other communities (with the exception of the English and, certainly, to boy or girlfriends belonging to wealthy families of the local bourgeoisie). However, I should add that endogamy indexes were not alike for all social levels. Among the poorer classes, the Irish had more frequent social contacts with other ethnic groups, including gauchos and Indians (for instance, the Coliqueo tribe in Los Toldos and Nueve de Julio). But the majority of the middle-class Irish families wished their children to make Irish friends. Moreover, some of them decided to remain single to avoid marrying Argentine natives.18 From the letters and memoirs included in this volume the reader may verify that religion, work, temperance, gender, age, origin, class or ethnicity can assume diverse meanings. After a first reading one may conclude that the levels of diversity of Irish immigrants in Argentina was rather significant. John James Murphy and Tom Garrahan shared a similar work ethic and “dryness” (against alcohol consumption). But Patt Murphy and some of the women in the Pettit letters have a different set of values in reference to leisure and entertainment. Regarding religion, while all the writers were Roman Catholic, J.J. Murphy included Protestants in his social network (especially, if they were convenient to his business). Instead, other writers like Robbins, had a more radical vision of their official religion. The feuds derived from their place of origin (in particular, Wexford versus Westmeath), seem to be more related to class than to

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geography, such as Patt Murphy’s revealing perspectives about Wexford and his own perception of social superiority regarding Westmeath. In these letters and memoirs social class seems to be more or less homogeneous, including families that in Ireland were mid-size farmers, leasing their lands from generally absent landowners through life or long-term contracts. They were rural middle-class, and among them the Robbins stood out because of their large farms. In the four cases, the immigrant families were successful in Argentina, and almost all became landowners, at least temporarily (with the possible exception of J.J. Pettit’s father, who re-emigrated to Australia). Nevertheless, the texts include cases of Irish immigrants who were estancia hands and servants, i.e., proletarians who left behind nothing but children. In addition to this, there are significant differences between rural and urban settlements. Many urban immigrants succeeded in establishing prosperous merchant houses in Argentine cities and abroad. There are also frequent references to failed emigrants, who had to go back to Ireland or, later in the century, re-emigrate to other countries like the US or Australia. It is therefore an oversight (peculiarly frequent) to portray the Irish in Argentina as a homogeneous group of successful sheep-farmers who became landlords of huge estancias, patriarchal heads of large families and owners of thousands of hectares, respectful of the law and fervent Catholics, as well as patriots who contributed to the progress of the Argentine republic. This vision is typical of authors who (frequently unconsciously) upheld an ideologically bourgeois discourse, with aspirations of belonging to a superior social class, whether in the British Isles or in South America. This way of thinking neglects the existence of the thousands of Irish and Irish Argentines who failed as shepherds and had to work, for instance, as labourers and servants to wealthy families (many of them Irish), and often re-emigrated after some time in Argentina. Likewise, this discourse neglects the women who achieved remarkable success as teachers, nurses or members of religious congregations. Not does it consider the bookkeepers, employees, workers of railway and cold-storage plants belonging to English capitalists, maids, cooks, seamstresses, etc., who gradually integrated into the larger Argentine society of middle-class workers. Lastly, it underestimates the immigrants with Church of Ireland background who adopted Argentina as their own home, a number of them as a result of the early 1920s anti-Protestant campaign in West Cork. I would like to add a final comment about the integrity of these letters and memoirs. The statements in the following documents are not always consistent, and some claims expose an awful lack of coherence. However, as the Spanish and Indian chroniclers who “made mistakes or lied in their narratives of the conquest of America their works remain eloquent to us” remarks Tzvetan Todorov in La conquête de l’Amérique. La question de l’autre (1982). “Though the accounts of the facts may be not be truthful, the gestures contained in their texts reveal the ideology of their authors.” The importance of the following letters and memoirs resides less in their truthfulness than in the way their writers open up the ideology and belief systems hidden behind their “gestures” for the contemporary reader.

The South Atlantic Experience The logistics of migration may be divided into two major phases: transport and communications. Emigrants left their homes, walked new roads, arrived at overseas ports, sailed the Atlantic Ocean and landed in the destination ports in South America. From there,

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they settled through some economic activity, and integrated into new migration networks that would later mobilise their family and friends at home. In 1830-1930, the Irish emigrants to Argentina (as well as many others from the British Isles) shared patterns of origin, transport logistics and methods of communications with other links of the migration chain. I have noted that some studies established the origin of the vast majority of 19th-century Irish emigrants to Argentina from counties Westmeath, Longford and Offaly (all together, the Irish midlands), and also from Wexford, Dublin, Clare, Cork and others. Generally speaking, the sections of the transatlantic journey were (i) from these places of residence to Dublin or Wexford town, (ii) from Dublin and Wexford to one of the international British ports, and (iii) from there to the River Plate. Until the mid-nineteenth century, emigrants from the midlands frequently travelled in Biancs (after Charles Bianconi) horsed-driven coaches, which efficiently transported passengers from one town to other in Ireland. Once in market towns like Ballymahon, in the south of Co. Longford, or Mullingar, Co. Westmeath, they sailed in 24 hours to Dublin on one of the two daily canal boats that navigated the Royal Canal. Another option was to take the boats of the Grand Canal, which was parallel to the Royal Canal and passed by Tullamore, Co. Offaly. When the train arrived to Mullingar in 1851, the Royal Canal declined and most of the travellers used the railway. After the emigrants reached Dublin, they sailed to Liverpool in some of the steamers of the regular lines.19 Once in Liverpool, the most important overseas trade centre in England, emigrants purchased passage tickets to the River Plate in sailboats until 1850 and in steamers thereafter. Most frequent calls included Lisbon, the Cape Verde islands (where steamers restocked coal), Recife, Bahia, Rio de Janeiro, Montevideo and, finally, Buenos Aires. The sailboat journey lasted an average of eight weeks, but there were some cases of up to six months. With steam, the journey was reduced to 30 days in average. The cost of passage was relatively high, £13 the fare in steerage, which represented a minimum of a six to twelve-months salary of a 19th-century Irish labourer. To make a full description of the conditions on board or to provide details of the transatlantic journey would take us too far afield. However, it is necessary to make clear that the ships sailing in the South Atlantic seaway were of better quality than the “fever ships”, which carried emigrants to North American ports at £5 fare. The vessels and the amenities were better, and the captains and crews usually more experienced and provided better services to passengers. Many of the letters to Martin Murphy state the professionalism of Captains Stocks of La Zingara and Lenders of Raymond. Once they arrived and settled in Argentina, immigrants renewed their communications with the family and friends at home. Letters took similar times to arrive as passengers, since they sailed together. The change from sail to steam reduced correspondence times as well. The Teviot of the Royal Mail Steam Packet Co. weighted anchor in Southampton on 1 January 1851, and arrived at Buenos Aires on 18 February (49 days). Thirteen years later, a letter from J.J. Murphy to his brother Martin arrived in 39 days. It was postmarked on 27 May 1864 in Buenos Aires, on 4 July in London, and received the day after in Wexford. I have described some of the logistic steps undertaken by the emigrants to travel to South America and, thereafter, to maintain communication with their homes in Ireland. These steps explain how they travelled, but not why they emigrated to Argentina. How to explain that

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during almost all the 19th century and the first quarter of the 20th , tens of thousands of persons born in Ireland selected the River Plate as their destination? Why did they not follow the vast majority of emigrants who established in England, North America, Australia or New Zealand, places at a nearer cultural distance from their homes? Why did the provinces of the River Plate rank high in the emigration of some particular counties and not others? Why did they come from Westmeath, Longford, Offaly, Wexford or Clare? The answers to these questions are complex, and require having recourse to a multidisciplinary approach with elements of economy, sociology, social geography, psychology, linguistics and other fields of study. In this introduction I will only highlight the rudiments, without going too deeply or trying to consider all the immediate causes. Elucidating the reasons why Argentina was selected as an emigration target could be interpreted as a jingoistic or anachronistic exercise. From the early 19th century until the first decades of the 20th , Latin America in general, and certain countries in particular (Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil and Mexico) ranked high in the imagination of potential emigrants from the British Isles. To several young, imaginative, and opportunistic Irish fellows of that period, Argentina (better known in Britain until the 1880s as Buenos Ayres or the River Plate) represented a direct competitor of the United States or other likely destinations. In addition to this, no emigration was definitive, and returning to Ireland or re-emigrating to a better place was always possible. Without forgetting the various economic opportunities that attracted Irish emigrants to 19th-century Argentina (in particular, the wool industry which has been thoroughly studied by Hilda Sabato and Juan Carlos Korol), it is now necessary to challenge the romantic image of heroes and ideological exiles, and analyse other social aspects that, until recent years, have been neglected. In connection with sheep-farming, the possibility (certain until the 1860s) of rapidly becoming landowners in the province of Buenos Aires or in Uruguay was an irresistible enticement to several emigrants. The dream of being owners of 2,000 hectares in Argentina instead of tenants of twenty hectares in Wexford or Westmeath is perhaps the most neglected and, at the same time, the most important attraction they could feel to emigrate to the River Plate. “But even more so,” rightly observes David Graham of the Irish colonists in Mexican Texas, “was the enticing prospect of becoming like the gentry, the much-reviled landowners of Ireland. This would have represented a social transformation for the likes of small tenant farmers and artisans who could have had no such dreams realized at home” (Davis 2002: 163). One of the startling things of some histories of 19th-century Ireland and the Irish Diaspora is the cultural determinism by which everything, or almost everything, has a direct causal relation with religion or the Famine. The latter was a catastrophic event in Ireland, with definite effects on its population in and outside the island. Religion is a more difficult factor to study, and therefore easier to manipulate. Authors have frequently stressed Roman Catholicism being the official religion of Argentina as a significant element for 19th-century Irish in selecting this country as their new home. Certainly, most of the Irish emigrants were Catholic and perceived their social opportunities at home reduced owing to their faith. This was equally true in other contexts. Anti-Catholic prejudice was also rampant among the governing elite of North American countries and Australia, provoking the complaints of Catholic immigrants. However, a relatively significant segment of the emigrants to Argentina (particularly in 1870-1930) were of Church of Ireland background, and they shared with their

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Catholic peer emigrants the same positive attitude towards Argentina. Moreover, Irish Catholics in Argentina persisted in their particular rituals until at least the first decades of the twentieth century, resisting the integration to the larger society of local Catholics. By building and maintaining their own institutions, schools, religious orders, hospitals, churches, libraries and clubs, the Irish (Catholic) chaplains could keep the (Catholic) community united yet isolated from the larger society. At the time of Fr. Anthony Fahy and even later, these institutions were known among the native population as the iglesia de los ingleses (the English church), and the rituals of the Irish were perceived as a foreign cult, separated from the Argentines, however accepted by the local Catholic church. Therefore, it seems that the official religion in the Argentine provinces was not the main factor to attract the Irish to Argentina. Beyond religion, the Irish who emigrated to Argentina (particularly those who arrived between 1840 and 1880) wanted to advance economically and, thus, socially. They wished to carve out a future for themselves and their families, a future that was uncertain for them in Ireland. Frequently, the Irish met in Argentina propitious conditions for their aspirations and diverse ways to reach the desired status of landowners, and thus accelerate their social advance in relatively shorter times than in Ireland. On the one hand, upon arrival at the River Plate, they faced an Anglophile governing class. And on the other hand, they were confronted with a popular segment of native population with no formal education and highly illiterate. Therefore, the upper class assimilated the Irish to the English culture of the Victorian empire, the Irish accepted this model and, in effect, assimilated themselves to the English norm, and at the same time, were perceived by the poor as belonging to a superior social position, a perception the Irish were happy to endorse. In other spaces of the Irish Diaspora the situation was different. In the United States, for instance, until the end of the Civil War, the Irish were perceived at the same level of the most marginal segments. However, when they arrived to Buenos Aires, consciously or not, the Irish advanced in the social ladder and reached much higher positions than the gauchos and manual workers and, sometimes, even than the local petit bourgeoisie. These perceptions had the effect of an immediate social advancement, which in its turn was a powerful motivation to create convenient labour and asset accumulation connections. Therefore, rather than the Catholic religion, the remarkable Anglomania of the Argentine bourgeoisie was a significant attraction for Irish immigrants. Once established in Argentina, some Irish settlers got on with the local society, while most of them related only to other English-speaking residents. Consequently, it was natural for them to write home to their families and friends to persuade them to follow their decision to emigrate to Argentina. It is in this way, by mail, that the extended emigration networks were put in place and attracted thousands of emigrants. Letters contained the necessary information to make an informed decision and, occasionally, the possibility of a job (and sometimes the payment of the passage ticket and expenses upon arrival). This is the reason why certain regions in Ireland had a higher emigration rate to Argentina than others. Communication was selective, person-to-person, targeted to previously known people. Most of the letters from J.J. Murphy to Ireland requiring workforce for his estancias are addressed to ‘My Dear Friends’ and to his brother Martin from Haysland, Kilrane parish. Hence, communications selection strongly influenced the formation of regional emigration networks. The first links of the emigration chains from these regions in Ireland to Argentina were

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connected with British military and trade activities in the River Plate. An ex-soldier of the unsuccessful 1806-7 British campaigns in the River Plate, John Murray from Streamstown, Co. Westmeath, was a prisoner or a deserter in Buenos Aires, and worked on an estancia in the countryside. Although no evidence linking this settler with further emigration has been found, later in 1828 some of the first emigrants from the midlands were also from Streamstown. John Mooney, his sister Mary Bookey (née Mooney), and her husband Patrick Bookey “were to achieve rapid success in farming in Argentina and, due to this success, Mooney wrote home to Westmeath for emigrants to come out and help him farm the vast lands they had found. [...] It was John Mooney and Patrick Bookey who started off this emigration from the Irish midlands” (Nally 1992). It is probable that these first settlers from Westmeath have been related with the failed colonisation scheme conveyed by General John Thomond O’Brien (1796-1861). In 1828, O’Brien, who fought with San Martín in the Wars of Independence, convinced the government of Buenos Aires to recruit two hundred “moral and industrious” young labourers to form a rural colony in the River Plate provinces (Murray 1919: 53). The project did not succeed, but the connections made by O’Brien spread the word about Argentina as a promising destination throughout southern Westmeath, Longford and north Offaly. About the same time, Thomas Armstrong (1797-1875), a successful merchant from Garrycastle, Co. Offaly, who achieved a prestigious position among the commercial community in Buenos Aires, made a private visit to Ireland. “It is highly likely that his decision to visit Ireland at that time had much to do with recruiting labour [...]. Therefore, the initial link that was established between Westmeath [Longford and Offaly] and Argentina was through British military contact, though the growth and expansion of emigration from that area was due solely to the opportunities created by trade and commerce” (McKenna 1994: 95- 97). Furthermore, McKenna speculates that “some form of understanding must have existed between the workhouse or some other agent in Ballymahon, and an agent or agents in Buenos Aires, with the purpose of securing working class immigrants” (103). Why Wexford? The emigration from an area of this county to Argentina started at more or less the same time, but did not have military origins. In 1826, the Liverpool-based bank Dickson and Montgomery sent Patrick Browne to Argentina to take charge of their commercial interests. Browne quickly started his own businesses, and established a meat-curing plant in Buenos Aires. Immediately, he wrote back home to his neighbours in Forth and Bargy baronies, Co. Wexford, “to work first in his salting houses, for usually about a year, and then to herd sheep on a shares basis for him” (McKenna 1994: 96). Most probably, some years later James Pettit of Kilrane, Co. Wexford, associated with Patrick Browne in the saladero and assisted the immigration of a number of his neighbours and friends in the William Peile. Therefore, continues McKenna, the emigration from Wexford “began mainly from commercial contact between Wexford, Liverpool, and the River Plate”. County Clare, in the west of Ireland, may have been connected to Argentina through an event occurred previously to those mentioned above. In 1785, the colonial authorities in the River Plate brought from Ireland some 100 butchers and tanners. Very little is known about them and their origins, but it is likely that they could have been related to the later emigration from Clare (McKenna 1994: 96). It is also important to remark the presence in Buenos Aires since 1797 of Thomas O’Gorman of Ennis, Co. Clare, who may have been instrumental in

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establishing a chain migration scheme from that county. O’Gorman was a wealthy merchant and was signalled as an emissary of the British Crown acting in colonial Buenos Aires. During most of the 19th century, the demographic evolution of Irish emigration favoured those coming from the midlands. An area from Mullingar to Longford town to Athlone to Tullamore to Kilbeggan contributed the vast majority of the Irish emigrants to Argentina, followed by Wexford, Clare, and, to a lesser extent, Dublin and Cork. By the last quarter of the 19th century, emigrants were not coming from the rural middle-classes. In 1889, most of the 1,774 passengers of the steamer City of Dresden were residents in the poorest areas of Dublin, Cork and Limerick cities. They were part of an emigration scheme planned by the government of Buenos Aires and implemented by members of the Irish-Argentine community. Other schemes may have been also targeted at poor urban labourers and servants. In the years previous to the world financial crisis of 1929, not a few emigrants were urban professionals and employees of a Church of Ireland background from Dublin and Cork, who fled from religious discrimination and emigrated to South America to work in the railway, utilities and meat-packing British companies. Transatlantic migrations from Ireland to the River Plate lasted for about a century until 1930, and were possible thanks to social connections among people from diverse origins and segments. Class, religion, idiosyncrasy and, in particular, communications were factors linking new and established immigrants, thus their oral and written language became the most important instrument in achieving social cohesion.

The Irish in the Argentine Polyglossia Language is the common element that provides cohesion to the corpus of letters, memoirs, notes, travel diaries, estancia records and other private documents of the Irish in Argentina. Their authors, as diverse as emigrants can be, follow the shared rules of language, which is the strongest social convention for any group. Now I will make some remarks about the language of the documents included in this book. The Irish were not the only English-speaking residents in Argentina.20 The British community in which they were initially assimilated was comprised of a few thousands of settlers from different places in the British Isles and their families.21 They came together round specific class, professional, geographic and ideological common grounds. Most urban people from England (Liverpool and London, in particular) were merchants or employees in Buenos Aires, Montevideo and other cities. The Scottish were sheep or dairy farmers in the southern partidos of Buenos Aires, as well as in Entre Ríos and Uruguay. The Welsh established isolated farming communities in the Patagonia. Additionally, many US Americans ventured into a diversity of businesses based in Buenos Aires and the provinces. Therefore, from the 1820s and at least until the 1880s, diverse accents of the English language were not uncommon in Argentina. Additionally, there were the Spanish language varieties of the native residents, together with Catalonian, Basque, Galician, Andalusian and other peninsular voices, as well as the Amerindian languages (for instance, Mapuche, Pampa, Querandí, Aymara), African vernaculars, French, Portuguese, and others from Europe. All these voices gradually affected the original language of the Irish settlers. An active “polyglossia and interillumination of languages” was in place, with the simultaneous interaction of diverse national languages within

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a single cultural system (Holquist 1981: 17). These segments shared linguistic features that identified common origins as well as a specific education and social class distinctions. Among the Irish, the peculiar Wexford brogue was generally associated with higher education and superior social class than, for instance, the musical and langurous tones of farmers from southern Longford. Although Irish brogues are still uttered by some in Argentina (even up to the fourth generation born in the country), the Irish-Argentine linguistic feature most frequently mentioned by authors is lexical. To the commonly cited camp, or countryside,22 one should add a number of loanwords from Spanish, which appear in the letters and memoirs of this book. For instance: señaling (señalar, to mark the lambs), mount (monte, a grove), post and poster (puesto, outpost in a large farm, and puestero, the person responsible for the outpost). J.J. Murphy and Tom Garrahan use these loanwords in their documents repeatedly. Moreover, Spanish terms were used with the English syntax. For example, seca (drought), estancia, and other words that were used orally, were written with changing spellings. Writers of the documents written in later periods, like Tom Garrahan, use a richer Spanish vocabulary (though it never reaches 10% of the total number of words). For instance, grasería, cardo, cañadón, vizcacha, novillito, galpón, testamentaría, condominio, escritura, agrimensor are used by Garrahan especially when he cannot find a handy translation into English. These words belong to technical jargons, which are shared with the writer’s linguistic partners. Regarding the type of English used in these documents, in general terms it is the oral language typical of the rural middle-classes in the Irish midlands and southeast Ireland. Different to letters from Irish emigrants to Australia, in which “the dominant tone is thus unmistakably plebeian” (Fitzpatrick 1994: 31), the Robbins, Murphy, Moore and Garrahan collections reveal a relatively higher education or, at least, a rhetorical strategy that was certainly influenced by their reading habits. A final semantic remark. None of the source documents studied in my research include a single word in the Irish (Gaelic) language, with the logical exception of place names in Ireland. Furthermore, there seems to be no semantic or syntactic influence that can be attributed to the Irish language. Hence, the generous use of alanna, begorra, garrahalya, musha and other Irish terms uttered by characters and narrators in early 20th-century Irish-Argentine fiction and press articles would have been ideologically manipulated by the authors. In this respect, the linguistic strategy implemented by William Bulfin, the accomplished Nationalist writer who adhered to the idea of raising the Irish language to be the official language of Ireland, is remarkable. His characters in Tales of the Pampas (1900) speak in English with abundant use of those and other words in Irish. There were some native speakers of Irish among the emigrants to Argentina, however a database built from Coghlan’s genealogical catalogue (1987), includes only three occurrences. That said, it is likely that the relatively small emigrations from County Clare and west Cork included a higher proportion of native speakers of Irish. In these documents there are no significant syntactic anomalies regarding the standard English spoken in the first half of the 19th century in rural areas of Ireland. The only exceptions are the frequent use of singular instead of plural (the letters has not arrived yet), and some changes in word order, which could have been a result either of direct contact with Spanish or of literary ostentation. Regarding phonetics, I have already noted the remarkable

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influence of oral language in these texts. Some spellings have been taken directly from the dialogic context, for instance, unlookey instead of unlucky, and say sickness instead of sea sickness (uttering sea as in tea with Irish accent, i.e., “tay”). Among the peculiar graphemes are its instead of it’s, chapple instead of chapel, and dauter instead of daughter. Furthermore, a distinct linguistic feature of these texts is the pragmatic one, i.e., the use of language in context. Based on discourse analysis studies by Eddy Roulet and Jacques Moeschler from the Geneva linguistic school, I would like to analyse the narrative structure used by Robbins, Murphy, Moore, and Garrahan, and to categorise the dialogic exchange among speakers. I will limit myself to three pragmatic constituents that are distinguishable in most of the texts, and which help to understand the discourse context, the dialogic structure, the use of deictics and ambiguity. On the one hand, letters have an obvious dialogic context. Their writers not only ask and reply to specific concerns of other speakers (James ask me what is Patagones. They are silver dollars value about 4s-2d each), but also because the rhetoric of epistolary genre is based precisely on linguistic exchange. On the other hand, memoirs have a dialogic structure, too, which is much more subtle than in letters. By dialogic structure, I understand a linguistic negotiation between speakers, which generally includes three phases: action, reaction and confirmation. In memoirs, rather frequently, one of those phases is omitted. Edward Robbins wrote for the year 1844: [my wife] died on the 25th of June, and was buried in Kilmonaghan, leaving me to care seven children. In the dialogic structure, the writer reports the death of his wife (action), a supposed interlocutor opens a sub-dialogue: Did you have children? (reaction), and Robbins replies: leaving me to care seven children (confirmation). Deictics are demonstrative pointers whose meaning depends on the context (for instance, here, this, now). Their use in many of these documents may be considered typical of the spatial discourse of migration. John James Murphy and his brothers generally refer to this country when speaking about Argentina or Buenos Aires (which at that time was a republic). Conversely, there or home represent Ireland. Furthermore, there is another category of deictics that connote the spatial co-ordinates of emotional representations. For instance, when the writers mention out here to signify Argentina, they imply that Ireland is inside, and they feel exposed and insecure by being out here, that is, a place outside home. In the original texts of these letters and memoirs, two words stand out for their ambiguity: camp and home. I have already mentioned the semantic characteristics of camp, a word that registered 179 occurrences out of 64,478 total words in the transcripts (Table 10). Using this word, every writer refers to Argentina, no one to Ireland. The different connotations of camp include: “estancia” (57.5%), “countryside” (30.7%), “land” (property) (10.1%), and “rural business” (1.7%). Robbins uses camp only once and refers to countryside. The writers of letters to Martin Murphy generally use camp to speak about the countryside (45.7%), to a particular estancia (41.3%), or to land as property (13.0%). The writers of letters to J.J. Pettit use camp almost every time to refer to the countryside (87.1%). Conversely, Tom Garrahan uses this word to refer to a particular estancia (82.2%). Seemingly, this points to the fact that every writer has distinct spatial references, with rural or urban points of view. Garrahan lives in the countryside, most of the letters to J.J. Pettit are written from the city, and the letters to Martin Murphy are written indistinctly from the city or the countryside. The analysis of home is interesting. According to David Fitzpatrick, home is among the

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Table 10. Occurrences of ‘camp’ in the original texts

Robbins Murphy Pettit Garrahan Total

Words 4,187 31,456 18,635 10,200 64,478 Sentences 203 1,659 681 577 3,120 ‘Camp’ Total 1 46 31 101 179 Reference in Ireland 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% Reference in Argentina 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Estancia 0.0% 41.3% 3.2% 82.2% 57.5% Countryside 100.0% 45.7% 87.1% 5.9% 30.7% Land (property) 0.0% 13.0% 3.2% 10.9% 10.1% Rural business 0.0% 0.0% 6.5% 1.0% 1.7%

most ambiguous of four-letter words (in English). In these texts the frequency of home is not very high, including 129 occurrences in 64,478 words, that is, one occurrence every 500 words (see Table 11).23 Over 53.5% of the occurrences refer to Ireland and 46.5% to Argentina. However, in the case of Robbins, the only two occurrences refer to Ireland while for Tom Garrahan 100% of the home occurrences refer to Argentina. In the Murphy letters, 87.7% refer to Ireland, and in the Pettit letters, only 14.3% refer to Ireland. These referential frequencies are gradually higher for Argentina (Robbins 0%, Murphy 12.3%, Pettit 85.7%, and Garrahan 100%), therefore, supporting the sequential order of mental migration that I have followed in the edition of these texts. The connotations of home are even more interesting. The most frequent connotation is “household” (53.5%), followed by “neighbourhood” (20.2%), and “country” (19.4%). For the writers in the Murphy letters (with a few exceptions, all of them were born in Ireland), the most frequent connotations of home are “neighbourhood” (35.6%) and “country” (30.1%) while for Garrahan and Pettit the most frequent is unquestionably “household” (93.9%). Even though, it is remarkable that some Argentine-born writers use home to refer to Ireland (14.3%). How do these results compare with those in letters from Irish emigrants to Australia at more or less the same period? In order to obtain methodological consistency, I built my analyses using Fitzpatrick’s connotations: 66% of home occurrences in Australia are referred to Ireland vs. 53.5% in Argentina. But the most important differences are in the connotations: “household” (2.3% Australia vs. 53.3% Argentina), “neighbourhood” (2.7% Australia vs. 20.2% Argentina), and “country” (1% Australia vs. 30.1% Argentina). These differences suggest a more abstract use of home among the Irish in Argentina compared to those in Australia, and would have been determined by socio-linguistic variations between both groups, probably derived from their diverse social origins.

It is important to insist here that extrapolating these results to the total migrant population is not realistic. Even in the case that these documents were a sample (which they are not, owing to the selection procedure), it would be a poorly representative sample of the

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Table 11. Occurrences of ‘home’ in the original texts

Robbins Murphy Pettit Garrahan Total

Words 4,187 31,456 18,635 10,200 64,478 Sentences 203 1,659 681 577 3,120 ‘Home’ Total 2 73 21 33 129 Reference in Ireland 100.0% 87.7% 14.3% 0.0% 53.5% Reference in Argentina 0.0% 12.3% 85.7% 100.0% 46.5% Dwelling 50.0% 4.1% 4.8% 6.1% 5.4% House 50.0% 27.4% 81.0% 93.9% 53.5% Neighbourhood 0.0% 35.6% 0.0% 0.0% 20.2% Country 0.0% 30.1% 14.3% 0.0% 19.4% Unspecified place 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% Address 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% Specific characteristics 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% Emotional associations 0.0% 1.4% 0.0% 0.0% 0.8% Return 0.0% 1.4% 0.0% 0.0% 0.8%

total universe of letters and memoirs, and even more of the total number of Irish emigrants to Argentina.24

Notes to this Edition The texts included in this book have been selected with different criteria, from diverse sources and in varying shapes. Therefore, this collection of texts must not be considered in any way homogeneous. The only element shared by all documents is the English language, but, as I have noted above, the linguistic disparity among them is significant. It is also important to remark that these documents have been kept for generations by the writers’ families. Therefore, there is a substantial bias in the selection of these documents compared to those that were lost, since the persons who saved them had a positive attitude toward keeping old family papers. I was privileged to work with the manuscripts of the letters to Martin Murphy and Tom Garrahan memoirs (the latter in photocopies), and undertook the complete process: transcription, edition and annotation (and translation into Spanish for the first edition). The Pettit letters were transcribed by Andrew Pettit, and the memoirs of Edward Robbins by his family. In both cases, I have edited and annotated the transcribed texts. My transcriptions (Murphy and Garrahan) have been rather word-to-word, changing only punctuation and respecting if possible both spelling errors and the paragraph structure in the manuscript. The reader must be aware that in this edition I have abridged or eliminated some paragraphs or entire passages in which concepts are repeated and nothing new is presented, or where the level of familiarity is too important and may affect in some way any living persons. A blind edition of punctuation has been performed, generally adding commas, periods and other signs necessary to achieve comprehension of the text. Generally speaking, to every sentence corresponds a conceptual unity, but in many cases the original structure of the writer

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INTRODUCTION: FACES, PLACES AND ENCOUNTERS

has been respected. In a few instances, an explanation has been added in the text (most frequently, explanations are included in the end notes). In order to respect the integrity and coherence of the original texts, notes have been added at the end. With respect to the first edition (University of Buenos Aires Press Eudeba 2004, in Spanish), this edition in English has corrected some errors in the tables and text and has included the original texts of letters and memoirs. I have included new authors to refer to in my work, as well as substantial new thinking on the role of identity and nationalism. Additionally, a glossary and an alphabetical index of persons, places and themes have been prepared for rapid reference. This book may be read in three different ways. The reader may choose to focus only on the original texts of letters and memoirs, which will provide a fresh perception of the writers’ voices within the reader’s own context. You may also read the endnotes without relation to the text. This fragmentary reading may frame the texts in a historical context, as well as provide some information about events in Ireland, Argentina, and Australia that affected significant segments of population. Finally, this introduction, the epilogue and the annexes offer additional information to enrich your reading.

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‘I BEGAN TO THINK OF LEAVING IRELAND’ THE MEMOIRS OF EDWARD ROBBINS 21800-1853

¡Adiós, pampa mía!... Me voy ... Me voy a tierras extrañas. Adiós, caminos que he recorrido, ríos, montes y cañadas, tapera donde he nacido. Ivo Pelay (1945)

Edward Robbins’ life, in the way he writes about it, is a swift journey from his youthful and adult life in Ireland to the settlement in Argentina in constant search for stability. Edward Robbins (1802-1866) was born in Co. Offaly (at that time, King’s County) in the bosom of a middle-class rural family. Thanks to his industrious habits and his family and social relations, he was engaged in responsibilities that gave him a first-hand knowledge of the welfare administration in the Irish midlands. Together with his work on the family farm, he started enthusiastically a “public life”, and subsequently travelled to Dublin and London. At the same time, his duties made him an eyewitness of the Great Famine of 1846-49. In 1844, his wife died when they had seven small children. The farm business was more and more difficult. He married a widow from Mullingar, who owned a farm and had four children herself. But problems arouse and the family decided to leave Ireland. In 1849 the Robbins arrived at Buenos Aires sailing from Liverpool, but some of them died due to the aftermaths of the journey. Disappointments followed one another and, finally, Robbins found a stable job in Cañuelas. Robbins’ memoirs come to an abrupt end in 1853. At the end of the text, his daughter Rose added that Edward Robbins died on 5 April 1866, and that he was buried in the old cemetery of San Pedro. Therefore, these memoirs must have been written sometime in those last thirteen years, probably while he was living with his daughter Rose Brennan (née Robbins) in San Pedro. Rose kept the manuscript up to her death in 1918. When he was looking over the old papers of his mother, Eduardo Brennan (1872-1935) found the manuscript and distributed it to the family. They transcribed the text and prepared a private edition. Regrettably, the manuscript remains lost. This document may be considered a counterpoint to much of the stereotypes that circulate about the typical Irish emigrant to Argentina. The Robbins belonged to a mid-to-upper social class of farmers. Edward Robbins lived in a rural and semi-urban environment, and he was able to take advantage of the multiple relations in his social circle. Therefore, without neglecting the family farms, he managed to be appointed officer of social welfare and to have access to a relatively high income. But his good luck declined and, little by little, he concluded that it was necessary to emigrate to save the few assets he still owned. When he sold his farms, he had money enough to pay for the passage tickets and medical

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treatments upon arrival in Argentina. Once in Buenos Aires, he still had a small fortune of £80. Robbins’ circumstances were very different from thousands who could not even pay £4 for a ticket from Ireland to North America. And they were different as well from the many Irish who emigrated to Argentina, since most of them were between 20 and 26 years-old and were single. (Edward arrived in Buenos Aires when he was 47, and he travelled with his wife and 11 children.) Another difference is the relative “success” of the Robbins’ emigration. Some members of the family managed to survive, settle in and assimilate to the local larger society, though the impression one has after having read his memoirs is that Edward’s life in Ireland was happier than in Argentina. From the abrupt end of the text in 1853, the reader is not able to deduce the extent to which Robbins perceived his life as an absolute failure. However, he exposes his frustrations and fears derived from his experiences in a new country. I am indebted to Julia McInerny (San Pedro) for having sent the transcription of this text, as well as photographs and related documents. I am also thankful to Estela Oliveros and Ricardo Murray, of the San Pedro Irish Association.

The Memoirs of Edward Robbins 1800-1853 1800. My father Garrett Robbins of Killens,1 was the oldest son of Michael Robbins and Ellen Grennon of Augamore near Clara.2 My mother was Margaret Deehan, second daughter of John Deehan and Ann McCormick of Cloghan Hill,3 King’s Co. My parents were married on or about the 26th day of June in this year, a year fraught with evil to poor Ireland by her Union with England.4 I had three brothers and two sisters. My brothers’ names were Garrett, Bernard and Patrick. My sisters names were Ann and Rose. 1802. I was the oldest of the children of my parents. I was born this year on the 3rd day of January. I was baptized by Rev. Father MacNamee. 1805. Rev. Father MacNamee died and was succeeded by his nephew Rev. Father Patrick O’Leary. I had several tutors for the first five or six years; their names were Billy King, who taught in the old Chapel of Tobber and was my first tutor; the second was Thomas Gorry who taught on the hill of Clotan; in company with him was Pat Farrell and the [torn] to learn of Thomas Keegan who kept a school at the green at Clara. Nicolas [torn] who taught in the old Chapel of Tobber, and last but not least comes Anthony Kilford who finished my education, as all my professors were ... a lot of boobys why should not their [torn]. I was kept at school until I was [torn] years of age.5 1807. My grandmother Anna Deehan died and was buried in Kilmonaghan Church yard.6 1809. The lease of Killeens expired this year7 and the landlord wanted to increase the rent from 27 shillings to 50 shillings per acre, in consequence of which my father rented a farm of land at Bolart,8 next town land but one to Killeens, and went to reside there. I travelled over much land in Ireland and I seldom met a spot more convenient or better for a farmer. In this thrice happy home my brothers, sisters, and myself grew up to Man and Womanhood, “seats of my youth when every sport could please”.9 1812. My granduncle Edward Grennon died this year. He was a truly charitable good man. My parents and he lived together. He left all he possessed to my father except one hundred pounds each he left to my brother Garrett, to my two sisters and to me. I very often heard him tell that his mother gave in charity during one of the dear summers, a quantity of

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THE MEMOIRS OF EDWARD ROBBINS 1800-1853

oatmeal without the knowledge or consent of his father, and that when his father enquired about it his mother got alarmed, and when alone went to pray to God to direct her what to do and say to her husband to soften him, and when she looked at the bin or chest where the oatmeal was, that instead of its being empty as she left it, it was overflowing, and even pushed up by the quantity that was in it. In her latter days, when unable to move about, she insisted that a quantity of meal and potatoes should be laid by the side of her chair, which she would herself distribute to the poor.10 1814. James Grennon, my other granduncle and brother to Edward Grennon, died. He had a large family of sons and daughters, was a possessor of much wealth, and in my opinion did not share it with his family. He almost gave the whole of it to his third son Samuel Grennon, and when I write this there are not many shillings of it to be had. 1817. My father took me occasionally to school this year to teach me farming, and he gave me some money to buy flax yarn and get it manufactured into linen. The linen trade was very profitable in Ireland this year and for some previous years, but after a couple of years from this date it would not remunerate the manufacture. 1818. I left school and commenced to learn farming. My father then occupied three farms containing between 170 and 180 Irish acres of land, namely, Bolart, Gurteen, and Cloarany.11 1819. My uncle James Deehan, brother to my mother, went a Captain in Colonel Aylmer’s Regiment with Bolivar, South America.12 He met great disappointments there, he left a comfortable home he kept a flour Mile near Cloghan, called Black Mills. He was a dashing young man, a credit to any farmer to have him as a son, but he was too gay. 1820. Rev. Father Pat O’Leary died this year and was succeeded by Rev. Father Luke Doyle,13 a truly pious good man and a sincere friend. I went to Dublin on the 1st of May with my father.14 He went to get a lease of Killeens, he got the lease, and possession the following November.15 1821. My uncle James Deehan died in Bolivia. Rev. Fathers Doyle and Wier changed parishes this year. Father Doyle going to Clara, Father Wier16 coming to Kilmonaghan. On Tuesday evening about sun down, the Bog of Gagebon and Kilmaley, that is mearned by those of Woodfield and Inane, moved down with great force uprooting the earth before it, driving in its curve a stream which formerly supplied a mile of its former bed, and turning up the land until stopped by a ridge of rising ground at Lisaniska, where it remained quiet from the 17th of June, the day of which it moved until about the 3rd or 4th of July. The quantity of water that filled up the basin made by the eruption then forced on the broken bog and earth across the County in a western direction for about two miles, covering much land according to the “slope of land”. This wonder was visited by persons from all parts of the kingdom from England and Scotland.17 There was one continuous scene of riot, at every convenient place where tents for the sale of beer and whisky could be erected, and there were standings for the sale of apples, gooseberry, all kinds of fruit and ginger bread. At the end of a few months, it reached the river of Woodfield that falls into the river Brosna, and all the water flowed away leaving the bog a soft mass on the ground it had covered. Some of the land has since been improved, but will never be equal to what it was, owing to its being covered with moving earth [torn]. 1822. My father commenced building the house at Killeens, finished a range of offices at the close of last year, got a new contract of the lands of Cloatany, at a high rent. Rev. Father

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Wier died this year and was succeeded by Rev. Father Sherran.18 I was in the full height of my glory at this time, no care, nothing but sport. 1823. Removed from Bolart to Killeens having finished all buildings, times much depressed, prices for cattle and corn very low. 1824. Rev. Father Sherran died this year and was succeeded by Rev. Father O’Loughlin, and Rev. Father Kearney was appointed to Tobberclare. Rev. Father Doyle died at Clara, was buried in Ballymore, Co. Westmeath, and succeeded by Rev. Father Barry.19 At the close of the year my brother Garrett went to Navan School. This year the Catholic Association was formed and the Catholic Rent established.20 I became a collector and a member and so continued in all those associations that were formed for 21 years, and would still continue if wanted. 1825. Was a very dry hot summer and harvest. The oat crop in many places was short in straw and the people foolishly pulled it. The contract for the farm at Gurteen expired, and the landlord occupied, and my father resigned the farms at Bolart and Cloatany (they were high in rent), keeping only the farm at Killeens on which he resided. The wheel had got a turn with us and times were dull, and to my brothers, sisters and myself it was a sad change to meet any cheek. 1826. The summer of this year was also very hot and dry. Hugh M. Tuite21 contested successfully the Co. Westmeath. The landlord of Kilkeens got in debt and fled to France leaving me in difficulties, having accepted some Bills for him. This year the people of Ireland, guided by the Catholic Association, began to know their strength and to call boldly for equal rights.22 1827. My sister Ann got married to Edward Wallace of Tullamore. My brother Garret went to the College of Maynooth23 on the 25th August. My grandfather John Deehan, of Cloghan Hill, died September 29th, was interred at Kilmonaghan on 1st October, had a splendid funeral.24 1828. A fine warm summer and a delightful harvest. Had a large harvest this year, and had it in the haggard by the 22nd of September. My aunt Catherine Deehan married to John Kennedy, of Braccanear, Ballycumber, between the 16th and 20th September. The building of the new Gaol at Tullamore begun this year.25 1829. Catholic Emancipation conceded by Wellington and Peel.26 I got into fresh difficulties for speculating. Samuel Grennon, who professed to be my friend, turned on me and nothing but all the farm would in any way satisfy him. But God delivered me out of his hands, thanks to His Holy Name.27 Prices for all agricultural produce brought a low price. 1830. On Friday, February the 19th, I was married to Margaret, youngest daughter of the late James Eagan and Judy Winn, of Newton, near Faheeran Parish, of Kilcumrearagh,28 King’s Co., by the Rev. Father Murtagh, Roman Catholic Church (Tobber). 1831. Our first child was born on the 21st of January. It was a boy and baptized Garret, it died at four or five years old. The Hon. Colonel Westenra, son of Lord Rosmore, partially contested the King’s Co., defeated.29 1832. Julia, born on the 9th of January. My brother Garret ordained a priest on the 10th of June at Mullingar by Right Rev. Dr. Cauntide.30 Early in July was sent Curate to Rev. Father Shanly, of Myden and Miltown. The Reform Bill passed and Sir Nicholas Fitzsimons contested successfully the King’s Co.31 Tithe meetings this year, a large one at Moate, Co. Westmeath, on the 29th June.32 Cholera first made its appearance in Ireland and many died

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THE MEMOIRS OF EDWARD ROBBINS 1800-1853

of it in the large towns.33 1833. Tithe meetings more frequent through Munster. Rose born, June 23rd. 1834. Cholera again appeared in Ireland. Mrs. Brady and James Summers died of it at Clara. Making preparations to leave my father. I lived with him from my marriage.34 1835. On the first week of March moved into my own house from my father and mother. On the 13th of March, Garret born. On the 12th of July, Larry Walsh turned out on the road by John Telford; the blind man’s curse followed John Telford and children.35 Margaret born 3rd of December, 1836. 1836. The summer and harvest very fine; good prices for cattle and sheep and for all kinds of grain. My father and I had large harvest of wheat and all other kinds of grain; the wheel got a turn and by God sending the good harvest and good prices that we almost gained our former position. Tithe meetings all over the Kingdom more frequent, and the people who would not pay were arrested and cast into prison, but almost all resisted. 1837. In the month of February my brother Bernard began to complain, and his illness continued. I went with him to Mallow Spa, Co. Cork,36 but it was of no avail, and he died on the 18th of September and was buried at Kilmonaghan. On the 8th of May there was arrested for Tithes in the parish of Kilcleigh, Co. Westmeath, and cast into the gaol at Moate, Edward Gaynor, Edward Tallon and John McCarr.37 The people several times entertained them at dinners in the gaol. On the 17th of May, the people assembled from the parishes of Rahan, Melane, Balanahaund, Kilmonaghan, Horseleap, Clara, Drumraney, Ballymore, and Colrey, to Kilcleigh, where the three men in gaol resided, and with their ploughs, horses, carts, and spades, in two and a half hours planted ten acres under potatoes and the work properly executed; it is incredible the determination that then possessed the minds of people. When the Attorney for the Parson38 came in person with an order of the Court and an officer and all the police to remove the prisoners from Moate Gaol to the Marshelsea of Dublin, there could not be found for any price a car, gig, carriage, etc. to convey them away, and at that period there were a Mail coach, a Day coach and a Canal coach passing and repassing through the town daily,39 and the result was that the prisoners were let at liberty. My sister Rose married to James Grennon, of Lisstissan. 1838. My first entrance on the stage of public life was on the 16th of April. On the previous day, I was written for by the Independent and the Liberal Club of the Co. Westmeath40 to go to their meetings at Mullingar in order to engage me to value the lands of the Freeholders. I complied, had to go to London41 before a Committee of the House of Commons, after which it was referred to a Commission at Mullingar at which I attended for eleven days. The successful members were Sir M. Chapman and Sir Richard Nagle.42 On the 23rd of November Ann was born. 1839. This year is memorable in Ireland in consequence of the terrible wind that was on the night of the 6th of January (twelfth night). Nothing like its violence was ever felt in Ireland, England or Scotland.43 Daniel Winn, of Moyvore, died in July. George Gaynor, of Tully Wood,44 died and was buried at Clonmacknoise, or the Seven Churches in the King’s Co., on the banks of the river Shannon. In the month of January, in company with Thomas Bracken, of Ballymahon, I succeeded in getting the valuation of the Poor Law Union of Edenderry, the payment for our discharge of duties was £300, which was paid.45 1840. In the month of February my sister Ann died at Tullamore, and was buried at

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Durrow, formerly the seat of St. Columbkill.46 My father began to complain and continued getting worse until the 11th of October, when he died and was buried at Killmonaghan. In the month of March, I succeeded in getting the valuation of the Poor Law Union of Tullamore in company with Pat Effe, paid for our services £300. I got much opposition but succeeded through the friendship of Very Rev. Father O’Rafferty and Thomas P. O’Flanagan, of Tullamore,47 with other friends. I was then much in the confidence of my countrymen, which confidence I never abused. On the 13th day of November Bernard was born. 1841. Sought for the valuation of the Poor Law Union of Athy, in company with Hugh O’Connor, of Drennanstown, near Rathangan, Co. Kildare, and was twice appointed by a majority of the Board of Guardians, but was set aside by the Assistant Commissioner Mudgredge at the instance of Lord Downs of Bert House near Athy, Co. Kildare.48 Succeeded in an Arbitration I had with Thomas Bracken, [for him] Edward Rooney, of Longford, for me James Dillon of Clara.49 The first attack of a severe kind that led to the palpitation of the heart that now troubles me, was about the month of September in this year. I then thought it was caused by long fasting, anxiety, and eating a hearty supper at midnight. My wife was showing signs of ill health also. 1842. On Palm Sunday, March the 20th, Mary was born. The distemper set into my cows and the loss I met with on that account shook my capital a lot. My brother Pat married about the 22nd of April, [with] Mary, youngest daughter of James Brien, of Cor a Collin Parish of Meelane, King’s Co. The first failure in the potatoes appeared this year, much seed potatoes did not grow, and had to be sown the second time.50 1843. The distemper again attacked the cows and horned stock. My wife’s illness continued to increase and my stock of cattle and money to decrease. I now felt it impossible to attend with advantage to my family and to public business, and after a quarrel with the Tullamore Board of Guardians, which arose from my determination to act according to my own judgment, not according to theirs, I resigned the Valuator-ship of the Union. 1844. My wife’s illness continued on the increase, and after a painful struggle for nearly two and half years, she died on the 25th of June, and was buried in Kilmonaghan, leaving me to care seven children, the oldest but twelve years of age. 1845. This was a sad year for Ireland. The potato crop almost all got black and unfit for use.51 On Monday, the 29th of September, I married Ann, daughter of Pat Ryan, Parks near Clara, and widow to the late Thomas Coffy, of Belmont near Mullingar, Co. Westmeath, and went with my family to reside there in the first days of December.52 This year I had seven acres of potatoes, the yield was very fair but they paid nothing as they were almost all black. 1846. This was a fearful time for the poor of Ireland. Fever and dysentery to an awful extents in many parts of it. Provisions of every kind doubled the usual prices, the poorhouses filled to overflowing.53 I had not one rood of potatoes sowed this year and, those who had, met with a poor return. I had a good harvest of corn. Captain Telford appointed inspector all over the Co. Westmeath under the Board of Works54 and Poor Law Commissioner.55 On the 20th day of January I got appointed to the Co. Roscommon as one of the Valuators under the Board of Works; it was through the influence of my friend Captain William Telford, formerly of Greenville near Clara, King’s Co.,56 that I got the appointment. My pay was 17s. 6 pence per day, with a car to travel free.57 In the month of May that great man Daniel O’Connell died. On the 10th day of June my dear mother died and was interred in Kilmonaghan. The

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parish priest got nearly forty pounds offerings at her funeral.58 On the 13th day of June Edward was born in the harvest. Samuel Grennon, of Springgarden, died of the 4th of October. All the valuations under the Board of Works closed. In the month of December, William Reilly of Belmont, died; a truly good landlord, a most affectionate and obliging neighbour. Were I to endeavour to record the misery I saw in that part of the Co. Roscommon to which I was sent by the Board of Works, it would appear incredible.59 Except at Scull or Skibereen, there was no other part of poor dear unfortunate Ireland so very badly off with fever and dysentery.60 1848. On the 23rd day of March my sister Rose died and was buried at Noughville, Co. Westmeath. I was at the September fair of Banagher and dined at uncle John Deehan’s for the last time. I began to think of leaving Ireland.61 My family was large, my two farms too far asunder and both too small apart to support my family, and I could not brook the idea of getting into difficulties and perhaps into prison for debt. The Young Irelanders attempted a revolution. I do not understand them, nor did I then; they were mad, or traitors to their Country, I believed them then, and now, mad.62 1849. Early in the month of March I left for Liverpool and I arranged for a passage to Buenos Aires for myself and family with Michael McDonald.63 On the 4th of April all my family arrived at Liverpool and were kept there until the 8th of May, on which day they sailed.64 There was much sickness on board from the neglect of Government Inspectors at Liverpool: one man and a child died at sea. My family and myself suffered very much, had a good passage and arrived in Buenos Aires on the 13th of July, in quarantine until the 22nd, on which day we landed. It was Sunday. My family with myself counted 13, of which 10 had to go into the Irish Hospital;65 left the hospital with my wife and some of the children on the 10th of August, occupied a house in Calle Balcarce. On the 21st of August my wife died and was buried in the Recoleta. On the 29th of same month my son Bernard died, and on the 4th of September my adopted daughter Mary Ann Coffy died. I could muster hard on £80 when I landed, but when the dead were buried and the sick recovered and arranged, I was some 5 or 600 dollars in debt. I met a truly generous man, to me a perfect stranger and I the same to him, William Allison, then kept a cooper’s shop. I did not accept his kind offer but I do not forget it. I went in October to live in Quinta Ramos, but did not good.66 1850. In February of this year I saw I could do no good at this quinta. I made a visit to the camps, slept at Mrs. Monks, and James Murphy’s.67 I met no friends. I left the Quinta Ramos as rich as I went to it. I got to town and after a few days settled with Patricio Fleming68 to take charge of his coffee house, stooped there four months and left, and went to make a fortune at a Quinta at the ‘Paso de Burgos’.69 Arrived here in October and set to plough, kept at it all the summer and nearly killed myself at it. 1851. By the end of a year working at the Quinta I had it all sowed under alfalfa, and some fit for sale. I thought I was going on well.70 1852. On the 3rd day of February, Governor Rosas driven away. On the 26th of May, Mother McGuiness arrived at Buenos Aires.71 I was going on pretty well when on the 6th December the town was blockaded72 and so for 8 months during the blockade and Rosas war, I lost at least 30 to 40,000 dollars; a bad beginning for a poor man and he getting old. 1853. I was likely to go on middling with the Quinta until the blockade was put on, or the 6th December past, and was not taken off until the 14th July inst. Asked Mr. Ochoa, with

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whom I was on shares, if he would buy my part and let me go; he referred to Arbitration. He appointed Ramon Rue and I John Ryan. They met and agreed to give me $10,000 and not entering into accounts but to turn backs on the score. I [had] to give up the Quinta, hay, bullocks, carts, and implements. This is the exact statement made to me by John Ryan the night that he met Ramon Rue. I waited for him at Patricio Fleming’s Coffee House; Mr. Creagh and Mr. Langon were present at the story, which turned out to be one. After being almost worn out to death, I got $3,000. Fortunately for me, my poor unfortunate friend George Ford introduced me to Mr. McClymont73 and got with what money I could scrape a half of a flock of sheep. I left the Quinta about the last week of October or first week of November, and arrived at Mr. McClymont’s with his carts on a Sunday morning at day’s dawn, and a very wet day it was. I had to go to Tim Rabbit’s on the Estancia Alfaro until Thomas Carney left, which was at the New Year. Julia married to John Kehoe.74

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‘THE BEST COUNTRY UNDER THE SUN’ LETTERS TO MARTIN MURPHY 1844-1879

CHAPTER 3

Si no volvemos a vernos, tierra querida, quiero que sepas que al irme dejo la vida. ¡Adiós!

The Murphys of Haysland, Kilrane parish in Co. Wexford, were a traditional farming family who occupied two farms leased from an absent landlady. The Murphys were Roman Catholic and got on well with nationalist ideology. They were well-connected, sometimes through family ties, with several middle-class rural families in their neighbourhood, and with the social networks of the Catholic church in Wexford. In 1844, purportedly as part of a private emigration scheme organised by James Pettit, Nicholas Murphy’s eldest son John James and many other youngsters from Kilrane sailed to Liverpool and from there to the River Plate, arriving two months later in the William Peile. Upon arrival, it is probable that John James worked in Patrick Browne’s saladero, though he went swiftly to work in the countryside. In Chascomús, a department south of Buenos Aires, he worked digging ditches in a local estancia. Ten years after his arrival in Argentina, John James managed to purchase land in Salto. It was an estancia ten times larger than the farms of his family in Ireland. He transformed the property to a model sheep-farm, which was the base of his future prosperity. In 1864 he added 4,000 hectares in nearby Rojas, and in 1882 he consolidated his properties with the acquisition of 20,000 hectares in Venado Tuerto, southern Santa Fe. J.J. Murphy died in 1909, a wealthy man and patriarchal head of a large family. His brothers William and Patrick followed J.J. to Argentina, and Martin remained in Ireland as their agent. They initiated, thus, a long migration network including cousins, uncles and aunts, as well as friends and neighbours, who settled in the lush area between Buenos Aires and Santa Fe. From the perspective of the traditional historiography, J.J. was the typical Irish emigrant to Argentina. He came from Co. Wexford, where his father was a tenant on a mid-size farm. He arrived at Buenos Aires at 22, and progressed from labourer to shepherd at halves, to owner of his means of production, i.e., land and sheep. He also had a prominent role in the Buenos Aires trade segment and in the Irish-Argentine community. However, reading his letters sheds light on his thoughts, which sometimes reveal a supercilious attitude, trying to impose his ideology and his points of view over others. This attitude may have been derived from a distinct emptiness in relations with his social circle. Additionally, his emigration was not for patriotic reasons, whether Irish or Argentine, but for economic opportunism. Murphy twice returned to Ireland with the notion of living there off the income of his farms in Argentina. But he decided to return to Argentina because he could

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not face the rigid social and political structure in Ireland. He insisted his family and friends follow him, and repeatedly he offered to pay the passage ticket to potential workers in his estancia subsequently deducting the cost from their pay. Other writers of these letters are J.J.’s brothers, who reveal similar attitudes but with a better adaptation to the new environment in Argentina. This collection of letters will be of greatest utility to migration students. They not only show the day-to-day life of 19th-century Irish settlers in Buenos Aires, but they also render a good representation of values and principles in certain social groups in Ireland and Argentina. Mary Anglim of Kilmore, Co. Wexford, supplied the manuscript letters, which were received in three successive shipments. The letters were treasured during decades by her aunt Statia Joyce. Vivian Sheridan, an enthusiastic student of pre-Norman Ireland, read and corrected my transcription, and illuminated the sense of interpretations with creativity and experience.

Letters to Martin Murphy 1844-1879

1 John James Murphy to Nicholas Murphy, 15 April 1844 Liverpool Dear Father and ever affectionate Mother, I am happy to make known to you that our fortunes have not turned out as we expected but have made a greater progress to our happiness that we expected. I did not think that we had such friends in Liverpool. They are not only friends to us but to all Irishmen, especially to staunch Repealers2 and Teetotallers.3 I have the pleasure of telling you all that we are in the best of spirits and expect to meet with good fortune whereever we go. I have not language to express the kindness of Mr James Pettit of Haysland,4 which all the people in Kilrane must be under a great obligation to him. We are all in good health thanks be to God and I hope this letter will find all in Kilrane the same. Tell Mary Pender that James5 desired to be remembered to her and he expects to hear in the answer to this letter that she is much better in health and spirits than when he last saw her. I desire to be remembered to my friends Mr and Mrs John Breen and the rest of my friends and townsmen. We have got our berths in the vessel on Monday and expect to sleep in her until we sail.6 I would have written yesterday if it were for John O’Connor7 writing. But I expect to have an answer in or about Saturday, and any particulars you have to send I would feel a pleasure in receiving it. And likewise John Connor and William Whitty8 desired you to tell their parents to send them an answer if they think well of it, as they forgot telling them in their own letters. Mr Pettit have brought down the passage9 money to [*] that pay her and on the [*] one of the finest and quickest passages that have been made this long time as we are employed so busily that that I cannot write a proper letter now but I feel to be excused for this time. I do not think I’ll write until I reach Buenos Aires. Then I will send a proper letter of our adventures on our passage. Direct your letter as thus: to the care [of] Mr James Sanders C/O, 9 and 10 Hackins Hay, Deal street, for John Murphy.

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2 Fr. Edward Kavanagh to Catherine Murphy, 1 February 1853 Buenos Aires My dear Madam, Your son John requested of me to engage a passage for a son and a daughter of yours out to Buenos Aires for the barque “William Peile”, Captain John Bell. She will sail from Liverpool for Buenos Aires about the 1st April. I have written to Captain Sprott of Liverpool, the owner, and engaged a free passage for your son and daughter, and you may expect a letter from him in due time appraising you of it, and of the day of the “William Peile” sailing from Liverpool. Your son John intended sending you a small sum as a token of his affection, but as there is a revolution here at present, and no business doing, a bill of exchange can not be got. You may however expect his remittance by the first packet, which sails after business opens here. I have much pleasure in informing you of the good health of your sons John and William. John is perfectly independent and William is this year establishing himself through the instrumentality of John with a flock of sheep, which is the chief way of getting on in this country. John and William are esteemed and respected by all who know them, and are a credit to Wexford. Robert Hore, son of Stephen Hore, generally stops with them. There is nothing particular here to communicate, which interests you, more than that this country is at present in a state of revolution, and consequently a total cessation of business of every kind. Foreigners of course take no part in it, and are therefore safe. You need have no anxiety regarding your sons. With sincere respect I am, dear Madam, Very truly yours / Edward Kavanagh / Chaplain to the Irish / Buenos Aires10

3 William Murphy to Martin Murphy, 20 July 1862 San Martín, Salto Dear Brother Martin, It’s now some time since I heard directly from you and full time indeed that I should think of dropping you a few lines in the hope of receiving the like from you in due time. I’ve the pleasure of informing you that all friends ere are well and going on well. This winter has come in most favourable. In the month of March sheep-farmers were quite down in spirits from the bad appearance of the camps, but we have been favoured with plenty of rain with mild weather up to the end of June, so that the pasture got strong and beyond the danger of injury by the severe frosts which have now set in. I think we can count on this winter being favourable than I have thought. It is our due for I do assure you these years past were severe enough, and many have been at great losses. This country has got quite a bright appearance, and it’s the firm opinion of all that many years will see it enjoy the same tranquillity if blessed with a lasting peace. By the end of a few years we will expect to travel to Buenos Aires the most of the distance by train.11 There has been proposals made to extend the one on this side, and others for commencing new ones. Buenos Aires it’s thought will be the Capital although the bill has to be read.12 It’s thought we can count on carrying it through. I suppose you now and then see a paper from Buenos Aires, our invincible “Standard”13 I hope you have the pleasure of seeing for it gives a full and true account of everything most interesting to foreigners in this country and their friends in the old land. Dear Martin, I suppose you know the whole

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particulars about the place I am now living in. I’ve got some hard knocks from John.14 I may have merited them and if I have it, [it] has been by looking too much to his interest in expecting a more favourable time to send his money. And to the advice of our nearest friends that the [*] “must come down”, before God I can declare that the idea of keeping back his money to lay it out to my own benefit never once crossed my mind. Nor had I the remotest thoughts of buying land until the 11th or so in the month of February, nor then until I weighed well the difficulties I was liable to meet with against the many advantages in my favour by buying an article that at any moment I can make sale of to advantage even a few days after I settled for it. I could have disposed of it at 70,000 gains. It’s as good land as there is to be found, well watered and suitable for sheep. My flocks are doing very well. Before I part with the land I will first sell my sheep to a tail.15 But I’ve got hopes of being able to rise money on it. If so, I shall be all right for the sheep will give me much more than will cover the interest and expenses. For instance, ask James what his brought for the last two years. And you will have an idea of what is to be made by sheep. I managed John’s flocks to the best advantage I could, and I hope he will be satisfied with the changes made, for I looked to his interest in [*] by me leaving Uncalito. I’ve made more room for John on it to get along. Patt has for the first time every prospect of doing well. Out of 17 [torn] sheep he has on first lambing 492. For his time with sheep he has been very unlookey but I hope the change is now for the better. Mary’s sister is with her yet and I suppose will remain until shearing to go to town. Cathy Cormack has been more than fortunate in obtaining one of the best situations in town,16 where many young women for some years in the country are many months during the year out of situation owing to their having to leave them. She is very comfortable, has $200 per month, a good room to herself, her choice of having a good companion, and so well liked by her Mrs (who is gone to England), that she has already received a present from her. She is looking very well and gets good health, hoping to wishing to be remember to all I remain your dear brother, William Murphy

P.S.: I did not think I was so near the end of my paper. I hope Margaret will not think bad of me not mentioning her, but although I name you it’s meant for her also. I was sorry to hear of Uncle John’s death. I hope they are all well. Will you tell John if he has got about £2 convenient, gives it to Matty Pierce of the Barracks?17 If not convenient, let him not give it. Also if convenient to James Murphy father, of Ballygeary, from £5 to 30 he will do a great favour to James but to me not the least. W. M.

4 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 13 November 1863 Lisbon 13 November 1863, 12 o’clock Noon18 Dear Friends, I take this hurried opportunity of informing you that we have arrived safe here at present in good health, but the mood of all on board having suffered much from say sickness19 since we left Southampton. Dear brother, I received your letter after coming on board I am satisfied as regards the Barns purchased for [*] do as you think best in these matters. I shall defer any particulars as to the passage until I reach Buenos Aires. I am about going on shore now to post

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LETTERS TO MARTIN MURPHY 1844-1879

this letter and to see the town, the particulars of which I shall give you hereafter. There were about 100 first class passengers sat down to dinner the first day, but since there has been very few at table owing to the say sickness. Dear friends, I must cut this short as all is topsy-turvy. Adieu dear friends and believe me to be your dear brother, John Murphy I got no letter or message from you since I came here. We leave now and God be with you all / Your dear John.

5 William Murphy to Martin Murphy, 24 November 1863 San Martín, Salto Dear Brother, I received a letter by Frank Doyle from James Furlong. Tell him that I shall answer him and comply with his request about Xmas. I had but a few moments conversation with Frank. I just reached Buenos Aires at 8 o’clock the night previous to their leaving, which was lucky as I took some trouble off Kate. I had my wool in early and sold it at $82.20 Were it not that it was full of burrs I would have got a much better price. Patt is in town at present. I think that he will get much better price. I have the pleasure of informing you that I am at last married. It took place on the 17th inst.21 I delayed it a week thinking that John would be in the packet as he previously wrote that he would leave by the packet of October.22 I may safely say that I now commence life anew, and I hope you will bless us. How happy would this news have made poor Mother had God only spared to hear of it. I well remember how she felt at my last parting. May God have mercy on her. I expect a prayer from you all for us. I first got acquainted with this young woman about nine months since on her landing in Buenos Aires. She is niece to Father Reville: Eliza Roach, Tullacams, who by an importunate Father, have been compelled to leave a once happy home.23 Father Fahey24 did us the greatest kindest. He celebrated the marriage Mass for us and also think it must have been he that got it in the paper. I enclose you the clip that you may through James or John have it inserted in the Wexford paper. You will ask them to do me favour as I’ve got a motive for having it to appear in the Wexford paper.25 I enclose you a photograph we have taken rather for a part for husband and wife but it was taken previous to our marriage. We had no wedding. Kate and a young man were all we had. We left town for outside the same day, and we arrived home safely, where I expect to spend many happy days, for me at least the change is great. When I leave home now, I will at least leave one interested after me. Excuse me dear Brother if I have dwelt too long on this subject but now I must leave it. The drought is yet continued. If no rain comes soon, people will be badly off camps inside are very short of pasture. But here we are better off. I see by last papers that Crosstown26 is not sold yet. I expect John will lease on it. I am glad that he is coming out for I doubt if Patt and he would agree long.27 I thought that you and Margaret would likely come with him but as I have not heard anything of it I must leave it so.28 Since John left here, this country has greatly altered. People look to comfort much more and live more like home.29 With kindest remembrance to all friends in Kilrane, Ballygeary, and Haysland. Brothers and sisters [*] and wishing you all to accept Eliza’s kindest regards. I remain your ever affectionate Brother, William Murphy

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6 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, ? 1864 Uncalito My Dear Friends, I wrote you a long letter by the March packet and since then I have written to Dr Crean & Rev. James Roach P.P. Wexford as having received one from the latter gentleman soon than after my arrival to this country accompanying with a card as usual, which we cannot at present think of collecting on. Dear Friends, My previous letter contained a great deal about this coun- try, and the prospects that is now before us. The people are flocking here from all parts,30 many without money, others with capital, of which there is a great field open here for investment. The investment of capital in land & sheep and the business is considered so safe now a days, that the foreigners with money and those that can get it even at high interest, are eating up all before them. This business would have been still carried on to a greater extent were it not for the last extremely bad season that prevailed through almost all parts of this country (I mean the drought, which still prevails in many parts of this) yet delightful country, owing to this reason I’ve had to exert myself pretty well as I am not one that can look on in a pinch when I see every one doing their utmost, but we have been somewhat relieved these last fine days by a shower that gave the sheep water in the camps, and from the appearance of the weather I hope we are done with the seca. But the interest desired and obtained in this coun- try are so remunerative that it make labours light and toil an interesting object. Just imagine my income for last year calculating increase at its average value, and wool for what it brought clear of all expenses on the establishment to be £1,280. Now just imagine for a moment how hard it would be for a man to turn his back or even dispose of a property so remunerative wherein all moneys [*] in the country are endeavouring to catch a half of it. It’s an old saying once a man lets his fortune out of his hands he is seldom permitted to take hold of it again. You may say that I have enough to live where I like by selling it off and come home, but first just consider that your positions are at home and how your holdings are a mere source of sla- very.31 Secondly, if you could only consider the real state of both countries, you would naturally say what could be the object of making a choice of that country wherein I should be only a looker on at your toiling ill-fed and ill-paid industry. Of course this country has its own inconvenience and new comers frequently entertain strong feeling on their arrival.32 But in a year or two these notions vanish and people only then come to see the great preference this country is entitled to.33 Now if I think of going home next year as I promised and not to sell off my property here (which I consider would be a very foolish act) what must the consequence be. Why inevitably the case would be that I should soon return again [Marginal note]: Tell Dr Crean & Rev. J. Roach that we have no convenience of paying the postage of letters home. [continues main text] as experience teaches me that living at home leaves me too far distance from my business in this country, which from what I’ve already stated you could not imagine but that I should be a fool to do so. I am well aware that your desire that I should live amongst you are such as will lead you to think that I under any circumstances might remain at home and my desires in this respect are no less great but what to determine as is. Whether is this country or that we should choose to pass together the fine happy years that may be yet left us.34 In this country we live like fighting cocks, plenty of the best of mutton any way you choose to cook it, in every house, particularly those with a family, has plenty of

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fowl, eggs, milk, butter, catchup,35 daily of their own making, and brings from town each year a supply of all the other necessaries, even English sauce, pickles & CC,36 which is before us every day with plenty of all sorts of vegetables and potatoes, the latter two crops in the year.37 I seldom sit down to dinner that I do not think of you all, particularly of James, that has often times to stand up from his meals hungry, and not having food suitable to his taste, and has to accompany his men in that rough way which only few constitutions can bear, and not speaking at all of the thousand other difficulties that farmers has to put up with in having the deal with the class of servants that is now only to be found in Ireland. I wrote the foregoing over night and as I suggested the rain has come at last. It commenced about 12 o’clock and from that till 8 next morning it fell in torrents leaving all in a sea, so as we need fear no want of water this year again. All we require now is that the frost will keep away for at least a month or two so as the pasture will get ahead against the winter set in. I am about doing a good deal of work on the Estancia. Next summer I am making arrangements to have 150 thousand bricks made. I am intent on making all bricks houses on the estancia and also a large house at the Estancia. James’, Nick’s and Patt’s part of sheep leaving the establishment this year has relieved it. But I must either buy camp or sell sheep before this time twelve months.38 The farmers will be difficult for me to effect as every one is with their mouths open to catch the first hint of camp being for sale. Dear Friends, I am sorry I did not bring out a Gig with me. The service such an article was to me at home was nothing in comparison to what it would be to me here. Horse riding is very heavy here, particularly during the summer season. It’s often occasion not to delay doing some business that we have got to do as also from hearing Mass on Sundays, which otherwise we might had no proper means of proceeding. To get one made here would become very expensive, as a friend of mine paid £72 for a wagon, a very common article. A gig that I would like to get it here, would no doubt cost about the same.39 I will see and arrange to get it out if you can only get it made and ship it to where you will be directed, and if I want to sell it hereafter I will make money on it. J.

7 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, undated.

Now, as to the sort of a gig or tax cart that will answer this country best, I think will be something of the tax cart kind.40 But let the material be good and it can therefore be made on a lighter scale. I would not wish it to be as heavy as the general run of them at home. Let the wheels be about the height of the gig I left you but not dished, but wider of further apart. Let there be seats as in tax carts before and behind with sufficient room for two persons in each.41 That is the hind part that contains the well to be made, so as to form a seat when necessary. This plan it is necessary to have the body erected on those on those sliding bars so as to regulate the weight on the horse’s back, as the case may need. You understand as to the hind seat that is the hind board of well to form the foot board for the hind passengers. As to the seat behind it is not necessary that it should be larger enough to hold two persons unless it will correspond with the make of the cart. Let it have a patent axle and in every respect made in first class style, as there are many countrymen here waiting its arrival to determine on sending for others, as it’s thought we may have them cheaper and better than getting them here.42 And for this reason I am sure the maker will do his duty. There is one circumstance connected with its

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make, that I should very much desire that it be made so low as the works will permit as being less exposed to be thrown over when struck by these sudden squalls of wind that’s so prevalent here. Send out with it the good set of harness I left at home, as being second-handed they pay no duty and perhaps they may serve to get the gig off as such also. There are no lamps nor apron needed. As to the maker I make no choice as yourselves can see best where you are most likely to get a good article for your money. Don’t dwell too much on saving four or five pounds as regards the sort of an article. I would like as all the other expenses will be the same for the best as for the most common you could send me. Make arrangements for getting it made as soon as convenient after receiving this. Also see Clinton and Kissane or perhaps better corres- ponds with Duffy or Farrell and see what would be the charge for sending it out by the steamer from Liverpool with the plough also, and the three passengers that you are to send me.43 These same line of steamers have an agent here, and the first time I go to town I shall see him on the matter. You need not arrange with any parties for bringing out the above until I write to you with instructions to do so, as perhaps I may get them out cheaper through their agent here. It will be a great advantage to have them coming out with the men you are to send me, as they can attend to the caring of them on the passage, and to see that they are well covered by a tarpaulin on all the way. It is better that the wheels should come separated from the body bound with straps and confined together. But I believe it’s better [to] leave the wheels under it, as it will be more easily manoeuvred, and when put on board the steamer at Liverpool they can take off the wheels if it suits better the convenience of the ship owner. I would not have written till the next packet were it not that you would as soon as possible get the things prepared, and have all ready to start with the men about the month of August next if possible, so as to be in time here for the shearing to give a hand. If the cash don’t hold out, draw on the Bank until next wool season, and I shall send home what’s necessary. The interest that Patt had out of Uncalito for his services came very high. What I calculated on at home he had, clear of all expenses, between stock and cash to the value of £280, not including the half of the flock he has in halves with me. With all this, how has my business been attended to when I arrived to Buenos Aires. I found himself, Mrs and child in town.44 The Mrs came under the excuse to be confined different to other women, as if there was not room in the camp, still worse as having left outside in the middle of the greatest drought that ever visited the country, and remained in town two months leaving the place trusted to their men outside, and each of them having enough to do with their own. Had he money of his own to meet those extravagant habits (which I saw no way mistaken when I was at home),45 the thing would not be too bad. But last year he owed me about £100 and this year he added to that something about the same amount. It grieves me when I see things squandered in this manner, more particularly when I look back at how you been to him at home. When I give a chance to them here to get a head in the word it’s only thrown to the wind and made a pretext of for their extravagance and waste. It is hard for me to think of leaving here again, knowing as I well do that things will go on as they did before. I am giving him the same interest in the establishment this year as I did last, though being here myself and of course things will go on better so long as I remain at their head. It is a lucky he had only a few lambs in the flocks during the watering season. Otherwise, we should have had a great loss. All the men are now taking care of the flocks on foot, though having sixteen horses.46 Yet there are only some one or two that would be safe to saddle as they can with difficulty support their own weight. I am getting ten or more young asses tamed in,

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and I shall then have a good supply so long as they are left with me. We are being sadly trespassed on this last year.47 Were it not for that, our camps would have not been so bad. This has become a sad nuisance in the camp, and the Justice of Peace is now giving powers to the parties to shut in a corral the trespassing cattle until they are paid for the damage. I am now making a corral and intend taking these steps, as they are the only means to prevent a continuance of it. I now conclude with the good news to you that all friends here are well, and sincerely hope that this may find yourself, Margaret, Bess,48 James and family in good health and a continuance of this blessing will be always the wish of your dear brother, John Murphy

8 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 26 January 1864 Buenos Aires My Dear Friends, It is not worth while to give you an account of my passage from Rio de Janeiro to Buenos Aires.49 Suffice to say that I arrived safe on the 14th of December, blessed with beautiful weather with the barometer standing 90 degrees in the shade.50 I was happy to find on my arrival that my brother Patt had come into town the day previous with his wife to be confined, which took place on 3rd of January of a son, which they have named John Joseph William. They left town for [*] on last Thursday 21st all well. I also found my friend Mr Butler51 and his family all in good health. The old couple as young in appearance as when I left, and the young [*] hers grown altogether out of my knowledge. I was received by them all very kindly and had to stop with them during my stay in town of two weeks. William got married about a month previously to my landing. He had to come into town a month afterwards to receive the bills of the purchase of the land, so I hastened out to keep company with the Mrs until his return, as I knew she would feel lonely during his absence. I remained a week there until he returned and four days at Uncalito, which I found greatly changed. The mount or plantation52 has exceeded any thing I’ve ever seen with respect to the growth of the trees, and the appearance they give the place. After William came out I then return to town to stand god- father for Patt’s son which had been born during my stay in the camp. His name is John Joseph William. Dear Friends, I am sorry to say that I have arrived here in time to see one of the worst years that Buenos Aires ever experienced. I decline entering into the particulars at present until I see the result of the awful seca, which has already left many poor men without a head of sheep. Hundreds of thousands of sheep has already disappeared and still continue to disappear in hundreds daily. There are whole leagues of country left waste. The people has marched off to the frontiers53 with what is yet left them off intending to travel on until they find some- thing for them to eat as water as to drink, trying to save the few that is yet left them. Just imagine that there has been more sheep lost in all the dust storms this year than there has been lost in all the rain storms this last twenty years. Entire flocks with the people in charge of them has been smothered in these dust storms. The middle of the noon day has been frequently as dark as midnight. The candles lighting all through the day to enable them to do the work inside the house. The fathers & mothers of families had to remain up all night to save the soft children from smothering. All this proceeding from the camp not having a particle of any thing the earth produce either dry or green upon it. But thanks God it is not yet quite a general

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thing. The camps outside are yet holding out and I am glad to say that both William & me are some of the lucky few that their camp is yet holding out, and I think will unless the seca continue too long. Dear Friends, the times here are very much altered since I left, particularly the seasons has altered more than any thing else. I might say there has not been a good season since I left. I don’t think I’ve reason to act on William’s suggestion as to selling Uncalito. I don’t think there has any place in the country doing better. The flocks has increased well and the men interested are well pleased with their situation. I can also see that the people here has been attending very much to their comforts and [*] happiness, and has no such fears to apprehend as heretofore. They form such a strong body that it’s some extraordinary circumstance that leave property now unsafe. The happy and contented appearance the people display to persons arriving in this country remove every fear of danger and that which I entertained at home. I now set down as a nervous weakness or fear. Dear Friends, I felt the heat very much at my arrival to this country, as it happened to be mid-summer, which season if I were to come out again I should endeavour to evade. But I am now getting accustomed to it, and like the young plant getting strong beneath its pleasing warmth, I feel as if I only wanted any thing here to make me happy and had I that here. I should have no trouble to make up my mind where to pass the remainder of my life, that is the society of you, my friends, that has been my comfort in the past and the object of my greater solicitude for the future.54 But this wish, this desire it’s likely I now never hope to see carried out unless changes take place, such as will render it necessary for you to do so, however I wish you were here, or me there, that I might be happy amongst you. Tell Father Kavanagh & Father John Furlong that I am sorry that I cannot carry out the collections on the cards entrusted to me, owing to a very scandalous dispute that arose between the Irish clergy here relative to a Dr O’Reilly that came here on a mission to collect from the Cape of Good Hope. Another reason for me not collecting is that that there is no clergyman or priest in the neighbourhood we live now within sixty miles of us on any direction.55 The families within that space has not seen a priest this last two years or had an opportunity to attend to their spiritual duties. Just imagine how absurd it would be in me to collect for Churches at home wherein we have not the advantage of seeing a priest ourselves. I am sure if our good Bishop Dr Furlong56 only knew our situation here, I think he would send us a priest to comfort us, or if there is any charitable young priest that would undertake to come and relieve us I would willingly guarantee his expenses here and out to this country. Otherwise, I am sure the Raymond from Dublin will be glad to bring him out free of expense. Dear Friends, we have seen rains this last week but I fear they have not been general. However, as the weather has broken we may have more. Any news or particulars that the letter do not contain I shall endeavour to make it up in my next. I received your letter of December 6th and also one from Father James Roach (Wexford), with a card to collect also. Tell him as above for not collecting on it. I enclose you the second bill of exchange for £145, Patt sending the [*] by last packet. Also a likeness of Patt, Mrs and their eldest daughter Catherine. Hoping this will find all friends in good health, I remain as ever your Dear Brother, John Murphy Respect to Dr Crean.

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9 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 25 March 1864

Dear Brother, I thought it better to make a sort of a finish of the other part of my letter in case you think well of letting others than yourselves see it.57 But this I consider only fit for the ears of my own friends in Haysland, or at least the greater part of it. The [*] part [*] enter into first. With the plough, you will be pleased to send me out three men, as James, Joseph & Nick, leaving my place left me scarce of hands. I will mention one to you: Tom Lawler, that was with me in Crosstown. The other two may be of your own choice. Arrange with Captain Lenders of the Raymond Dublin. If you cannot get them cheaper by a Liverpool ship, La Zingara, [which] will be in Liverpool about the same time.58 If there were any three or four men of respectable family coming out, and choose to come to Uncalito, it would save you the trouble of arranging about the others. If not the conditions to be understood with others are that they serve me fourteen months hire, and [I] pay all expenses committed with their coming but the passage money. We must raise the time of their servitude, on account of the exchange so high. You can send Jack Carr’s son as one of the three,59 if he is as when I left. Send the plough in charge of one of them as if it was his own, so as it may pass without charge on the passage as his own luggage, or implements that he require.60 If you think well of paying the passage there, you can do so. If not arrange for it to be paid here by me. If you adopt the latter mode, enclose the order I send to whatever captain you are about to arrange with, as it may answer as a security. Dear Friends, you will likely know in the course of a year or two how things will do with you in that country and don’t fret or be scared if you should fail in your endeavours to live comfortable and independent, for you have here before you friends, the best country under the sun.61 My opinions and feelings of this country are very much altered since I left home, and the changes for the better has been greater than I could have expected them to be for the time. I see every man here that desire it on a direct race to independence,62 possessing all the comforts and happiness that any reasonable man might desire. The habits and customs of the people are greatly changed, and they have taught a good lesson by English and Irish which are now overrunning the country with their flocks.63 And the richest and most respectable natives can now see how money can be made, and has command to work tooth and nail. And wherever a piece of land is up for sale, it’s an Irishman is sure to get it, as no other dare go to the figure it’s now selling for. In fine, I must say it’s only you. Dear Friends being there that would occasion me ever to think of Ireland, that distressed and ever oppressed country.64 Dear Friends, I must say that my presence here was very much needed. Things was going on fully as bad as I expected, and brother William never gave charge to Patt,65 as he ought to have done for motives tending to his own interest, for which I assure you he has been extremely selfish, and during his time as manager here, he treated Patt with over due severity, and not even obliged him with things he required (though being mine) which strangers and neighbours felt a pleasure in doing. When leaving Uncalito he took with him five horses of mine and almost left them on foot. Patt has frequently asked him to send in one or two of the horses (though he had plenty of his own), but he never did. And I assure you I had to turn the [*] to him before he would ever give them to myself. In fact, he has acted in a manner (not only in this case but in many others) that I can never more look upon him as a

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Brother may, even as a good neighbour or honourable man. I cannot think from what I’ve already seen by him, but that he is seeking reasons to separate himself from us. Now as he is got married, has an estancia, though he has $80,000 dollars of mine in his possession, and has only paid 1/4 of purchase money yet out of his own pocket. This money of mine he has without interest, but now he need not expected any indulgence you need not let on, in your letters to him, that you hear any thing from this quarter. I am at present living with Patt and his family at Uncalito. I feel very happy and contented, and amuse myself by taking a ride round the puestos (houses) on the Estancia every day. This has been a very warm summer. The sun has been so strong that I have not been able [to] knock about much up to now, fearing I might get sun stroke as not being accustomed to such heat. I expect you have already hear of poor Robert Baggon’s death from exposure to the weather, in moving with William the brother’s sheep. It is awful what people suffered that had to move their flock, and the losses occasioned by so is immense. If the plough could be made to as to take it apart, and store away the small irons in a box, and to tie up the beam and handles together, they might be handier to bring out. Dear Brother, let me know all particulars of how the people and all things in general are going on at home, at Crosstown, both your own part and your neighbours, Ballyconnor & Haysland, of how the cattle has done with you, and have the gaming [*] offer, of the National Bank Liverpool & the Galloway line, how the hunter got on with Day and how Brian O’Lynn offer this year, and if the lameness is gone, if there is any sign of the spree at Kilrane. Tell them it’s useless to think of collecting here now as they are collecting for a new church in Salto and for the Irish priest that has been sent to this neighbourhood. Matt Connor66 & Mrs went out to Jack when they arrived but remained only a few days when they returned again to town, and has now gone to work with the same man that John Howlin67 is with. I think Jack gave them no great reception. Old Barry68 is first rate doing as well as he likes. I have not yet seen him. James Murphy69 (Ten Acre) is about as big and as fat as the big man of Tagoat. These and all such make a lucky change when they leave there to come to come to this country to live on mutton. In conclusion, Patt, Mrs and all friends here send their best love and regards to you all and wishes to be remembered in your prayers. All the people that I know of is well, Peter Cormack had a narrow escape from lightning, so we cannot tell the moment we are called. Dear Friends, we solicit your prayers and don’t imagine for a moment that you will not be always remembered by your affectionate Brother, John Murphy [Note] Bs. Ayres 25th March 1864 If you choose to bring out to this country any passengers that my brother (Martin Murphy of Haysland) arrange for, I shall hold myself accountable for the payment of same on their arrival out here. John Murphy.

10 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 20 March 1864 Uncalito Dear Brothers, Sisters and Friends, As not having written by last packet I cannot for a moment think of letting this opportunity pass without opening to you my heart and concerning with you by the only means now left me. Were I only to mention how often my recollection flee

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to the society of my dear friends in Haysland,70 I am sure I might with justice say that there do no day pass without me visiting you, these and these only are the recollections that help to console me when oppressed with the thoughts of being thus separated from those friends that has so deservedly enjoyed the tenderest feelings this humble heart possesses. The thoughts of once more seeing you, either in this country or in that (as God may feel disposed to permit) will help to shorten the time of its arrival, and level the rugged road of life to the completion of that happy period. In every other respect (but these above mentioned), I must say I am extremely happy. I enjoy good health, and I hope this, as also all other letters will continue to find all friends at home in the enjoyment of the same Blessing, for which we hope to be over thankful to the God of Mercy that has been so extremely kind to us. Dear brother, before entering in to other topics, I wish to convey to you that it’s my wishes that you should live happy, comfortable, and independent. You have no need to depend on Haysland for means to do so, as I know how hard it is to live comfortable in a farm of land. But you know that the money I left in your charge is at your service, and that I would sooner see the last farthing of it spent, than to know you need it. If the National Bank of Liverpool appears safe, you would do well to be prepared to meet every call they make. And if you are short of funds, either for that or any other purpose, don’t neglect letting me know in time. If God is pleased to leave what he has already given me, I am sure neither of us may want, and I hope He may give us the Grace to make use of it as He desires.71 Dear Friends, Although this has been the worst year ever Englishmen72 witnessed in this country as regards the seca, which you must have already seen the awful description of it in the papers, yet our flocks did exceedingly well, considering the large stock we had, and when the drought set in, which the following is a simple account of.73 When I arrived out to Uncalito, I was surprised at the great changes that time and Nature had produced, particularly in the growth of the trees in the mount (plantation), as also the camp much improved, and decorated with 15,835 sheep, 10,500 of which is mine,74 the rest belongs to the posters in charge, each having his own respective part.75 They señaled (marked) for the year ending 1863, 5,389 lambs, and the total increase over the principal of same year 4,208. There is of that increase 2,700 fall to my part, the rest to the men in care.76 The largest of the flocks has been relieved by James Murphy and Nick Pierce removing with this part to William’s camp, the former on his own account renting camp with a principal 1,190.77 The latter as a medianero with William taken with him 450, he being on thirds with me.78 There is now in the Rincon flock 2,257 on thirds with Gregory Scallan, and has put in two years of the three, in which he has them. Though we have been lucky as to not having to remove our flocks, yet we cannot say that we are also fortunate in being blessed with the fine rains that has fallen in many other parts of the country. The rain here in summers are very uncertain, and generally fall in showers lasting from an hour to three, passing through a part of the country, leaving it flooded perhaps a mile wide. And quarter of a mile to either side not a drop felt. The neighbour’s house in which I live (though being fortunate in other respects) yet had the misfortune of missing this that was this year so much needed. Though having fallen within a few miles on every side of us. We are still drawing water for both sheep and horses. The latter are the only animals now hard up for something to eat in order to be able [to] do their work, which on account of drought is heavy, with the disadvantages of having to be corralled at night, lest they be stolen, as no horses are safe now. Patt has also rented camp from William, and is about to move his part to there. George Furlong is to take charge of them on thirds. He take 1,590 sheep without his 1/5 of the increase on Uncalito for his services

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which remain here & amounts to about 600 for the year ending. Peter Cormack and Frank are going on well. They both wish to be remembered to you all. Say something of Frank’s mother in your next. Katy Cormack sent home £8 to her father by last packet. I want you to send me out an iron plough. Get it made on the smallest scale possible. Let it be worked, so as it will appear second-handed, as articles that has been used pay no duty here, which is very high otherwise. Send also 1/2 Dr Mettle socks with it, one dozen is sufficient, as we can get them made here. All here send their love and please accept also that of your Dear Brother, John Murphy

11 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 26 May 1864 Uncalito My Dear Brothers & Sisters, Dear Martin, I have had the pleasure of receiving yours and James’ letters, and some of the papers. Others has gone astray. I am glad to see that things are going on well with you at home, and more particularly, that you all enjoy good health, this great blessing. We all here are in possession of also, thanks be to God for his Mercies. At present I have but little news to send you from the camps, but what my last letters contained more than that they have improved very much and the pasture has grown exceedingly since the last rains. We have been, and will continue to be, very busy for some time getting to right things that through my absence heretofore has been neglected. I forgot to let you know before now of Robert Boggan demise. He died from fatigue and exposure at the time of his brothers moving his sheep. A man by the name of John Butler (Murntown) got married to Margaret Rochford about two months ago, and has since left her a widow himself & horse was killed by lightning. Cousin Peter Cormack had also a very narrow escape. He had to be carried into the house almost lifeless. Tell Father Kavanagh (Tagoat) & Father John Furlong that I don’t think expedient to collect one their cards here at present, as we are at now building a public school in Salto, and after that is finished, and is at present collecting to build a Chapel also, as Mass and all other religious sessionings is at present performed in a private house rented by the Municipality for that purpose, until the Church be built. We have at last got an Irish Priest amongst us.79 He resides at the village, about ten leagues from Salto, but Salto and another village ten leagues outside is included in his district also, and this places he visits once a month to Salto his Mission. Dear Brother, I am glad to see by the papers you sent me the National Bank Liverpool80 is not likely to be a failure. The account and the speeches at the General Meeting expect much of it. Consult Dr Crean and Mr Kennedy occasionally about. I think they won’t deceive you. I see the Atlantics are done up. If there be anything coming to me out of it, do you take steps to obtain it, be the amount large of small. I am sorry to hear that the filly is still lame. I would approve of the idea of getting a foal out of her.81 Choose a strong boddied and limbed horse but not sluttish with some breeding. But don’t get his father. Johnny Boggan82 might give you an idea of a horse. Patt’s Mrs83 is extremely desirous and so are we all that you and Margaret would send us your likeness on cards, say half a dozen of each, for your friends out here, and also James & Bess another 1/2 dozen. The two can be taken together on each card. I would not recommend you Mrs McCabe, as I think there are others in Wexford that can take them better. Agree with the photographer to finish one first to see if you like it. Dear Brother, with respect to our friends of Kilrane it’s only what you may ever expect from them,

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I would also suggest to you not to sacrifice too much of your natural independence for the sake of their friendship, as in doing so it leaves your own of but little value. Always support an honest independence and more particularly with those from whom you have never, nor need never expect any advantages, nay even I may say fair dealings from. Bs. Ayres, 26th May. Dear Brother, I am now in the city, about the same land and am likely to come to an arrangement about it.84 I have also spoke to the agents of the steamer but cannot agree as they take cash down. The La Zingara is going home but don’t know if she be left before you can things ready to come by her. However, you will see through the advertisements what ships is to sail from Liverpool, and you can take a choice between them and the Raymond, but the latter is entitled to a preference, as captain Lenders keep the best rules, and most moral ship that ever came to this country. You are to arrange with the captain or owners of whatever ship you choose for the amount to be charged for all that you send me to be paid here by me at their arrival. I believe I have nothing more to say on this subject as this and my previous letters contain all that is necessary. If the coder that was made for the jaunting-car yet exist please send it out for the gig. Since I came into the city, I find the Mr O’Byrne, the Argentine Consul at Dublin, is came out to this country I believe to remain. And if the government has not yet appointed any person I think I shall stand a good chance but it is not to be counted on as sure, so we let it die for the present.85 James ask me what is Patagones. They are silver dollars value about 4s-2d each. Mr Roach, a brother to William’s Mrs,86 he is to leave town with me on tomorrow for outside to William’s. I send a Bill enclosed in this in favour of Moses Brown, Nick’s father Kisha for £5 five pounds. Bridget, his sister, is out at William’s now. I expect to be in Buenos Aires again in about a fortnight’s time, as I am now going out to see the land that I am in bargain for, and shall then have to come in to arrange for it if I like it. It is close to my own place about six leagues,87 and I am told the best camp about there. It is true I shall have to take out a mortgage on Uncalito to pay for it, as William has all the cash I am owner of at present. It’s the government title I now purchase for eight years, and during these eight years I can pay a little every year in the way of buying it out as real property. Dear Friends, in conclusion I hope this will find your all in good health which I have the pleasure of informing you we all here enjoy and I remain as ever your Dear Brother, John Murphy

12 John James Murphy to P. Curran, 25 May 1864 Buenos Aires P. Curran, Esq. Dear Sir, I have written a letter to my brother Martin Murphy, Haysland, (in which I enclosed this to you), giving him instructions to negotiate with you for the passage of some men to this country. I have also given orders to send me out in the same ship with the passengers a plough, and a gig. The plough of course can be left any place on deck. The gig no doubt will require to be a little better secured. These articles I expect will be brought out free of charge as coming with the passengers. However, this will be understood between my brother and you, and whatever agreement be made by him. I shall hold myself responsible for the amount on their arrival to Bs. Ayres. My respects to Captn. Lenders and remain yours most respectfully, John Murphy

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13 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 26 July 1864 Estancia Bella Vista, Salto

Dear Friends, In place of directing your letters to Uncalito you will for the future direct them as above as I have changed the name owing to there being another Estancia alongside the name Uncalito, and there do mistakes occur in consequence.88 The name in English is Beautiful Sight, but you direct as Bella Vista, &c. as before. Tell Father James that I have got 2 or 3 pounds from his parishioners in the country to send him for his church, but to attempt a collection would be absurd this year, as it would sure to become a failure, owing to losses sustained by sheep farmers, numbers of them left as poor as they were 10 years ago. Adieu, J.M.

Uncalito My Dear Brothers, Sisters & Friends, I believe two months has elapsed since I last wrote you, and perhaps this one might have passed also (as I have but little news to send), were it not that I feel an inevitable desire to let you know that we are all well out here, which news I am sure you will be glad to hear. Dear Friends, I have been knocking about very much since I last wrote in search of land to buy, but has failed in doing so, as there is none to be got suitable for sheep unless at such a price as no one would buy unless those persons totally in need of it, and must purchase at any price, and many of those by doing so have to involve themselves perhaps several thousand pounds in debt. There are many foreigners has purchased land in Santa Fe of late,89 and has moved up their sheep. The feeling of sheep farmers at present are rather favourable to the scheme, as land is bought at 1/8 of current price of land Buenos Aires, and I believe not inferior in quality. And as to protection for life and property it only wants population to make it as good or even better than these camps. I expect the news of late by The Standard (as to the most of murders, &c.) has alarmed the people at home, but his statements are exaggerated and absurd, as he publish every thing he is told, not taking into consideration the character of his informants, which are generally people of no calling whatever, unless that of telling lies after making them. However he does no harm, but rather good as he is continually pitching in to the Ministry on this head, and we let him go on hammering away at them, as he may in the long run effect some reform in many of their laws. I shall in the course of two or there weeks have got through with the principal works now going on. I then intend going to Buenos Aires and from thence to Santa Fe to see the camps in that province, and to purchase if I see it expedient. I shall there meet Consul Hutchinson,90 as Rosario is one of the principal towns of that province, and is likely to become a city of some note. I think I am likely to find in the Consul and his Mrs not only a friend but a source from whence I can obtain every information respecting the country and the business that lead me to it. The distance to move sheep should not be more than half that which I had to travel from the South to where I now live, so that at least will be no impediment to intended purchasers. Dear Friends, you would be surprised to see the change the Almighty has been good enough to make in the appearance of the camps from the time I last wrote you till now. During the last week of the Seca you would scarce have believed that pasture could have grown to such an extent. Suffice to say that I’ve never before seen the camps better at this

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season, and sheep and all kind of stock in better order. I think we shall have about eight hundred or one thousand capones to sell this year, the average about fifty dollars. We have señaled all the lambs of this lambing. The increase is reasonable and they are now beginning to lamb again. This next is what we call the spring or summer lambing. We have señaled up to now 2,650 lambs on the Estancia and the entire amount of sheep is 15,772. Of this there are 2,545 in the Rincon. So you see the Camp is full stocked this year again thanks to God, and we have either to sell sheep or buy camp again next. Greg Scallan time is up next March with the Rincon flock, and he is likely to have to move his part (1/3 increase). I believe I mentioned in a previous letter of us having got an Irish priest amongst us in Salto. We have also built a fine public school in Salto to which we all had to subscribe. And we are now collecting to build a Church, which the[y] expect to begin in the first of summer. The Irish has subscribed very liberal toward the Church, varying from twenty pounds down to one, according to their circumstances. When they finish the Church they are to build a bridge over the River Salto, which is much needed, as it is a dangerous river to pass when flooded. The banks on both sides are from twenty to thirty feet high with crags on both sides very difficult to either descend or ascend. Dear Friends, We are as usual very much respected here both by the authorities and the respectable people of Salto, but we shall have more to do for the future to retain this respect, as there are many Irish rather rum characters come into this neighbourhood of late.91 But we keep our place and I am sure honesty and righteousness will always carry us safe through these obstacles and indicate the character of the good man. I have this moment received a few lines from Rev. James Roach P.P. (Wexford), in which he sent me his likeness. Tell him I am exceedingly thankful and that he could not have sent me a more esteemed present, and that I shall write him when I go to Buenos Aires I wish I had Father James Walsh also.92 The seasons are very much altered here as well as in Ireland. The winter quarter here is almost a continual frost, yet at the same time beautiful and healthy weather. The cold during the night and in the morning felt more than at home, but during the day sunny and fine with a bright clear atmosphere. Dear Friends, I have been expecting a letter by these last two mails, but I am in hope of getting one by the August mail with an account of how the cattle done with you for the year, and every thing else worth relating, or that would be interesting to me. By my next letter I shall be able [to] give you a better idea of how things will go on with me as to finding camp, as I may not write you until I return from Santa Fe. The wool this year is likely to bring a good price as the skins are selling at a much higher price now than ever I’ve known them before. I hear some account of the Raymond not coming out here any more,93 and perhaps her not coming may occasion you some trouble to seek another vessel for the passengers and the other articles I sent to you for. We have eight men on the Estancia now.94 Gregory Scallan (Blackwater), Nick Browne, James Howlin95 (Ballyell), Frank Doyle, Peter Cormack, James Dunne (Ballyhiland), Simon Gaul (Milltown), and Peter Moore (Longford), with Patt & myself, and we can all find plenty to do. May I could even find work for more if I had them as every man you keep employed in this country pay well for the expenses, if he be a good man. They are all well, and those amongst them of your old acquaintance send them kindest regards to all in Haysland. Let me know how are all the little ones in Haysland, and if little Kate or Willie96 yet remember of Nunky John. Give each of them a kiss for me. Don’t neglect letting me know how your are getting on at home, and how your are off for cash. Dear Brothers & Sisters, I must now withdraw

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and hope this will find you all in the enjoyment of every blessing, as your happiness will serve to increase that of your affectionate Brother, John Murphy

14 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 26 August 1864 Buenos Aires My dear friends, I am in receipt of your letter by this August packet. I cannot give it’s date as having sent it out to brothers in the camp, as having account of the three men you are about to send that he may arrange the business so outside to suit their arrival. The camps and sheep as when I last wrote you are in splendid condition. The season is beautiful but we shall need much rain yet to carry on through the summer is safety. The prices are high for wool and it is sure to turn out a splendid crop. There has advertised of 100 passengers arrived last week by the Zingara and one of the Liverpool steamers.97 I am glad to see the latter has reduced the rate of passage. I suggested to them the propriety of doing so before I left home.98 As to the Consulate at Dublin, the government has not determined on the matter yet. For this office there is no pay but I might calculate on some commissions from shipping company, and there is a certain amount derived according to the trade of vessels from there to here. Dear friends, as to my buying of landed property in this country, it still continues like a fever and what we see every one running after. We are tempted to follow the crowd and the obtaining of same has almost exceeded the reach of small capitalists. But the government with their large amount of land still affords a facility to obtain it to men of small capital, but these lands are in the interior and consequently are sold on moderate terms. The law is in these cases the government makes over to you the squatters right for eight years at from $2,000 to 10,000 per league per year and power to renew the contract if the land law be not altered within that term or to purchase it at very reasonable terms.99 The land most sought after now is the lands in possession of parties in this form as the people prefer purchasing their interest in them to taking it from the government in consequence of the latter being much farther outside and more exposed and unprotected and much less adapted for sheep. In this business there has been a great many countrymen being badly taken in as having met bad camp, and so badly adapted for sheep that there losses for a few months has been more than would have bought them the best camp in the country. Yet the Irish are buying up these rights from the occupier at from $50,000 to 120,000 per league with the [*] of them one day getting good and kind for sheep. Which when they do their capital would never reach to purchase them. Now I am this moment in bargain for 11/2 league of camp and will be likely mine before I finish this letter.100 I am buying the squatter right of it from the owner at the rate of $150,000 per league, with four years of unexpired time at $2,000 per league per annum. The latter amount is all the expenses is on it for the four years, and I expect from the exceedingly good quality of the land that I will clear with that term the $220,000 I paid for the interest of my predecessor as also the price the government put on these lands to make them real property.101 which price is now before the government. Dear friends, It was not on my own account altogether I bought as I felt quite satisfied with what had, but I saw that Patt could never hope to be able [to] make a home for himself unless through my interference,102 and I saw the longer I let it go the worse, as the people are really mad after land, and I fell in with this as if it was Providence threw it into my

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way. It is only ten leagues from Uncalito and not so much from San Martín,103 and 11/2 league from the town of Rojas, which is also the name of the partido. If I was even to rent this camp it would being at least $40,000 per league per annum, so I calculate on making it pay twice that amount by stocking it myself from the increase of Uncalito, which is about 4,000 yearly. I expect to put five flocks on next March and intend to rent some of the remainder. You may think strange of me having bought it without seeing the land. I bought it from character and I could now sell it at decent profit. You may smile when I tell you that in buying this camp the probability of your future prospects did not escape my memory, and if these circumstances, which I have so often alluded to, ever occur I can ready afford you an acre for potatoes.104 When I get this I will then have 12,375 acres, enough for any reasonable man.105 I will send more particulars by next packet. If you see Father Reville let him know that his niece Miss Roach is arrived out safe. She leaves town today for the camp to her sister’s, William’s wife.106 I send out also two men named Edmonds and Roach107 from Murristown. Dear friends, I believe I may say the camp above alluded to is now mine. The papers are all taken out and the money to be paid tomorrow. If I feel at any time disposed to sell the camp, I can do so at a profit. But the steps I am about to take is to make it pay for itself without interfering in any way with the profits derived from Uncalito.108 Then at any time I choose to lessen my property in this country and put it into cash, I can do so by selling Uncalito Bella Vista, and the new place will perhaps be sufficient for both myself and Patt, as it’s just twice as large as Bella Vista (Uncalito). I enclose in this a bill in favour of Uncle Patt Murphy,109 Ballygeary, from his son James, who wishes his brother Joseph and all the other neighbours enjoy the best of health thanks to God. Dear friends, I would have written a longer letter were it not that my time is so limited as having this morning to go to the Railway station110 to send those posters out. I have now to proceed to take out the Bill and then have my letter posted before eleven o’clock. I left the writing of this to as late an hour as I could so as to have the latest news to send you. Captain Stocks of the Zingara has proved an exceedingly good man to his passengers and I would recommend parties sending out parties, particularly females, to be very cautious as to what class of man they send them with. It is much better people would wait a few months for such than trust themselves to the mercy of these they don’t know. The captain of the Raymond is also a man of worth, whom parties may rely on. It might be a benefit for the public if the People paper111 would make a few remarks to this effect, so as that the other provincial papers may take and copy it. You can give Mrs Sutton and Mrs Fitzgerald my name as a guarantee for the truth of the above remarks. Dear friends, Wishing all the blessings that you desire and soliciting your prayers in obtaining for us out here the same, I remain as ever your sincere and loving brother John Murphy P.S. Let me know if there be any more trouble in getting this bill cashed than the others I sent formerly of this Bank sell this bill cheaper than any here. J. M.

15 William Murphy to Martin Murphy, 14 November 1864 Buenos Aires Dear brother Martin, I have just arrived in town on yesterday, and write a few hurried lines to you. Considering

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the enclosed bill forwarded by John [torn] supplementary (Mail, for £110). The 100 you will be so good as to give to Frank Whitty’s brother Larry.112 It is as much as he can spare at present. As John has written to you concerning the enclosed bill, you need no more particulars from me. At the time he posted his letter he was not aware that he would have been able to get the bill. I have the pleasure of informing you that we are all well here. Patt and children are all well. Eliza was confined on the 28th last month. She is up, and herself and the baby are doing very well.113 I was expecting to have heard from you this time past, it is now a long time since I received any letter from you. I hope you are going on as usual. I would be pleased to hear from you and James occasionally. Hoping this will find all friends well and wishing to be kindly remembered to my sisters and friends, I remain your brother, yours truly, William Murphy

16 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 10 February 1865 Flor del Uncalito Dear Friends, We have such changing on the name of this place that you will scarcely know where to write to, but the old name Uncalito being so well known that it would be difficult to remove it. So the best change we can make is by adding the above to it, which means in English the Flower of the Uncalito, by which we will continue for the future.114 Dear Friends, By your last letter I was glad to see that you were all well and I hope in every way happy. It will be my greatest wish to hear of you continuing in this happy state as there is nothing that I can do for you to cause you to be so but is freely yours. Your account of Bess Breen’s wedding and match making was very interesting to us out here.115 I am well aware [of] how well they carry out this theatrical performance on such actions, and you have brave patience to look on in silence at their hypocrisy. I think it’s necessary these people should be brought to a proper knowledge of this disgusting dodging and learned to believe that you are not fools or Jackasses.116 Why if you be acting in this manner with them they will ultimately look upon you all as [*] of proper understanding as Jimmy Elish and their absurdity is sure to increase as it proceeds. I am surprised on these occasions and their presence to be so degraded by them and leave their house and themselves under the impression that they have effected their object, and that they can at any time act with you as tools in their hands. Man or woman is as much in duty bound to himself as to any other to support and maintain that respect which his character entitles him to, and men are wrong if they fail in doing that as let themselves beneath the standard which their merits place them in they then become abject, mean wretches in the eyes of those that have acted the part of their too cunning friends. I imagine James had a crooked job of it, and though things be settled at present, it’s most unlikely that he is yet clear of it, for I calculate an afterclass. I am not sorry that poor James Keating missed it, though he may have got some stabs concerning it, but he will get well that, but had he have moved into Kilrane I fancy the stab would have been a more serious one. Dear Friends, In your letter you ask me about my new Estancia as is nigh this province. I thought I had given you the particulars about it before. However, I will do it now. The distance from Uncalito is that you can mount a horse in the morning, go out there and return the same day.117 If you choose, it is in the parish, or par- tido, of Rojas, which join the parish of Salto, this parish. George Furlong118 has moved out to it with his sheep. We expect to move three more flocks out next week. They reach from here

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to there in two days,119 so you can imagine how convenient it is to the old place. Patt and family is to move and take charge of it next week with the flocks. I am getting a Mr Brett, son to the Rev. Mr Brett, Rathmany, to take charge of Uncalito.120 He is a very proper young man. His interest [I expect the carpenter and mason will have left before you receive this] in the place is 1/10 for two years, or about $35,000 dollars or £250 per year clear of expense, with exception of say 50. Our little priest121 is about to come [to] reside to this parish, Salto, as he finds a great difference in the people of here and the other parishes, and gives them a great preference, for which reason he is coming to reside amongst us.122 We have began the new church at last, and the Irish have now either to build or [to] buy a house for our little priest Father Leahy, so you see we are busy on every quarter. There are a large congregation of Irish in this parish now, and they are flocking to it every year many of them, no great acquisition to any place I am sorry to say. The war still continue in the River Plate, be thank God we are still clear of it in the province and [*] for my time in this country I have never saw as good as year for the camps as this, everything fat and full, and nice rains during the summer, which kept everything growing. Continue to direct your letters to Barry and mother, as they will be safe to them. All the articles you sent out turned out very much to my satisfaction. There might be some simple alteration in the gig to suit the country better. The binding of the wheels flat, as the roads are soft and the wheels about five inches farther apart, that is the axel five inches longer.123 I think Hore charged you high for the tackling unless leather has risen since I left. However all is first rate and pleases me well. In conclusion, I have the pleasure to inform you [that] we are all well out here, and I hope this will find you all at home enjoy- ing the same blessing. I intend to go to Buenos Aires some time in March next, from where I shall write you a letter. Until then, accept my love and I remain your dear brother, John Murphy

17 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 25 March 1865 If it is convenient give Martin Barry £2 to give to Frank Doyle’s mother. J. M. Buenos Aires Dear Brother, The war is commenced in the upper provinces.124 We are all well. I have not time to write as the Mail close now, and I having only arrived in. You see by this paper that we have horse racing here, as well as at home.125 Matt O’Connor & Mrs.126 is come out to my Uncalito. He have met same hard times since he arrived. He fell into a hard situation but it will do him good. I got your letter of 6th March. I cannot understand you exactly about the hoax. I sent by French packet my opinion about Margaret’s wedding. I will write by next. Your Dear Brother, J. Murphy Flor del Uncalito My Dear Brother Martin & Friends, On receipt of your kind letter of February 6, I hasten to answer that part of it that I feel most interesting, and after assuring you of the satisfaction I feel at finding you all in the enjoyment of good health. I proceed with this very important tasks. You are well aware of the pleasure I feel at any change which might, or can, make either of you happy, particularly dear sister Margaret, which is now (if I may so express myself) the only lone one amongst you, &

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though having a will of her own, may in a great measure be guided by your influence and good advice. The family of Philip Keating127 are indeed very respectable people, and he is himself a man [who] will (I am quite assured) make a kind and loving husband. And from his indus- trious and temperate habits, I dare say procure for her a comfortable life, that is providing he has the other means, and wherewith to do so. As to the amount of fortune he ask,128 I am only sorry that he is not in the possession of property to entitle him to twice or thrice the amount. For if he was, the pleasure I would feel at their union would be far greater than what I feel under the present circumstances. I consider the amount of fortune Philip Keating ask for is not unreasonable. But to this she is not confined providing a suitable proposal he made, as she shall have [*] the amount above mentioned, to whatever amount the proposed property will entitle him to, not exceeding the amount invested in the National Bank of Liverpool at present. From the £200 above mentioned,129 up to the whole of the amount invested in the National Bank of Liverpool is at her command, and she is at liberty to make a choice suitable to whatever amount of that she chose. She can take the present offer or wait for a better, but in changing the latter there may [be] many changes take place before one present itself. And then it’s God only knows within it would make her more happy than Philip though they may figure higher in the world. The only advice I can give is that she invoke, the Blessed Virgin may to come to her assistance in this very important case, and that she implore of her Only Son to guide her for the better. Let her consult her Father Confessor, and make up her mind to be guided by him. Let her show him this letter and I am sure she will be conducted the right way. I cannot say more than that whatever changes take place that can in any way make her or either of you happy shall cause me happiness also. You have my consent in whatever arrangements be made.130 You can either sell the number of shares that will amount to the £200, or transfer them over in their or her name, as may be arranged. As you know I am not circumstanced after having bought the land to send it home in cash. The shares are in your name, so you will have no trouble in doing so. If there do any documents or papers meant to be signed by me, send them out and I will do so and return them. In conclusion, I really think that Philip Keating is a very worthy man, and that Margaret will be happy with him. This and the happiness of you all is the greatest desire of your [*] and loving Brother John Murphy. 3rd April. My Dear & Affectionate Sister Margaret, I am indebted to you a letter and I take this opportunity of writing it, and as usual hoping it may find you and all friends in the enjoyment of good health. Dear Sister, of all the stages of our mortal life, the one which you are now called on to enter, or not to enter, is the one the most important of your whole life.131 It is one no mortal man can advise you to or from, without infringing on the prerogative of Divine Providence. We may all give you our opinion, we may all look to the future and survey the past, we may make our calculations, but what do they all come to in the hands of Divine Providence. [*] Dear Margaret depend not on the feeble means we have in our power to direct you. Seek it through these means I referred you to in that part of this letter to Martin. Seek assistance from Mother Mary. Make up your own mind, consult your father confessor, and leave the rest to God, who above can make the change a good or bad one. Dear Margaret, although I have not as yet entered the marriage state, yet at the same time I really believe there is no life so happy.132 I can also almost venture to say that I think the person who has pro- posed for you, Philip Keating, is a man who (from his temperate and I believe virtuous habits) is sure to prove a good husband, and no doubt you would be happy with him. Dear Margaret,

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You have many friends about you and have in my brothers Martin and James good and wise counsellors, and who will advise you to nothing wrong. And I am sure [they] will act with a good intention both for your spiritual and temporal happiness. Dear Margaret, in case your wedding take place the little present I send to you the £20 you will endeavour to make it reach to buy the little necessaries suitable for the occasion. Out of same you will buy as a token of remembrance of me one gold bracelet to wear on your right arm. Let it be a good one. You may likely get one at Simpson’s, as I can have no way of sending you one from here in time, in case the ceremony go on. Let things be for the ceremony as respectable as circumstances will permit,133 and as becoming yourselves and me. Let not a few pounds cause you to want things that would make it otherwise. You know I would have it so if I was there myself, and I shall be happy to hear that you have it so even though I must be absent. Were I to be there, I should feel pain at parting with you, a dear kind sister. He is happy that will get you and I hope he will prove himself worthy of the treasure he receive. It may not be long tell I have the pleasure of seeing you (I hope) happy in your own family, thankful for the good and kind husband which I hope God will send you, and pleased with the world, and yourself for the change which you are now about to make. Brother William cooperate with me in saying that whatever change take place amongst you, may we hope be for the better. He regrets also that he is not circumstanced to send some token of his regard for you on this occasion, but the intention, as circumstance permit him, will be as much to you as if he did in reality do so. So Dear Sister, all we can do for you at present is all that is contained in the above letter with the exception of our prayers to Almighty God, that He may direct you for the better, and that the Blessed Virgin and his Dear Son may conduct you in this affair as she wish to do with all her own chil- dren, is the prayer that shall continue to be offered by your Dear and ever affectionate Brother, John Murphy. P.S. Dear Brother Martin, In case sister Margaret wedding take place, you will give her also with the fortune twenty pounds £20 as a present from me to buy fittings for the occasion. Get this as you do the rest, and out of it let her buy a gold bracelet (one only), to wear on her right arm. Let it be a good one, as me not being there in person. That I may be represented in a token of my affection and regard for her. Though as I said not there in person my heart will be amongst you, though invisible. Yet it share you happiness. I sent letters by the last French packet also, but the news has reached here that she is lost with all the mail and cargo on board.134 I don’t remember whether in those letters or some previous one, I told James there were to his credit here (out of the Rincón for wool & sheep sold), to the amount of about two hundred pounds £200. So he can send out his account, as there will afterwards a respectable balance in his favour. There do yet remain in the Rincón, the principal he first purchased 600 sheep, so he can see the advantage between investing capital here in preference to home.135 Ballyconnor is far behind. John Murphy

18 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 24 May 1865 Buenos Aires My Dear Friends, I am in receipt of your letter of April 6th, which arrived a day or two after the Zingara. The passengers landed all in good health, and pleased with the voyage and the treatment they

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received from their Captn. There are, as you may see by the papers, great preparations making for the war, which has already been declared, but it is considered it will not extend or spread further than where it has commenced. If so we shall be far off from any of those evils that so widely spread around the seat of war in every country. The army from here are about to march as the last of the present month to join with the forces of the upper provinces, to march against Paraguay. The seat of war I need not say more on this question as the papers I send you will give you more particulars. But it’s generally believed that Paraguay cannot stand any time against the allied forces of Brazil and the Argentine Confederation. Paraguay is I believe about three hundred miles from here up the River.136 I am sorry to hear that the times are so bad at home, but they could not be otherwise from the way things were going on at my leaving.137 And I fear there is but little hope of improvement, unless there be some extraordinary change made in the land law.138 You speak of William Murphy but I can by no means give him any encouragement to come to the country, unless he can find no employment at home. I expect you did not get my letter in time to send out the Bricklayer, but it’s just as well and you need not do so until further instructions. I told you in a previous letter how to arrange things relative to sister Margaret, and also gave my opinion to the best of my ability on the subject. I see the papers that the cash invested in the National Bank of Liverpool is doing very little for us. If I had it here now it would be gaining 24 per cent per annum, as I am myself paying that interest at present and many others paying more, even up to 36 is being paid.139 Now in case this reach you before you have sold the shares to arrange for Margaret’s wedding, sell off all, keep what you may require, and send me out the rest. You can speak to Mr Kennedy and get him to do it through the Mana & Co. Bank, payable in Bs. Ayres. Keep also the amount you require to pay for the passage of those I send for. I am sorry to hear of the death of Uncle Patt and Aunt Mary. The Lord have mercy on them both. The wool & ostrich feathers I cannot send you this year as I was in Bs. As. from the time I received the letter, until the wool came in to be sold. I was there about the land I bought. My Dear Friends, I am not yet married nor is there any sign of it more than when I left you. My mind is as yet perfectly free of any com- promise whatever Mrs R. is yet in this country. I see no change in her, neither is there any thing remarkable in her behaviour.140 I expect if sister Margaret get married you will be coming out here. I will not at present offer you an advice on the subject as you already know how solicitous I am for your welfare. I sometimes have a notion to sell half of my last purchase so as to clear myself of debt. I am sure at any time to get my own money, for it at least selling the half of it leave the other half just the same size as Uncalito, which between the both leave me 1 1/2 square league of land, or 8,250 acres. Dear Friends, the times are very bad now in Buenos Aires (not with the labouring class as there are always plenty of employment), but with speculators and those that have involved themselves heavily in debt by speculation. Money is hard to be got even at 2 per cent interest, even on good security. Stock of any kind as also the fruits of the country cannot be sold even at a reduction of 50 per cent of the price it was some time ago. The Banks has refused to give money on any security, unless to customers, and that at 18 per cent per annum. You can see by the paper [that] the market price of produce has fallen considerably. And two £2 for Frank Doyle’s mother, sent to her by Frank her son, to be given to Martin Barry for her. Frank Doyle is I believe desirous that the money should be given her occasionally in small amounts. But Frank’s letter to Martin Barry will likely specify the par- ticulars. I had a notion to retain the money for this Bill, and for you to pay it out of the shares

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when sold. But fearing there might be some disappointment, I afterwards thought better to send it. You can get it cashed and retain the £2 for Frank’s mother. Captain Stocks of the Zingara is to write to you on his arrival in Liverpool. He will bring any passengers you choose to and on my name. You can be looking out for two or three men that you think will answer. The Zingara is not likely to be in Liverpool before the latter end of August or the first of September.141

19 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 20 June 1865 Flor del Uncalito My Dear Friends, Many are the occasions I would fain142 write to you, but business and other circumstances often times prevent me from embracing those many favourable opportunities. However, I mean not to let this one pass without reminding you that I will think and remember of you all as heretofore, and that we are all here in good health, a Blessing which I hope this will also find you all enjoy at home, thanks to the Almighty. Dear Friends, this winter has set in very rainy such as our winter some fifteen years ago. The camps are excellent in most places. Uncalito is amongst the flower. The sheep are very fat and increase has been exceedingly good. The following is a list of the number señaled-marked. Estancia flock principal 1,808 marked. 575 lambs = Lanata’s 1,500. Marked 464 = Pacheco’s 1,200 – 448 marked Kincan 1,200. Marked 375 = Donnolly’s 1,636. Marked 444 = William’s puesto or old place 2,180, marked 644 = Total: principal 9,524, marked 2,950, not counting the small flock 150 ewes.143 The above is only from the first lambing. The other lambing season do not commence till about 1st August. I am giving a young man (son of the Revd. Mr Brett [of] Rathmanee) an interest of 1/10 in the Establishment as Manager, but I may say I do all such business myself. This will come to his part about $24,000 or £170 per year sterling, clear of expenses. The above amount I think would be a nice income out of all Haysland and Ballyconnor, and along with that our work is light and we are well fed if we choose. The climate and seasons you may see anything like it in Ireland, and for security of life and property I see no risk providing people carry themselves correct and fair.144 When at home I imagined these were great danger in living in this country, but this feeling took possession of my mind through a debility, and from the fear so much apprehended by people at home, as you remember how much we used to talk of these matters over our comfortable fire during the winter nights.145 But this has all vanished, and the danger I so much dreaded I find to be nothing more nor less than imagination and I now (whatever it has been from heretofore) see no cause for those fears, as I never saw an instance of murder or &c. without having been provoked and that in most cases caused through a drink and its effects.146 The War up the River I can say nothing of it yet, as there has up to this time been very little done on either sides, and we are not likely to hear much truth of how things are going. And I hope it will remain where we are sure to know little about it. I am commenced to build but owing to the season cannot do much this year. I am getting up a house of three rooms at the Estancia and also two small houses at two of the puestos for the shepherds. I intend (if I can reach to do so) to build a dwelling house at the Estancia next summer, also a wool room and large shed for the small flock and to shear under. I waited a long time for the bricklayer I now have. He is a

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countryman and very clever at his business. I am glad you did not send me out any one as they would be only fools at the business here, not so with the carpenter, as his work is much like home. He appear[s] a handy fellow. Look out for a couple of labouring men to send me out by La Zingara next trip. She will likely leave here about a month time. I told the Captain not to neglect writing to you. Kate Cormack and John Patts are about sending for their sisters. You will likely have to arrange for their passages, that is to send them in my name. The same as the two men I order. I mentioned in my last something about selling off the shares in the Natl. Bank Liverpool. If you think well of doing so, pay the passage of the two men I send for. If there be any other men coming out on their own hook, tell them I or William can give them employ if they choose to come out to Salto. Jams. Moore was speaking to me before I left home. I don’t know what you think of him, however I will leave you to yourself to choose as you can do so better than I can. In some previous letter I spoke of Martin Doyle. He refused complying with my orders to go out to my new place, but I think he was put up to it by a man on the place, whom I have since got shut of. Outside of that he has been a very good man. Furlong & Carr also good for has got an exceedingly stout man, and Willy Furlong has got very fat and stout also. Matt & Mrs Connor is with me now. They are only beginning to learn the work of the camp.147 Matt is very industrious and willing. If it’s a thing I build the big house next summer,148 of course the first thing I want then is some one to take care of it. It’s probable I may go home for one. If so it may be that some of you will be inclined to accompanying me out to this country again. There’s a talks here the Philip Lambert, Ballygilane, is about coming out here I am thinking the longer people stops in that country the worse for themselves, as things is getting still worse every day. And I am quite satisfied that there is no change of laws or anything else likely to be made that can be of any benefit to the tenant farmer, as there will be always some gap left open by which the Landlords will be able to keep the tenants nose to the grinding stone. And in case that Phil Lambert is compelled to come, I consider it a lucky circumstance for him, & to do so, while he has anything to take him, the change is sufficiently proved by what those men can say now, that had to leave home and come to this country under similar circumstances. What surprise people most on their coming to this country is to find it so much different to what they expected it to be when at home. The generality of people at home thinks we are living in a half civilized, half savage, a sort of desert wilderness such as we read of in Sin-Bad the Sailor, and other like fairy tales.149 The five years that I was at home, there were a greater change effected towards the enlightenment and the social life and happiness of foreigners living in this country, than there were for all the previous years of its Independence. My Dear Friends, you can with confidence believe me when I tell you (as I have on all occasions been truthful and sincere with you), that either with a family or without one, a man can live more happy and independent here, whether with half or 1/3 interest in a flock of sheep, than the best of your farmers can do at home. And I am sure Jame’s 1/3 of Rincon flock is another proof to the truth of what I say. Dear Friends, had I any hope, as could I calculate on any of you ever coming out to this coun- try, I would endeavour to hold on to the whole of my last purchase. The camp no doubt will after some time be worth double the amount that it cost me, or that I could get for it now. Also my position would be more adapted and my means better suited to accommodate you in case either of you or you all would ever think of coming out to us. If there be no man coming from the neighbourhood (that would likely come out to my place) but the two you send me,

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you might as well send three men out to me, as I shall want them all. This year we have been very scarce of hands.150 We were a great part of the time with no man but those that were in charge of the flocks. And William was still worse off as himself and one man had to mind three flocks at the Estancia. I had to put off building till too late a season for want of hands to tend the bricklayers. In my last I sent home a Bill of £8, two for Frank’s mother and six for Moses Browne151 (Kishee), though the Bill was in William Furlong’s name. You have had a nice laugh at the blunder I made of it. Dear Friends, I expect by the time you receive this there will be something of Margaret’s wedding whether it is to go on or not. May God and his Blessed Mother direct her for the better, not recollecting of anything more to say now than recommending my love to you all, and believe me to be ever and faithfully your very sincere and affectionate Brother, John Murphy P.S. Direct your next letter as follows till I see if it come safe, send paper also as I cannot get any: / Sr. Don Juan Murphy / Estancia Flor del Uncalito / Salto / Buenos Aires

20 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, Undated [June 1865]

Dear Brother, I will let you by next packet have many men I shall send for. I believe Katy Cormack is about to send for one of her sisters. She can come with the boys that I send for. All the people out here is well. James Pender was buried on last week.152 He died of a broken down constitution caused by drink, as is supposed. He leaves a family: a wife and five children, and badly provided for. Another Irishman from Westmeath threw himself into a well, and was drowned on the same day, all from grog.153 I can get now of the papers [that] you send me, they are generally mislaid or taken by others. I have no particular news to send you, hoping this will find you all in the enjoyment of good health, a blessing which is the constant wish [of] your dear affectionate brother, John Murphy Dear brother, I made a serious mistake in getting out the enclosed bill. In place of being for William Furlong it should be for Moses Brown, Kishah. Nick Brown’s father sent to him by daughter Bridget. What caused this mistake was that Mary Furlong was to get me to get out the bill for her, that she sent home two or three months ago, but I could not come to town to do so. I would get out a new bill but knowing that there will be no trouble about it, as William Furlong will know by his daughter Mary’s letter that this bill cannot be for him. I will tell Mary Furlong to write to her father about the matter. You will see by Bridget Brown’s letter to her father that the six pounds were for her father, and not for William Furlong. You will be obliged to take William Furlong with you to see the bill cashed. But I am sure he will agreeably give over to Moses Browne the six pounds and the other two pounds to you for Doyle. Your dear brother, J. M.

21 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 20 August 1865 Flor del Uncalito There is no subject before me that I can enter on to. That causes me more delicacy, or I may say more fear than the one which I am now about to write on. I feel a delicacy in the first

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place in offering an advice to those from whom I should rather seek one, and secondly a fear to disturbing your peace of mind by those continual suggestions of you coming out to this country, where perhaps it’s only myself alone imagine that happiness awaits you.154 But perhaps I may be one of that class of people that can see no fault, and imagine that our own career through life has been perfect, and should be an example to all others. However be that as it may, I pride myself with the fancy that I have profited myself by the experience I have had of both countries. And knowing as you do the truth of this statement, and the very great interest I take in all your welfare, may cause you to make your own calculations and admit to your consideration those of one that have your interest much at heart. Dear Brother Martin, its unnecessary to enter into any lengthened particulars with you, being a single man. Has no one to look after but yourself, and can at any time determine and proceed as circumstance suit best. But Brother James is very differently situated, and is now advanced to that stage of life, that causes him to look to the future for both his family and himself. This I am well aware has been his constant study, and his exertions has been unfatigued155 in promoting the comfort and happiness of his family. But Dear James,156 I know your desires and intentions are worthy of all our thanks, and merit the respect of every well thinking man.157 But what can these desires or intentions avail you if you are deprived of the means to execute them. This I cannot say that you are altogether deprived of, but it’s so limited, and must be so with every tenant farmer now a days, it must be painful to the mind of an honest minded man like yourself. Dear James, you have a large, helpless, young, & fine family about you, some of them advancing to that stage of life where care is necessary, and your expenses ardently to keep them respectable must be more extravagant than theretofore: a liberal education, one of the brightest diamonds in a young woman character should not be neglected.158 This will at least cost you about £20 per year, for the same amount yearly they are educated here in the Sisters of Mercy’s school, as good as there is in any part of the globe.159 But mind you how hard it is to get £20 at home towards in this country, and how much more difficult it is to have it to spare for these very important purposes. In this country the facility for educating children (and the means which is in the hands of every industrious man), are so much different to what it was a few years ago, that myself can scarcely believe it’s reality. The daughters of all the respectable Irish families born [in Argentina] and those who arrive to it young, are educated in the Convent, and I believe after a little time are yet more disposed to receive the veil than our young ladies at home. The degree of their education (I mean your family) or the expenses towards it may be limited according to circumstances, but after that they will arrive in succession to that age when other provisions may be necessary, and ask yourself how are you, or how will you be prepared to meet them. You have had trial enough this last ten of fifteen years of what can be made out of farming in Ireland, and have much disposed the landlords are to give you any chance of improving your present position. No to the contrary they are screwing down the tenants by every means they can. I need not mention the steps they take to do so, as it’s best known to you that feel it, but I may say that there are no year that pass, that do not add some new law or circumstance to those now existing, to cripple the tenant and make his position still more miserable than heretofore. It is a Blessing to many people at home (that can not do better by leaving) that they know no better, and imagine themselves as well off as their neighbours. But those that are differently situated, I consider them extremely blind to their own interest, by not leaving while they have means to do so, and while the country is still in

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a position to admit them disposing of the little interests which the blood-hounds has not as yet deprived them of.160 I have just at this moment receive Brother Martin’s letter of 6th July, and before I proceed further with my letter I must first acknowledge the satisfaction it gives me to hear of all friends being well at home. I see also by it the prospect of bad crops, and the reduced price of stock this last season, and your remarks about Brother James as to him having fallen far short of his calculations in thinking he would be able [to] manage this year with the amount realized out of the two places.161 But these calculations he may make year after year but he will as often be disappointed. I fear this circumstances bear me out in the view I have taken of your positions at home, and in great measure justify me in many remarks that I have made in the previous part of this letter. However these circumstances coming before me at this moment as they have done, will not induce me to say more than I would have done had I not seen them, as I wrote with the conviction that my calculations of tenant farmers at home was not out of the way. These are many causes which induce people to remain at home longer than they should. The fear, or rather shame they so foolishly entertain of being thought by those neighbours of being under the necessity to leave.162 But may I ask in what form do they profit by this foolish simplicity? In none whatever, but finally becomes caught in their own net. There is another class of people that entertain a prejudice to every thing foreign,163 and cannot believe anything real but what is within their own sphere of knowing. They cannot believe that happiness can be formed in any place but where themselves really are, though at the same time if they could but see their position as others do, they would fancy themselves the most miserable beings under Heaven. I am liberal enough to admit that happiness can be enjoyed in every position in life. But we must first make ourselves philosophers to do so, and cultivate the mind to that perfection which to individuals like us I fear would be the most difficult task I know of. This being wanting, we must replace it by something else, and the only thing I know, if that may be within our reach for seeking, is a comfortable and independent way of living. I do not mean that a man should seek or desire to raise himself to opulence. No, I only say a man might be happy and independent without having to overwork himself by mental and bodly labour. But if a man is obliged to have recourse to either of these means to make a living, and even in many cases with the people at home will fall far short of doing so. Now there is one thing I cannot venture to guess at, that is the price farms might bring by selling off now a days.164 However, one thousand pounds invested in this country will keep a man living comfortable. Even at interest, it will make about £110 per year by putting it at one per cent, half the interest now paying, and sheep, though low, they, and the wool sold last year, paid double that interest on capital invested in the business. Dear Friends, This is a long subject for a letter, and perhaps a simple one. However if it interests you no more than even affording you subject for conversation, I do not consider my labour lost. No to the contrary, I well remember how glad we used to be to get any letter from here (be it ever so simple) that would afford us a chance of criticising it’s merits.165 But I am now nearly done with this subject, and I wish you to consider it fully and deliberately, and report to me your opinions on it. I intend to sell half of the camp but there will enough remain for us all. Cousin James Murphy is likely reached home by now. He left here as if he had run away frightened of something. Scarcely any one know of his going. I never knew it till some days after he left. I was very much surprised at his not letting me know of his going. I believe that his brother Joe166 don’t even know whether he expects to come out again or not. He was

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the best man that we ever known in the country. I may thank himself, Nick Pierce, and Frank Doyle for saving my sheep during the drought of 1863, when brother Patt and family was sporting their figure in town, spending not their own money but mine.167 Brother William has a hard struggle to clear his place.168 I am assisting him all I can to do so. He has had the good luck of meeting with a very nice woman his wife. Her sister and brother are living with them. The Zingara has left here better than a month ago. Katy Cormack expects out her sister. You will arrange her passage for her. As to the class of men you send out to me, you need not confine your choice to those brought up on a place of their own, as there are many of the servant boys just as good as they.169 My remarks on that point was merely from the belief that those brought up in places of their own has generally a little better thought of themselves, and has in general a delicacy (somewhat more than the others) in doing a mean act. There has some word came out here of Philip Lambert170 (Ballygelane), coming out to this country. Had he done so some three of four years ago, when he had something, it would have been better for him.171 Dear Brother, As to the course sister Margaret has taken (with regard to her declining to marry Philip Keating),172 I can give no opinion, as I should wish her to determine for herself, as it is herself the circumstance most interest [ed]. It is a serious business, and one that require serious conversation. We may give an opinion on the matter, but an advice is what the most wise man is not justified in doing. If it’s true as you [say] that she has declined for the present, yet she should remember the opportunity may not be long open to her choice, as Philip is so circumstanced that he is not likely to delay long without a wife. Her will is mine and nothing will give me more pleasure than to see that she pleases herself. In my previous letters I said a good deal about the money invested in the N. B., Liverpool. I believe I may now leave you to act according to the best of your own opinions, in conjunction with my remarks in the letters referred to. One thing I may say, that it is doing very little where it is. Had I it out here it would be otherwise. In case you determine in selling off the shares, I should wish you and James to keep what you require to put you through the year, and in case any call should come on you for any amount afterwards shall with pleasure send it to you. And in the mean time the money could be making something handsome out here. Or in other words, save me of it. Dear Friends, my time is exhausted. The shearing time is approaching. We are all very busy and in the best of health, thanks to God, and I hope this will find you all enjoying the same Blessing in the prayers of your sincere and affectionate brother, John Murphy. I am thankful to you and your informant for the note enclosed which will be attended too. J. M. I get no news papers.173 Direct them to me as follows: Sr. Dn. Juan Murphy / Flor del Uncalito / Partido Salto / Bs. Ayres.

22 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 26 November 1865 Buenos Aires My Dear Friends, I now, and in good health address you from the city where I have been this last six days. Miss Roche had arrived here a few days previous to my coming to town, by whom I received a parcel for Brother William and a number of newspapers, in which I find entertainment ever since. I consider her health very much improved since she left here, and that she has benefited very much by her trip to Ireland.174 She says the people appeared so distant and cool to her,

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she began to imagine she had not many friends amongst them. But James Furlong kindness to her, so different to all others she cannot forget nor be sufficiently thankful. I was also expecting letters by her as having got none by the previous packet, but she had none for me. The War still continues as heretofore, but there are some talks of a treaty of peace between them. I think both parties has got quite plenty of it by this time. Both sides are suffering a deal from diseases, hunger, and exposure, for want of proper accommodation, and material suitable for campaigning. This has been a very good year for sheep-farming in most parts of this country. I can take it on myself to say that Uncalito has beaten any other establishment of the size in Buenos Aires for profits this year. For the present I will just give you a list of the business up to now. From last May up to the first of this present month, I have sold 1,280 capones (wethers) and at the highest prices paid in the camp, at the time of sale 40 dollars per head since the wool has been taken off them, and 45 per head last June, which was a high figure at that early season. Now as to amount of lambs marked on the Establishment, our principal last March was 9,500 sheep. Deduct from that 1,280, leave 8,212. From them we marked 5,177 lambs, or at the rate of 63 per cent, which perhaps up to this has more been exceeded in any establishment in this country.175 The sale of the public lands has been further postponed. We have now got up to the first of July ‘66 before we need purchase, and we don’t know what changes may be made before them. This extension of time has been a great service to many, and we still look to a further reduction from government in the prices of said lands before the actual sales take place. If I shall have to buy at that date, the cash invested in N. B. Liverpool would be of great service to me, moreover it being lying there I may say dead. The interest paid for money here now is from 18 to 24 per cent per annum. The bank interest is from 9 to 12, but the principal on which the Bank lend money is very inconvenient for sheep farmers in the camp, and consequently they prefer paying the high interest to private individuals.176 When the time of sale comes on I intend to purchase and after securing it to myself as real property, I am on the notion to rent it for some years, selling the sheep thereon to incoming tenants. By effecting this I shall be able [to] clear off all debts and have a handsome balance in hands. You are already aware that by disposing of it in any form, before the government compel us to buy, it would be a great loss to me as I may say, we hold it now for nothing or at least for very little. Miss Roche had been telling me that Frank Whitty’s sister177 and brother-in-law was desirous to come out to this country. I am sorry I did not know that before, as she says they have no children, for which reason they would answer me very well. I am sorry I did not know this before now, as I fear they will be too late for the Zingara, which I find by your last letter you have yet no account of. You say one of the two you are about sending James Neil’s son has not yet made up his mind. What to do and in case his mind be still unsettled, let him stop at home and send out Frank Whitty’s sister and brother-in-law in his stead. I am at present very much in need of couple[s] like this, as Mrs Matthew O’Connor has now got the second daughter and she can be of no service whatever to me now. More than that, I fear Matt will be able [to] do little more than attend to her commands, as it had nearly came to that and having but one child. In case you will send Whitty’s sister & husband, their conditions is that I pay their passage to Buenos Aires and all expenses outside of that they are account [torn] to me, apart from their passage in case they are not able [torn] in expenses themselves. They have to service me for said [torn] to Buenos Aires fifteen, 15 months each but jointly as a woman’s passage is the same as a man, and their wages hire is a little over the half of men’s wages. The

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time they have to serve would have been longer were it not that the exchange is now favourable for them. Your letter of 7th October arrived in due time. It came direct to Uncalito. I was in Buenos Aires at the time, but it was sent in to me. The papers I don’t know if they came. I was thinking it was Martin Cleary would be coming out as James as you spoke of him in some letter. I spoke of sending home another likeness to sister Margaret, but as often forgot doing so at the time of closing my letters. Of course I have no one now in Buenos Aires with me to do so. I believe I mentioned before about you keeping what money you and James require in case you send out the cash invested in the National B. Liverpool. Therefore I believe I’ve nothing more to add to what we said in my previous letters concerning it. I am likely to be very busy this year again as I have a good deal to build. I have to build a small house at the Rincon. I intend building a dwelling house at the Estancia, also a wool-room, and large shed for the purpose of shearing under at that season, and as a cover for the fine flock during winter, and as a shade from the strong sun of summer. It is now 9 o’clock p.m. and I am in a hurry to finish this letter so as to leave it to be posted on tomorrow, as the packet sails and I shall be busy delivering my wool, which I sold on today at rather a low price $75 dollars per arroba 25 lbs. It had a good deal of burrs in it, which reduces the price very much. Friends, we are all well and I hope this will find you all the same and I remain your dear affectionate Brother, John Murphy

23 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 12 December 1865 Buenos Aires My Dear Friends, I expect to start for the camp on tomorrow. Brothers William and Patt are in Buenos Aires also. They have came in with their wool. The prices are very low and ordinary conditioned wool’s difficult to sell. I have sold mine at 75 dollars per arroba of 25 lb., a price much less than it have been sold for this last eight years. I wrote you by the last packet, but fearing it did not reach you in time to find Frank Whitty’s sister and husband by the Zingara. I write you these few lines with further instructions how to act in this case. If it should be happen that you could not or can not send them by the Zingara, and have the cash that’s invested in the National Bank Liverpool still at your command, you can send them by the steamers from Liverpool and pay their passage fare. If not, you must only wait for the earliest opportunity that offers. From what Margaret Roche178 has told me of them, I think they will answer me and I am very much in need of a couple like them. All the people you know of out here are well and I hope this will find all friends in the old country enjoying the same blessing. I cannot dispose of my new place this year as the sales of these lands is not to take place till next July. Even if they do this I shall be able [to] make no changes till the following March. Do not wait for further instructions from me about sending out Kate Whitty and her husband, but manage to send them as soon and the best way you can. Excuse the short note. I shall write you soon again and I remain your Dear Brother, John Murphy.

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24 John James Murphy to John Parle, 15 February 1866 Buenos Aires Mr John Parle179 Dear Sir, When writing to you my last I had partly decided not to take any further steps about your affairs in this country, since you seemed not inclined to act as I directed. It’s not possible but Mr Haggard could have told you [that] to act for others than yourself you must be judicially and legally appointed and that the power you sent was not worth the paper it was written on. I don’t think your are so simple as to suppose that Mr Casey and myself would act in such delicate business otherwise than strictly legal. Did we think in the beginning you would have acted as you did (having the advice of solicitor) we might have then taken the steps we do now in sending it. The property left by your brother Nicholas, being in paper currency, has very much reduced in value owing to the advanced premium on gold in this market. But from the financial state of the country, at present no one can say when or where this will end. Therefore, fearing things may get worse, I again decided to consult Mr Casey about sending it in the form and manner we have, I pledging myself to him that all would be properly and legally disposed of. He consented on these terms [to] hand the draft in favour of you and brother Martin. As to the girls part £200 each. I think Mr Haggard will admit the necessity of you or others being made legal trustees. Otherwise, they are not legally represented, and we could not stand by handing their part over to you or others, unless so appointed. In doing this you will of course choose the simplest and cheapest way available. You will see by the account sent that Mr Casey (though not legally bound) has paid bank interest up to date. Moreover, Mr Casey and myself have not deprived the heirs of any of their part by keeping the 5% each, commission that the law allows trustees in this country. Therefore I trust you will acknowledge brother Martin’s services, the medium through which we have arrived at this settlement, which I hope will be done in a manner satisfactory to all concerned. Yours truly, John J. Murphy P.S. It is not true that I took any parts nor was I present at the settlement between your brother James and Mr Casey, neither was I a party to any promises that Mr Casey may have made your brother about yours and the girls part. Therefore I broke no promises I ever made that could be fulfilled. J. J. M.

25 Fr. Clement Reville O.F.M. to William Murphy, 15 May 1866 Wexford Convent My dear W. Murphy, I beg to inform you that we buried my sister, Eliza Murphy’s mother,180 on last Sunday. So now when you are writing to Captain Stocks,181 you will be so good as to tell him that only Patt Roche and his two daughters will be going and as the youngest daughter is under eleven years of age, that the Captain will take her for half price. May I trouble you to let me know when the Captain will be ready for sea, that I may send them to him. With kindest respects to your sister, I remain your ever obliged, C. Reville182

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26 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, Undated (after May 1867) Flor del Uncalito183 My Dear Brother Martin Furlong & Beyrne. The passengers has all arrived safe. The latter two appear very responsible young men. Roche I fear well turn out no great thing. It seems if he had got a lecture in the Camp Catechism from some false friend. I rather suspect Ennis,184 whom I put away a little after his arrival but not before he poisoned him, as he has shown a deal of his (Ennis’) bad points. Tell James Pender’s people that he is a very good boy, and that I think he will do well in this country. He has sense sufficient not to be very much influenced by schemers. Furlong I have given him employment till I find a vacancy for him some other place as I do not need him.185 Up to now it has been the finest season I have ever seen in this country. At present though the middle of winter it’s more like Spring or Autumn. Heavy rains at intervals followed by unusual hot weather, which have the camps almost with too much pasture. Sheep for this season are in many places are very lame and rather subject to looseness in the looseness in the bowels. These complaints though not causing deaths, yet interfere with the sheep fattening, as they would otherwise do were the pasture much shorter and less abundant. The fencing is going on rapid and at present much to my satisfaction.186 In the beginning they knew little about the work, but I instructed them in all its branches in which they were very rarely and willing to adapt. They commenced on the 18th May and since then up to the present they have completed about [*] yards. There are nine men at mark and are earning about 35 dollars or 5s-10d or 6s per day each. They save about 5s of that per day each, as their expenses are very little. I supply them with meat but nothing more, but that is their principal food, which for working men is the best. I am just begun to take advantage of the fencing. I have mixed two of the flocks in one, consequently save one man’s wages £3-12s per month for a beginning. In another month I shall be ready to make a like change. The most of the landed proprietors are beginning to take a very different view of having camp fenced in to what they did in the beginning, and the few that oppose against it now are those that do so through jealousy or not being able to follow the example set them. My camp its true-enjoyed those advantages for fencing it, in that few camps do. There is no road through it which according to the law should be left open, which circumstance render the fencing in of a camp almost useless. We have to have according to law five yards wide of our camp outside the line of fence for road way in case neighbours fence in also. The job will stand much above what I at first anticipated by the time I reckon my own men’s work in cutting the posts and wire around the camp, and to the different places where the work is going and the posts which have a very thick bark I have to take it off that post which go in the ground, otherwise when the bark would rot the post would become loose then the need to use all help to make the grand total some £400 more than the amount first given. But from the fact of system I struck out last year proving successful (that is in the posting out sheep and wethers and putting them on the best of the camps to fatten). I think I will be able to square yards with my accounts after the wool season, that is providing the Rojas Camp stands to me as it did last year, which up to now the season shows no obstacle. One thing I must trouble you for is to send me out a pair of flannel drawers by the first that is coming out to this neighbourhood, as the flannel out here are too fine & thin for winter season. Dear Brother, this is a year that I must inevitably be under a heavy expense. I have to keep more men than the other years at the Estancia in order to get through the work [of] arranging

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the flocks and classifying them in order to commence on May [a] new system of farming, a system that cannot fail to be of the greatest possible advantage over the old system. All the practicable sheep farmers that I have spoken to admit that the undertaking under the system that I am about to carry it out, will prove the first and most important and undertaking yet known for the advancement of sheep farming business in this country.187 I have just got through with my marking of lambs for this year and may stock at present stand exactly 17,000 seventeen thousand head, two thousand of these I intend to sell fat and allowing one thousand for deaths and consumption, the balance will be about my principle for next year, which is about the same as that of present year. Peter Cormack and James Emain with their proportionate interest till March 1871 of 1/20th part of the whole stock. James is at present 1/16th part owner and Peter is 1/50th. At March, Peter is to buy the number that will establish him 1/20th owner and will then be entitled to that interest in the whole. Next March please God I will be able [to] give you the particulars of all on the new system I intend to carry out the business for the future. Ellen sends her love and says that you would much oblige her by sending out by first person coming to this neighbourhood three or four lbs. of Worsted, white.188 We are all well and desire kind love to all Dear Friends in Haysland. I have but litt- le time to write you. Please accept this for the present and believe me as can your Dear Brother John J. Murphy P.S. Dear Brother Send me out as quick as possible the woman, or word of her not coming as the matters leaves me at present not at liberty to look after any one. J. J. M. I am beginning to think that the two straps wanting belonging to the Harness, that they are not reckoned as a part of Harness but as a part of the Coach and for that reason Hore did not send them. However if they belong to the Harness I may as well have them as not. Otherwise I do not need them as I have got same here that will do. J. J. M.

27 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 20 April 1868 Flor del Uncalito My dear friends, The last letters I wrote were somewhat on a new scale (three letters embodied in one). There were a degree of variety in the system, and you know variety is generally more or less interesting, and I hope each one of you read your respective post with pleasure. It matters but little what our style of writing is,189 if we can but convey happiness to those with whom we correspond. Sincerity and affection often exist in the heart of an author that can but feebly set forth language sufficiently strong to convey his feelings to those he loves and respects. Consequently, the size, form, and system on which our letters are written have nothing to do with the sentiments and feelings under which we write. I hope that they have, as also this one may, find you all in the enjoyment of good health, a blessing all friends here enjoy thanks to God. Dear brother, the parcels that Patt Roche brought out to me I have not yet received them, as they went out in his chest to Rojas. I must trouble you now to send me out by some passengers two flannel drawers, strong, large and the same as those we wear at home.190 Since the rain first came in the last of February, we have had a very beautiful season. The grass now is in abundance, the sheep improving very fast. We are getting through with the señaling

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(marking). We have done four flocks and so far the marking amount to about 23 per cent, which is very good at this early season. April 23rd. I have received the stockings and [*] all right. Dear brother, your letter of 7th March is at hand. I am happy to hear of you all being in good health. You say you had no letter since the middle of January but you should have got one in February also. But it was as well you did not, as the sickness was then raging and you would have felt more concerned about us.191 But thank God he was pleased to carry us through the sickness without having a single case on the Estancia. I do not send any papers now unless when I am in Buenos Aires, or that some person is going from here that could post them in Buenos Aires, as sending them from here is only a disappointment and loss of the postage, also as they never reach you. You requested of me to send you the names of Patt’s chil- dren. The eldest is Katy, the second is Anny, the third is Nicholas, the fourth is John Joseph William, the fifth is Bridget, all told, they are all well. Dear friends, We are on the eve of a great political change here, the election of President is soon to come off.192 Congress is bringing a charge against President Mitre. It appears the federal provinces seem to think him not justified in entering into the Triple Alliance with Brazil and the Banda Oriental against Paraguay, and the charge seems (to every one that choose to take an impartial view of the matter), to be perfectly well founded, and it’s thought that this will discover his prestige and lay it visible to the public. The War still continues. It is true we are every day drawing nearer to its completion, but that is all we can say. Dear brother, The sheep business, like the war appears to be at a stand still, the season is past for sales. Consequently, the general topic of con- versation that was, has ceased until next wool season again. There are still a few forced judicial sales, but people are not looking to them, as a criterion to the value of sheep as heretofore. There have been a few speculators or I might better call them numbskulls, who has endeavoured to draw the public feeling to the belief that sheep is not worth more than ten dollars per head, and land are hundred thousand dollars per league (mind you a square league of land for £800) and more than that some has gone so far as to say that certain class of sheep is worth not even one dollar per head. If a person has to pay rent for land but these one what we used to call at home (ne’re be good),193 that would not make sheep pay even if they were worth £1 per head. Now let you imagine from the above that the business is gone to the dogs. I will tell what can be done by management and attention to the business. I made a calculation of last years business in this neighbourhood according to my own, allowing 12 per cent per annum to be fair interest in capital laid out. I make land in this neighbourhood worth five hundred thousand dollars or £4,000 per league, and sheep 20 dollars per head, or 3s 5d. Now, if I was to value my land at 100,000 dollars per league, my interest would be about 54 per cent. So you see we can let them shout and wink at the sheep business till they get hoarse in their necks, and that is all they will have for their pains. Dear friends, I have kept you too long at this stuff. Mine and Ellen’s love to all and I remain your dear brother John J. Murphy P.S. Pierce, the carpenter is leaving me after finishing the house which is nearly now com- pleted. I shan’t have much work for a carpenter hereafter. A sort of a half-carpenter or a handy man at carpenter’s work would be very useful to me, as we can scarcely do without such a one for many little jobs you might look out for a man of that class to work 12 months for his passage as anything I put him to that is the general work about the place. J. J. M.

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P.S. Let me know in your next if you hear of anyone of the Nick Kavanagh’s194 neighbours being dead. I fell into conversation with a gentleman at the Races, who was telling me that a Wexford man of that name died on his Estancia in Montevideo, having about thirty thousand dollars. From his description of him, I am almost sure it’s Nick of Haysland.

28 F. Donovan to Alice Gaule, 13 April 1871 683 Calle Rivadavia, Buenos Aires Mrs Alice Gaule Miltown, Tagoat Co. Wexford, Irlanda Madame, I enclose you by order of Mr Murphy, Salto, a passage ticket for you and child to Buenos Aires. The agents in Liverpool are Lamport and Holt, 21 Water Street Liverpool They will write to you and advise you of the sailing of the steamer they start from Liverpool almost every fortnight. I am, Madame, yours most respectfully, F. Donovan195

29 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 11 February 1872 Flor del Uncalito My dear brother Martin, On my arrival home from Buenos Aires (with an increase in the family on New Year’s Day of a young daughter named Elizabeth Agnes,196 all well), I received the document of transference all right, and may be that I will not post it back till myself or someone of confidence are going to Buenos Aires for fear of its safety. It’s already signed by myself, and Derinzey J. Brett as a witness. With regards to Lar. Whitty,197 affair I can now tell you that either Flaherty or McVicary or both has made a cursed blunder in the power of attorney they sent me. In it, McVicary on oath has put down Lar Whitty at twenty one years of age, which fact left him one year short of being of age according to the law of this country. The fact of me knowing Lar to be an old man caused me to read over this particular with such confidence (that no mistake could exist in a document made out by such clever men), that the blunder escaped my notice. This unfair damnable mistake of their has caused me and those concerned an unaccountable amount of delay, trouble, and expense. Why did they not put the man down at something like his natural age, say 50, yet 40 or even at 30? But their ignorance of everything outside of matters exactly inside their own nose caused them to believe that the law existing in England should naturally be the same over the whole world.198 Your letter which accompanied that document prove the same, from the fact of Flaherty having said that the Argentine consul’s signature was unnecessary, which, had it arrived without it, left it completely useless. Give both of them my compliments, with lecture on these matters. The business after proceeding several months in this direction, as if none of the two errors were minor at last it reached the Cámaras199 , that is before the judges of the first state. They got the document translated again for their own satisfaction and as a guarantee to warrant their proceedings. And, lo, they found Lar Whitty a minor, at 21 years of age, this broke up all the business that had already being got through, and the

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course of proceeding had to be changed altogether. Trustees had to be named and the business had to go through different courts altogether. I [am] under the impression that no such blunder could have existed in the document that trickery was at work protested against the translation of not being correct. I solicited permission form the judges to hunt up the original document to satisfy myself as to the truth. This cost me thirteen days of diligent search through the different offices it had passed through. No one caring or desirous to gratify me without remuneration. At last I came foul with it, and I assure you I could scarcely believe my eyes when I read Lar Whitty put down at 21 years of age. I shut up and walked out as if I got a kick where you know. So the parties interested must have patience as well. I enclose you this in a letter to Father Reville. Joe Murphy, George Furlong, and Nick Pierce200 are going home I suppose about next April. They are selling off not expecting to return. I doubt very much if they be contented there no more than here.201 More par- ticularly, George and Nick whose minds is a wear on their constitutions. We are all going on well. The season [is] splendid and all kind of stocks and produce rising in nature. Desiring kind love to all I sent a bill for £46 home by mail of 14th, also further with instructions about it. I hope you got the bill sent in November with the New Year’s gift. My love to all. John J. Murphy

30 Lamport & Holt to Martin Murphy, 25 March 1872 Liverpool Mr Martin Murphy Haysland Tagoat, Wexford, Ireland Sir, We are duly on receipt of your letter of 22nd inst. enclosing half notes for £13 on account of steerage passage to Buenos Aires for Mr Flood.202 As we informed you in our letter of March 23rd inst., the Copernicus does not go farther than Monte Video. We have therefore put Mr Flood’s name down for a berth in the Ptolemy, sailing on the 10th April direct to Buenos Aires. Please instruct him to be here with Mr Graham at 10 o’clock on the morning of the 9th April. In remitting the balance of Mr Graham’s passage, please deduct your commission of 5% on both passages, say twenty six shillings (26 s).203 Yours faithfully, Lamport & Holt

31 Lamport & Holt to Martin Murphy, 9 October 1872 Liverpool Mr Martin Murphy Haysland Tagoat, Wexford, Ireland Sir, We are in receipt of your letter of 7th inst., and can take Stephen Byrne204 to Buenos Aires either in our boat sailing on the 19th inst. (in which case he must be here not later than 10 o’clock on the morning of the 18th inst.), or by our steamer of the 1st November. Please let us

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know by which steamer he will go. [*] Gahan has not been near our office since we last wrote to you about him, nor has he sent us any word about the things you mention. Yours faithfully, Lamport & Holt

32 Patrick Murphy to Martin Murphy, 10 August 1873 Estancia Caldera, Rojas Dear Brother Martin, You will excuse me in not writing to you ere205 this. I did intend doing so last month, but circumstances prevented me doing so. Also, I was in much better spirits, as I am now suffering twelve days form a fearful pain in my back. Since I came to this country I have felt my back very delicate. Consequently, when I catch cold it invariably affects me in the back. You are previously aware that we are frequently annoyed by dry or bad winters in this neighbourhood, and I am sorry to inform you this one is no exception. I have had to move nearly all the sheep I own. John also a good quantity, at least twelve thousand, have left the Estancia for Salto, where they have the consolation of favourable winters, with few exceptions every year. But for the work I had to arrange the sheep, and prepare them for the road and travelling with some of them, I would have written you sooner. I need not tell you how we felt on the receipt of your last letter, on hearing of our dear little sons progressing so well.206 I assure you I was rather surprised to hear of Nicky207 having so advanced in arithmetic, a state I am sure he could not arrive to with less than three or four years schooling in this unfortunate country. I am not surprised to hear of Johnny being backward in learning. He was always very stupid, and careless also, consequently indisposed to learn what he is required, unless a little severity is practised.208 Therefore, whatever you see is required, I expect you to take an absent brother’s part, and I will feel obliged. I was very glad to hear you received the likeness all right. And as you remark, we all look pretty well. I am happy to inform you that none of us, I really believe, were flattered in the photographs. Mary looks well, is hale and healthy. I am, as you say, much stouter than ever I was, and thanks to God we all enjoy excellent health.209 The only thing I have got to complain of is the bad years or dry winters we invariably have in or experience in this neighbourhood, and all from a superabundance of pasture in summer, that they are not addicted to in other places. It would be better for us, had we to draw water for our flocks in summer time, as they have to do nearly all the country through, instead of basking in sunshine at our ease, to our individual disadvantage afterwards. Consequently, it’s very doubtful whether I be in a position to perform my promise of seeing ye210 all as soon as I expected, but yet it’s not impossible. I never received but one letter from Mr Mansfield, and that a long time since. It will not be long until I write to him again. Any person that would be writing to me directly, it’s quite necessary to get same registered for the sole purpose of coming to hand, with more security, for you must be aware how backward in this country we are in regard of postal regulations. I think it costs only four pence extra. We were very sorry to hear of poor Joe Murphy’s death.211 I imagined the passage home instead of hastening on his death would have been the means of preserving it for many years. God rest his soul. Give our kind regards to the remainder of the family, for which we sympathise very much. Our regards also to Nick Pierce and George Furlong. Mary and all the youngsters desire affectionately to be remembered to Johnny and Nicky, and to all the other members of your family circle, and

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be kind enough to accept the same from your dear brother, Patt P.S. Since I wrote the above I have scribbled the enclosed for George Furlong, which you will please deliver, Patt. Dear Brother, James Howlin, late of Ballyall212 has requested of me to get out his cousin, Patt Howlin, Miltown, by the first opportunity. I also require a couple of men for myself. When sending the other part of this letter to Thos. Royden & Son, you may communicate with them regarding the above passengers, to see if they can bring them out on your security and mine. At the same time, write to other agents about it also, and if any of them will bring them to send them by first possible sailing as we should like them to be here by shearing time, which commences in or about the first of October. After finding a ship to bring them, you may enclose them the remaining part of this note as an acknowledgement of me having given you the above instructions. If they could get out by the steamers, it would be much better as they would then be here in time for shearing. Write to the agents in Liverpool and you might also see the agent in Wexford if there be any, so as to have them out as quick as possible. I leave the choice of the two men to yourself, as you know by this time the class of men that best answer. Dear brother, all friends are well, a blessing I hope you all enjoy at home. Let me know when you require any money, as I can at any time that I am in Buenos Aires send it to you. Adieu, John Murphy

33 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 30 October 1873 Flor del Uncalito Dear Brother Martin, James Murphy’s brother John213 requested me if I could get out some money for him, as he has tried several times and the letters have not arrived. I told him the safest way that could be done was by his brother handing over the amount to you, and I on receipt of the letters to that effect, would pass the sum to him and would save expense to both. He altogether approved of the plan and asked me to oblige him by having it done so consequently and receipt of this, in which you find enclosed a letter for James Murphy from his brother John, with instructions what to do.214 Hand it over to him and wait and notify me the steps he takes in the matter. £120 or 130 is the sum John requests him to send. Take whatever amount he offers you, but not less than £100, one hundred pounds, and give him a receipt for same. Do you keep £50, fifty pounds, and give James the balance that may be per account of this years sheep business here. I have finished my shearing in the 17th and sold the wool of this place five days ago at 70 dollars per arroba of 25 lbs. Price for stock and produce has not been as high this year as last, though we cannot complain. Fat sheep at from 45 to 50, and wool at the same for 70, free of all expenses is enumerating prices and pay the farmer well. I sold 2,000 fat sheep, but will have to sell sheep by the cut at March, as my increase exceeded the sales. Less than the 1/3 of the wool money of this place, along with what I have already in the bank from previous sales, will suffice to pay all of my debts once more. Of course, there are a good large accounts owed me here, but these accounts I let them stand as a dead letter in my calculations. I seldom include them in the accounts I give you. Therefore, I calculate after squaring up all

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and selling the Rojas’ wool, that I may have at my command about £2,000 to put by for a beginning. As I intend going to Buenos Aires in a day or two, I shall leave the finishing of this till there. After reading Murphy’s letter, close it, and send it to him. Buenos Aires, November 13th. Dear Brother, I start for home on tomorrow, having here five days. The price of wool remains low. I did well by selling outside. There is no particular news. Ronan, Kate Whitty’s brother-in-law,215 is arrived out, and a daughter of James Watt’s with him. We don’t know who is the fair bride. All well love to all, and I remain your dear brother, John

34 Patrick Murphy to Martin Murphy, 10 April 1874 Estancia Caldera Dear Brother Martin, You will no doubt be a little surprised to learn that I did not write you ere this, having now I believe to acknowledge the receipt of at least two letters from you since I wrote, one by Kate Cormack and another since, the former containing the likenesses of the young lads, which came out first rate, and by their appearance it’s evident that there is comfort and care bestowed on them in their new home. I cannot refrain longer in telling you we are all anxiety until we hear from you again, in consequence of receiving the other day a letter form Mr Mansfield, stating that all the children of the parish were knocked down with hooping cough, Nicholas and Johnny included. A son of his dead with that treacherous disease, but at the time of writing he imagined the worst of the case had passed over our two lads. Your care and attention to them in the hour of need has been truly appreciated, and should it please the Almighty to call them to a better world, ye may rest content that a censure or accusation will never be entertained against ye. On the contrary, be please to accept our heartfelt thanks for your parental kindness and protection. We had the pleasure of a visit from George Furlong about six weeks since. He is in good health, and is at present located in Uncalito with brother John. Simon Gaul also came to see us the other day, after his arrival back. From the latter account, I feel happy in congratulating you on the favourable turn the season have taken, and my sincere wish is that the may continue so for many years. But indeed I assure you the description George and you portray of the Old Country is not ever sprightly, and I am sorry to say not the least encouraging for any one to revisit it, except merely for the purpose of see- ing their friends, and return again after a few months sojourn.216 I enclose the most part of envelope which enclosed Mr Mansfield’s letter. You will deliver the same so that he can see the letter was never registered. But it’s evident that the industrious people yonder know how to defraud the public, perhaps to [a] greater extent than they do here. Tell Mr Mansfield I send no answer to his, as he promised to write again in five or six weeks in hope of having better news to record. We heartily sympathise with him in his affliction. You spoke of having traced a letter of mine as far as Wexford, but I never sent any one by hand. The way the affair must have occurred, I always for more security enclose my letter to a Mr Lett in Buenos Aires (a young man from near Enniscorthy),217 to post them for me. He having a brother in business in Dublin, so it’s very probable he wrote his brother at that time and enclosed my letter also. We are busy this good while making preparations for the end of this month to send our two girls218 to College. The latter is situated in the town of Chivilcoy, about 25 leagues distant on

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the road to Buenos Aires, in charge of an Irish woman of excellent attainments.219 It will cost me yearly at least £40 each for board and education alone, rather stiff. This outlay will come very heavy on us yet, when it is known we are in debt for our little home yet. But even so the time has arrived that we should strain a point and sacrifice a portion of our comfort for the express purpose of making them fit members of society. We had a visit on the 25th ultimo of brother William and his whole family. He has lately purchased a splendid new family coach, capable of carrying with ease the whole troupe. They were all in robust health when leaving here after spending three days with us. We are all in good health likewise, and sincerely hope this will find ye all enjoying the same blessing, thanks to God for all his favours. We all join in kind remembrance to ye all, without distinction, and I remain your dear brother, Patt

35 Lamport & Holt to Martin Murphy, 20 May 1874 Liverpool Sir, We are in receipt of your letter of 18 inst. and now enclose the circulars you ask for. Our low fare to Buenos Aires is £13, and we cannot take any passengers on the terms you name.220 Yours faithfully / Lamport & Holt / S. Henning / (with enclosures)

36 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 1 January 1875 Flor del Uncalito My Dear Brother Martin, Your very kind and welcome letter of October 28th duly came to hand and also two ‘People’ papers some days later. We were extremely glad to hear that all friends are well, with the exception of poor sister Margaret. No circumstance whatsoever important could have caused me more pain than to hear of those frequent attacks on my dear loving sister. I trust in the sincerity of what you say in your letter, that she will soon be perfectly recovered. I hope and trust she will give no cause for a relapse of this complaint, but will avoid in every manner those works or exposures that may lead to it. Dear Friends, You will be glad to hear that the Mitre Revolution, after a duration of 2 1/2 months, is crushed and the revolutionaries completely annihilated.221 The party who placed Mitre at the head of the affair completely abandoned him when he took the field. He had the sympathy of all foreigners, but they could do nothing for him. The committee of his party, when they launched him on to it, neither sent him money for arms, and had his party been liberal with him, the case would likely be different to what it now is, as he was very popular. But peace for this country is more beneficial even though Government may have obtained power through fraud and corruption, and of both evils I consider it the least. Mitre gave himself up with all his army. Himself and chief officers now to be tried by Court Martial, but it’s thought the sentence passed on them will be light, as Mitre’s services to the country exceed that of all other, both as a Diplomatist never doubted not even by his enemies. The Revolution, though interfering with the shearing, did not affect the sales of wool. All that wished could have sold at good prices, say from 65 up to 75 dollars per arroba of 25 lbs., according to class and condition delivered at the house, which is equal to 75 to 85

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delivered in Buenos Aires from here. It is not so high just now, as the prices have fallen in consequence of buyers having in many cases filled their present orders. Many who contracted for fat sheep to be ported before shearing could not fulfil their obligation, as driving troops of cattle or sheep to Buenos Aires during the Revolution was very unsafe. The man that con- tracted for 3,000 with me took more, but I made a sale by the cut at 4,000 head, which I consider better business, as the difference of the price was only 5 dollars each = 50 dollars per piece = 45 per the cut. I have reduced my stock of sheep on Uncalito to about 10,000 head, and put any cattle to about 1,100 head. I sold and delivered a few days ago 280 head, 180 bullocks at $350 dollars each, plus 100 cows at $300 each. These cost me last April 165 dollars each one. With the other, they cost me nothing since but the run of the camp. Buenos Aires, January 8, 1875. Dear Brother, Enclosed you [will] find a note to Fr. Reville, which you will close and forward it to him. Also, one for James with two bank bills in his favour, one for £24 to be delivered to William Pettit, Rathmoore,222 the other for £180, £100 of which is for James himself, £50 for you and sister Margaret, £15 each for John Pitt and the widow Margaret Pitt, being sent to them by their sisters, the two Tom Pitts of Rojas. I send the £50 to you and Margaret as a New Year gift, also wishing you all the blessings of this Holy Season. I remain dear brother and sister your affectionate brother, John. P.S. Father John £ Furlong223 wrote to me last May a very supplicating letter asking for some help to pay off the debt on the Enniscorthy Cathedral. I send him £10 myself but collected nothing on his card. J. J. M.

37 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 12 March 1876 Pass the £12 to William Roche and the enclosed note from his son James. Flor del Uncalito My Dear Brother Martin, I have been putting off writing to you from time to time expecting I would be able [to] inform you of having disposed of Uncalito on lease for a term of five years. But the business is hanging on so long that I shall not wait longer, and as James Roche requests me to send a trifle of money to his father William of Kilrane, that I shall this time drop you a line or two only to say that I will write at a greater length very soon. I trust the money I sent last December reached you safe. I thought from the fact of John Connor living so long with you that I had got a treasure in his coming to me.224 I find him a very different to what I expected, and [one] of the fondest men of grog I know. And when he get the chance will drink till he is much the worse of it. Since he came here I have shown him great indulgence on account of his many years in the family, and his age to boot.225 There was one passage in the letter you sent by him that drew my attention. J. C. I think he will answer you, if he stops with you he may improve. All this month past has been very busy with arranging flocks for the year, and dipping for the scab. I have three flocks outside the wire on the new purchase. All the rest is rented. I will rent it all so soon as matters suit. I have four puestos or stations rented at $12,000 dollars each per year, and four more at $10,000 each. This rent will frighten Nick and James. All Friends are well. I shall write soon again. I cannot send more in this. Ellen joins [me] in sending love to Margaret, James and all the chicks. Accept yourself the same, your dear brother, John

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38 Patrick Murphy to Martin Murphy, 10 March 1876 Estancia La Caldera, Rojas My dear Brother Martin, I will not be surprised if you consider me very ungrateful in not writing for such a long time. I should at least have done so on the arrival of John Connor, were it only to acknowledge and thank ye for the beautiful presents sent us. But the very flattering account he gave of the progress of the young lads and how contented and happy they were under your guidance and protection. Feeling confident that Mr Ballesty226 would pay you a visit, I delayed writing until I should see him, and even after his arrival the delay was extended until the present. But not I assure you through any kind of coolness or disrespect, no doubt but since that time it was and always is the busiest time of the year, but even so such an apology is insufficient to lessen the offence I have been guilty of. But a promise to be more punctual in future will I hope obtain your forgiveness for the past. Mr Ballesty, being a near neighbour of mine, I am very happy to hear you gave him and Mrs such a kind reception. It must have been a kind one, otherwise he could not be so enthusiastic in your praise. In fact, he is altogether in love with Wexford, for I have heard him tell some of his county men that it’s fifty years in advance of Westmeath.227 The two boys are now about four years with you, consequently you must consider me a very curious individual that never sent you a remittance large or small during all that time. I would have sent a trifle by Ballesty last year, but previous to doing so I consulted brother John, who told me he did not think it necessary. So it’s probable he knew my financial position at the time, perhaps better than I did myself. But as John’s promise of support expired after the two first years, consequently it’s evident after that term that I must try and reimburse you at least for the expense and trouble you must have had with them. But you will, I hope, excuse me for a little while longer. As to the boys, I would like your advice as to their future education, as between you and brother James, I am sure your are capable of forming an opinion on the subject, whether a higher school would be advisable or not at present,228 as it’s very probable, according to my present circumstances, that I will not visit ye inside of two years. I hear of no complaints or illness amongst any of our friends here. We all, thanks to God, enjoy excellent health, and I sincerely hope the same blessing richly enjoyed by yourselves, and with kind regards to all friends I conclude dear brother, yours affectionately, Patt P.S. Enclosed is a letter from Katie.

39 Catherine E. Murphy to Nick and Johnny Murphy, 10 March 1876 Caldera My dear Brothers, I received your kind letters, also the nice prayer-books, of which we were very proud and thankful. Your letter gave me great pleasure in hearing ye were well, Uncle Martin and Aunt Maggie included, and that ye were so happy and contended with our dear little cousins. Dear Nicholas, I was in Chivilcoy when your letter arrived here, and Papa did not wish to send it to me for fear of it getting lost. So when I came home I got it to my great joy. I only wish you would write oftener.229 I am very glad to hear that you are getting on so well, and Johnny

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also. Annie is going to Buenos Aires to school in April. I am not sure whether I will be going or not yet. Dear brothers, the examinations were held in December in the school that I was in for three days. I came out very well. I would have been crowned only for I let another girl pass me in Arithmetic, but I gained a lot of prizes. I also came out very well in Spanish. They also made me parse in Spanish, and I came out well.230 I worked a beautiful picture nearly as big as a child three years old, representing a little girl sitting on a bank of moss, playing with a litt- le gray dog; also a cushion, a sampler, and a watchcase. The little girl’s dress seems to be of red velvet.231 I don’t know, dear brothers, when will ye have the chance of seeing it or me. I would give anything to see one sight of Uncle Martin, Aunt Margaret or your teacher. Dear Johnny, don’t forget but write to me also. I will be waiting for it. Papa is also writing. All join me in kind love to Uncle, Aunt and all cousins, not forgetting yourselves and also Uncle James. I remain your ever most affectionate sister, Catherine E. Murphy

40 Lamport & Holt to Martin Murphy, 26 May 1876 Liverpool Mr Martin Murphy Haysland, Tagoat Co. Wexford, Ireland We have received your letter of 25th instant, enclosing first half of a ten pound note on account of a steerage passage for John Furlong per Hevelius for Buenos Aires. The passenger will have to be at our office on the afternoon of the 2nd June. Encl.

41 Lamport & Holt to Martin Murphy, 29 May 1876 Liverpool Dear Sir, We acknowledge with thanks the receipt of your remittance of half note for 10-0-0 in payment a/c of J. Furlong’s passage money per ‘Hevelius’ Yours respectfully / Lamport & Holt / per W. Yevons

42 Lamport & Holt to Martin Murphy, 28 June 1876 Liverpool Sir, We now enclose P. O. Order for 13s, being amount of commission on John Furlong’s passage per ‘Hevelius’.232 In future, you can deduct your commission of five per cent when remitting us the passage money. Yours faithfully / Lamport & Holt / per J. Evelegh 2 Encls. P. O. Order, Circular

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43 Patrick Murphy to Martin Murphy, 29 October 1877 Estancia del Caldera Dear Brother, Your letter of 20th ultimo I received only yesterday through Brother John, so the time from now until the date that you say William is likely to leave is very short indeed, and it’s very doubtful if this will reach you in time if William really starts on that date.233 However, I will chance it and consequently you must be satisfied with a very short letter. I forward this through B. John, as the quickest mode of dispatch, with instructions also to send you £100 pounds, that you may, as I know you will be pleased to put the two boys in college for at least one year. We are all in perfect health thanks to God, and desire kind regards to all. I remain your dear brother, Patt

44 Lamport & Holt to Martin Murphy, 20 November 1877 Liverpool In reply to your letter of 16th instant, we can take your two steerage passengers per Hevelius. They will have to go on board at 11 o’clock on the morning of the 1st proximo. You can send luggage addressed to our warehouse, Crewood Chambers, 17 Brunswick Street, and it will be sent on board. L&H

45 Lamport & Holt to Martin Murphy, 28 November 1877 Liverpool We have received your letter of 27th instant. Please send us the names and ages of the passengers by return of post. The steerage passengers will go on board at eleven o’clock on Saturday morning, so they had better call at our office for their tickets not later than 10 o’clock. L&H

46 Lamport & Holt to Martin Murphy, 27 December 1878 Liverpool Your letter of 24th inst. is to hand. Our steamers do not call at Bordeaux but the boats of 10th, 20th, and 30th of each month touch at Lisbon as a rule. If you will furnish us with par- ticulars of ages, etc., we will quote you a fare for the family you speak of. L&H

47 John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 16 March 1879 Flor del Uncalito Dear Brother and Friends,

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LETTERS TO MARTIN MURPHY 1844-1879

I fear that my letters of late (being so frequent) have become to you more a nuisance than anything else. But same circumstance as another seems to turn up each month to induce me to drop you a line, though having nothing interesting to communicate to you, save the news of our good health. My principal object for writing to you now is that I want to send some cash home for others, and for different purposes. For this reason, I send you a bill for £30 to be disposed of in the following manner: £16 sixteen pounds for Mary Pender, Hill, James’s sister, to enable her to pay her way out to this country. He was to write to her more particulars about it. To Fr. Murphy, P.P. (Tagmond), £12-15s, with the enclosed note with instructions how he has to dispose of it. In his note I tell him to write and let you know where in Wexford you may leave the cash for him to receive it or, if you have an opportunity to send it to him by some person going to Tagmond. If Anne Flood (as we hear is coming out), if she is not about to come out to us, speak to Pender’s sister to see if she comes. James is to mention it to her in his letter, but to leave her entirely to herself to choose coming out here or remaining in the City. The money to Fr. Murphy is from Mary Evoy. Same for her father and the rest collected for the new Chapel of Tagmond. We are as I said before without receiving a letter from any one from by post this last six months. There must be the same screw loose either in Europe or in this country. As we don’t know Fr. Murphy the parish priest’s name, I leave the enclosed for you to direct it, or if an opportunity offers you may be able to send, send by hand both the cash and itself together. The trifle that remain of £30 do what you like with it. I can’t go this time either to Buenos Aires as I expected, so I hope to trust the business to others. It is likely I shall be in the City in a week or two from now. The man is waiting to take this to post it. I must conclude by expressing once more my love to you all. I remain your dear brother, John

48 William Murphy to Martin Murphy, 25 July 1879 San Martin, Salto Dear Brother Martin, I received your kind letter of May 7th (on June 22nd), bearing the sad news of the death of poor Katie,234 our god-child. We all feel sorry, for we know what a trial it will be to John and Ellen. But God, who knows what is best for us and these little ones, he calls to him from the snares of this world, and knowing that it was his holy will should be our consolation. And although we may often think of those dear ones, it will always be joy to us knowing that they are for better provided for than we could have done for them. We all here are much after the old fashion, all enjoying good health, excepting GP, who is now entirely confined to his room, and as exacting or more so in the attention paid to his wants. Clemmie235 is much improved in his appearance and growth, and has been enjoying rather good health. This winter, to be sure, has been so far rather an exceptionally fine one. Yet, in many parts of this province, people have had to move their stock for want of grass. In fact, but few places can boast for it has been almost general, at least inside of Salto. Here we are so far well off pasture short but yet quite sufficient to pass us to spring. Rojas is good. Owing to bad camp, and it’s feared graserías will not work this year, hence but few sales may be expected of fat stock unless for the consumption of the City [*] And owing to the failure of Mr Casey’s live stock venture to England236 it’s not likely it will again be attempted for a long time. We are expecting in a few days a steamer to

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convey sheep in a frozen state to France, and I have great hopes in turning out a success. If it does, it will be the solving of the export trade from South America to Europe. We are now sending to the English market any amount of wheat,237 some lots realising for shippers up to 15 per cent, selling in the home market only 3d less than the home grown. You may look out next year for any amount for the good results of this year have caused a great stir, and opened people’s eyes to the wheat growing business.238 We expect by this that Willie239 is again down with you. We had a letter from him, but a short time since he managed to send us about two in the year. Katie and Maggie write regularly.240 We expect they will spend this year’s vacation in Dalkey but Father Barry has promised to give them a few excursions about Dublin, which will always be a treat to them. I saw Patt and family a short time since. They are all quite well. Nick is growing very much.241 He is yet in college in the City. Annie Cormack242 has got married to a Mr Gilmour. It was time for some one of them to try it. George can give you all the news of this country. I hope he is getting good health and I hope yourself, sister Maggie, James and family, John and all friends enjoy the same health, and with best wishes from Eliza, Lizzie, Clemmie, and myself, sincerely yours, your dear brother, William

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‘EVERYTHING CAME TOGETHER, WAR, PLAGUE AND LOCUSTS’ 4LETTERS TO JOHN JAMES PETTIT 1864-1875

Al dejarte, pampa mía, ojos y alma se me llenan con el verde de tus pastos y el temblor de las estrellas. Con el canto de tus vientos y el sollozar de vihuelas que me alegraron a veces y otras me hicieron llorar.

John James Pettit was born in 1841 in Buenos Aires. Ten years earlier his parents emigrated from Wexford to Buenos Aires. His father, James Pettit, was married to a daughter of Edward Murphy and Mary Dowling. She died in Buenos Aires a few months after John James was born. In 1852 James Pettit and his son, John James, went to Australia and settled in Dunolly, Victoria. In Buenos Aires, they left the grave of Mrs. Pettit and several cousins of the Murphy family. Sally Moore, Fanny Murphy and Kate Murphy are the most frequent writers of these letters. They were happy, sparkling young ladies, who tried to keep the family united in spite of the huge distance between Argentina and Australia. In their letters, they reported the latest news about the family, the country and old-time friends of John James' father. They sent and asked for likenesses (photographs) and used irony so that a far-away cousin may not feel alone. Also, they competed in secret for his favours. Years passed - and this collection covers the eleven years from 1864 to 1875. Hard times were coming, in particular, a cholera outbreak would kill many members of the family. Sally, the most loyal correspondent, hardened her style: her trenchant comments would reflect certain of her own attitudes of frustration. In these letters there is a dominantly feminine tone and perspective. Furthermore, there is a net urban viewpoint, representative of Buenos Aires residents. With the exception of the first letter, which was sent from Ireland, all the writers were born in Argentina and never visited Ireland. There is also the constant presence of the geographic dynamics in the Irish Diaspora. Emigrants choose a destination - and if it works, they stay. If it does not, then they sometimes return home or move elsewhere. This modus operandi, in addition to the gradual technical improvement and modernisation of communications would lead to an increasingly rapid global communications network. By 1870 a letter from Argentina to Australia took two months to arrive in the Antipodes. I am grateful to Andrew Pettit of Melbourne for giving me access to his collection of Pettit letters and for providing me with transcriptions. He also afforded me access to his collection of valuable post cards, photographs, maps, documents and other memorabilia.

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The Letters to John James Pettit 1864-1875

1 W. O’Neill to John James Pettit, 16 January 1864 Carrig, Barrow, Newross My dear John, I wish you and all friends with you a “Happy New Year etc.” I hope your father is getting good health lately and is no worse for the weakness of his eyes. I sent him a few lines in the December last mail. Hope he got them safely. I generally send some newspapers by each mail and I get very many papers from you indeed, for which I’m thankful. As I am separated from Kilrane and its good people I can have very little interesting news for you. I scarcely ever go down there now. The journey is so far, especially in bad weather such as we have at present.1 You may tell your father that I hear some time ago that James Furlong is getting a scolding with Ballyconnor, he has made very little by it since he got it, no doubt J. Barry exhausted it before he gave it up.2 I have not heard anything about your Aunt Ellen or family for some time, but no doubt you correspond with them regularly. Matt Conors got married against his parents consent to one of the Howlins of Ballypillano and they are gone to take possession of the farm of Ballygery.3 Dicky Connors is still alive but very feeble I’m told. You may tell your father that the Railway I mentioned to him is likely to go on,4 it is said the Govt have to do with it if so no expense will stop it and there will be a Harbour of safety constructed somewhere about Ba[*] Some day it will be Boyd’s house whe Terminus will be For some papers by American War There is no prospect [torn] The northern appear Advantage just Southerns held it5 There appears to be great blundering and useless expenditure of men and money and what I consider a great piece of folly the invariable cashiering of generals whenever they are not victorious this practice was confined until lately to the northerns, but now the southerns appears to have adopted the same system - I think we shall have war on the Continent of Europe before many months, I hope we may not have a dust here. With kind regards to your father the O’Neills etc. I remain my dear John yours most sincerely, Wm. F. O’Neile6 Mr. J.J. Pettit

2 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, January 1865 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, I wrote to you by the April mail acknowledging yours of the 25th of December. I have

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now to thank you for a second of February. I posted one from Fanny by the May Packet and some papers. The mail leaves here on the 26th of every month and is due at Southampton on the 6th of the second next month she is due here on the 14th of each month.7 Dear John, how glad we were to hear from you after so long a time and to hear that your father is still in good health. We are all well here thank God when I last wrote to you Maggie8 was on a visit with us, she only left here today taking with her an addition to a long list of cousins in the person of a little son, Patrick Edmund called after his two grandfathers,9 he is now six weeks old and of course a great pet with Mama, in every other respect we are the same as when I wrote last. Fanny has not come in since her sister’s wedding, Anita10 her oldest sister came in with Maggie, one of Uncle James daughters so poor Fanny has to keep house until they go out, but I suppose she has told you everything in her letter of last month. Our brothers or cousins have not been molested about the service as yet but it is like a dark cloud hanging over us, it is scarcely possible that they can escape this time and it is so dreadful to see the poor fellows going to fight.11 In the papers I send you, you see some account of the war. I am sorry that I cannot send you some better papers than the Standard but I suppose as Spanish is not spoken there it is useless to send them, we have several good ones in that language. I thought of sending some in case your father should remember his Spanish but Mama said it be useless. Your papers I receive regularly, they are very interesting. I think that country is far in advance of this but I would not admit this to an Englishman, they are always finding fault with this country and the people, and although we mix very little with the people of the country I like them better than I do the English perhaps it is because they are Catholics that we have more sympathy with them. Daniel Cranwell is well and desires to be kindly remembered to you and your father, all our mutual friends in Buenos Aires are well. Anita Brown is quite recovered from her illness and is on her way to England with her husband and two children. Dear Cousin I send you Mama’s likeness and one of poor Dada’s one of Uncle James taken with his daughter Mary’s husband one of my youngest brother Patrick Also one of her husband, Mrs. Kirk sends here to your father. I suppose he will not know it or Mama’s either. I first put them into an envelope but being so many we thought it safer to fold them in the newspapers next mail, please God I will send mine and perhaps some others. I hope you won’t forget to send those I asked for. And now my dear Cousin, I think I will finish with warmest love to your father and yourself from Mama, Uncle James, his daughter Margaret, Uncle Mike’s daughter Anita, my sister Maggie, Mr. Patrick Browne,12 Mr and Mrs Bookey and lastly your affectionate cousin, Sally Moore13 I nearly forgot to tell you that Margaret Roach has not arrived here yet but Margaret Bookey had a letter from her lately stating that she was about returning soon to Buenos Aires S.M.

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3 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 11 August 1865 Buenos Aires My dear John, I have received this month your letter of the 20th of April. I am glad to see that you and your father are well. I receive your papers regularly. It is strange that mine miscarry so often. It must be as you say that the paper with the address gets torn off, so for the future I’ll try the other way: that of writing on the paper itself. I sent my brother John14 to the Standard office to try and get the paper with the account of the opening of the telegraph15 but he could not get one. I mostly send the newspapers by the English mail and letters by the French,16 the reason is that I do have two papers for the English and now I have only one which is not worth while sending. We are all quite well here, thank God there is no more cholera at least for the present, it may return in spring perhaps but I hope not.17 Mamma is not at home at present. She is on a visit to my brother Robert.18 It will do her good, a trip to the camp always does.19 Fanny and Kate are anxiously expecting letters from you, every letter I get from them contains enquiries about you, Kate particularly, so I hope you won’t disappoint her.20 You don’t know my dear fellow what you have undertaken in opening a correspondence with your cousins in Buenos Aires. We are so numerous, some of Uncle James sons I forget which of them, said he would write to you soon, the only way for you is to write to every one in turn, always excepting me. I expect a letter every second month no matter how many you have to write. When I said that we were all well I was forgetting a fright we got about a month ago about Uncle James, he had come into town for a few days on business and one day after dinner he went out seemingly quite well, when he fell at the street door in an apoplectic fit, he had his senses however perhaps this was from a cut on the forehead which bled a good deal, he thought he was going to die, he said that he would not be alive at twelve o’clock. We did not know what to do, his wife and children being in the camp but thank God he got over it for the present, the worst of it is that this attack is likely to return again, he is a very stout man. Now my dear John I have nearly finished this uninteresting epistle. Your cousin Margaret Roach21 spent part of the day with us today, she is well and told me to remember her to you as I told her that I was going to write to you, don’t neglect writing often. Give my best respects to my godfather and receive the same yourself from your ever affectionate cousin, Sally Moore

4 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 26 December 1865 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, I received your letter of the 24th of August. Margaret Roach had just been telling us of your misfortune in breaking your leg when I received it. I am sorry to see by your letter that you are still in bed but I hope that you are quite well again and that we shall soon see your likeness which I hope you will have taken as soon as you are able. I scarcely know how to apologise to you for not sending mine before this time. I first waited for Fanny to come to town and have hers taken too so as to send them together, and I then waited to be sure that

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my letters arrived at their destination. I had had however intended having them taken to send by this mail without fail but was prevented by the sickness and death of a friend and relative, he was also a relation of yours, a second cousin and married to Sally Murphy, Uncle James second daughter. Gerald Dillon22 was well known and esteemed in Buenos Aires by all classes, he was one of those favoured few whom everyone knows and loves, few after poor Sally and his brother and sister will miss him more than we shall, after her own sons he was Mama’s greatest friend. She was always in good spirits when Gerald was in town which was very often as he lived near town. He has left Sally a good property. They had no family so it all falls to her. Poor thing, she is in great affliction. I have never known a more devoted couple, she seemed to care for nothing in the world but him, they had been married eleven years. I send you the number of the Standard containing his obituary. We had no idea when he in one month ago that he was in danger of death, but the Almighty called him and all the doctors and medicines were useless. We called in the best doctors here, four of them, they said that he had disease of the liver and kidneys, and that his blood was so thin that no medicine could take any effect, he died quite reconciled after receiving the last Sacraments and is I hope happy, but his friends will long regret him. I shall send you a likeness of his soon perhaps next month with my own and Fanny’s. Mama and all our family are well thank God. I am happy to say that the boys have not been molested to serve as yet. There is no sign of the war terminating soon, people think that it will last for a long time yet. War is the greatest drawback to our country.23 I am sorry to hear that the drought is so bad in Australia,24 it is a general complaint here almost every summer, this year is not quite so bad as others as there is grass. Now my dear cousin I have nearly covered my paper so I will conclude wishing you a happy new year. Mama, Fanny, Uncle James and Eliza Murphy another cousin of yours now in town joins me in warmest love to yourself and my dear Godfather. I hope he is well and strong. Write soon at least every second month and I shall do the same, the likenesses please God I shall send next month but as I have broken my word so often I cannot blame you if you do not believe me this time either. I remain your affectionate cousin, Sally Moore

5 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 23 February 1866 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, I sent you by last mail some likenesses and some papers. I suppose you have received them as our letters and papers come and go safely. I received your letter of October and the newspapers too for which I am obliged to you. Mama taken great interest in them. I am glad to hear that your leg is better and I hope by this time you have thrown away the crutches, poor Fanny was anxiously expecting a letter from you before she left town. I sent your letters out to her so I suppose she is contented now. I think I told you in a former letter that a sister of Fanny’s25 had entered the same convent as my sister Mary is in.26 I sent you a likeness of hers with Fanny’s and mine, and the other Eliza27 is a daughter of Uncle James who joined the French order of Charity, she took her family by surprise she came in on a visit to us and in a short time arranged everything with the Superioress without their knowing anything about it.

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Her brother-in-law came in sick in the meantime and when he got very bad Uncle James and Aunt Mary came in to see him, so a few days after his death she asked, and obtained their consent and on the first of January entered the community, and since then another young cousin of ours, a second cousin Mary Doolin has followed her example. I think dear John that if ever you come to Buenos Ayres you will find most of your cousins in convents. Fanny wrote since she went home, that Uncle James says that he’ll not allow her or Kate his youngest daughter to town any more for fear they should go like the others. She says that all the young men are laughing at them and calling them prisoners but I don’t think their imprisonment will last long, poor Uncle James will soon forget his fears and let them in.28 I’ll not say anything about the war as the papers will tell you all about it. I am glad to say that they have not molested any of our boys so far but they may do so at any time so that we are always uneasy about them. I am sorry to see by the papers that you are threatened with drought, we know what it is, and have been threatened with it this summer too, but it has rained in some parts of the country lately and we are in hopes of more soon. Margaret Roach was to see us a few days ago, she is quite well and desired to be remembered to your father and yourself, she looks much better since her trip to Ireland. Mr and Mrs Bookey and family are well.29 I have not seen them since I received your letter to give them your regards or Daniel Cranwell30 either but I know that he is quite well. I send you two numbers of the Standard and a Spanish paper. I am glad to hear that your father has not forgotten his Spanish, he must have a very good memory to remember a language so long without speaking it.31 In my last letter I told you of the death of a cousin of ours, Gerald Dillon. Sally his widow, Uncle James daughter is staying with us since. I think she will spend most of her time here, she does not intend living at her own place any more so that she will be company to us now that Fanny has broken her promise, although not through any fault of hers, of living with us.32 I will now conclude with kind regards from Mama, Sally and myself to your father and yourself. I hope to receive your likenesses soon and don’t neglect writing often. I remain dear John your affectionate cousin. Sally Moore

6 Fanny Murphy, 20 April 1866 South America My dear Cousin, Your welcome and long expect letter of Oct 24 reached me safely, you cannot imagine my dear Cousin how sorry I felt when I heard of the accident you met with, what pain you must have suffered, but I hope by this time you are quite recovered. We thought you had forgotten us but we were heartily sorry to hear of the cause of your delay in writing. I was very glad to hear that your dear father was well. I trust he may long continue in the enjoyment of his health. We have had a very disagreeable summer, dry and very dusty, some sheep farmers have lost very much this year but we expect to have a very good winter, it has rained lately, it has been a very severe summer but we cannot complain for we have not lost anything as yet. I see by the last papers you sent that your country is in a very bad state owing to the long drought.

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The war here is still going on so it makes the country very dull, our brothers were not troubled by this war as yet and I hope they may not, it is useless in my telling you as you see all about it in the Standard so I will refer you to it. Sally sends them by every mail (…) see all the news of B. Ayres, the papers we receive from you give us much pleasure, you said you do not think they can be of much interest but I assure they are. Dear John, Sally I suppose has given you an account of everything that happened worth mentioning since I wrote last. Such as my cousin Eliza has entered a convent since I wrote last and two more second cousins have entered also, so now you have three first Cousins in a convent and two second. I hope they don’t forget to pray for us poor sinners in the world.33 My sister is not married yet.34 I told you she was engaged in my last, my other sister that was married in April last she was confined of a son.35 My dear Cousin, by this time you must have received the last Photograph Sally sent you, I also sent mine with hers so you see I have fulfilled my promise of sending mine, and I know you will not forget yours as soon as you are better which I hope you are soon. Dear Cousin you were right when you said that Sally and I should consider your letters joint property, Sally always sends me hers to read knowing how anxious I look for a letter it is useless in my asking you not to forget to write soon for even now I hope there is a letter from you on its way to me and now my dear John I think I have given you all the news which I think might be of any interest to you, Aunt and Sally are well, I don’t know when Sally wrote to you last, my brothers and sisters all desire to be kindly remembered to you and your father my cousins also. I don’t name them as it would take me some time to name them all, fond remembrance to your father, and receive the same from your Affectionate Cousin, Fanny M. Murphy Don’t forget to write often to me I will write soon again F.M.M.

7 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 25 May 1866 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, It is now one month past my writing time but as Fanny wrote last month I waited until this mail. I received your letter of 23rd of December and also that of January, and the papers come regularly for all of which I am very much obliged to you. I am so glad to hear that your leg is getting well again you must have suffered very much from it and now I hope to receive your likenesses soon. I suppose you have received ours ere this. I sent Fanny’s and my own with some more of your cousin’s in January and I wrote in March. I am glad to see by your letters that the papers are interesting to my uncle, it shows that he still remembers Buenos Aires. I have sent same regularly every mail, as to the termination of the war which you thought the victory of Yatay would have been likely to bring,36 it seems as distant as ever, it is difficult to say when we shall have peace and the troops are suffering very much for want of food and other necessaries. Our boys thank God are yet unmolested about the services but if the war continues they will be in want of more men so they are not by any means out of danger. I am almost alone at present. Mama is on a visit to my sister Maggie, she is nearly three

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months gone. Sally Dillon was staying with me, she has been here since her husband’s death but her sister Maggie came in for her to stay with her mother for a while so they left last week, they both desired to be remembered to you and your father, poor Sally is recovering the death of her husband very slowly, she promised to send you her likeness when she comes in. Margaret Roach is very well and sends you her best regards. She has taken a little house and is doing a little business in the way of soft goods.37 I think she will get on very well. I have not been to see her since she moved but she sometimes comes. She seems quite happy in her new home. Buenos Aires is very dull at present, business is very bad owing to the war and failures very common even to the sheep farmers complaining to the scarcity of money. They are prices given for wool are low whilst the rent of land and other expenses attendant on sheep farming are very high so that our camp friends are not in the best of spirits. The time for making fortunes at that business is past.38 All our friends are well. Mr and Mrs Bookey send their best regards to your father and yourself, the Brownes are all well but we seldom see any of them as they are living in Rosario and don’t often come to Buenos Aires, and now dear John I will conclude with best love to my dear Godfather and yourself hoping soon to hear from you. I remain your affectionate cousin Sally Moore

8 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 25 August 1866 Buenos Aires My dear John, I received your letter from St Kilda39 and also that of the 25th of August for both of which I am very thankful. I am sorry to ____ of your second accident, how you must have suffered. Mama was afraid that you would be lame after the second break until we received your last letter in which you inform us that you are nearly well. By this time I hope you are as strong as ever. We received your father’s likeness it was long expected as well as your own, how well and stout he looks,40 poor Mama was so pleased to get it. I often think how pleased my poor father would be were he still living to hear from your father and yourself and to see your likenesses and poor Uncle Mike too who was so affectionate to all his nephews and nieces, he looked upon us all as upon his own children, how he would have liked to see them, we lost a second father when we lost poor Uncle Mike but God’s will be done.41 There have been great changes in our family these few years past but if some have gone we have you at all events and it is a comfort to my poor Mama and us all to know that you are well and your father and to hear from you so often. I was sorry to have had to disappoint you last month which was my month for writing to you. I was not well what is strange for me as thank God I am seldom sick. I think I have not been three days in bed in ten years but last month I was not able to write from a nervous attack which however only lasted a few days. I only tell you to let you know that it was not through carelessness I did not write. I sent the papers as usual. I wonder you did not get the papers you tell me you did not receive of last November. I have sent them regularly every month since the opening of our correspondence excepting one month. I think it was that Mag and I sent them

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a few days later by the French packet.42 I receive your papers regularly indeed I often wonder that letters and papers come so regularly from such a distance when some from Europe are often lost. I had a letter from Fanny lately and she intended writing to you I think by this mail, no letter however has arrived from her for you and the mail leaves tomorrow. We are expecting either Fanny or her sister Anita with some of Uncle James daughters in to town for the ceremony of my cousin Maggie’s reception43 which is to take place in a few days time with two others, one of them a second cousin of mine and yours too. You enquire about our boys as we call them, although they are all men now. I am happy to say they are all unmolested so far although there is a call for more men for the war. It is said that the government of Buenos Aires refuse to give any more and offer four million dollars to enlist soldiers instead, this is a disastrous war for our country, the accounts from the army are fearful. I am afraid we won’t have many returning after it, the native people are disappearing little by little, one meets in the streets about ten foreigners to one native among the male population and so many families in mourning, and from all accounts no sign of its termination. You cannot appreciate fully the blessing of peace until you have passed a while in a country like this.44 I am sorry to hear of the great drought in that country. We know too well what it is, this winter has been unusually rainy for ten years we have not had so wet a winter so we hope to have a good summer this year. I enquired of Margaret Roach about James Howland (same name of embarkation ticket to Australia in 1852). She says that he called on her with his wife some time ago but that she thinks he has left the country since, but she is not sure, we will inquire and let you know the next time I write. There was a Mr John Connor45 I believe he is a relation of yours came out many years. Mama desired me to tell your father that he is married and has a large family and doing well. There was a man named John Murphy46 who came in the same vessel and who brought a recommendation from your father who is also living in the camp and well to do he has been home to Ireland lately and is back again. Mr Brown was down lately and paid us a visit, he desired to be remembered to your father. I believe he intends coming to Buenos Aires with his family to live soon, they don’t like the Rosario. Mr Bookeys family are all quite well. I will send your father a likeness of Patrick Bookey his Godson soon, his sister Kate promised me one for that purpose. There has always existed a sincere friendship between our family and theirs and continues to exist as warmly as ever. I had a long conversation with Daniel Croswell lately about your father and you, he desired to be kindly remembered to your father and yourself, you wish to know if they have called on him for service. I cannot say but at all events he or his brothers don’t serve, perhaps they have sent men in their places which many do by paying them to take their place, these are called “personieros”.47 Now my dear cousin, I will conclude this rambling letter hoping to hear from you soon and to receive your looked for picture, of course you have long since received ours. I sent them in January last I will try and send you some more of your cousins soon perhaps by next mail, we are so numerous that it will take some time to send all our likenesses. My brother joins me in best respects to your father and yourself. I am dear John Your affectionate cousin, Sally Moore

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9 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 25 October 1866 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, Your letters of the months of April May and June I have received, also the long looked for likenesses, at first one of your father’s and afterwards your own with some more of his. You wish me to tell you the remarks I heard past on your fathers picture. All his friends agree that he looks remarkably well and stout for his years. I am sure that he would have been pleased could he have seen the reception his likeness got, many a tear it brought, poor Mamma was very much affected it reminded her of old times and friends now passed away, also Mrs Kirk poor old lady she too cried and kisses it, she said that he had been a very kind friend to her and told of the many St Patrick’s day dinners they had had together48 and how when she would speak of what they should have, he would say “never mind old woman give them plenty of fish and potatoes”. Mr Bookey too fell to moralizing and hoping that his son Patrick49 would be as good as his Godfather, poor Mr Bookey you will be sorry to hear, and your father too has been obliged to give up all his property into the hands of his creditors, he was very much embarrassed before this war broke out and now since has had a hard struggle to pay interest for money he had from the bank, always in hopes of being able to dispose of some of his property in order to pay the principal but with this unfortunate war no one would buy, so the poor man at last gave it up to them, he is in hopes that after all is paid, he will have something yet remaining it is a great pity after all his work to see him reduced to such straits,50 he is very much obliged and pleased at your fathers remembrance of him and desires to be remembered to him. Uncle James I have not seen since I sent him the likeness but his daughter wrote me that he recognised it immediately and I may as well tell you that they are quite jealous at not receiving one of yours too. I told them that they did not deserve one as they had never written to you so don’t be surprised if you receive a letter from some of them soon reminding you of your forgetfulness. For my own part I am quite satisfied I have you both and shall ever treasure them in remembrance of you. The papers you send I receive regularly. I cannot think what is the cause of some of the papers I send going astray, perhaps some one takes them out of the post offices there, it sometimes happens here, papers from Europe are often taken up and the owners never get them. I am sorry that my uncle was disappointed in not getting the Spanish paper but I’ll send him one this month and I am sure he will receive it. About the war there is little to be said that a “partisan” likes to say, you will see by the newspapers that the Allies are getting enough to do and so far at least doing very little towards settling affairs it is a great pity that they don’t do something besides getting all the natives killed. So far thank God our friends are escaping but at present those who have not got Consular pro- tection dare not come to town as there are pressgangs going about in all directions, some of the young men of the country have through telling stories got protection and those are pretty safe where they are not known, but now the Consuls are too careful and won’t give them unless they have good proof that the applicants are really foreigners. My brother John has got one but the other two have not. Patricio is very much afraid but he is so far out in the camp that it is not likely he will be molested. I hope not at all costs, we are not so much afraid of it now as we were.51 I have an idea that in my last letter I promised I would send you some more likenesses

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soon so not to break my word I will do so now although some of them are not very good but if I wait to get better ones I may have to wait a long time the ones I will send are those of Uncle James three sons and Uncle Mike’s oldest son afterwards, I may send some others. About the new line you mentioned in your last letter as being a shorter way for our letters to go and come, I have made enquiries and find that it will not do. I am told that to send a letter to you I should have some one at Panama to take it up and post it for Australia or else it would like there and that as they go from here by land in the winter time there will be no travelling so although a longer time elapses on the old way it is the safer way.52 My mother is at present away from home on a visit to my brother Robert, we had a little son of his stopping with us to go to school and he got sick and was ordered to the camp by the doctor, so Mamma took him a fortnight ago and has not returned yet, he lives at Mercedes about thirty leagues from town but the Western railway runs within four leagues of his place so that it is very convenient to go or come.53 Now I think I have written you a long letter. I hope soon to receive another from you. I sent your last letter out to Fanny a few days ago. Remember me to your father and believe me your most affectionate cousin Sally Moore.

10 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 26 December 1866 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, I will commence by wishing you a merry Christmas and a happy New Year, and the same to my uncle. Ours I am happy to say is not such a dull one as the last, you will remember that poor Gerald was after dying. This year we have the pleasure of my sister Maggie’s company and that of her little son, we had not that pleasure last year she had not been here for a year and a half. We are all quite well thank God. I received your letter of the 27th August and also the papers this month too. I received your papers for all of which I am very much obliged. The account of the arrest and confession of those murderers is very interesting, the event must created a great sensation when it occurred. Mama could not sleep after reading it to us, it appears strange that English or Irishmen should be such wretches it does not often happen here that foreigners do such things. Although there was an Irishman shot not long ago, I think about four years, for killing his wife and sister in law. I believe the only Irishman ever executed here for murder, amongst the natives in the camp it is more common. There was a man of twenty-two years of age shot some time ago who had killed it is said seven persons.54 I am glad to hear of your almost perfect recovery from the effects of your broken leg by this time. I hope you are well as ever. I wrote to you by the October Mail. I suppose you have received it before now, but what I am saying you will not receive it before February. Fanny was to have written last month but I suppose the reason she did not was that she was away from home on a visit for some time, in your last letter to me you said that you would write to Fanny in the next month but no letter has come and as yet I think all your letters and papers have come safely. I sent some Standards and a Spanish paper last month and the same the month before. I will send some today also, let me know if you receive them as you mentioned that some got lost before.

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I forgot to tell you in my last letter the information I had received of the man you enquired about James Howland. I am told that he is living near Mercedes in the camp. Margaret Roach is very well and getting on well in business. She told me that she would write soon to you. All our old friends are well. The country looking better than it has been for several years, like Australia this country suffers very much from drought but this year thank God everything is flourishing owing to the constant heavy rains we have had. The camp men are all in good humour this year,55 they do have great hardships to endure in dry seasons having to draw water for the cattle and sheep which is very heavy work under the hot sun and sometimes hot winds that I think those winds are not so frequent here as in Australia, we have not had any this year or rather this summer yet, last year the weather was very warm at this season much more so than this. You will see in the Standard an account of the inauguration of the Telegraph between Monte Video and Buenos Aires, it was a grand affair and as the hall or Colesseum is next door to us we could see and hear them from our roof. Mr. John Hughes, the choirman is Anita Browne’s husband, an Irishman.56 Any now my dear John I think I must finish. I cannot think of anything else that would interest you. I sent you some likenesses in the October packet. I will try and have one of my sister Maggie to send you next month. Mama and Maggie join me in love to yourself and your father. I expect a letter from you next month. I hope I shall not be disappointed. I remain my dear John your affectionate cousin, Sally Moore

11 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 13 January 1867 Buenos Aires My dear John, I am really ashamed of my long silence. I have not written to you for a very long time. I think I wrote to you in March to which letter I received an answer. Kate and Fanny have written since, I received a few lines from you with a letter enclosed to Kate yesterday. I will send it soon as both herself and Fanny were anxiously expecting letters from you before they left town. Kate left about a month ago and Fanny left yesterday, we miss them very much, the other members of the family remained about two months after the dreadful cholera was over but the girls made a longer stay. Fanny promised to return in three months if possible, she has recovered her health completely. I am glad to hear that your father and self enjoy good health, I hope that his sight is no worse. At present thanks be to God we are all well although we have had more troubles since the cholera. My brother Robert who is married and has five children has had his wife out of her mind, poor Fanny went out from here on a visit to them for as she is a first cousin of hers also, and while she was there Mary57 lost her reason quite suddenly, it was well for Robert that Fanny was there at the time to mind her. They brought her into town after a few days time and poor Fanny was greatly upset after having had so many troubles before, after a few days trial we found it impossible to keep her here she was so troublesome so we took her to the lunatic asylum, the poor fellow was in such trouble that Mamma went out to stop with him

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for a short time and to bring some of the children in, but thank God she recovered sooner than we expected and is now at home again quite well. Mamma remains out still until she thinks Mary strong enough to take charge of the family for she was not able to recovered her reason. I am sorry to have to add another case of the same kind. Mary Bookey now Mrs. King58 after her confinement of the second child in August last got out of her mind and still in the Hospital. She was so violent that they could not possibly mind her at home. She is not a litt- le better. I hope soon to see her quite well, her poor family are very much afflicted about. I must finish as I have no a moment to spare. I did not know until this moment that the mail closes at two and it wants only a few minutes to the time. Remember me to your father and believe me your affectionate cousin, Sally Moore PS. I will write by next mail. I receive your papers regularly and send the Standard, every month.

12 Kate Murphy to John James Pettit, 26 January 1867 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, I have long but vainly waited for a personal introduction with you. My patience is now exhausted so I have resolved that we must make each others acquaintance through the medium of a correspondence, my name is Kate Murphy, daughter to your uncle James Murphy consequently that leaves us nearly related, now you will know that you have another cousin in existence and though many a mile may role between us I must beg to offer you my warmest affection, and sincerely trust that on your part it may be corresponded and in proof of my sincerity I am sending you my ‘carte de visite’,59 though it is of little value, nevertheless it will serve to show how I really wish for your friendship. Notwithstanding you have treated me so badly, I am sure I must candidly tell you that all the family, as well as myself, felt quite indignant with you for sending your treasured photograph to your cousins Sally and Fanny and not to any of our family, your father yes, send one of his to each family, for which we return a thousand thanks, but perhaps beloved cousin I blame you wrongly, you may have wished only to honour your correspondents – but now that I can call myself among the number, I wish you to confer on me the same honour, do not forget sending me your likeness the first time you write and I will forgive you, but on other conditions I cannot do so. I need scarcely tell you of our curiosity and anxiety to see your likeness, we were comparing with those of your cousins who are of your age, but I assure you, you look much younger than they do, the climate must agree with you very well. Aunt says your father is also looking very well and stout, of course in that I cannot give my opinion, I suppose I was not even in the world when he left this country. I think dear Cousin you have the likeness of all my brothers and sisters with the exception of one sister but she is going to send you hers the next time I write, I must tell you now the number of our family. I have five sisters and four brothers of which I am the youngest of the family except one brother, two of my sisters were married but one is now a widow (it is she is going to send her likeness next time) and one of my sisters is a Sister of Charity in a French Convent which is in B. Ayres. So it leaves only two remaining at home, which is myself and the third eldest. Three of my brothers

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are at home and the youngest is still at College he is in a Jesuit College in Buenos Aires. Dear Cousin, when will you come out and pay us a visit, it would not be so difficult for you to come if there only for a short time. I am certain you must feel great anxiety to see your native country and a land where so many friends and relations dwell, now the country is not so agreeable as it is still at war with Paraguay and it is doubtful to say when it may end. I am now in town, probably you are aware that we live in the country parts, about sixty miles from town,60 when we come to Buenos Aires, we always stop at our Aunt Mrs Moore’s house, where I am at present. Aunt desires me to tell your father that father MacCarthy61 is in Buenos Aires for the last year or two and it is sad to think he is writing against the Catholic Religion. I believe the man cannot be right in his senses, he neither says Mass or officiates in any way, he really is more like a protestant minister than a Catholic clergy-man.62 I think dear Cousin I will be tiring you of this long introduction. I must beg before concluding that you will not forget answering me and sending me your “Carte de visite”. Sally and Aunt send you and your father their warmest love as also all the rest of your cousins and relations and except the fondest friendship and deepest affection of your absent but loving cousin, Kate A. Murphy Many kind regards to your father and remember to write soon. K.A.M.

13 Fanny Murphy to John James Pettit, 26 February 1867 Partido Las Heras My dearest Cousin, I trust to your generosity to forgive me for not writing to you before this. I owe you a thousand apologies for not writing sooner but I will leave them for next time I write. My dear John, I cannot find words to express the pleasure I felt when I received your likeness for I thought you had forgotten your promise, it was such a long time since you promised and now I must give my opinion although you did not give your opinion of mine, yours is very nice also your dear father I hardly expected his. I only wish mine that I sent was as good as yours, but I will try and get a better one taken if possible when I go to town next time. I had no time to have any more taken before the packet left, if you saw the original you would say what I myself says, “with such an original it would be impossible to get a better likeness”. My dearest Cousin I hope the prospects of that country are more favourable then when you wrote last, here we expected to have a very severe summer but as yet it is very good, the water is not so scarce as last year. It is a very great trouble when there is no water for then the farmers have to make wells and draw the water for the sheep with horses, so you may fancy what work it must be.63 Dear John, I don’t know if I ever gave you a description of our country people,64 and now I don’t know how to give it for it is almost impossible. The most of them are very ugly, dark and their hair is black, also their eyes, they are like savages, in the line of education very few of them know how to read or write65 and those that do are look up to with respect, this is the very lowest of them, their chief weapon is the knife, they wear a long one behind their back which is taken out for the slightest dispute, they are very good to strangers, they are very poor the women sew mostly for their living. The higher class are those who live in villages for

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those villages of the camp very few English live in them, but dear Cousin I think I am tiring you with such a stupid letter but I have so little to write about that I am sure you will forgive same if my letter is dull. All my brothers and sisters are well. I told you in my last that my sister was engaged to be married she is to be married the end of this month but she is to remain in the house with us after her marriage. I suppose you hear often from Sally she has more opportunity of writing than I have as she is in town. I don’t know when I will go I hope soon. I must now bring this letter to a close hoping you will forgive all faults. I trust you will not forget to write soon, if not I must say you got horrified at my likeness that is the only conclusion I can arrive at. My Cousins all join in also my brothers and sisters also my Uncle and Aunt you and my dear Uncle receive the warmest Love of your fond and affte Cousin, Fanny M. Murphy

14 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 25 March 1867 Buenos Aires Dear Cousin, I received your welcome letter just three months after date which as you say is a great advantage in time.66 I should have written by the last French mail but the time slipt by without my perceiving it until it was too late. I however was in time to send you some papers. I received your papers containing illustrations of the Exhibition it is a great credit to the Colony. I think it will be a long time before we can show anything of the kind, poor Buenos Aires it is always at war so that we scarcely look for peace now at least anything lasting.67 A mutual cousin of ours Kate Murphy wrote to you two months ago enclosing her likeness and one of my sister Maggie’s, I suppose you have received it. We also sent you papers at the same time, I think that if you ask her for an account of the country instead of me you will get a better account than I could give you as I am very ignorant of the country. I am often obliged to ask in what directions this or that place is in the camp whether it is North or South and as for business I am just as bad. I am simply an old maid who spoils her nephews and nieces, they say, for I don’t admit it, but Kate I think can give you all particulars she went home three weeks ago after staying with us two months.68 My mother and all our family are in good health thanks be to God but we have lost a very dear friend since I last wrote to you. Mrs. Potts, Mrs Kirk’s youngest daughter Kitty69 your father may remember her, although she was very young when you left here being only twenty-eight and some months when she died on the twenty fourth of February, she has left five children, her husband and poor Mrs Kirk to deplore her loss, it is by far the greatest affliction Mrs Kirk has ever met with as she has always lived with her and she seemed to be more to her than any other of her children, beside she has sole charge of all those children and one of her sons Edmond’s who lost his mother when he was only nine months old, poor old lady I don’t think she will live long now. I am sure your father will be sorry to hear it, she was only a few days ill, I was beside her when she died. I send you a paper containing an account of the death of two young men very much regretted, the Barrons, both acquaintances of ours, one of them was here in the best spirits the

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day he left Buenos Aires on that unfortunate expedition, poor fellow we did not think that he would have such a sad end.70 The provinces are IN A BAD STATE AT PRESENT. Mr Klappenbach71 whose name you may have seen in the Standard in connection with the silver mines of San Juan is son to a partner of Mr Bookey’s who was in your father’s time, he made a fortune in the leather business and went to France afterwards returning, his son married Margaret, Mr Bookey’s second daughter72 and is now proprietor of the mines or part pro- prietor I don’t know which, they have been besieged for three days by robbers but defended the mines with only a few reliable men against a very numerous band. Although Buenos Aires is often troubled with revolutions it is nothing to the other provinces where bands of robbers go about I may say at pleasure.73 Now my dear cousin I think I have exhausted my stock of news. I must finish this epistle hoping to receive one from you soon. I expected one by last mail so I hope next one will bring it. My mother joins me in love to your father and yourself, from your affectionate cousin, Sally Moore.

15 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 9 June 1867 Buenos Aires My dear John, I have duly received your two letters one of December and one of January, and also the newspapers for all of which I am much obliged to you, the papers are very interesting indeed. I am ashamed of those I send you in return,74 the Rio paper you mention I never sent it must have been as you say some one at Rio felt an inside notion to read the Standard and sent the other in its place. I wrote to you in the month of March, you will receive it in a few days from this time. I have also sent the papers, some by the English mail and others by the French. Since my last letter to you, we have had a most unpleasant visitor in the form of cholera75 for the first time it has come to Buenos Aires. It commenced I believe in Corrientes amongst the soldiers and then to this place, fortunately it did not last long, it was back for about a month, the people were very much frightened and flocked to the camp in the thousands which made the town look very dull, the exact number of deaths from cholera is not known but it is calculated that it exceeded three thousand in this city alone in the camp only an odd person going from town died of it. Thank God it is past, and we are all well. Maggie my sister was confined of a son during Holy Week which was the worst time it was so that even if we wished we could not leave town. Mamma is not nervous and neither am I, besides our house is well situated and large so that there was no such much danger, an old resident in Buenos Aires Mrs Hamilton76 died of it within a few doors from us, perhaps your father will remember her. The poor woman was here the evening before seeing Maggie. I hope we shall not have a repetition next year, it is said that once it gets into a place it returns every year, all our hope in times of sickness is in the pampero winds, all plagues disappear when the wind comes from the South. This unfortunate war77 is the cause of all our misfortunes and no one knows when it will end, perhaps when they have no more men to fight they may come to some arrangement. Our friends and relations in this country are all well. I forget whether I mentioned in my last letter to you that Anita Murphy a sister to Fanny, was married in February to a Mr Welsh.78 I have not sent her likeness to you yet, the reason is that I have not got a good one.

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I will try and make you acquainted with all your cousins, little by little. I have no doubt but that you have received two more ere this and a letter from Kate Murphy Uncle James youn- gest daughter. Margaret Roach is in good health and desires to be remembered to you and your father, she often pays us a visit as she lives near us, she is getting one very well in her business. All our people join in love to your father and yourself. God Preserve you both, receive the warmest regards of your ever affectionate cousin Sally Moore.

16 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 25 November 1867 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, I received this month your letter dated July 26th with one enclosed for Fanny also the newspapers and views of Melbourne for all of which I am much obliged to you. Melbourne seems to be a beautiful place it is astonishing to see such a city in so short a time. I am sending you the views such as I could procure they are not very good which you wished me to send you, afterwards I may get some more.79 If I should see any that are worth sending I will always do so, indeed we feel highly complimented at the interest you take in our poor country, you will see on the back of each card what it represents. I am sure that some of them will remind your father of old times, the killing grounds specially. I send you one of the Colesseum more that you may see our old house than anything else, it is the house to the right of the hall, it has three doors and two windows to the street, the door in the middle is the principal one, the other two are stores which we let off, when you see it you see all our possessions, my poor father left us this house, and as the boys are doing for themselves, the rents we get for some of it is enough to support my mother and myself, not to be sure in great style, but it is as much as we require.80 I also send you a photograph of your friend D. Cranwell, he gave it to me for you. I am sure you will scarcely recognise him after so many years. The picture representing the “asando” or roast is an excellent one, nothing could be more natural than the positions of the “gauchos”. Our family is all in good health thank God, most of them busy shearing or bringing in their wool, which is not going at as high a price as usual this year, the camp business has gone back very much of late years. I send you a handbook.81 I hope it may prove interesting to you, it will give you a good deal of information respecting this country but as it was written when times were much better, what is said does not hold good now, and many young men left Ireland and came out here who would have done much better at home all through this handbook. I don’t know the reason but it is a fact that a great number of young men coming from Europe get lost here, they turn to drink and it is not from the natives they learn it, for it is scarcely ever seen in the respectable classes, amongst the poor “gauchos”, yes, but “Ingles borracho” which means drunken Englishmen is a common saying here.82 I hope you will excuse all the scratchings in it Patricio my brother got it for me and corrected it as he would say. I am happy to say that people are beginning to look for peace, the poor Paraguayans are getting tired and indeed so are all parties. Mamma told me to tell your father the correspondent Synbad is an old acquaintance of his an American Mr John Hughes.

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Mamma says that they used to play cards together many years ago.83 Kate Murphy wrote me that she had never expected a letter so anxiously as she had yours, now that she has got it I suppose she will be a constant correspondent of yours, she is a fine girl one of my greatest favourites amongst my cousins, she and Fanny Miss Roach sends her respects to your father and yourself, she says that you owe her a letter, and that she won’t write to you until you pay it. I send you the papers as usual I hope you receive them. And now my dear cousin I am at the end of my paper, so I’ll conclude with regards to your father and yourself from my mother and myself hoping to get a long letter from you soon, I remain your ever affectionate cousin, Sally Moore.

17 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 12 March 1868 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, It is now nearly four months since I have written to you. I think I wrote last by the November mail, since that time we have had sad times in Buenos Aires. The dreadful cholera returned again in spring and made fearful ravages, few families there are that have not lost some of its members, ours could not be expected to escape, three of Uncle Mike’s children have gone, Edward died on the first of February after a few hour’s illness, poor Bella Tallon on the fifth and her little child the day after on the seventh, our poor Uncle James died at nine o’clock and a young man, a cousin of Aunt’s the same day and in the same house on the day following, Patricio, Uncle Mike’s second son a fine young man eighteen years old died.84 I leave it to you to fancy the grief of all the family and besides those who died there were fifteen in bed together, that is, at one time. When the cholera commenced in the family most of the members living apart went to Uncle James to live or die together, it was a fearful time so many sick and dying in the same house, but we felt very grateful to God that so many have recovered, there have been whole families carried away not leaving a single person behind. I have sent the Standards or rather a friend sent them for me to you, if you have got them you will know already of the state of things here, everything came together war, plague and locusts,85 those have been very bad this year eating up every green thing so that in some parts the sheep eat them, they even eat clothes, so that people were obliged to keep their houses shut to save them, they also got into the wells in such numbers as to make the water unfit for use and to make matters worse, the dust storms were very frequent, sometimes I am told that even with the doors shut, a lighted candle looked like a coal of fire from the quantity of dust. The hand of God seems to be on our poor country, no one ever saw such times here before.86 I hope however that it is past, the camps are improving since we have had some rain and the cholera is nearly gone, there are still some cases however. Today I have heard of five so that there are still some fears of its returning in the Autumn, such tales of horror and miseries as are told of persons abandoned by relatives and dying alone, of others all dying at the same time and no one to assist them, some dying and in the same bed half putrefied bodies of others and what made the scourge so bad in the camp was the fears of the people. In town very few were neglected but in the camp parents left their children and children their parents to die alone and after death some were burnt house and all, no one having the courage to bury them. At Uncle James I am happy to say they were

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well attended to both corporally and spiritually. They had a doctor from the village87 who went out every second day and a priest a friend of the family who had gone out on a visit and found them sick. He also took it and nearly died but still he was a great consolation to them, he came in a few days ago and poor Fanny88 also she escaped the cholera but grief and fatigue told severely on her constitution. The doctor told them to send her to town at once or he would not answer for her reason, poor girl it was a great grief to her to lose her two brothers and her sister but I am happy to say that since she came to town she is getting much more reconciled and gaining strength. She says that she will write to you by next packet. Poor Kate she has been very bad too.89 We are expecting her in town soon, she had cholera, I mourned her as dead. I heard one day that she had died but fortunately it was not true. Mrs. Kirk90 was one of the first victims of this visitation, poor old lady she took sick in the morning and died in the evening on the 16th of December. I am much obliged to you for all the papers which we receive so regularly. I hope mine go more regularly than they used to. Please write soon your letters are a great treat to us, and I hope to hear that you are both quite well. Your cousin Margaret Roach is quite well, she desired me to remember her to you, she has behaved bravely during the sickness assisting and visiting the sick where she wanted. Mamma, Maggie, my sister, and Fanny all join me in kindest regards to yourself and your father, I remain my dear John your ever affectionate cousin, Sally Moore.

18 Fanny Murphy to John James Pettit, 14 April 1868 Buenos Aires My very dear John, I am sure by this time you must think that I have forgotten you but ere this reaches you, you will have received Sally’s letter telling you of all our misfortunes I am sure. My dear cousin, you must have been sorry to hear that you lost so many cousins and also your poor Uncle James. Sally says she gave you all particulars respecting their deaths. I hope you will receive her letter for it is impossible for me to go over it again. Having to write about brings everything fresh to one’s memory and as such things now can’t be helped all we can do is pray for their souls and fervently hope that the Almighty may not send us any more crosses, for it is almost impossible to resign oneself. Just fancy dear Cousin how I must have felt when in the short space of eight days I lost my two brothers and a sister, my sister was married and left two children a girl and a boy the girl only lived two days after her. She died at our house when that dreadful sickness broke out she came over as she lived very close. My eldest brother91 was the first that it pleased the Almighty to take from us. He was only twenty three years of age it was a dreadful blow to lose him and then the rest to follow so soon, then poor Bella that was my sister’s name, then my Uncle James and last my poor brother Patricio who had just come home from college to spend some time at home before going back. He was only nineteen, so my dear John if God did not send me trials enough, I shall not say any more about them for the more I say I find it harder to resign myself to the will of God. Sally told you in her letter that I was in town I am in still and will remain for some time for I do not like to go back to my once happy home to find it empty of everything dear to me. My dearest John this morning Sally received your very kind and welcome letter in which

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we were all so sorry to hear of your poor dear father losing his sight but we trust soon to hear from you and that your father may be quite well yet there are hopes that he may not loose it I only hope that the Almighty may leave him his sight and also may yet leave him many years to enjoy it. Sally also says she sends papers always she says it is strange you do not receive them. She says she will soon write and also Kate she is in town, her mother and all her sisters are in. They came in for a month or perhaps more it was so lonely for to remain after all the deaths. I must finish hoping you will pardon my letter for I do not be in much humour of writing for when I sit down I forget what I was going to write about. Hoping your father may be quite recovered by the time this reaches you, give him my love and you my dearest John receive the warmest love of your fond and affectionate cousin and sincere friend, Fanny Murphy. Aunt Sally and all your cousins send their love to you and your dear father and all join me in my sincere wish that he may not lose his sight. Hoping you will not forget to pray for your poor cousins. I hope I may not be disappointed I expect a letter very soon from you I need not ask you to write for I know you will not forget your cousin. F.M.M.

19 Kate A. Murphy to John James Pettit, 13 May 1868 Buenos Aires My very dear Cousin, I am now almost ashamed to begin my letter it is really such a long time since I received your letter and perhaps you may have imagined that I had forgotten all about it, would you deem me so neglectful, no, beloved cousin when you are already aware of all the sad affliction that has befallen our family of late. I assure you such a severe blow as that of loosing a father92 and so many dear cousins, leaves one in a state of stupidity for months after it is only now we are recovering the shock – now do be generous and pardon my appearing negligent only write to me soon as a proof of forgiveness. I sincerely trust you and your father are quite well. We were all so sorry to hear by your last letter to Sally that your father suffered from his eye sight. I hope he is getting well again, in this country it is very general, the sight failing in older per- sons, you know old age it comes without warning bearing along with it some infirmity, all your cousins are quite well here. As Sally and Fanny have written to you lately I expect they have told you of all the deaths in our families this year, so I will not repeat them over again, you have no idea dear John what fearful ravages the cholera has made in Buenos Aires this year as in the provinces of Rosario, Cordoba, Mendoza, 1868 will be memorable for ages, as well for cholera as for so many other plagues, locusts, frightful dust storms that during the better part of the day it would continue as dark as the darkest night consequently proceeded by scarcity of grass and water in the country parts, which caused the animals to die. In fact no one except those that witnessed it, could form any idea of the numerous visitations of Providence upon this unfortunate Republic this year, and now again people say the cholera is making its appearance here in B. Aires, one would think that now in winter it would disappear completely, but the doctors seem to say it will come again, all we must do is make up our minds for the worst. Don’t you think dear cousin we must be awful sinners when the Almighty punishes us so?93 Sally must write you

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very regular letters she is very proud. All my family are now in town94 and Fanny’s also, of course we are staying at my Aunts, Mrs. Moore, she has a fine large family now so many of us in, and you know she is always accustomed to live alone with Sally, but the house is very large, we are now about a month in, I suppose we will soon be returning to the country. Our poor cousin Fanny had greater losses than any of us she lost her two grown brothers and one sister, I think she is now going to live with our Aunt Moore. Her two younger sisters have gone to a convent to school and her married sister lives in the country part, she now is left with only one little brother a mere child,95 so she cannot bear the idea of returning to her home again at least for a while, she too was very sick but got well again. Fanny is my greatest friend, we are nearly one age, and being always reared together are more like sisters than cousins so I will miss her greatly too if she remains in town. Dearest cousin yesterday Sally was at the cemetery and standing by your dear mother’s grave broke a small branch off the cypress tree which is grown over it. I now send you this little branch of cypress I know you will treasure it as having grown over your mother’s grave, I fancy how you must wish to see it I hope the day will soon arrive that we may see each other. But I fear you will be disappointed in this country, perhaps you have formed a grand idea of it and it is all the contrary.96 Now I will conclude begging of you to write me soon if not I will think you are displeased with me. Sally, Aunt and all my family, all your cousins joins me in fondest love to your father as well as to yourself and let me return a thousand thanks for your kindness in gratifying my wish of getting your likeness the last time you wrote. Now I cannot be jealous and that you may always look upon me in the light of a fond sister is the wish of your loving cousin, Kate Agnes Murphy

20 Kate A. Murphy to John James Pettit, 12 September 1868 Buenos Aires My dear John, As I always feel so very glad to receive a letter from you I will flatter myself that you feel likewise on receiving mine so as I am still in town though you are in my debt, I will write again. I am happy to say I have no bad news to tell you this time, no like my last it contained nothing but sad news – all our family as well as friends are enjoying perfect health. I trust yourself and father are well we are very anxious to hear if he has recovered his sight. The season here now is delightful, it will continue so until about December when the weather becomes dreadfully warm, we look forward with anxiety this year to the summer months, fearing again the return of that dreadful visitation cholera. I hope God will have mercy upon us and not send it three years in succession. How do you spend Xmas? Here it does be very dull indeed, the natives allow it to pass over unnoticed never celebrating it no more than any ordinary holy day, New Year likewise, there are no grand preparations to usher in Merry Xmas as in England,97 and then in the country parts it is just the time shearing the sheep is over so the people are about that time coming to town to sell their wool. The grandest time for the natives in the camp “the gauchos” is the shearing as at some estancias they do be a month or more perhaps shearing in this coun- try you must remember men and women shear together then at night they have what they call “Bailes” or dances, their favourite instrument is the guitar and almost all of them play a little,

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they have great taste for music so for them it is a time of great joy, people coming out from England do be greatly amused at their dances.98 I expect you will see in the Standard the account of our new President Sarmiento, there was great welcoming him to Buenos Aires the day he landed, he has been travelling in Europe and in the States, I believe, he has come out full of English notions, and you know that won’t do to expect to make such reformations all in a day.99 We only hope he may fulfil his post and at once put an end to this horrible war that we are all sick and tired of. How blessed you are to be living in such a peaceable country. Do you know they also oblige the putinos to serve, that is the young men born in this country but of foreign parents?100 My brothers have been very fortunate in that as they succeeded in getting English protections from the English Consul.101 How lucky for you that you will not have to trouble yourself about that when you come to S. America as no one will know you are a Portino or perhaps dear cousin you would like to sport the military uniform it is such an elegant dress, I am sure some of the men volun- teer for nothing else than to have the pleasure of sporting the dress, but I would forgive such patriotism. Sally sent you some Standards a few days since, perhaps they may contain more news here than before as one of the Editors had been travelling in Europe and has lately come back to B. Aires married to a young Irish lady she is very beautiful and accomplished and naturally has created a great sensation here in B. Aires.102 My dear cousin, I am sending you the likeness of my youngest brother who is still at College,103 it is not a very good likeness but nevertheless it will serve to add to your collection. Dearest Cousin, I will be anxiously expecting a letter from you soon, and, now I must be wishing you Goodbye my Aunt, Sally, Fanny and all your cousins desire to be remembered to yourself and father and my kindest regards to my uncle and trusting he is well, yourself dearest John except the warmest love of your fond and affectionate cousin, Kate Agnes Murphy

21 Patrick Moore to John James Pettit, 10 May 1869 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, Sally has prevailed on me to write you a few lines as she is so busy, besides being a cor- respondent who cannot forward much information about camp or business matters.104 I am not much better myself but I have nothing to do, so I must try and post you up on any sub- ject about these parts which may interest you. We are sending a new River Plate Handbook which can be relied on: it is the best book ever published about Buenos Aires.105 You will see by the papers some very clever articles about this country, it is coming down fast, sheep are worth nothing, wool ditto, and the only hope is in agriculture, people are very much afraid of going into this business, as last year the wheat failed owing to the heavy rains, and workmen are so scarce that it requires some capital to start the business at all.106 Campmen cannot be brought round from their old custom of minding sheep, to work at any other business, and especially any which requires exertion and may be doubtful as to its result. Everyone says something must be done immediately to save the country, the government is bad, and occupies itself solely about politics, elections, the war, etc – and in the

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meantime the frontiers are unprotected, the Indians make their raids periodically,107 and people are afraid of taking their cattle to camp, where there is grass, and where they might save part of the proceeds of a year’s labour, instead of paying rent for camp where there is not room for one eight the complement kept on it. The result of this system is that every summer, the grass dries and is eaten up, no water to be had, dust rises from the bare ground every day, and there you have a seca or epidemic, said to be caused by a bad year: but of late these bad years have become so frequent that the camp is given up by all who do not possess land, these latter keep on as long as they get $5,000 a year for a puesto, or run, they are all right.108 So you see Buenos Aires is considered in rather critical circumstances, it is no longer what it used to be – the country where fortunes were made by sheep in a few years. Town has not begun to feel the effects very much yet, there is great working going on in houses, railways, telegraph Co., etc – and the city has improved as much in ten years as any other country in the same time. I think Mr Petit would be surprised at the change were he again to visit this country: they are about to construct a port just now, which is badly wanted, the project is approved and proposals are being sent in, so we soon hope to see it finished.109 All town turned out the other day to witness the first meeting of a Jockey Club in Buenos Aires, as also the Athletic Sports same day.110 They both proved a great success and the whole Foreign Community of B.A. were to be seen at either place, it was a great pity to have both events on the same day, but as they were so fixed neither would retract or postpone their mee- ting. We have English Societies of all kinds and a company of Christy Minstrels111 is also about being formed. All sports or amusements of this description are got up by Foreigners par- ticularly English: in the country there are several parts where race meetings are held yearly or half yearly by English and Irish. Mama tells me to tell you about your friend Dan Cranwell, he got married the other day to a native lady,112 also of the death of Mrs Pat Fleming of cholera. Mr Fleming is looking very old and feeble.113 Mr and Mrs Connell who worked in the Saladero are dead also. I have no more to say for the present. Mama, Sally and all the family join me in kindest regards to yourself and father. Your affectionate Cousin, Patrick Moore.114 Don’t forget to answer this letter and give us a description of how you pass your time in Australia, about the business and commerce with you and if sheep are as depreciated as here.115 P.M.

22 Kate A. Murphy to John James Pettit, 17 December 1869 Buenos Aires My very dear Cousin, You will no doubt be surprised to receive a letter from me after such a long silence. I am sure you will almost ignore the existence of such a being. Forgive me dear absent cousin though I have not written I did not forget you, many times since the sad bereavement you have suffered I intended doing so but I wished to see Sally first so I deferred it until I came to town, you must remember we come very seldom to the capital. I have not been in since I last wrote to you, it is now twelve months, consequently had not the pleasure to seeing cousin Sally. I am only in town about a week so you see I do not delay in writing to you. I will not attempt

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beloved cousin to write you a letter of consolation in such affliction as that of the loss of a good kind father.116 I know too well the loss to feel that words are consoling, of course you know I lost mine during the dreadful epidemic cholera. You at least had the happiness to know that yours died a quieter death but we must resign ourselves to the divine will of Providence, if you had other brothers or sisters it would not be quite as lonely but I am certain you are not wanting for good kind friends to cheer you in your loneliness. I cannot do more than offer my poor prayers for the repose of his soul, do not dearest cousin fret too much, you know all the goods of this miserable world are transient. I am most anxious to hear from you, write soon tell me all how you pass your time and how your many friends, treat me as a fond sister is all I ask. Have you heard from Sally that we are about to lose our cousin Fanny, she is to be married in April, the young man’s name is William Spalane,117 he is very good and in good circumstances, the only thing I regret is that she will live so far from us, about 40 leagues equal to 120 miles. I suppose her time has come to settle herself in life and as she has made a good selection all her family are content and a girl without father or mother requires some protection Fannie lives with her married sister.118 My third eldest brother his name is John119 also got married since I last wrote to you, his wife is a sister to Fannie’s intended husband,120 they are coming to town soon they will get their carte de visite, I will not fail to keep you one. I am sending another addition for your album, my youngest brother Michael and Sally’s brother Patrick.121 I will put their names on the back so as to know which is which, I am going to remain town until after Year. I will write again before I go home, I will not stand on ceremony waiting for you to answer me. My Aunt, Sally and all the family are quite well and desire fondest remembrances to you, wishing you a Merry Xmas and happy New Year, believe me ever your devoted cousin, Kate A. Murphy I will expect a long letter on receipt of mine and I assure you for the future I will write often to you, farewell. / K.A.M.

23 Fanny Murphy to John James Pettit, 17 March 1870 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, I really do not know how to apologise for not having written for such a long time, some of my letters must have been lost for I am sure you did not receive them. My dear Cousin John allow me to offer you my deep sympathy at the loss of your dear father. I was very sorry to hear it, I can well imagine how you feel, it is a dreadful trial to lose one’s relations even when they more remaining. But you in a distant country away from your relations it has been a hard trial but the will of God be done we must all submit to his divine will what he does is all for the best, I suppose Sally must have told you that Patrick Garrahan122 has been in declining health for some time past poor man. He died on the tenth of this month, it must be a blessing for his poor family for you know it is a great affliction for him to be out of his mind for such a length of time and no hopes of his recovery so of course one can’t help being sorry but on the whole we ought to be thankful that he got such a good death, about a month ago he got quite well in his head so much so that he ask for a confessor

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and was prepared to die for some time before he died, he had not his senses. I don’t know if you heard of the marriage of one of your cousins John Murphy123 he was married in September, I think you have his likeness he is now a steady old man, that is I think about the only change in the family since you got letters lasts.124 My dear John I forgot to tell you that I am in town but only for a month, Sally intended writing but I persuaded her to wait as she will be in town for next month and then she can write. Much as I wanted to remind a dear cousin that I still live because if not I fear that I might escape his memory, now that I reminded you of my existence I hope you will soon write to me even if it were very short to show that I am mistaken. All your cousins join in warmest love to you. Now my dearest John receive you the warmest love of your fond cousin and sincere friend, Fanny M. Murphy

24 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 13 May 1870 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, It is a very long time now since we have heard from you, the last letter which I received from you was the letter containing the particulars of your poor father’s death. I hope that nothing serious has prevented you from writing lately. Patricio wrote to you a long time ago and has received no answer, he will be a little jealous if he does not get an answer. I have not written lately as both Kate and Fanny have been in town and wrote to you. Kate first and Fanny the month after. We are all well here thank God, there have been a few cases of yellow fever in town lately but people think that it won’t do much as the winter is so near, God grant that it may be so.125 You will have read in the Standard of the termination of the Paraguayan war, but the peace was not to last long, there is a revolution in Entre Rios and General Urquiza who has ruled there with a strong hand for something like twenty years has been assassinated and also two of his sons.126 The troops left here on the day the news arrived to put down the rebels but up to this there has not been much done, the general opinion is that it will be a long affair, so you see how unfortunate we are, one war is scarcely over when another commences, and then we are always in dread that our brothers and friends will be made to serve. There is an order out now for all men born in the country to enrol themselves, which of course they won’t do so that after the term mentioned is up they are liable to be made soldiers of the line or veterans of it is very annoying, but I hope that it will pass off this time as it did before, very few were caught.127 We have a very fine year there have been very heavy rains so that the camps look beautiful. Sheep and wool are rising in price too and everything looks well, only for the everlasting revolutions all would be well. One of our relations, a first cousin of your mother and mine died lately. You may have heard your father speak of him, his name was Patrick Garrahan128 he came to this country with Mamma and leaves a large family, the poor man has spent several years of his life out of his mind. I have been out there on a visit for seven days, most of our old friends are gone now.129 Miss Roach I believe is well I seldom see her unless I go to her house. I believe she is doing well in business she is rearing a little boy an orphan child of Irish parents since the cholera

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which is great company to her. I am rearing his brother, hers is near six years old and mine two years younger.130 I received papers up to the last two months. Yours do not go so regularly now as we do have to send for them to the Standard office now he does not send the Packet edition131 now so we wait until either of my brothers are in town to get them for us, but although they don’t go so regularly as before, we always send them. Now my dear John I will finish with kind regards from my mother and my sister Maggie, and believe me your ever affectionate cousin, Sally Moore. Don’t forget to write often, Mamma says that she would not encourage you to come here and to leave your business, but that she hopes to see you before she dies.132 Yours, S.M.

25 Sarah Moore to John James Pettit, 21 April 1873 Buenos Aires My dear cousin John, It is a very long time now since I have written to you and longer still since I have received a letter from you, the last of which was of January ‘71. I cannot think what can be the reason of your long silence. I answered that letter I think about the month of June of the same year, and sent you a pamphlet with an account of the terrible scourge we had just passed, the yellow fever, long to be remembered in Buenos Aires, it was supposed that 26 thousand persons died in a few months, thanks be to God our family escaped this time. At present the same plague is in Monte Video,133 there are about ten deaths daily from Yellow fever, there is a strict quarantine on all vessels coming here from there, but as the cold weather will soon set in now, people are in hopes that it will soon pass away. Since my last letter to you one of our cousins, Margaret Murphy,134 a sister to Fanny who was a nun, died, it is supposed of disease of the heart, she had had the fever and remained delicate afterwards although up to that time she enjoyed very good health, on the fifteenth of last July after hearing mass and receiving Holy Communion, and to all appearances quite well, she fell down dead, she uttered some sound as she fell but the sister who happened to be near her did not catch the word, she had not completed her twenty-fifth year, she was the fourth of Uncle Michael’s children who has died since his death,135 and of nine that he left only five remain.136 Fanny is in the camp at present she is well. I believe she got tired expecting a letter from you as also Kate and Patricio Moore you are in debt to all of us. All our family are well excepting John Murphy,137 he has been suffering from attacks of blood to the head, the doctor says that there is no danger but he is very much frightened himself, he takes it like a fainting fit and when he gets over that he raves for some time and then gets better for some days when he takes it again. My mother gets good health considering her age.138 She suffers a good deal from pains in her shoulders but otherwise she strong. My brother John139 is married and has a son since I wrote to you, I think that I told you before that when we sold our house in Parque we bought some land in the camp, it has turned out most advantageous purchase,140 850 squares of ground, we paid 350 dollars a square for it and we have sold it at 3,500 dollars a square, lands especially near town have gone up so much that we thought it better to sell and buy land

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further out for my brothers Robert and John, as yet we have not bought, they are looking for some suitable place, the place that we bought to live in has also gone up so much in value that we would not give it for twice what we paid for it, so my dear cousin without knowing how we find ourselves in the possession of riches. God gave it I hope that He will give us the grace to use it well. Uncle James family have also done well lately in one purchase of land they made one million of dollars, beside they made a great deal on buying and selling sheep,141 I hope my dear cousin that you too have been prosperous, and that you have got over your difficulties in the new house of business of which you wrote me and of which we were all so sorry, write and tell us all about yourself although we have not written don’t think that we have forgotten you, we often think and talk of you, and expect a letter from you, but in vain. Your cousin Margaret Roach is quite well we heard through her that you were well, she had received letters from home in which they mentioned that you were well.142 The families of Mrs Patrick and Lawrence Browne143 are well but poor Mrs Bookey is nearly dying of consumption she has been sick this long time all the other members of the family are well. When you write again please to direct to McLean and Moore’s, Calle de Cangallo, 89 1/2, Patricio has opened a grocery store in town in company with a friend of his the position is good so we are in hopes that he will succeed, he did not like living in the Camp. I will send you some newspapers with this letter.144 My mother joins me in love to you no one else knows that I am writing, my sister is not at home or she would join us. I hope soon to receive a long letter from you soon. Your affectionate cousin Sarah Moore

26 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 13 July 1874 Buenos Aires My dear Cousin, I have been along time thinking of writing to you, it is nearly six months since I sent you a number of the Standard and one of the daily news in which was announced the death of our dear Patricio, he was in good health and spirits on the day before his death, he had been amusing himself killing rats in the store with a friend of his until twelve o’clock at night and at a quarter to seven he called a young man who slept in the next room and sent him for the doctor and for one of his partners, who slept near his place, when this person arrived he seemed to be in great pain, he complained especially of a fearful pain about the chest and heart, this ceased after a short time so that Mr Feely his partner thought him better, but he raved and took convulsions and departed at about eight o’clock an hour and a quarter from the time that he had called for assistance, without a priest or one of his family near him and we within a half hour’s journey from him, he called for Mama and embraced Mr Feeley, thinking it was her. The Doctor said that it was one of the worst cases of Cholera that he had seen, in the papers it was announced as heart disease on account of the trouble the authorities put people to when anyone dies of cholera or of yellow fever, they burn and destroy things that perhaps were not near the patient and shut up the house by way of preventing the disease to spread and they don’t allow them to be buried in the Recoleta. Thanks be to God that we at least had the consolation of having him buried with his father, to Mamma this was a great

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comfort. I need not tell you my dear cousin how much afflicted we all are, he was the youngest and gayest, all life and fun, he used to come on Sundays and Holy days to dine with us and often remained until next morning, we miss him so much, he played the violin and sang very well, now all is silent, and our house will never be gay again, even to our cousins don’t like to come to the Quinta since he is gone. The terrible scourge cholera it seems is not to leave us, this time it came in December, and although there were not so many cases as before they were of a worse kind, more violent, some only lasting two or three hours, poor Patricio was very much afraid of it at first but at the time that he died he had got over it, at first he used to come home to sleep, or else go to Fannie’s which was much nearer to the store, but as the fear wore off him he thought it better to sleep in his own room at the store, God’s Holy Will be done it was to be so I suppose and he would have died just the same at home with us all, the case was too violent to admit of a remedy. Poor Mama is getting only poor health she suffers very much from pains in her shoulders and general debility, we spent a month and a half in the Camp after Patricio’s death. John is her comfort now. Robert has been so long away from her that she does not miss him so much.145 Fanny I think that I told you that she was married to Mr McLean Patricio’s partner, she has a young daughter a month old,146 the child is well but Fanny has not been very well since, she is getting better however and I hope that by the next time I write she will be quite well, she is great company to us now that she lives altogether in town. Aunt and all our cousins are quite well. Fanny’s oldest sister Anita147 had the misfortune to loose her husband148 on the 24th of April last, he had been sick for some months of disease of the lungs, she has two little sons. Our family is getting small by degrees and so many young people who have died from among us these few years past. This is a very severe winter in the camp, it is many years since there has been such a scarcity of grass owing to the want of rain in the Autumn there are dreadful losses in cattle and horses especially and in some parts of sheep also, this is all bad enough but what some people fear is that so many dead animals in the camps is likely to bring sickness. Your cousin M. Roach now Mrs Porritt is well, she is living in Monte Video. Mr and Mrs Patrick Browne have gone to Ireland for a trip, they intend being away only for a short time. I have not received a letter from you since one I received dated 10th August last you promised to write soon but I have received none since I received two papers about two months for which we are thankful. Now my dear John, I hope that you will not be long without writing to us. Poor Patricio never received an answer to his letter to you. My mother and sister join me in love to you hoping that you are enjoying good health. I remain your ever affectionate cousin, Sally Moore

27 Sally Moore to John James Pettit, 25 October 1875 Buenos Aires Dear John, I received a letter from you I think dated in February of this year149 by which I was glad to hear that you are in good health. We are all well here thank God. You said in your letter

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LETTERS TO JOHN JAMES PETTIT 1864-1875

that you wished mine did not so often take you news of deaths, and thanks be to God that I have not a terrible account to give you in this one. I saw by your letter that you had heard of the revolution that had broken out here after so many years of peace,150 it has been fortunately put down, as it would be a bad example for the future if the rebels had triumphed, although the present government is not as good as it might be, at the time that the revolution commenced Mamma was out in the Camp with Maggie’s little son Patricio151 I think at my brother John’s,152 when on the sixteenth of October the place was attacked by three ruffians. John not suspecting them of bad intentions went out to speak to them, they pretended to be government men collecting horses for the troops but they soon showed their intention, the leader fired three shots at John whilst he was standing at his horses head, after the first or second John caught his horses reins and tried to upset the fellow and at the same time to defend himself by getting under the horse neck, but the third shot went in under his shoulder, at the sound of the my sister in law and Mamma ran out, the fellows then rushed to the house but John and all those who were outside that is Martha,153 Mama, a servant girl, an Irishman and the children got in and were followed by a lot of bullets, two men remained outside but the poor fellows hid themselves, the robbers then galloped down through the trees evidently to see if there were any more men about the place, after satisfying themselves on that point they returned to break in the house but John had his revolver and they put mattresses to the doors to keep out the balls, one door was all that they attacked they broke it in and one of them attempting to come in the man inside met him with an iron bar which made retreat. John fired through the shutters and through a side window one of his shots killed one of them and they think that another of them was wounded before they went away, leaving the dead man in the yard and threatening to come back with others and to cut all their throats. Poor John wounded as he was mounted the dead man’s horse and telling the family to hide in the weeds went away to collect the neighbours but they did not return. John was bad for some days from the wound, the ball has not been extracted, he has seen three doctors, they were all of the opinion that he may never feel it, it must have settled in the flesh near the backbone, so my dear cousin you see how very near I was to have to tell you of many more deaths, for certainly they would have murdered everyone in the place if they had succeeded in killing Johnnie at first. The fellows have not been taken, the man killed was a policeman from the village near Johns he had asked permission for four hours leave of absence that day.154 Mamma is out there again now after all the fright, we expect her in soon. All our relations are well. Fanny comes often to see us she is living in town. It is well for you that live in a quiet country, this place is getting worse and worse. On the 28th of February last a lot of rabble held a meeting and went to the palace of the Archbishop and not finding him there broke and destroyed several things. It is believed that had they found the Archbishop they would have murdered him. From there they the church of St Ignatius, here they broke some benches and made a noise and from there they went to the Jesuit College of the Salvador, a splendid building, the Rector and some more of the priests went to speak to them but were met with clubs and sticks, some of the fathers escaped over the walls and more of them were left for dead but fortunately those wounded recovered although it took some time, they then robbed and destroyed and finally set the whole place on fire, it burned for part of two days.155 Things were then restored to quietness some of the leaders were imprisoned but were soon liberated which showed that the authorities winked at the whole affair. The Fathers are

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endeavouring to rebuild their college but there is no security but the same thing may occur again although they have the sons of the Sirs families in their College. To make amends for all this we have a splendid season. There is plenty of grass and water in the camp and if the wool brings a good price all past troubles will be forgotten. Our little place here is like a little paradise with flowers, and only for the loss of poor Patricio we would be very happy but there is a gloom over the place ever since his death which will never leave it, he was the life of the place but God’s will be done, poor Mamma finds a consolation in her other sons, she paid a visit to Robert and now to John, it does her good to go out now and then, she is always happy when she is with Johnnie, for some years past she had been suffering very much from rheumatic pains, but lately she is much better, she says that the fright that the robbers gave her did her good that she is better ever since. Now my dear John I have told you all that I thought might interest you all excepting on business, on this subject I know nothing. I am not a business woman I hear people say that business is very bad and this is all that I know about the matter.156 Write soon and forgive me for delaying to write so long I promise to write soon after I receive your next. I remain your affectionate cousin, Sally Moore

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‘WE BEGAN TO MAKE A GARDEN’ THE MEMOIRS OF TOM GARRAHAN 51864-1912

¡Adiós, pampa mía!... Me voy camino de la esperanza. Adiós, llanuras que he galopado, sendas, lomas y quebradas, lugares donde he soñado. Yo he de volver a tu suelo, cuando presienta que mi alma escapa como paloma hasta el cielo...

My father” observed Laura MacDonough (née Garrahan) at the end of these memoirs, “known to everyone as Tom or Don Tomás, being the oldest of the family, wrote this history telling all that he remembered about the Garrahans.” Remembering the history of his family seems to be the mission of the writer. However, through reading these lines, one must recognise that there is much more here than an account about a small group of people. The reader can guess that the real intention was to speak about his feelings and works. In a plain and unpretentious camp style, Tom Garrahan recounts his experiences and opens his heart in a sober way. Thomas George Garrahan was born in 1864 in Argentina, and died in his farm, “New Home”, near Abbott (Monte) on 16 August 1936. On 18 April 1911, Tom Garrahan married Juana Julia O’Loughlin. She died in La Espadaña on 1 June 1956, and was buried in Lobos cemetery. Tom and Juana had six children. Tom was the eldest son of James Garrahan (1836- 1888) of Westmeath, and Margaret Cunningham (1839-1925). His grandfather was Patrick Garrahan (1805-1870), married to Anne Kenny (1811-1883), the founders of the Garrahan family in Argentina, who emigrated from Ireland probably in the early 1840s. Most likely, these memoirs were written in the estancia, New Home, (Lobos) in the late 1920s or in the early 30s, and they were based on a personal diary. They accurately represent the values and attitudes of a typical Irish-Argentine estanciero, first generation born in the country. Estelle Varanguien de Villepin transcribed this text in the winter of 2002, from a photocopy of the original manuscript, which is in the private library of Patricio J. Garrahan in Buenos Aires.

The Memoirs of Tom Garrahan 1864-1912 I was born on the 23rd of April 1864, second eldest son of James Garrahan and Margaret Cunningham (Irish).1 The eldest boy, Patrick, died when I was one month old. He died of some disease prevalent that year, supposed to be from the teeth. He was 17 months old. We lived then on Juan Lagos’ camp, partido of Luján.2 Afterwards this camp joined part

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of General Las Heras, and since 1875, it was taken into the new partido of General Rodriguez. My father, as soon as he started on his own, was on shares with Lagos3 in three or four flocks of sheep. A few years before this, my grandfather bought 1,500 squares of camp from Lagos and the ‘puesto’ that my father occupied joined the Garrahan camp.4 My grandfather Patrick Garrahan5 married Anna Kenny and settled on the partido of Ranchos (General Paz). They were both Irish and so the founders of the Garrahan family in Argentina. Their children were James (my father), Thomas (who died single), Margaret, Edward, Mary, Harriet, Patrick, Lawrence and John. Father rented the ‘puesto’ where we lived for several years and all the family were born there. James Peter (called Santie), Joseph, Mary, Patrick (who also died an infant), and Lawrence Patrick.6 In 1879 my father started buying sheep for a ‘grasería’ in Rodriguez, belonging to a man called Reyna, and at the end of the first year he owed my father a lot of money so they went in partnership and so built a new ‘grasería’ on halves (apparently there was no value given to meat at this time, so all was boiled down for grease, hence the name ‘Grasería’). After this, my father did the buying and Reyna the management. In those times, Father was considered one of the best judges of the amount of grease to be got from each sheep in pounds. So in that year he parted and bought about 40,000 sheep. Owing to Reyna’s bad management, they lost 65,000 pesos ‘moneda corriente’ of that year, most of which was owned to Peter Ham7 (founder of the Ham family), so my father sent me with a letter to Mr. Ham, offering to sell him the “grasería”. Ham took it for his son Pat, who worked it next year, with Reyna as manager. Ham got Father to buy sheep for him at 3 pesos per head, all expenses to Father’s account. That year 1875, he delivered between 42 and 43,000 sheep, paying all the expenses and not drawing any money from Ham. Nearly all the sheep were bought in Salto,8 Arrecifes and Carmen de Areco, so the expenses were heavy. When the season was over, my father went to town to settle accounts with Ham and he took me with him. I was then about ten years old. Ham’s office was on calle Piedad (now Bartolomé Mitre) at about where Once station is now. The office was upstairs and we climbed there several times in the following days, Ham making excuses each time but he ended up by telling Father that he could not pay him the $3 per head, as arranged, so he said that unless he accepted $1 per head he would not pay. Father would not accept so he went to law with Ham. This lawsuit lasted for years, and my father got nothing from it. My father was most of the time away from home, especially in the buying season as the factories worked only part of the year. All travelling was done on horse-back with a ‘tropilla’.9 I learned how to ride when I was very young, and was at grandfather Garrahan’s funeral on horse-back in the year 1870 when I was six years old, and it was five leagues to Luján and we came home in the evening. I remember at this time we had a peón called Sixto Avila. He spoke English with as good a brogue as any Irishman. Santie, Josie and I spent all the time we had out of school on horse- back. In the summer we killed lots of batitú, a bird plentiful in the camp. Then, after the cardos fell, we hunted them by throwing a wire and we missed very few. The first school master that we had was an old man crippled with rheumatism called Luke Lynch. He taught us how to read. This was about 1873.10 Afterward we had a German for a few months, then Santie and I went to school at Mike Healy’s. We stayed during the week at

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Grandmother’s and came home on Saturday nights. Mike Healy and some of the girls used to go with us.11 Afterwards the same teacher Mr. George Legates, a Glasgow engineer, left Healy’s and came to stay at our house. He remained three years besides us five. He taught Neddie, Mary and Phillip Garrahan for a while. Phill lived near Mercedes about six leagues away, and went home every Saturday. Neddie went home every night. Afterwards, a brother of Mr. Legates, Robert went to teach at Manny’s,12 so Neddie did not come any more. During recreation, Mr. Legates was always occupied at some mechanical work and always kept me to help him, so although I had little time for play, I picked up a lot of useful knowledge. He was very good at carpentry and he even made a steam engine, a model in wood. All I learned from him came in handy in after years. In the year 1872 Aunt Mary Cunningham de Kenny13 lived about a league form our house on the Garrahan camp. She was renting a ‘puesto’ and, as Santie was her godson, he always lived with her until she sold out and came to live with Mother until she died here in Lobos in 1890. As a boy, I never was sick unless with measles, and the five of us were in bed together with that.14 Our house was brick with shingles of wood on the roof, with brick floors and glass on doors and windows, well furnished for those days - three rooms and kitchen, school-room and galpón apart, brick with zinc roof.15 Our home was a resting place for people going to town, and a lot of newcomers from Ireland would come to stay with us until they got a place. At that time there were not a wiring for leagues. We had Rambouillet sheep16 and about 300 cows (good criollas). There were no Durhams.17 We also had the best of criollo horses and mares. The winters were very cold and rainy and when there was a storm, and Father was not at home, I often had to round the cattle at night, also the sheep when the corral was too wet to shut them in. I was then 10 or 12 years of age, and I must say it was not very pleasant.18 About 1874 there was a revolution, and our peón Sixto Avila was taken for a few months, so when Father was away these jobs fell to me.19 In those days we had very few vegetables, excepting potatoes and onions. Peaches of the old criollo type were plentiful at Grandmother’s. There were about four hectares of peach- mount20 and they used to cut a quarter every year for fire wood, and in three years it would give fruit. Again, I used to gather peaches in bags and carry them home on horse-back and they would arrive as sound as when taken from the tree. In 1874 or 1875, rents began to rise and the runs for sheep curtailed to 100 squares to every flock. Runs were marked with a scribe of the plough for margin and it took a person to stop the sheep all morning until they turned back for the house in the evening. Cowers went over several runs. Around 1875 there was a chapel built on Brown’s camp about a league and a half from us. There was Mass once or twice a month.21 Lawrence was the first child christened in that chapel by Fr. Sam O’Reilly.22 There used to be a great gathering of Irish for mass as the whole district was occupied by Irish families. A few years after my father’s marriage, his sister Harriet married Eugene Manny (Irish), and some years later uncle Pat Garrahan married Kate Ballesty, a niece of mother’s.23 In 1874, my grandmother24 bought La Espadaña camp in Lobos. It belonged to Justo Villegas and was about 4,000 squares with the material for wiring on the camp. It cost $2,000,000 old money.25 By the way, the Cunningham family lived on this camp when my

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mother was twelve or thirteen years old. They had four or five puestos, and were shareholders in sheep. All the boys got married on the camp. Some years previously, the Garrahans bought another 800 squares of the Lagos camp, so in Luján they had 2,000 squares. Uncle Edward Garrahan came to live on ‘La Espadaña’ and he managed both it and ‘La Choza’ (the old place). He was a very sober, hard working man, and a very early riser. He used to start from La Espadaña on horse-back in the morning and get to ‘La Choza’ in time to take his mother to Mass at the chapel.26 The camp in ‘La Choza’ and around there were covered with soft cardos, and in summer people had to cut roads from house to house. The cardos were often seven or eight feet high, and a man on horse-back could not be seen over them. Camps also were full of vizcacheras and it was great sport for us boys after rain drowning out vizcachas27 and catching them with dogs. When we were young, there used to be a man at home. His name was Paddie Smith. He was of a good English family, a cousin to one of the principal merchants in Buenos Aires. He was a convert and an innocent fool, he minded the kids especially Josie and Mary. He used to take them about the camp on his back. Mother always made him go to the priest and once he asked Fr. O’Reilly for a receipt to show the ‘Mrs.’ to prove that he had been to confession. In the year 1878, we had to give up our place on “La Choza”. Father rented 200 squares of camp near Marcos Paz, about three leagues from where we lived. Mr. Legate had left before we moved. Father was still buying for a “grasería” in Marcos Paz belonging to a Mr Landó. For some years before leaving ‘La Choza,’ Mother milked a good many cows and made butter and cheese for sale. Also, she made a lot on hens and eggs. While we were on Dillon’s camp she continued to milk with aunt Mary’s help and whatever help we could give her. In that place we had a Mr. Depirez teaching us. 1879 was a very bad year and we had to move the cows, so we got camp from Uncle Edward on “La Españada” in Lobos. Myself and two peones drove the cows there and brought them back in a few months. About this time, Father was heavily in debt: he owed Landó a lot of money, and in the beginning of 1880 Landó embargoed the cattle and sheep. We had a lot of mares and as at that time chacras were starting about Marcos Paz, we did a lot of trashing. I used to be with the men driving the mares about the stack, tramping the straw to shell the seed. Chacareros paid so much per stack according to size. In the beginning of 1880, the cattle and sheep were judicially sold and as the contract of camp was up, Dillon sold the camp to a Mr. Brunkhurst and Enrique Meyer came to take care of the place. They brought about 300 imported Rambouillet ewes, that were disembarked in Zárate. It was said they cost 1,000 pesos each. They also brought some very fine wooled lambs. They made galpones and started the afterwards famous Cabaña Rivadavia. We remained there for some time until we got a house to rent in Marcos Paz. A short time before we moved, after the Olivera skirmish in the 1880 revolution, Mr. Peter O’Loughlin28 came from Savage’s to teach us. He was only with us a short time when we moved into Marcos Paz to a two-story house facing the line. He was with us until September of 1881, then he went to Reilly’s. About this time Father began to buy mares for ‘Reppeto’s Saladero’ at Ensenada, where

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Berisso is now. The first troop was bought around Marcos Paz and Las Heras. Other in Navarro and another near Saladillo. I always went with the men.29 We started from Marcos Paz in the morning with the first troop of 300 mares, and we had breakfast at a pulpería on the road near the Piño’s camp. As there was no meat and I was very hungry, I ate a tin and a half of sardines and then I was very thirsty. I had a bottle of ‘gaseosa’. It was half hot and I never was sicker than that night. I would have given anything for a drink of water, though I was sleeping on the bank of a river but the horses had the water all stirred up and dirty. As soon as there was light, I went to a “puesto” and asked for a drink of water. After that I was all right. We parted the next troop near Saladillo and brought them to Marcos Paz, and from there to Ensenada.30 Father went with us this time. It began to rain. The evening after, we started and we got wet to the skin. It rained all that night and next day. We had to sleep on catres without anything under us but on damp clothes, and travel all day with the water up to the horses fetlock. We even had to swim in the hollows in the road, while it rained most of the time. About where La Plata is now, we got to a boliche and could buy dry underwear. At this time, there were three ‘saladeros’ in Ensenada where they killed cows, novillos etc. to salt for ‘tasajo,’ and they killed about one hundred mares and ‘desecho’ horses every evening for the hide and grease.31 The coast was a sauzal for three or four squares in width, and the tide came in to the edge of the town. It was a very dirty place and the smell of stagnant blood was something to get away from as soon as you could. We could take the disgusting smell two leagues before getting there. There was a hill covered with eucaliptos forest from the place where La Plata city is now to Ensenada, and through this there was a road which ran mostly through swamps called cañadón. This road was paved with small shells and was known as the ‘Camino Blanco’.32 When I got back to Marcos Paz I was two days in bed, so Father and Mother decided to take me to town to the doctor. I was so weak that I had to be helped to dress, and when we got to Once33 we took a coach to Mrs. MacGovern’s in Corrientes in the 300’s. I felt very bad. Dr. Colburn was called to attend me and he said that it was fever from the wetting. I was fif- teen days in bed and on a diet. When I was allowed up, it took me two days to reach the door of my room. After that, I got to the street door and leant against the door to watch the traffic. After that, I got as far as the docks (about three squares from where we were) and walked to the end of it. Of course this was against the doctor’s orders. That same day Father took me for a long drive in the tram which passed our door, but on the way back it went by Maipú or Suipacha, and I got so tired trying to walk that I had to sit down on the door steps several times. So next day my left leg was very swollen, and the doctor was so annoyed that he almost gave up the case. After this, my leg felt very bad and I was fifteen days more in bed, being on my back with one leg twice the size of the other, and painted black with iodine. Later I could pull off a strip of skin from my hip to my foot, and Father told me to keep to make a plaited ‘bozal’. Doctor got the swelling below the knee but could not get it down altogether, so he told my Father to take me home that it would go better in time. When I got home I left it alone and waited for a month but it got no better. So I cut a bandage out of ‘uso doméstico’ (a very strong cotton) and wound it tightly around my leg. It pained terribly for two or three days, but in the end my leg remained normal. That was my first and longest illness.

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At that time Mr. O’Loughlin was teaching the others. I did not go much to school after we went to Marcos Paz. At the end of 1881 my father parted some sheep to take to town to ‘matadero’. One flock was parted at Larry Murphy’s in Mercedes.34 In September of this year Mr. O’Loughlin went to Jim Reilly’s35 to teach. He was the last teacher we had, excepting Lawrence of course who was only five years old then. As we were living in the town there was very little for me to do, but I helped the neighbours at their camp work such as ‘señaling,’ curing, dragging and all jobs of that sort. And there were always races, and sports after finishing in the evening. In these years nearly all the camp around Marcos Paz was rented by Irish families: Reilly’s, Farrell’s, Byrne’s, Healon’s, Bracken’s, Murray’s, Holan’s, Dun’s, also Lynch’s, Fox’s, Leavey’s, Keegan’s, etc., on the Las Heras and Rodriguez side. At the end of 1882, Santie went to stay with Grandmother in ‘La Choza’. He stayed there for about a year. In March of 1882, Mr. O’Loughlin left Reilly’s and he bought the third of a flock of sheep from ‘Laucha’ Dillon on Trejo’s camp in Navarro, and shortly after he married Kate MacDonough. In the following year, he bought a third of a flock from Jim Reilly and came back to live in Marcos Paz. He started a school at this home and Lawrence, Jimmie and Phill Byrne and several other boys went to school part of the day. In August of 1885 he got very ill with ‘grano malo’ or carbunclo on his arm, and he died in four or five days leaving a young widow and two little girls, the youngest only about a year old. They went back to Navarro to live with the McDonough’s, where another girl was born on 13 March 1886, about seven months after her father’s death. This was Julia, afterwards my wife. In 1882 we moved from the first house we lived into another near the church of Marcos Paz. In 1882 Uncle Larry married Ellen Murphy36 and Uncle Edward married Brigid Savage (an Irish girl).37 In February of 1883, Uncle Edward died of a heart-attack in the part of La Espadaña called ‘El Martillo’ (now this puesto belongs to Eugene Manny, and is called ‘Espadañala’). He was with some peones having a well sunk. We got word in Marcos Paz next morning at sunrise. Father was away on horse-back, the other side of Luján and we sent a messenger after him. I left on horse-back at about 8 A.M. and got to La Espadaña about 11 A.M. Uncle John, Aunt Margaret and most of the family were there already in the evening. They took him to ‘La Choza’ starting about 3 P.M. and arriving at ‘La Choza’ at nightfall. He was waked there and buried in Luján next day. Father met the funeral near Malcomb’s. I had ridden from Marcos Paz to ‘La Espadaña,’ fourteen leagues and from there back to ‘La Choza,’ fourteen more, mostly on one horse. Grandmother and my Aunts took Aunt Brigid, Uncle Edward’s widow, to live with them at ‘La Choza’. She was the saddest woman I ever saw. A few years later, she became a nun and is at present at Mater Misericordiae convent. She is called Sister Mary Carmen.38 About a month after Uncle Edward’s death and mostly from sorrow, Grandmother was found dead in her bed. We all went to her wake, some in sulky and some on horse-back. She was buried in Luján.39 Soon after, her testamentería was started and was finished in the middle of 1884.

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In September of 1883, my father bought two flocks of sheep, one to be received right away and the other after shearing. The first belonged to Casimiro Rodriguez, and both flocks were on Luis Cascallares camp, near Lobos. I came to Lobos on horse-back and driving three horses on the 17 of September, and received the first flock. I was 19 years old and that was the start of my management.40 The owner of the sheep remained, as he had the camp for some months yet, so I only had a room. But I slept on my gear as was customary then, but they cooked for me. Father came to Lobos occasionally and I often had to meet him at the night train. Sometimes he would not come and I had to go home alone at night. The road was where the railway is now. It was bordered on both sides by ‘sicuta’ two metres-high, and I used to go with my revolver in my hand always afraid that someone would stop me. I never took alcohol of any kind. Sometimes I used to take a little wine, but I found that he made me heavy, so at about sixteen I said that I would not take any more wine, and I never did.41 I never smoked either. When I came to Lobos I was rather fond of racing, but was several times sold either by rider, starter or judge. So I saw that it was a bad business, and gave it up completely. I never liked racing since, except as sport. I remained at that place in Lobos until Father received his part of ‘La Espadaña’ in March 1884. This was 880 squares of camp valued at 100 dollars old money per squares (about 42 pesos of our present money). But he got no stock, so had to go in debt to buy cattle, build, etc. At that time, Felix Dolan42 had a strip of camp 66 squares long by 3 squares wide between La Espadaña camp and Urquiola’s, and Father offered him 800 old money for it, principally to get rid of lot of bad neighbours that lived on it. Dolan asked 1,000 the square, but after a year he came down to Father’s offer of 800, or say about $33 of today’s money. Of course, the camp was not wired and the ‘ranchos’ belonged to the renters. In 1886 Juan Manuel Terrero bought 3,000 squares of Urquiola’s camp at $554 per square, mostly paid in ‘cédulas’ and started to build an estancia that he called ‘Los Milagros’. We started to build about the spring of 1885, joining three more rooms to two rooms of a ‘puesto,’ which was a false economy of Father’s, as the house never remained well, and it cost as much as if it were all new.43 When I came to live on ‘La Espadaña,’ I was at a ‘puesto’ where Josie’s house is now. I plastered two old rooms, and by the way that plaster in mud lasted fifteen years. I had to look after the place, do the house-keeping, most of the cooking, I even used to make candles. Most of the ‘puesteros’ only used ‘candiles’ a tie with melted grease, with a piece of cotton rag stuck in the grease for a wick. They used to come to me for candles to read at night.44 I generally kept one or two peones, but I usually milked two or three cows and made butter myself. At that time there were very few dips, so we did all the curing of the sheep by hand. We used a very strong sheep dip called Moxford, which had an acid that destroyed our hands. Afterwards we used Excelsior, a dip with a tar basis. It was black but became like milk when mixed with water.45 The sheep that we brought with us and others that we bought here were good heavy wooled Rambouillet, and in the year 1885 Father bought sixteen pure Lincoln rams at the Campana estancia de Sucesión White, five leagues from Cañuelas. He paid 400 old money,

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about $17 m/n each. We put them in the three best flocks. This is all we had, as part of the camp was rented to Mrs. Dan Garrahan. Dan died about a month before I came from Lobos to ‘La Espadaña’. From 1884 to 1886, I was mostly alone, as Mother, Aunt Mary Kenny, Mary, Lawrence and part of the time Santie and Josie were in Marcos Paz. Father was part of the time there also, and he and Josie started to buy pigs and they were a lot away from home. Santie was a lot in Marcos Paz too, but I seldom went there myself. And all the neighbours went to Lobos every Sunday, or at least every few Sundays, as we went on horse-back. Dan Cummins46 was third owner47 in one flock with us, Jim, John and Peter Cormack, Andy Cummins, Jim Clunen and several ‘vascos’ were ‘puesteros,’ with Uncles Larry and John in ‘La Espadaña’ which was managed by a Mr. John Hausen (a Dane). About 1885 Uncles John and Larry bought a place in Venado Tuerto and they sent 1,700 as good cows ‘al corte’ as were to be got at the time anywhere, to stock the camp. They left only the ‘plantel’ here. Shortly after, they sold the place in Venado Tuerto48 and auctioned the stock and those cows were the basis of some of the rodeos afterwards. In 1885 Father bought about 200 tambo heifers49 near Mom and San Justo, and we got bulls at ‘La Espadaña’ to put in there. We also bought a point of cows from Mrs. Dan Garrahan. They always fed on the far end of the camp next Lopez. The family came from Marcos Paz on the 28th of October as soon as the house was ready. When they came I went to live at the estancia and left the peón Tom Ellington at the puesto. About this time Father was with George and Rodolfo Newbery on halves and George Newbery was here twice, and both times Father was away from home. So I met him in Lobos and brought him back. His manager, a Mr. Trotter, was here also, a rather rough cowboy also a Mr. Smith their prospector. They all used cowboy saddles.50 About May 1887 Father was in town staying at Mauricio’s at Once. He got sick there and it was some days before he saw Dr. Murphy and he told him that he had ‘pulmonia’. So they sent for Mother and took him to Uncle John Cunningham’s, and both stayed there over a month. That year the camp was stocked as some time before Father bought 220 ‘criollo novillos’ in ‘corrales’. So while he was sick in town I started to look for camp. I started with all leading horse and was all around by ‘Altos Verdes,’ Dulce, Polvaredas, etc. - this side of Saladillo, stayed on night at Ballesty’s, another at McLoughlin’s, was at Enrights. Both horses got sick and the next day I had to come home in the walk and trot. I only saw one place for rent and that was too dear, so as Father was sick I did not look anymore. While he was sick, Luke Rooney,51 Tom and Mrs. Kenny (brothers and sister) died of typhoid fever, and shortly after Aunt Kelly (Pat’s wife, Gerald’s mother, I think) died in Luján of the same thing, probably taken from each other. After Father got well and came home we started with 1,150 cattle ‘al corte’ on the 3rd of July to look for camp or feed them. On the road, we had a guía to 9 de Julio and Father, Santie, four peones and I started with them. I had a very bad cold and Mother did not want me to leave. There were very heavy fusts and I did my part of rounding. The first and second night I coughed for all. I was worth, but was all right after that. We heard of camp a few days later when we were in front of where De la Riestra is now. We rounded at a store on the Merced camp on the 8th of July. There was a bad storm and very cold. Next morning, the 9th of July

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everything was covered with snow. We had to stay there all day and went to the camp next day. We got a puesto occupied by Lorenzo Velasquez, from Las Heras. We rounded the cattle for three nights and I wanted to continue rounding them, but Father said better not. Still the first night that we left them loose, they went all over the neighbourhood. We were looking for them three or four days and even after that we were short 40 ‘novillos’. Father, Santie and some of the men look around for leagues. I remained with Pedro Cornfoot to mind the cattle. We had to gather them up at night and keep them on the rodeo. Father and Santie continued looking for the novillos for about another week and then gave it up for a bad job and came home. Cornfoot and I had a pretty busy time as the camp was open and there were about 4,000 cows belonging to General Arias on the camp joining us. We had to mind the cows day and night and even so we were short cattle every other day, and sometimes had to go as far as two leagues after them.52 About a month after we lost the ‘novillos’ I was on my way to Keegan’s on Hammond’s camp, and [when] was passing through Keen’s camp ‘Pedernales’ I remarked that all the ‘novillos’ look very like ours: big ‘criollos’ with the same ‘señal’ as ours only on a different ear, also a ‘campanilla’ or strip of hide cut under the neck. So I got near a big point along the fence and saw one or two of ours. So I asked to look through the rodeo and they asked one to go a few days later but that there were no ‘ajenos’ on the camp. Anyway I went with men and they put about 1,000 novillos that were in that ‘potrero’ on the rodeo, and I began to find ours. The mayordomo, an Englishman, came and saw the ‘guía’ and the mark on the ‘novillos’ but after working all day we got 39, there were still five or six missing. We kept the cattle away until the middle of October and we skinned 270 big cows in that time. During all this time I was only home once. While I was away Father was sick again. He was staying at Gilmour’s at Once. Josie was with him for a while and then I was there for a few days. After he came home that summer he took some troops of those ‘novillos’ to ‘corrales’ also some of Newbery’s cows, and after shearing he parted 2,000 of the old Rambouillet sheep and left only 3,500 young sheep and ‘borregos’ all first cross Lincoln, special woollen sheep which he sold in the end of January 1888. He was only home a few days. On Carnival Sunday, he shut in some mares to part one for ‘madrina’ and he ‘pealard’ the mare, and as he gave the pull to the lasso, he fell dead in the corral. Only Lawrence was with him, and he was twelve years old. I was at Mrs. D. Garrahan’s and Bill Cormack, the peón that we had then, came for me. When I got home they were bringing him in on a ‘catre’. I think Santie and Josie were at home. I sent to Moore’s to ask him to get things fixed up in Lobos. I also sent a man to ‘La Choza’ and sent word to town. It was nearly sundown when he died so he was waked two nights. I was 24 years of age and that was my first experience of death.53 Sometime before Father died I wanted to go outside and work on my own account, [and] he told me that I could work with the flocks of sheep that I had at the ‘puesto’ but he did not name any conditions. After his death we found that things were in a very bad state.54 In fact, we owed more than the place was worth at the time. I went to speak to Uncle Larry and he said that it might be better to liquidate all. He told me that there was $45,000 owed to the Banco Hipotecario, besides several small amounts and funeral expenses, etc., and what he

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called a trifle to him that I found out afterwards was $18,000 at 15 percent per annum, which amount reached with interest and bills paid by him that year to $30,000. Before I got a turn on it, I asked him to let me try a few years and see what I could do to redeem the place. All those years since I came to Lobos I was managing the work but not the financial part, so I understood the work pretty well. When Father came home after selling the sheep he brought $4,200, I do not know for what purpose. I did not say anything in town about that amount. I kept it to buy cattle and to see and make some money as there were only 3,500 sheep and 600 or 700 cows and some of them were Newbery’s. So in September of that year I left with a ‘tropilla’ of ‘rosillos’ and a peón called Goyo Paleón – by the way a damned rogue – with $4,000 of that money in my ‘tirador’. The first day I went as far as Keegan’s from there to Reilly’s in Chivilcoy, there to Murray’s in Alberti, and from there to Diego Cavanagh’s at Olascoaga.55 I had always heard that he had the best ‘Novillo’ to be got any place. So when I got there, Diego Kavanagh was in town and his brother Edward56 told me that the ‘Novillo’ were for sale, so to go ahead and revise them and then go to town to bargain with his brother, which I did leaving Paleón and the ‘tropilla’ there. I met Kavanagh next day at the Universale and bargained for 200 novillos at 16 dollars and 50 at 12 dollars each. Kavanagh went out with me next day and I parted the novillos, paid for them and drove them home. They were very good and I put 170 cheaper novillos with them, and sold 400 at 23 dollars each after 3 months. And that was my first deal in ‘Novillo’.57 Dan Cummins was accustomed to being his own boss, and did not want to take orders from me. So I told him to look for another place58 and I bought his sheep from him when he was leaving after he had offered to all the neighbours at 150 per head. It was a very bad year. About a year after Father’s death, Santie got into a row with a Native called Corvalán at the Porvenir, and he stopped him on the road and nearly cut off two of his fingers. Dr. Hiriart had to cut them off afterwards. He was over a month in Lobos, Mother staying with him. It cost a lot of money as there were two doctors and the bill was heavy at ‘Jardín’.59 About this time Mother wanted to divide the camp, but I told her not to until there was enough money to leave here independent, so it was not done. Santie and Josie started to buy horses and ‘potros’ to resell in town and suburbs. I was always at home and I spent as little as I could, as I always had in mind that what I spent was not my own. I never went to dances or meetings so that I had the name of being rather a dry subject.60 In the end of 1890 Mr MacDonell came to teach Lawrence. He also taught Jimmie Jackson, Rosa and Maggie Garrahan. He was here only about 6 months, afterwards Lawrence and Jimmie went to Luján to school, and the twin Garrahan’s went to a convent in Chivilcoy. In the beginning of 1891, Uncle John Cunningham and his wife came here, and he and I went to Lobos and we got Grandfather and Grandmother Cunningham’s remains taken up in the old burying ground, and put them in a small urn and he bought two graves besides ours, and put their bones in it. During that year, Aunt Mary Kenny got ‘pulmonía’. We took her to Lobos to Dr. Hiriart, Mother going to stay with her at the Hotel Jardín. She died in three or four days. She was waked in Lobos and buried with her Father and Mother. Her mother died in 1853. The first two or three years that I had the management we did very well with the sheep,

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in fact we got in wool as much as the sheep were worth. One year I bought 500 sheep at $1.50 and got $400 per head of wool that year. Having sold at $14.50 and $13.60, that year we got the record price $14.50 and I got a letter of congratulation. All the wool was sent to Uncle Larry’s to pay up his account – which was paying 15 per- cent –. He was supposed to pay the interest on ‘cédulas’ but he did not, and we were called to pay up all. So as he was in a pretty bad way, just then he told me to try and got $17,000 in cash, and as I had just sold the cows to Guillermo McClymont, leaving 50 heifers and some milk cows, I only had $11,000. So, by Johnnie Moore’s recommendation to a Mr. Donovan, the First Gerente del Banco de la Nación, I got $5,000 for one year, but it was not enough. So Mr. Moore lent me $1,500 at 10 percent. With this, Uncle Larry went to La Plata, and paid with ‘cédulas’, which were bought with the $17,000 on the Bolsa paying one percent com- mission. I was pretty anxious until I saw the Bank paid.61 Shortly, before paying up the cédulas and redeeming the camp, the ‘testamentaría’ was finished in a kind of a way, and we all got our ‘hijuelas’ all in ‘condominio’. A few years before Father died, a man from Marcos Paz called Miguel Ragget put his house and a piece of ground in Father’s name, and he died shortly after, which made it more com- plicated. Afterwards, it was put in my name and a few years later the family sold it, so I arranged the ‘escritura’ with the buyer and took them the money. Jimmie Leyden went with me.62 In 1892, Mrs Dan Garrahan, née Mary Young, died in Lobos. I asked Mrs Moore to look after her business, but Uncle Larry said that he would take on the settling [of] her testamentaría, but I had to look after things until Jimmie grew up. Mrs Garrahan’s brother, John Young, came from San Pedro to live with them. She had a flock of sheep and about 300 cows. Not long after her mother’s death, Mary Anne the oldest girl got T.B. and died in town, where she was staying with Bridget, so we brought her out to Lobos to bury her. 1892 and 1893 were very dry years, so the cows were sold and Uncle Larry kept the money as he already had come of their money before Mrs. Garrahan died, so when he failed they lost all that they had with him. We had finished paying him our debts, and he had $5,000 of ours with him, which we never got. In all the years that I was managing I never asked him for money, but the wool was sent to him every year. I paid all the expenses with what I made with the cattle. The money that I got from the Banco de la Nación was paid in six months, and the $1,500 lent to me by Mr. Moore, at the end of the year.63 The 50 heifers that we kept when we sold the cows were sold in 1893 to Hipólito Irigoyen, who at that time was renting the ‘Trigo’ camp in Las Flores. We had bad luck with the sheep from 1893 to 95. Between the ‘seca’ and some disease we lost 1,500 of the best sheep. About 1891, Terrero sold ‘Los Milagros’ part to Gaset, part to Mr. Moore, and after a few months 400 squares to Diego Buchanan, who brought sheep and catt- le from Bavio (partido de Magdalena). He had a Scotchman in charge, a thorough shepherd. E. Chisholm was his name and I learned a lot from him. After this I spent some money on the place, divided the camp in five potreros so that we would each have our part as soon as I could lay enough money aside to secure an income for Mother during her life. I measured the camp myself, and Mr. Dodds64 approved of it, as it was in accordance with his measurement of the year 1883. Mr. Dodds was an agrimensor. I put all the oldest ewes in one potrero, the younger ones in another, capones in another and the borregos in another.

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The other potrero was occupied by the Dan Garrahan’s. The first time that I tried this plan in the flock of older sheep, we señaled 65 and saved 1,150 lambs from 1,050 ewes66 and in the younger ones, 1,000 in more or less the same quantity. This was in 1894. After this I began buying heifers and tambo calves about Rodriguez and Marcos Paz, also in Las Heras. We dehorned all the novillitos. We were the first to dehorn in Lobos.67 There were about 400 that cost $24 each, and we sold them at three years old, and in bad condition to Ignacio Goicochea at $60 per head.68 We were some of the first to vaccinate also. During these years there was more money spent, but I always kept down expenses as much as possible, and had to work harder than ever.69 One year we were a whole month curing, stabbing and shearing by hand,70 tying the sheep down as for shearing. We did about 300 a day between four of us.71 After this we got Pat Burns to build a dip. And dipped with Haywards paste and tobacco powder.72 Mary got married in 1893 and she was very sick after her first baby, which was still born.73 Mary lived about four leagues from Abbott station, then called Craig.74 At this time there were lots of dances at Slamon’s, Walsh’s, Lawler’s, Zapiola’s, Moore’s, Seally’s, Seery’s and some times at our house. I always had to stay at home as Santie and Josie never missed one, and somebody had to stay at home, so it always fell to me. When the dance was at our house of course I was there, and enjoyed myself very much, but for all that I was considered dry as I did not take part in the drinking.75 About 1896 we got up a club in Lobos. It was called the Lobos Hibernia Club, and I was treasurer while it lasted. Besides, I had to do nearly all the entertaining and management.76 There were several dances at the ‘Jardín’ (Hotel). People came from Monte, Navarro, Las Heras, Marcos Paz, Saladillo and as far as Salto.77 At this time we minded three flocks of sheep and we only kept one peón. As there were no ‘puestos’ in the ‘potreros’ I did not do any planting, even at the estancia as I thought it better for each one to fix up their own place, when divided. In 1897 Lawrence, Jimmie, Pat Mulloy, Tom Joe Walsh and Mike Gaynor were taken to the drill (conscription) in Denehy.78 Joe Manny,79 James Savage80 and I went to see them, we stayed the night at ‘El Cañadón’. Mr John Patt’s a friend of mine, that I bought novillos from, came time before. Coming back, we got off in Chivilcoy and played ‘45’81 with Father O’Reilly.82 Lawrence came home with measles. Uncle Owen Manny died about this time. We were all at his funeral. Uncle Larry closed down his office in 1892. After that I began sending the wool etc-to (Salaberry, Bercetche & Cía), Salaberry & Erricaborde, and after the firm changed to Salaberry, Lalor & Bercetche and we continued sending to them till some years later. Lalor left the firm and started to work alone. By then Lawrence and I were working in partnership and we have the N°1 deposit with Juan Lalor.83 In 1898 Peter Scally84 wanted to move nearer to the station, and Santie was getting married to Katie (Lizzie) Walsh,85 and he wanted to build as well as the Scallys, so I proposed dividing the camp and stock (up to that all was worked in ‘condominio’). We decided to make five parts of the camp, and the same division that I had made some years before was accepted. I proposed throwing lots for the ‘potrero’ excepting the old estancia86 (Mother’s house), which

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should be left to Lawrence as Mother would continue living with him. She remained with the ‘Martillo’ bought from Dolan, that remained outside of the square of the other ‘potreros’. I valued it at $7,500 and she remained with the cash in hand to make up $50,000. The money was put at interest afterwards. Before drawing lots Mary proposed for me to take $5,000 in payment for my adminis- tration, but I said that I would not take any more than the rest. So then she proposed for me to take which ever lot I liked best, as recompense, so as I intended living with Lawrence for the time being, I accepted, and took the lot n°2 as it joined Lawrence n°1, which was the old place and it would be handier for me to work. Lot n°1 had the old house, Mother house. Lot n°2 had no house. Lot n°3 had the old ‘Jagüel’ and two rooms. Lot n°4 had three good rooms with floors and ceiling. Lot n°5 had no house either. When fixing the lots I put $1,000 extra on n°5 and another $1,000 on n°4. Besides these two lots n°4 and n°5 had 17 hectares more than any of the others. As it happened on Santie, Josie and Mary drew lots, Santie got n°4 with 354 hectares, the house, etc. Josie n°3 with 340 hectares. Mary n°5 with 354 hectares and $1,000 to recompense for the road that remains on that lot. We got Paul Hansen to look after the division, he recommended Darío Beccas and the titles were drawn up by his partner in the province Melchor Castroman. Tomás Dodds signed the division that I made. Santie was married in September, before the ‘división de condominio’ was finished, as we had to wait until the 17th November when Lawrence became of age. So Santie and Lissie came to live at our home for a few months after they came back from Tandil, where they spent their honeymoon. In the summer of 1898, I got 200,000 bricks made on [lot] n°3 to build Scally’s, Santie’s and Josie’s houses. I made the plan and presupuesto of Scally’s house, bought all the materials and bargained with Gino Perricino to do the work. Afterwards, he took on Santie’s and Josie’s so the three houses were built about the same time (1898 and 1899). Josie was married in February of 1899.87 Scally’s moved in March and Santie in June 1899. In March 1899, we divided the sheep [and] each got 1,900 and 67 heads of cattle. I sold my ewes, which were about 1,000 to Frank Dillon Jr. $4.50 per head, and some days after, I sold the 300 capones to Gaset at $5.50. I kept the cattle and sold and changed the novillitos up and down with Lawrence, when the camp was better I began to drain. In September I went to John Pott’s, called El Cañadón in 9 de Julio, and bought 150 novillitos at $40 each. They were splendid Durham novillos; about 3 years old. Lawrence, Jimmie Garrahan, Pat Molloy and I went for them. I also bought 200 novillos from Pat Kirk. They were ‘tamberos’ mostly Holstein. In the beginning of 1900, Lawrence bought 150 from Santa Clara and 60 from Buchanan at $60 each. Just at this time, foot and mouth disease started and exportation was closed, so we had to sell all the novillos to Juan Menta, with very little profit. In March of 1900, it rained from the 25th of March until the 1st of April. The camp was flooded, so I began to dig more ditches. In June, I rented my camp to Menta at $500 per month. Lawrence also rented by the head.88 After a while, Menta gave up the camp and Lawrence and I went into partnership. We bought and sold over 1,000 novillos the first year 1901. About half went to ‘Corrales’ and the rest were sold to Frigorifics. We made a better sale on these so we bought no more mixed Novillos.

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In the end of 1901, I bought 250 novillos from Adolfo Peterson in Tandil at $42 and 150 specials from Emilio Noguera at $60. I sent Neddy Garrahan with the men, and I went myself by train89 to part and then came back with the novillos. We found the ‘Salado’ flooded and we had to make three parts of the troop and hire a boat to drive them over. One third of the cattle were almost drowned. In fact, I thought there was no saving them, and all on account of some cowardly men who were afraid to go in and receive the animals after they had made a footing- but we were lucky as we only lost one. That night we stayed near Monte, we were all wet and with damp clothes. The night was very cold, so we gathered lots of firewood, and kept the fire going all night. In 1902, we rented 350 squares from Tom McKeon, 150 sq. at 22 and the rest at 18. We kept the $22 dollar part and some of the other, and the Garrahan boys, Jimmie, Jackson and Ned kept the rest, so we made a contract for four years. This camp was very good and we did very well with it. We sent novillos half fat from here, and in that way got off between 500 and 600 novillos a year. That first year we made $120,000. In this year we had sold 365 novillos to the Campana Frigorifics90 at 11 3/4 per pound. They had offered us only 80 per head. I took them myself with some men. They were so fat that we had to leave several between Las Heras and Marcos Paz and eight died. These were the first novillos I saw weighted they gave 834 3/4 pounds. They gave 95 percent head clear. Among them, were 60 novillos, the only ones I ever got to buy from Scally’s. The price was 70 dollars. Tetly parted these novillos and took some very young ones to keep down the weight. He said that they would not reach 800 pounds. Some time after renting this camp, Mrs McKeon died and the camp was sold, but as we had a contract we could stay on until it finished, paying the new owner instead. He was Berrueta and he paid $500 per square considered a high price then. Before the contract of the McKeon camp finished, we rented 160 squares from the Missies Urquiola and had it for about two years. These years we did not keep any breeding cattle. In 1903, we bought 160 cows with 130 calves, pick from about 800 cows with calves for dead. It was the month of April. This was about the best business we ever did, as for $6,400 we had 290 head. About six months later when the cows calved again we had about 430 head. We bought bulls from Lawrence Casey at $1,000 each, for them, so in a short time we had the camp full. In 1904, Mary91 got sick and was in town for some time staying at Garrahan’s and Dr. Revilla was attending her. She got something better and came home, but that night she got a very bad attack and remained unconscious. Dr. Hiriart (from Lobos) was called, and he gave very little hopes of her recovery. We were all there for several nights, Mother stayed with her, she improved a little but did not get up any more. She died in November and was buried in Monte. After some time a governess was got to take care of the children. Mrs. Halligan was her name, she also taught them first lessons. Mrs Scally, Peter’s mother, died two o three years before Mary. About this time, we took on Juan Goyeneche as peón. In 1900, we all planted mounts. I put mine in the corner of two potreros, but did not build until 10 years later.

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In 1906, when we had to give up McKeon’s camp, we began to look around for camp to buy. I looked first at a camp in Alejo Ledesma. It was very good camp and we accepted the price of $160 for 8,000 hectares. Half of it was alfalfa, but we did not find the titles satisfactory, so did not make the bargain. Then I went to see 1,000 hectares in Coronel Suarez, belonging to Mogory Eliff, but we did not like it as the ‘tosca’92 was very near, this place was bought afterwards by Dr. Miguel L. O’Farrell. I also revised a place at La Lonja in Trenque Lauquen, very good camp with alfalfa but the water was salty. Also another place near Bunge in Villegas, very good and with alfalfa but like the other, the water was very salty. This revising went on for a year and a half. During the time, Josie rented Mrs. Moore’s camp in Salto, about 800 squares and he moved out there to live. In March 1908 we were offered 1,165 hectares at Santa Eufemia station in Córdoba, and another of 1,600 hectares at Santa Ana near Laboulage. I saw both but preferred the Santa Eufemia place called ‘La Primavera’. I think this was the best camp I had seen. With the exception of 100 hectares, all was alfalfado in potreros well wired and 13 squares from the station. Three molinos, two wells and two puestos of two rooms, and one of four rooms and bathrooms, sheds, meat room, etc. The water also was very good, so I immediately went into business with Mr. James Watson, who owned it and lived at another place two leagues from there, ‘El Montecito’. He asked $140 per hectare, but settled for $138 with $80,000 down, and the remainder in four or five years at 8% interest. He came to town a few days later to ‘escriturar’ but the Escribano said that only the titles of half the camp were in perfect order. The other half had to run six or seven years to complete the ‘posesión testamentaria’. So we arranged to escriturar the first mentioned half, and Mr Watson was to rent us the other half for 8 years at the 8%, we having the option to take it at the end of that time for the prearranged $138. We paid cash down for the rest. In 1915, the second part of the camp was ‘escriturado’. The only thing that we had to do on the camp was to make a ‘brete’ for vaccinating. Here the camp was very bad in 1908, and we had to take 950 cows ‘al corte’ from the 160 bought in 1903. We drove them to Cortinez near Luján, and loaded them there for Córdoba. This was in the end of May, the alfalfa there was up to the stirrups on a big horse. Jackson took the cattle and stayed at La Primavera until we sold it in 1925. In July of 1908 we bought 250 novillos from Mrs. Moore in Suipacha at $48. The cost was $55 put on the camp in ‘La Primavera’ and we sold them within the year at $111. We kept all the breeding cows in Córdoba until 1913. We brought them back here, it was the month of September and they did not seem to suffer much from the changes of camp. From that on, we only kept novillos on the camp in Córdoba, and we did very well during the war.93 We bought a lot of Novillos at ‘El Totoral Abbot’ from Martinez y Calderón from Las Flores, then 360 of one mark, three to four years old. We paid $120 for them here, more or less $130 put in Córdoba, and in eleven months we sold 350 at $235 put on the train in Santa Eufemia. There were also among them some smaller novillos. In the month of November 1910, I became engaged to Julia O’Loughlin.94 She was living in Josie’s house for some time with her mother, grandmother and uncles. So as I had no house built, although I had a mount planted on the camp for ten years, I bargained with a Mr. Easton Garret to build a house chalet-style [and] it was to be finished in two months. The

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workmen came on the 10th of January and they gave it up the first days of February. After it dried I began to furnish it, I put up a windmill, etc. We were married on the 18th of April 1911 having had the civil marriage the evening before. We all went to Lobos in the coach in the morning. Agnes McGarrell95 and Lawrence were our padrinos. After the wedding breakfast, Julia and I left on our honeymoon. We staid some days in the Paz Hotel in Artes and Rivadavia (now Carlos Pellegrini). We went to visit Julia’s sister Katie, who was a nun in a Covent in Almagro.96 We also did a lot of shopping for the new house. Then we went to Montevideo for a week, we stayed at the Hotel Barcelona on Plaza Independencia. Then we came back to town and stayed a few more [days].97 Julia was 25 and I was 46, almost 47, and was very nearly getting to be a cranky old bachelor. But since I got married I had a very happy life, excepting anxiety when Julia was sick, which, for the first time was on the night of the 24th of January 1912. Julia got sick unexpectedly that night about 11 o’clock, so as we were alone except for Mrs. O’Loughlin who was living with us. A week before this Katie O’Loughlin died at the Covent in Flores. Mrs. O’Loughlin was away for some days and was just back when Julia got sick. So that night I sent Fin, the peón, for Doña Catalina Aristegui and also to advise Mother, but the baby was born before either of them arrived, a girl at 6 o’clock in the morning. We called her Laura. Old Catalina was not a professional, she let Julia up after a week, but she was very weak. So after a few days (it was during carnival), I went to town to consult Dr. O’Farrell, but he was in Mar del Plata and three other doctors that were recommended to me were also away. I consulted at Gibson’s ‘farmacia’ and they suggest Dr. Capurro, so I saw him and explained how Julia felt, etc. He said she was probably badly attended to. He gave me some medicine, and advised me to take her to Dr. O’Farrell as soon as she was strong enough to travel. This was the 16th of February and on the 1st of March Julia, Mrs. O’Loughlin, the baby and I went to town. Lawrence went to Lobos by Cañuelas and registered the baby there. Next I took Julia to Dr. O’Farrell and he told her that he would have to see her every second day for a while. On the 2nd of March Laura was christened in the evening at San Miguel church 6 p.m. We stayed at the France Hotel, Esmeralda 119. Lawrence and Mrs. O’Loughlin were sponsors. On the 4th we left the France and went to Miss O’Farrell’s, Larrea 34, where we took rooms and board on the 10th. I came home and returned on the 13th and on the 17th St Patrick’s day. Mrs. O’Loughlin, Julia, Laura, Lawrence and I went to Luján for the pilgrimage. There were a great crowd there. On the 23rd we came home. For some time after that, Julia had to visit Dr O’Farrell once a month. Shortly after we were married, Julia and I went to visit the Savage’s in Morón, the Jimmie Byrne’s who lived in Villars and the Manny’s in Rodriguez. At the end of 1911 the Tormey’s went to San Ramón de Anchorena in Azul, Charlie as ‘mayordomo’. About a year later Tommie Donough went to Acelain as ‘capataz’, and in 1913 Jack went to Pablo Acosta’s also in Azul, and he remained there for 10 or 11 years. In 1912, after Julia was well and back from town, we began to make a garden, making the pattern of box. I put up gates and I gave the house two coats of oil paint and fixed some spots that appeared in the wall.

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Know that we fools, now with the foolish dead, Died not for flag, nor King, nor Emperor,— But for a dream, born in a herdsman's shed, And for the secret Scripture of the poor.

Thomas Michael Kettle (To my Daughter Betty, The Gift of God, 4/9/1916)

For those who cannot resist peeping at the end of a book, I have to admit that they will find here no heroes, martyrs or saints. There is not even a clear end, whether tragic or happy. Migrations impose a continuous pace, a fluid process that does not stop: becoming. In this book, only everyday voices are heard. They speak from their day-to-day, sometimes dull stories of a few Irish emigrants and their families in Argentina. Their stories are not synchronised or witty, they do not even try to catch our attention. Most of the messages are simple family communications, requests for utensils for everyday life, or family souvenirs. It is an inner adventure. The emigrant is not special because he is the subject of national or international relocations, by which he decides to burn the bridges in some place to carve out a future for himself in another, or because he is confronted with a culture that is more or less different than his own. I believe in emigrants as space makers. They create spaces of oppression and assimilation, spaces of emotion and emptiness, spaces that need years or even generations to be accomplished. I believe in humans emigrating in search of those spaces. The Argentine author Jorge Luis Borges conjectured that to the Irish “it was enough to perceive themselves as Irish, different, to innovate within the English culture” (El escritor argentino y la tradición, 1932). Borges was trapped by labels. How and when did the Irish perceive themselves as Irish? To what extent is being Irish not synonymous with being English? What is Irish, English or Argentine? It is easier to identify Americans by the continent in which they live, or the Jews by their religion. However, even in these cases one cannot speak of “culture”. Identity, as nationality, is a problem, an open question. The reader who reaches this point after having listened to Edward, John James, Sally, and Tom’s voices among others, will be well aware that identity is conceived, not innate. It is conceived bit by bit, gradually, within a process that has no beginning and no end. It is a space without dimensions. From the somehow cynical concept that there is no nation at all (nor culture or identity), all the way through the bigotry and chauvinism of nationalism, one knows that all the abs- tractions of nation, people, country or culture risk falling into generalisation and oversim- plification. However, even more dangerous are the manipulations of identity, such as “We Argentines are like this, the Irish are like that, the English are not like us...” I think that there

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is no intellectual appeal in identifying what a people is, what “we” are. Conversely, I believe that it is fundamental to recognise what “we” are not.

Conspicuous Irish Gauchos

Figure 1. Four Irish farmers in the 1860s. Daguerreotype donated to the museum of Luján by Antonio Pozzo, photographer of Buenos Aires (Complejo Museográfico Provincial ‘Enrique Udaondo’, Luján, provincia de Buenos Aires). I reserved to the end a comment about this photograph, which could be seen as a symbol of the search for identity on the part of the Irish in Argentina, that is to say, the recognition of what they are not. The original image is a daguerreotype from the 1860s, included in the holdings of the Complejo Museográfico Provincial ‘Enrique Udaondo’ of Luján, Buenos Aires (that kindly authorised its publication). The photographer Antonio Pozzo, of Buenos Aires, donated the original to the museum. In 2000 the photograph was published in The Southern Cross special edition of the 125° anniversary (November 2000, p. 13), to illustrate the article “Estancieros irlandeses” by Martín Parola. We know nothing of the four characters looking directly at us from the image. We just read the legend, estancieros irlandeses. Since nothing in the photograph goes against it, let’s assume that they were, in fact, Irish. Two of them are dressed according to early 19th-century gaucho custom, including chiripá (Amerindian breeches) and botas de potro (hand-fashioned boots made with the skin of a colt’s hind legs). They wear chambergo, a wide-brimmed hat and, hanging at the left side of the image, there is a traditional poncho. The small space is stuffed with rural paraphernalia of the Argentine pampas, including leather lassos, a long gaucho knife, a bit and a whip. One may say that, in addition to being Irish, they are actual gauchos. When I first observed this photograph carefully, I realised that there were some peculiar details. Three of our four Irishmen have traditional elements from the Argentine countryside, mate, knife and lasso. But they hold these elements without the familiarity of someone who

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uses them everyday. In particular, the mate and the knife are displayed conspicuously. The individual from the centre to the left side of the photograph hides something in his hands that looks like a walking stick (perhaps too European in this gaucho context). The other one, from the centre to the right-hand, is wearing clothes cut according to British standards, and is half- concealed behind one of the “gauchos”, yet he advances the mate prominently. They wear carefully shaved beards or moustaches; they are comfortably seated (one of them crossing his left leg in order to show the chiripá) and looking directly to the camera. They have a smug, boastful attitude, which could be interpreted as repressed laugh. Were they four Irish settlers who sat for the photographer in their everyday clothes? Did they unsaddle their horses and go into the studio to take this photograph? Perhaps the daguerreotype was produced to be sent to their families and friends in Ireland? Did they really wear these clothes every day? Murphy reveals in his letters how his dress was exactly like that in Ireland. He did not use botas de potro but “1/2 Dr. Mettle socks”. He did not wear chiripá but “flannel drawers, strong, large and the same as those we wear at home”. To us, the exact purpose of this photograph remains unknown. However, we can imagine that the intention of these persons was to show to someone the customs and elements of rural Argentine life. There is no problem with this interpretation, though it is a very different reading than the initial one. The Irish in the photograph are not gauchos. They perceive themselves as different from the gauchos. In fact, instead of gauchos they are Irish costumed as gauchos. Additionally, there is the legend estancieros irlandeses added in The Southern Cross article. An estanciero is not a gaucho. There is an important social class distinction between the two. Gauchos were proletarian, not landlords. Estancieros owned their means of production (at least, sheep and cattle and, frequently, land). There is no clue to the origin of that legend, but the reader can verify that it was used in the article mentioned above. Our four Irish folks are perceived as something more than gauchos; they are estancieros. What conclusion one can deduce from a mid-nineteenth century photograph showing four Irish settlers in gaucho fashion with a legend estancieros irlandeses? What are they, Irish or Argentines, estancieros or gauchos? I consider this image to be a well of information. Are the obvious differences between Argentines and Irish, and between gauchos and estancieros, on the surface or in the heart of their identities? There is enough evidence that at the time of this photograph more than a few Irish settlers in Argentina perceived themselves as English, and in any event they did not see themselves as gauchos. Perhaps the four characters would have been proud of the legend estancieros (as revealed by several of the letters to Martin Murphy and Garrahan passages). Yet, they were unmistakably different, i.e., they perceived themselves different from the native residents of the Argentine pampas. Human beings cannot be satisfied with just one label. English, Irish or Argentine; gauchos or estancieros, American or European, are all simplistic oppositions that lead to historical biases. People tend to believe naively that a nationality, a passport or a flag automatically bestow certain psychological, moral and even ethnic characteristics. In this way, geographical spaces acquire cultural features.

An European Subcontinent Called America The defendants of racial purity tried to make us believe in the utopia of ethnical units, an

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attitude derived from the intellectual imagination of leaders who feared losing their social privileges. This is the way in which guiding fictions are conceived. The case of America (under- standing America as the continent, not only the United States of America) is worthy of note. Referring to La Malinche, an Indian woman who served Hernán Cortés as interpreter in encounters with Maya and Aztec chiefs, Todorov (perhaps the sharpest reader of the documentary sources remaining from the Spanish conquest of America) observes that she was the first symbol of cultural hybridization, a symbol that anticipated the peculiar status of all of us belonging inexorably to two or three cultures that has come to dominate the modern sensibility. From the time of La Malinche, the numbers of people fitting in cross-breeding cultures in any part of the world continue to grow. As a toponym, America has a rather illustrative history. In the sixteenth century, right after Christopher Columbus’ expeditions, America was labelled “The New World”, an “empty” realm that Europeans needed to fill up with concepts (seemingly European-made). In the foundation period, it was named Las Indias, a foreign toponym that from the beginning took the place of the local contents. About a century later, it was replaced by the cartographic America, from the European geographer Amerigo Vespucci. Finally, in the early 19th century, the French-creation Latin America qualified the Mediterranean characteristics of a segment of colonisers and, later, its ambiguity gained adepts among English-speakers and others who were attracted by the ethnographic connotations of this name. Mexican historian Edmundo O’Gorman, a pioneer of post-colonial studies in Latin America, argues that Christopher Columbus’ journey “was not (it could not be), the trip to America. As with fair laws, the interpretation of the past does not and cannot have retroactive effects. To assert or to proceed against this principle is to deprive history from the light that illuminates its own becoming” (El proceso de la invención de América, 1958). Before Columbus’ journey, America did not exist in the European global way of conceiving the world; Europeans had to “discover” America and label it as “The New World”. America and the Americans were, thus, invented. Perhaps in today’s world, it is the United States that is the direct heir of the European emptiness of identity. In the English language (and increasingly in French, German, Spanish and others), the denotation of “American” is a citizen of the United States. It is, therefore, a country without a name, empty, which aspires to be a metaphor of the continent. Europeans encountered America in the belief, as Lévi-Strauss notes, that the continent was isolated from the world for the previous 20,000 years. In fact, America was isolated from Western Europe, but there is evidence suggesting that to “the immense Atlantic silence cor- responded a vibrant activity in all the Pacific coasts” (Tristes tropiques, 1955). The European conquistadors arrived on American coasts and neglected its past, which was associated with a rich cultural interchange from the Behring Strait to the Chilean coast. They landed and, closing the eyes to their own identities, they conceived the idea of a European sub-continent called America. In this context, the massive 19th-century migrations from Europe to the Americas were a natural reflection of a cultural process that began three centuries before. In the first decades of the 19th century, our heroes of the Wars of Independence perceived themselves as Americanos. They had to throw off the yoke of the Spanish crown, which they perceived as traditional and retrograde, and accepted instead the British rule of free trade and global specialisation of production. They conceived an Americanism that would link the young republicans to an epic of freedom, fraternity and progress under the British model. It

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was the post-colonial colonisation of America. The heroes were followed by the elites. During the civil wars, what was in the centre of the intellectual debate was the future identity of the continent. However, nobody in this debate represented the original residents of the continent. Pre-Columbian history had already vanished a long time before. Nobody was interested in reading it again, except those who boasted about the superiority of European progress and “civilisation” against native American “barbarity”. As for the English, from the beginning of the Independence period, they had no doubts about their perceptions and future opportunities. “Spanish America is free,” wrote George Canning, the British Foreign Secretary in December 1824, “and if we do not mismanage our affairs sadly, she is English” (quoted in Miller 1993). Within this negotiation of identities, the Irish emigrants had limited choices. My hypothesis is that the greater part of the Irish who emigrated to Argentina were, more than anything else, ingleses. When they left the British Isles they identified particularly with that European nation that had oppressed them at home. This identification was strengthened after the confrontation with the Argentine natives, gauchos and Indians. The stress provoked by fears of being different to their perceptions of themselves precipitated a return to their cultural mind, which was particularly English-centred. From being metaphors of the English, they became their metonymies. Many years had to pass, including suffering, happiness and effort, to loosen their fears of Argentines and of Argentina. In late 19th-century Argentina, gauchos became their friends (though the actual gaucho did not exist anymore; they were mere sym- bols). Conversely, in Ireland, the English became their enemies. At this climactic moment in the historic negotiation of Irish identity, the Irish finally began to perceive themselves as Argentines in order to have access to the status of the local bourgeoisie. This survey hopes to have contributed, at least partially, to better understanding some of the Irish emigrants to Argentina. There are many pending issues to complete the research. There are more letters and documents to analyse (however, there still are no letters in the other direction, from Ireland to Argentina). I hope scholars will find new private documents in both directions, and more demographic primary sources. There is a possibility to intensify the linguistic study of these texts and, in particular, the analysis of their discourse. Additionally, there is an opportunity in database analysis to start up a dialogue among diverse demographic studies of the Irish Diaspora in England, North America, Australia, New Zealand, Southern Africa, South America and, of course, Ireland. Other aspects to study are the Irish-Argentine culture (literature, music, press, sports, clothing, food, etc.), the history of Argentine and Irish nationalist movements, their relations and points of contact, their influence over the par- ticipation of Argentine politics and bilateral relations, the communitarian life of Protestant Irish in Argentina, the institutional role of the Catholic hierarchy in the formation of an Irish Argentine identity, and for the future, the 21st-century Latin American emigration to Ireland. But this will be another story.

De-hyphenating Irish Argentina Readers may have noticed that I do not use Irish-Argentine and Irish Argentine as synonyms. Irish-Argentine is an adjective applicable to persons or things in varying degrees. Irish Argentine is a noun, which identifies the person who may qualify to that name, commonly because of his or her ancestry. For instance, an Irish Argentine may not be Irish-

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Argentine at all! (particularly if he or she is not aware of his or her family origins). The cen- tral point of this discussion is the difference between a history focused on the Irish Argentines and an Irish-Argentine history. The former is, or has the potential to be, free of the values and ideological discourses of the Irish in Argentina, meanwhile the latter would be more or less influenced by those values. I researched the subject of this book with the awareness of, but without a blind adherence to, the prevailing historical discourses in Argentina and in Ireland. An oversimplified (albeit, introductory and superficial) panorama of traditional Argentine historiography reveals two major polarised positions: the liberals (Unitarios, an intellectual and urban elite, followers of Northern-European Romantic models), and the nationalists (Federales, supporters of populist caudillos and mass leaders usually with traditionalist ideologies). In their turn, few writers of Irish history (including Irish Diaspora history) could stay away from the Nationalist/Revisionist historical (yet somehow historic) Manichaeism. Regarding the history of the Irish Argentines, the situation is rather peculiar. Most of the published chronicles about the Irish in Argentina were (and still are to some degree) written with the contribution discourse in mind. As I explained in the introduction, this discourse represents an ideological framework which signified the Irish settlers and their families as (positive) contributors to their adopted land, and therefore set them as exemplar models of what this discourse often terms the “Irish race”. From a psychological perspective, the con- tribution discourse would have balance the (negative) view that many Irish had of themselves vis-à-vis the English (cf. Patrick O’Sullivan 1992). Paradoxically, the Irish-Argentine contribution discourse would be judged too liberal by the largest part of Argentine nationalist historians, and too nationalist by the Irish revisionists. In point of fact, most cases of the contribution discourse neglect at least two fundamental realities: the voiceless settlers who did not bear the mainstream ideology, i.e., the Catholic nationalistic dogma, and the negative contribution of a few Irish Argentines to the Argentine state of affairs. I would like to make an open invitation to scholars to articulate alternative dis- courses about the history of the Irish Argentines, and my hope is to see more learned (i.e., explicatory rather than plainly descriptive) writings covering the diversity of Irish-Argentine experiences. In his study of the Irish in the Caribbean island of Montserrat (If the Irish Ran the World: Montserrat, 1630-1730), Donald H. Akenson suggests that some historians, in particular, early 20th-century Irish nationalists and more recent anti-revisionists “believe that Irish history works differently from that of all the rest of the world” (Akenson 1997: 173). This Irish “exceptionalism” is usually complemented with an Irish “essentialism”, that is, “the belief that the Irish are essentially different from the rest of the European peoples, not in minor surface matters, but in their deep inner essence”. Akenson adds that this view “borders on racialism”. In these quotes, “Irish” could be replaced by “Argentine”, and “European” by “Latin American”, with the argument still working impeccably. With a few examples (most notably among them, José Luis Romero’s Latinoamérica: las ciudades y las ideas, 2001), most historical writing produced in Argentina generally tends to consider that country’s history in continental isolation, on the believe that it is an exception to the patterns that have dominated Latin America since the pre-Columbian times (I am paraphrasing Akenson here). Accordingly, Irish-Argentine history does not escape the general rule of Irish and

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Argentine historical “exceptionalism”. The effort to cover the culturally lengthy distance that exists in academia between Irish Studies and Latin American Studies, so to reach a broader per- spective of an Irish-Latin American history, could bring about numerous intellectual rewards. An example of this is the promising research of the Iberian dimension of the Irish Diaspora that is taking place on both sides of the Atlantic. Furthermore, (and I am conscious of the political risks of the following statement), I argue that Irish-Latin American history should be regarded within the broader framework of the relations between the British Isles and the Americas in general, and of the English-speaking cultures in Latin America in particular. Indeed, this will be yet another history.

Galway, Monday 13 June 1842 (Illustrated London News): “The distress had become too great for the poor squalid and unpitied inhabitants to endure their misery any longer, without some more substantial alleviation than prospects of coming harvest; and their resource in this case was to break open the potato stores and distribute their contents, without much discrimination, among the plunderers, and to attack the mills where oatmeal was known to be stored. During the entire of that day the town was in the possession of a fierce and ungover- nable mob, led on apparently by women and children, but having an imposing reserve in the rear of the Claddagh fishermen. The Sheriff, with a strong force of police and the depôt of the 30th Regiment, which constitutes the garrison, vainly attempted to restrain them. They assailed him and his armed bands with showers of stones, which wounded the commanding officer of the military party in the head, and hurt several of the men. But, with singular for- bearance and humanity, the gallant Thirtieth held their fire, and, as it was impossible to dis- perse such a mob without firing among them, the millers were induced to promise that meal should be retailed on the following morning at 15d. a stone. […] The Claddagh fishermen, to signalise their victory, insisted upon a general illumination of the town, and ordered the joy- bells of the collegiate church to ring out a merry peal. Their requisitions were complied with in both cases. The joy-bells tang out a merry peal, and the inhabitants in general put lights into their windows. Thus, for several hours, the capital city of Connaught remained in possession of a lawless rabble, while the armed authorities of the country retired before them.” Buenos Aires, Wednesday 19 December 2001 (Buenos Aries Herald and other media): The city was shaken by a wave of lootings that caused wounded people and economic losses. Most frequent targets included grocery stores, as well as home appliance and apparel shops. In spite of the apparent presence of women and children in the mob, the police clashed with the crowds. In order to avoid pillaging, the biggest supermarket networks opted to distribute food to the people, with some members of the metropolitan police force having been seen among the first who received the rations. In a supermarket in Once, policemen and civilians fought for a cut of meat. Later in the week, looting became more serious. The authorities decided to adopt stricter decisions. The state of siege was declared, and a criminal police repression was tolerated. Dozens died or were wounded. In the provinces, the situation was also very serious. Instability augmented and the President and his administration resigned. With increasing popular booing and cacerolazos, and after desperate political manoeuvring, MPs of dubious democratic representation elected a new, discredited government.

The analogy is not ideal. There are a few economic parallels, yet differences abound.

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Today, the Irish in Argentina should be studied in a broader context. Among those who managed to improve their lot and founded families in the new country, a small community of Irish Argentines led to the formation of a middle-class segment that finally integrated into the larger society. Nowadays, their descendants are (consciously or not) part of a heterogeneous community whose size is sometimes estimated on 500,000 persons. In spite of the success achieved by their ancestors, like millions of other Argentines, most of them are desperately trying to find stability, education and security. They do not die of hunger in the streets and roads, though their situation may be compared (in relative terms to the world economic development) to the misery of millions of Irish people in the mid-nineteenth century. A number of them queue up at the doors of foreign consulates in order to obtain a passport that may allow them to leave and emigrate to wealthier countries (Ireland among them). In Imaginary Homelands, Salman Rushdie observed that “to be a migrant is, perhaps, to be the only species of human being free of the shackles of nationalism (to say nothing of its ugly sister, patriotism). It is a burdensome freedom.” In most circumstances, emigrating is the only possible response to the inner conflicts of identity. It is an opportunity to modify the con- text in which we live every day. It also represents a transformation of the values that we need to adapt to new environmental demands. It is precisely in these changes, typical of migrations, where resides the key to perpetual frustration or continuous breakthrough. Recognising what we are not – not being – is the onset of being other, becoming other.

1 For the Irish settlers in Montserrat (1630-1730), Donald Akenson remarks that ‘it was this imperialism thatserved as the background to Ireland’s tiny empire in the West Indies, Montserrat. From the invaders, many Irish men and women learned how imperialists behave. They acquired the English language, and they became part of the exponentially expanding web of knowledge (and thus, of opportunity) that linked the New World and the Irish ports, such as Kinsale. So, they were impe-rialised quickly and became expert imperialists them-selves’ [Akenson 1997: 174]. 2 The letters from Salto (Buenos Aires) to Martin Murphy in Ireland provide many examples when he asks his brother in Wexford to send him a plough, un-derwear, or even a gig. 3 Up to the first decades of the twentieth century, the same idea was conceived in England and Ireland. In 1924, the journalist John J. Byrne-Newell wrote from Argentina: ‘The average Argentine and foreigner knew far less about us [the Irish]. This can hardly evoke sur-prise, seeing the amount of ignorance and superstition rampant among the bulk of the people out here, com-posed of illiterate and semi-illiterate rustics, labourers, and servants from remote semi-barbarous zones of Italy, Spain, Austria, Greece and Turkey, Russia, Poland, and Northern Europe, together with many thousands of petty retail traders and merchants, many of them infi-dels and agnostics, whose education has been mainly commercial, and whose sole outlook on life seems to consist of the worship of mammon or the golden calf. [...] The modern Irish-Argentine young man is a quite distinct type from his rough, hardy forefather pioneers, being more of a dandy and man about town and quite racy of the soil and climate’ [J. J. Byrne Newell, Where the Peso Rules in ‘The Irish Independent’ 5/9/1924]. 4 Unfortunate examples are certain books about the Irish Famine, like Paddy’s Lament: Prelude to Hatred, by Thomas Gallagher (1998). Its well-documented logic, the efficient dramatic rhetoric, and a sensibility towards the identity of millions of Irish-United States Ameri-cans, hide a discourse of alienation, riddled by evi-dences elaborated from abundant folkloric documenta-tion. Among those evidences strikes the reader the redeeming role that the United States played sending food to and receiving poor emigrants from Ireland dur-ing and after the Famine. This book is a proof that the quantity of references and primary sources is not enough for the historian to effectively understand the past. Other example, Frank McCourt’s Angela’s Ashes (1996) has been a well-rounded marketing success, and it is reader-targeted from the stunning cover photo-graph of a suffering child to the final sentence: ‘Isn’t this [the United States] a great country altogether?’

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5 Sabato and Korol conclude that ‘the total number of Irish immigrants who arrived in the country in the nine- teenth century was between 10,500 and 11,500’ [Sabato and Korol 1981: 48]. Patrick McKenna argues that their study ‘is based in the assumption that Cogh-lan (1982) captured 100% of the Irish emigrants in his work on the census of 1869 and 1855. They analyzed Coghlan’s figures using statistics to build in assump-tions for mortality and out-migration and further in-migration up to 1895 to arrive at their figure. The fact that there is such a difference between their figures and mine (especially when I allow for the possibility that my figures may be low) gives some indication of the room which exists for argument about the numbers of Irish who emigrated to Argentina during the nineteenth cen-tury’ [McKenna 1994: 210]. McKenna’s estimation of 40-45,000 emigrants in the nineteenth century is based on documentary sources which allow us to infer the ex-istence of a significant emigrant segment who were not recorded in the censuses owing to death or re-emigra-tion out of the country. Furthermore, given that McKenna does not seem to consider the assisted emi-grations (for instance, the 1,774 passengers of the City of Dresden and others in the 1880s), and that he defini-tively does not include arrivals from Ireland in the peri-od 1900-1929, the figure could be even higher. 6 In Coghlan’s work (1987), 4,348 Irish-born set-tlers in Argentina and Uruguay have been identified by the author independently of their place of death. I thank Margarita O’Farrell de Coghlan and Martha Coghlan for their authorisation to use the information in Eduardo Coghlan’s books. 7 Base: 1,786. 8 Base: 672. 9 Base: 750. 10 Base: 2,233. 11 Among the examples of exodus of the rural Irish-Argentine population to the cities, we found Maureen Hughes Moore’s, who noted that ‘Catalina Browne, wife of Lorenzo, was furious because her husband didn’t like the idea of living in Buenos Aires, as most of her friends’ [Gálvez 2002: 31]. 12 Base: 2,202. 13 Irish Immigrants in the Land of Canaan: Letters and Memoirs from Colonial and Revolutionary America, 1675- 1815, by Kerby A. Miller, Arnold Schrier, Bruce D. Boling and David N. Doyle, is another good exam-ple of excellency in historiography based on emigrant letters. 14 I have intentionally omitted a few documents of J.J. Murphy that were written to be published in Irish newspapers. 15 According to Mikhail M. Bakhtin, a belief sys-tem is ‘the circle of one’s vision’, i.e., a metaphor of one’s vision of the world. ‘What I see can never be what you see, if only because I can see what is behind your head’ [Holquist 1981: 425]. Speaking about nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Irish Catholic and Protestant world visions, Donald H. Akenson argues that systems of belief are ‘complex inteworkings of attitudes, faiths, accurate or inaccurate empirical observations, which - if they are viable - have not so much a defensive logic, but to their adherents, a satisfying psychologic - and they permit their adherents to hold without disquiet beliefs that are rationally incompatible with each other [Aken-son 1991: 127]. 16 ‘Chronotope’ (literally, time-space), is ‘a unit of analysis for studying texts according to the ratio and na-ture of the temporal and spatial categories represented. The distinctiveness of this concept as opposed to most other uses of time and space in literary analysis lies in the fact that neither category is privileged; they are ut-terly interdependent. The chronotope is an optic for reading texts as x-rays of the forces at work in the cul-ture system from which they spring’ [Holquist 1981: 426]. 17 The Murphy collection is composed of 140 let-ters and other documents (one brochure, some shipping company receipts, two cheques and legal notifications). In this book I have included only a portion of these documents. 18 Irish-Argentine writer Rodolfo Walsh described his family with a laconic ‘three or four generations of Irish married to other Irish’. Also, Maureen Hughes Moore notes about her ancestors that ‘during four gen-erations they married among them, and several were second cousins’ [Gálvez 2002: 28]. 19 Other ports of origin were Southampton, Cork, and Dublin (the latter especially for hired ships). 20 Very few of the Irish, if any, who emigrated to Argentina spoke Gaelic as their first language. 21 According to George T. Love, during the 1822 census there were 3,500 ‘ingleses’ in the province of Buenos Aires [Love 1962: III, 1]. 22 In fact, camp is used by shepherds in Australia, New Zealand, and Falkland/Malvinas islands, therefore sug- gesting a common origin in the sheep-farming trade. 23 In the letters studied by Fitzpatrick, there is one occurrence of home in every 383 words. This ratio is higher in the letters sent from Australia than in those sent from Ireland [Fitzpatrick 1994: 620]. 24 An ad hoc consideration of the linguistic aspects of this study: a very good knowledge of the Spanish and English languages is essential to conduct practical re-search on the Irish emigration to Argentina in the nine-teenth century

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BECOMING IRLANDÉS

and first decades of the twentieth centu-ry. Of course it is always possible to read translations of primary sources and references, but it would be ex-tremely difficult to interpret the wealth of significance found between the lines of public and private docu-ments, press articles, or simple manuscript notes. Fur-thermore, it is rare to find primary documents that do not include in some way or other both languages. Most likely, this may be one of the reasons for the sparse number of doctoral theses and scholarly articles about English-speaking communities in Latin America in general, and about the Irish in Argentina in particular.

140 BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 1

1

1 ‘How often my recollection flee to the society of my dear friends in Haysland’ [Murphy 10]. The Murphy’s homestead in Haysland, Kilrane parish, Co. Wexford (E. Murray 2002).

Four Irish farmers in 2 2 the 1860s. Daguerreotype donated to the museum of Luján by Antonio Pozzo, photographer of Buenos Aires (Complejo Museográfico Provincial 'Enrique Udaondo', Luján, provincia de BuenosAires). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 2

‘Also [send] a 3 3 likeness of Patt, Mrs. and their eldest daughter Catherine’ [Murphy 8]. Patrick Murphy, Mary McGrath and Catalina Murphy in 1863 (Mary Anglim 2002).

4 BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 3

5

4 ‘'At that period there 5 ‘He left a comfortable were a Mail coach, a Day home he kept a flour coach and a Canal coach Mile near Cloghan, called passing and repassing Black Mills’ [Robbins through the town daily ' 1819]. Abandoned mill [Robbins 1837]. The Grand on river Inny, near Canal near Tullamore, Co. Ballymahon, Co. Longford Offaly (E. Murray 2002). (E. Murray 2002). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 4

6

6 'Joe Murphy, George Argentina went back home Furlong, and Nick Pierce or re-emigrated to other are going home I suppose countries. In the about next April. They are photograph, Patrick selling off not expecting to Canavan (centre) and his return' [Murphy 28]. It is brothers on their journey estimated that one out of back to c1890 two Irish settlers in (Bernard Canavan 2002). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 5

7 7 ‘George Gaynor, of Tully Wood, died and was buried at Clonmacknoise, or the Seven Churches in the King’s Co., on the banks of the river Shannon’ [Robbins 1839]. Lough Ree from Barley Harbour (E. Murray 2002).

‘The three houses 8 were built about the same time’ [Garrahan 1898]. Big house in Lennon’s estancia Santa Lucía, Capilla del Señor (E. Murray 2003).

8

278 BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 6

9

9 'The “novillos” look very like ours: big “criollos” with the same “señal” as ours only on a different ear, also a “campanilla” or strip of hide cut under the neck' [Garrahan 1887]. Marking cattle in estancia San Martin (Salto) c1890 (Mary Anglim 2002). 10 10

11 11 'By your last letter I was glad to see that you were all well and I hope in every way happy' [Murphy 16]. Letter postmarked on 27 May 1864 in Buenos Aires, and received on 5 July 1864 in Wexford (Mary Anglim 2002). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 7

'I expect you have 12 12 already hear of poor Robert Baggon's death from exposure to the weather, in moving with William the brother's sheep' [Murphy 9]. Irish graves in Carmen de Areco (E. Murray 2003).

13 'On the 17th St Patrick's day, Mrs. O'Loughlin, Julia, Laura, Lawrence and I went to Luján for the pilgrimage. There were a great crowd there' [Garrahan 1912]. First mission of the Passionist Fathers in St. Paul's chapel, Carmen de Areco, that ended on Whit Sunday 1898. Passionist Fathers, Golden Jubilee of the Monastery: Saint Paul's Retreat of the Passionist Fathers 1888-1938 (Capitán Sarmiento, November 1938).

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14 14 ‘I assure you I was rather surprised to hear of Nicky having so advanced in arithmetic [...]. I am not surprised to hear of Johnny being backward in learning. He was always very stupid, and careless also’ [Murphy 30]. Brothers Juan and Nicolás Murphy (seated) were sent to Ireland to study there. They lived with their uncle Martin Murphy until they went back to Argentina in 1878 (Mary Anglim 2002).

15 15 ‘I cannot say that you are altogether deprived of, but it’s so limited, and must be so with every tenant farmer now a days, it must be painful to the mind of an honest minded man like yourself’ [Murphy 21]. James Furlong, Elizabeth (Bess) Furlong (née Murphy), and two of their children. The Furlong family lived in Haysland (Mary Anglim 2002). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 9

16

16 BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 10

17 17

‘I’ve got some hard 18 18 knocks from John. I may have merited them’ [Murphy 3]. Elizabeth Murphy (née Roche) and William Murphy with Billy and Katie c1867 (Mary Anglim 2002). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 11

19

19

‘Happiness can be 20 20 enjoyed in every position in life. But we must first make our- selves philosophers to do so’ [Murphy 21]. The Murphys in their house in Almagro, city of Buenos Aires. Elisa, Ellen Murphy (née Roche), J.J. (seated), Millie y Nico, c1905 (Timothy Warriner 2003). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 12

21

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22

22

‘Around 1875 there 23 23 was a chapel built on Brown’s camp about a league and a half from us’ [Garrahan 1875]. Saint Patrick’s chapel in Santa Lucía, San Pedro (E. Murray 2003).

24 24 ‘Poor Patricio never received an answer to his letter to you’ [Pettit 26]. Patricio Moore and Dr. Miguel Murphy en 1869 (Andrew Pettit). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 14

25

25 ‘On the 3rd day of 26 27 February, Governor Rosas driven away. [...] I was going on pretty well when on the 6th December the town was blockaded’ [Robbins 1852]. Palermo, the house of Juan Manuel de Rosas (Andrew Pettit).

26

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27

28 BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 16

‘Indeed I often 29 29 wonder that letters and papers come so regularly from such a distance when some from Europe are often lost’ [Pettit 8]. Letter postmarked on 20 February 1867 in Buenos Aires, 5 April 1867 in London, 11 June 1867 in Melbourne, and 12 July 1867 in Dunolly (Andrew Pettit).

30

30 ‘Before drawing lots 31 31 Mary proposed for me to take $5,000 in payment for my administration, but I said that I would not take any more than the rest’ [Garrahan 1898]. Cadastral map of Lobos, Estudio Edelberg 1939 (Juan José Santos). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 17

32

32 ‘Seats of my youth ‘Men and women 33 33 when every sport shear together then could please’ [Robbins at night they have what 1809]. Farm between they call “Bailes” or Ballynacarrigy dances, their favourite and Kilbeggan, instrument is the guitar Co. Westmeath and almost all of them (E. Murray 2002). play a little, they have great taste for music so for them it is a time of great joy, people coming out from England do be greatly amused at their dances’ [Pettit 20]. Postal card of 1867 (Andrew Pettit). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 18

35

35 ‘I have long but vainly waited for a personal introduction with you. My patience is now exhausted so I have resolved that we must make each others acquaintance through the medium of a correspondence' [Pettit 12]. Kate Ann Dillon (née Murphy), with her grandchildren c1920 34 (Andrew Pettit).

34

‘All sports or 36 36 amusements of this description are got up by Foreigners particularly English’ [Pettit 21]. Children of William Murphy playing tennis in estancia San Martin (Salto) c1890 (Mary Anglim 2002). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 19

37 37 County origin of the immigrants in Ireland (1,786 occurrences, Coghlan 1987).

‘She fell down dead, 38 38 she uttered some sound as she fell but the sister who happened to be near her did not catch the word, she had not completed her twenty-fifth year’ [Pettit 25]. Margaret Murphy, Sister of Mercy, in 1867 (Andrew Pettit).

39

39 ‘Katie and Maggie write regularly. We expect they will spend this year’s vacation in Dalkey’ [Murphy 38]. Katie, Maggie, and Lizzie Murphy, daughters of William and Eliza Murphy, and Beatriz Murphy (née Walker) c1885 (Mónica Barry).

40 40 BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 20

‘I must trouble you 41 41 now to send me out by some passengers two flannel drawers, strong, large and the same as those we wear at home’ [Murphy 26]. Advertisement in the Handbook of the River Plate, Sixth edition, 1892 (E. Murray 2003).

42 ‘Nothing could be more natural than the positions of the “gauchos”’ [Pettit 16]. Postal card of 1867 (Andrew Pettit).

42 BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 21

43 43 ‘I send you one of the Colesseum more that you may see our old house than anything else, it is the house to the right of the hall, it has three doors and two windows to the street, the door in the middle is the principal one, the other two are stores which we let off, when you see it you see all our possessions’ [Pettit 16]. Postal card of Teatro Coliseo in Parque street, Buenos Aires, c1867 (Andrew Pettit).

‘The whole district 44 estancias of O'Donnell, was occupied by Kelly, Scully, Barber, Irish families’ [Garrahan McGuire, Bird, Kenny, 1875]. The Camino de Mullally, Casey, Morgan los ingleses between and Gahan, among Solís and Azcuénaga other Irish families (San Andrés de Giles), (E. Murray 2003). which linked the

44 BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 22

‘In September of this 45 45 year Mr. O’Loughlin went to Jim Reilly’s to teach. He was the last teacher we had’ [Garrahan 1881]. Peter O’Loughlin (d1885), camp teacher and sheep-farmer (Laura MacDonough).

46

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31 47 47 ‘Our little priest is about to come [to] reside to this parish, Salto, as he finds a great difference in the people of here and the other parishes, and gives them a great preference, for which reason he is coming to reside amongst us’ [Murphy 16]. Fr. Large Michael Leahy, Irish chaplain in Carmen de Areco. Passionist Fathers, Golden Jubilee of the Monastery: Saint Paul’s Retreat of the Passionist Fathers 1888-1938 (Capitán Sarmiento, November 1938).

‘I hope the day will 48 soon arrive that we may see each other. But

48

49

49 ‘I am sure that some I fear you will be of them will remind disappointed in this your father of old times, country, perhaps you the killing grounds spe- have formed a grand cially’ [Pettit 16]. Postal idea of it and it is all the card of 1867 contrary’ [Pettit 19]. Kate (Andrew Pettit). Agnes Murphy in 1867 (Andrew Pettit). BECOMING IRLANDÉS (pliego#C1C88 11/24/05 4:07 PM Página 24

50

‘He used to start 50 from “La Espadaña” on horse-back in the morning and get to ‘La Choza’ in time to take his mother to Mass at the chapel’ [Garrahan 1874]. Saint Patrick’s chapel in Carmen de Areco, near the border with Arrecifes. The chapel was opened by Fr. Large Michael Leahy in the spring of 1868, and was built in the land of Thomas McGuire. Passionist Fathers, 51 Golden Jubilee of the Monastery: Saint Paul’s Retreat of the Passionist Fathers 1888-1938 (Capitán Sarmiento, November 1938).

51 ‘They are about to construct a port just now, which is badly wanted, the project is approved and proposals are being sent in, so we soon hope to see it finished’ [Pettit 21]. The old dock (the mole) of Buenos Aires, c1867 (Andrew Pettit).

52 52 Parish origin of midlands immigrants (714 occurrences, Coghlan 1987). BECOMING IRLANDÉS pp. 141 212 11/11/05 11:53 AM Página 1

APPENDIX 1 CHRONOLOGY

1828 - John Thomond O’Brien (1796-1861) attempts to recruit emigrants for an Irish colony in Buenos Aires but fails due to lack of support from the British Government (1828). 1829 - First recorded St. Patrick’s Day celebration in Argentina, at James Willis’ (‘Irish Jemmy’) naval hotel (17 March). 1830 - Patrick Moore and Patrick Garrahan arrive in Buenos Aires in the Hollywood. A year later, Patrick Moore marries Mary Murphy, who arrived in 1829 with her brothers Michael and James. 1830 - John Dillon opens the first brewery in Argentina. 1831 - Father Patrick J. O’Gorman arrives in Buenos Aires, being the second Irish Chaplain in Argentina. 1832 - The Government appoints Peter Sheridan inspector of the Riachuelo harbour. 1832 - Peter Campbell (b. 1780), founder of the Uruguayan Navy, dies in Paraguay. 1833 - Patrick Fleming, a merchant in Buenos Aires brother of Bishop Michael A. Fleming of New Foundland (Canada), is kidnapped by Ranqueles Indians. He is rescued by Governor Rosas’s expedition. 1835 - Thomas Duffy (1833-1878) arrives in Buenos Aires with his parents. For many years, he will be the librarian of the British Library in Buenos Aires. 1836 - Irish farmers settle in Uruguay. 1833 - Sally Moore is born. 1838 - To get a job as valuator of the freeholders’ lands Edward Robbins goes to London to appear before a committee of the House of Commons. 1839 - Boom in sheep-farming. Buenos Aires Irish artisans and small businessmen are attracted to the camp. 1840 - John King (1800-1857) enrols in the Argentine Navy as Sergeant Major. 1840 - The Poor Law Union of Tullamore appoints Edward Robbins as valuator. 1841 - Total Irish population in Buenos Aires is 3,500. At least three-fourths are from Westmeath. 1843 - Father Anthony Fahy, the leader of the Irish-Argentines for 40 years, arrives in Buenos Aires. 1844 - Irish immigrants begin arriving in Argentina in larger numbers. On 25 June 1844, the William Peile arrives in Buenos Aires for the first time, with 114 Irish passengers. Among them, John Connor, James Garrahan, Patrick Howlin, Nicholas Kavanagh, John James Murphy, Larry Murphy, and William Whitty. 1845 - John Brabazon of Mullingar, Co. Westmeath, settles in Buenos Aires. Irish sheep-farming commences on an extensive scale. 1845 - First large-scale failure of the potato in Ireland. Edward Robbins, whose wife died an year before, marries Ann Ryan. 1846 - Feuds between Wexford and Westmeath settlers in Salto.

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APPENDIX 1

1846 - Patricio Moore is born. 1847 - Camila O’Gorman and Father Uladislao Gutierrez elope and are executed the following year. 1847 - A generous Relief Fund is sent by Fr. Fahy to the Archbishop of Dublin, collected both from those living far away in the camp and the residents of Buenos Aires.. 1848 - The Irish Hospital is founded in Buenos Aires. 1848 - William McCann starts an agency in Buenos Aires for the immigration of Irish families. 1849 - In a letter from Fr. Fahy to an English newspaper, Fahy acknowledges Governor Rosas’ favour toward the Irish, community. 1849 - Patt Murphy sails to Argentina in the Crossdale. 1849 - Edward Robbins and family arrived at Buenos Aires in the Vanguard (13 July). 1850 - Irish ditch-diggers are hired in the southern departments. An Irish cook employed by a family in Buenos Aires earns £20 while a tutor or nanny earns £35, a year (1850). 1852 - The rate of women to men in the Irish community before 1852 is one-to-three. 1852 - James Pettit and son John James re-emigrate from Buenos Aires to Australia. 1853 - Edward Robbins and family arrive at John McClymont’s estancia in Cañuelas. Edward in charge of a flock. 1854 - In 3 years, the Indians carry away 400,000 head of cattle, and destroy property valued at a 1.5 million pesos. This discouraging state of affairs has its bad effect on the Irish settlers. 1854 - John James Murphy purchases land from John MacKiernan in Salto. 1855 - Two to three thousand Irish-born persons live in Argentina. 1858 - The Sisters of Mercy open a new school in Buenos Aires. 1859 - Irish sheep-farmers in Buenos Aires have a bad year, no rain for months and months. In the Province of Buenos Aires 4,000,000 sheep are lost. 1859 - James Ballesty is the first Irish estanciero in Rojas, estancia La Estrella. 1860 - Irish emigration in Argentina reaches its greatest numerical strength. 1860 - The Union Jack frequently flies above Irish homes in the camp. 1861 - Dublin-born brothers Michael G. and Edward T. Mulhall launch the daily The Standard, printed in English and in French. It is the first newspaper in South America to install Linotype machines. 1863 - Patrick J. Dillon is ordained in Dublin (25 October). Some weeks later, he arrives in Argentina, and is appointed Irish Chaplain in Merlo and then in Cañuelas. 1863 - New Irish Chapel, in Mrs. Mulleady’s estancia, Magdalena. 1863 - A subscription is started to support O’Connell’s monument in Ireland. 1863 - William Murphy marries Elizabeth Roche in Buenos Aires. 1864 - Fr. O’Gorman and Fr. Fahy are named honorary Canons of the Cathedral Church of Buenos Aires. 1864 - The main railway line in Santa Fe proceeds from Cañada de Gomez to Armstrong, a stretch of 11 miles, skirting the estancia of an old Irish resident which covered 400,000 acres. When the navvies are making the line they are so harassed by Indians, that they have to keep a locomotive with steam up, and on occasion they had a very narrow escape, the Indians trying to lasso the locomotive. 1864 - Tom Garrahan is born in Luján.

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CHRONOLOGY

1865 - De Renzi James Brett arrives in Salto to work with John James Murphy. Later, he will be Eduardo Casey’s administrator in Cura Malal. 1866 - Michael Duffy is appointed Major of Carmen de Areco, and John Dowling, Military Commander of that department. 1866 - Edward Robbins dies (5 April). 1867 - Race-meetings gather thousands of irlandeses in Luján, Navarro, and Capilla del Señor. 1867 - John James Murphy marries Ellen Roche in Salto (25 May). 1868 - The Sisters of Mercy are the heroines in a cholera epidemic in Buenos Aires. 1868 - In Las Heras, James Murphy and his sons Patricio and Eduardo die victims of the cholera outbreak. 1869 - The National Census returns include 10,709 British subjects residents in Argentina, 8,623 of them bearing Irish surnames, and 5,246 Irish-born. 1870 - Killallen (Allen’s Chapel) opens in Michael Allen’s estancia, Castilla. 1871 - Fr. Anthony Fahy dies of a heart attack, during the yellow fever outbreak. 1871 - J. S. O’Farrell establishes a whisky distillery in Rosario. 1872 - St. Brigid’s Chapel opens in John Brown’s estancia in La Choza . 1873 - St. Patrick’s Society is founded as the first political undertaking of the Irish in Argentina. 1873 - Stella Maris Chapel opens in Port Stanley, Falkland/Malvinas islands. 1873 - Fanny Murphy marries Alexander MacLean. 1874 - Anne Garrahan (née Kenny) purchases land in Lobos, estancia La Espadaña (4,000 hectares). 1880 - The Sisters of Mercy leave Argentina owing to the bitter anti-religious thrust and lack of support from Irish Argentines. Most of the nuns go to the congregation’s mission in Mount Gambier, Australia. 1881 - A great Land League meeting is held in Salto, and a branch of the home organisation established there. 1881 - The Irish Relief Fund is launched by Fr. Martin Byrne, of the Passionist congregation. 1882 - Michael Dinneen is appointed editor of The Southern Cross. 1883 - Holy Cross Church opens in Buenos Aires. 1883 - Edmundo and Guillermo Dennehy found Dennehy town in 9 de Julio, Buenos Aires. 1883 - The Irish Catholic Association is founded in Buenos Aires. 1883 - Venado Tuerto’s chapel is opened by Canon Patrick Dillon. 1883 - Patrick Bookey dies. He arrived in Argentina in 1828. Together with Patrick Brown and James Pettit, he employed several immigrants from Wexford in his saladero. 1884 - William Bulfin (1862-1910), journalist and writer, arrives in Buenos Aires. 1885 - Azcuénaga, a village in San Andrés de Giles, is founded in 16 squares of land donated by Juan Cunningham. 1886 - The Society of the Catholic Apostolate (Pallotine community) is established in Argentina. 1886 - Francis Joseph Foley, teacher and editor of the Southern Cross, arrives in Buenos Aires. 1887 - Buckley O’Meara and John Stephen Dillon (brother of Fr. Patrick Dillon) are hired by the Government to promote emigration from Ireland to Argentina. 1888 - The Venado Tuerto Polo and Athletic Club is founded. 1889 - The Dresden Affair: 1,774 Irish emigrants from poor urban areas in Dublin, Cork, and Limerick are deceived by agents O’Meara and Dillon, and embarked to Argentina in unfortunate

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APPENDIX 1

conditions. Peter Gartland starts an Irish Colony in Napostá, with some of the Dresden emigrants. Many children die, and the colony is a failure. 1890 - The Sisters of Mercy are back in Argentina. 1891 - The Fahy Institute is founded with thirty-three boys of the returned colonists of Napostá. 1892 - Thomas Mason founds Santa Rosa, in La Pampa. 1892 - Argentina has 630 insanes per million; England, 2,792; Ireland, 3,680. 1894 - The Parnell Fund is remitted to Justin MacCarthy for the benefit of the Irish Evicted Tenants. 1895 - In the Argentine census returns, 18,617 individuals bear Irish surnames and 5,407 were born in Ireland. 1895 - Fr. Patrick O’Grady opens a chapel in Rivas railway station, Suipacha department. 1896 - Duggan railway station and town are established in San Antonio de Areco. 1898 - Gahan railway station and town founded in Salto. Las Saladas Chapel opens in Navarro, James Connaughton’s estancia. 1899 - St. Brigid’s school opens in a new building in Buenos Aires. 1900 - First official hurling match. Aníbal Duffy of Carmen de Areco founds Duffy town in Santa Fe. 1901 - St. Patrick’s Day is celebrated by 9,000 Irish-Argentines in Luján Basilica (17 March). 1902 - The building of Azcuénaga Chapel begins this year, funded by Elena Ham. 1904 - First class of students in the Passionist Congregation in St. Paul’s Monastery. 1906 - O’Brien railway station and town founded in Bragado. 1907 - Tomás Mullally founds Realicó, in La Pampa. 1907 - Eduardo Pedro Maguire, one of the most important landowners in Argentina, and Kate Murray found Maguire railway station in Pergamino. 1907 - Santa Lucía railway station founded by Lucía Harrington (née Mullen) in San Pedro. 1909 - Lovat Ashe Mulcahy founds Mulcahy in 9 de Julio. 1909 - John James Murphy dies in Almagro, Buenos Aires. 1910 - John Lalor (1860-1931) establishes his cattle auctioneer business. 1911 - Padraic MacManus launches Fianna, a Nationalistic newspaper addressed to the Irish- Argentine people. 1912 - Katie Murphy marries Hugh Decimus Lett. 1914 - Several Irish-Argentines enrol in the British Army. Pedro Ricardo Meehan (1890- 1972), and Gerald I. N. Deane (1886-1962) serve in the Royal Air Force. 1916 - During the Easter Rising, Eamon Bulfin (b1894 in Argentina and son of the writer William Bulfin), raises the Irish flag in Dublin’s post office building. His death sentence is commuted considering his Argentine citizenship. He is expelled from the British Isles and, upon he arrival in Buenos Aires, is seized by Argentine military authorities for desertion. Later Bulfin will be appointed by Eamon de Valera Irish diplomatic envoy in Argentina, and will be responsible for ammunitions shipments to the Irish Republican Army. 1917 - The size of the Irish-Argentine community is estimated by Thomas Murray in 30,000 for the city of Buenos Aires and 80,000 outside the city, in the whole Republic. 1919 - Thomas Murray’s The Story of the Irish in Argentina is published in New York by P. J. Kenedy & Sons. The book’s reception in Argentina is rather cold but it elicits some articles in Ireland.

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CHRONOLOGY

1920 - The tri-colour Irish emblem is shown for the first time in Buenos Aires by a demonstration of Irish-Argentines and ‘friends of the Irish freedom’, who rallied through the streets up to Plaza de Mayo. 1921 - Laurence Ginnell, second Irish diplomatic representative, arrives in Buenos Aires. Together with Michael Bulfin, Ginnell leads the distribution of information about the Irish Republic and the Irish Fund. He expects to obtain £500,000 but the Fund never passed £10,000. 1921 - Patrick J. Little, third diplomatic envoy, and first representative of the Free State. 1922 - Hurling Club opens. First Hurling Championship won by The Wanderers, seconded by Capilla Boys. 1923 - New wave of Irish emigration to Argentina owing to social upheaval in Ireland, par- ticularly young professionals from Cork and Dublin. 1923 - Tomás Keating founds Keating town in Chacabuco (Castilla railway station). 1924 - The Argentine polo team wins the Gold Medal in the Olympic Games in Paris, with players Juan Nelson, Arturo Kenny, Juan B. Miles, and Enrique Padilla. 1926 - The Passionist Sisters arrive in Buenos Aires and found the Michael Ham Memorial College for girls. 1928 - Catherine Nevin (née Smyth), author of You’ll Never Go Back, dies (23 August). 1929 - Juan Santos Gaynor (1905-1963), author of Father Fahy’s biography, graduates in Theology in Rome.

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APPENDIX 2 GENEALOGICAL GUIDE: SOME PERSONS MENTIONED IN THE LETTERS AND MEMOIRS*

Ballesty, James (1825-1876), Co. Westmeath, son of James Ballesty and Catherine Dillon. He arrived c1850 in the River Plate and settled as a farmer. First Irish estanciero in Rojas, where in 1859 he established estancia La Estrella. Married Marcella Casey (1828-1871), daughter of James Casey and Catherine Ward. Died 11 April 1876, some time after a trip to Ireland [Coghlan, 1987: 17] (3, 5). Barry, John (b1805), of Kilrane, Co. Wexford. John Barry arrived on 5 February 1862 at Buenos Aires in La Zingara, and established in Monte. He arrived with his wife Mary Lambert (d1867) and seven children. The eldest son, Stephen Barry (1845-1918) married Mary Pettit (d1878) [Coghlan, 1987: 27] (3, 4). Boggan, John (b1836), emigrated to Argentina and established in Salto [Coghlan, 1982: 263 ](3). Bookey, Margarita (Margaret) (d1916), daughter of Patrick Bookey and Mary Mooney. Married Felix Santiago Klappenbach (1830-1894), son of Santiago Adolfo Klappenbach and Maria Felipa Vilches [Coghlan, 1987: 49] (4). Bookey, María (Mary) (d1898), daughter of Patrick Bookey and Mary Mooney. On 24 May 1898, Mary married Miles King, son of Captain John King (Admiral Brown’s Navy) and Sara MacGaw [Coghlan, 1987: 49] (4). Bookey, Patricio (Patrick) (1843-1881), son of Patrick Bookey and Mary Mooney [Coghlan, 1987: 48] (4). Bookey, Patrick (c1810-1883), of Streamstown, Co. Westmeath, emigrated to Argentina in 1828, and established in chacra Santa Catalina, Lomas de Zamora. Married Mary Mooney (d1873), sister of John Mooney, who together with Patrick Bookey were responsible for the early emigration from Co. Westmeath to Argentina [Coghlan, 1987: 48, 669] (4). Brett, De Renzi James (1843-1927), of Rathmacknee, Co. Wexford, son of a Church of Ireland parson. In 1879 went to London with five hundred sheep belonging to Eduardo Casey (first shipment on the hoof from Argentina) [Landaburu, 1995: 21]. In 1884 De Renzi James Brett was the administrator of Eduardo Casey’s lands in Cura Malal (Coronel Suárez). He also supervised the purchasing of land for John James Murphy in Venado Tuerto. Brett married Margaret Anastasia Roche (1851-1921), eldest daughter of Patrick Roche and Margaret Reville, and sister of William and John James Murphy’s wives. In 1887 Brett was one of the founders of the Venado Tuerto Polo Club [Macnie, 1925: 156] (3). Browne, Lawrence (b1816) of Wexford, brother of Patrick Browne, who emigrated to Argentina in 1844 [Coghlan, 1987: 81] (4). Browne, Patrick (1806-1893) of Wexford, together with James Pettit, Browne was

* Chapter number is included between brackets at the end of the entry.

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responsible for the early Co. Wexford emigration to Argentina. In 1824, Liverpool bankers Dickson & Montgomery sent him to Buenos Aires to replace his brother John Browne. He owned a saladero that employed several Co. Wexford immigrants. He returned to Ireland in 1874, and fourteen years later went back to Argentina [Coghlan, 1987: 79] (4). Carr, John (b1844) of Wexford, probably son of Jack Carr. John Carr settled in Salto (Census 1895), and married Margaret Howlin (1860-1924), daughter of James Howlin and Margaret MacCormick [Coghlan, 1987: 119] (3). Cormack, Anne, wife of Gilmour, who arrived at Buenos Aires on 15 December 1865 in La Zingara [Coghlan, 1982: 38] (3). Cranwell, Daniel (1835-1876), son of Edmund Cranwell, pharmacist from Co. Tipperary, and Dolores Arenillas. Daniel Cranwell married Rosa Silveira [Coghlan, 1987: 194] (4). Cunningham, Mary, daughter of Thomas Cunningham and Mary Athlumney, and sister of Patrick Cunningham, Margaret Garrahan (née Cunningham) and Kathleen Keogan (née Cunningham). Mary married Patrick Kenny (1814-1858), brother of Anne Garrahan (née Kenny) (5). Daly, Mary (1835-1918), emigrated to Argentina in 1850 and married Roberto Moore c1859 [Coghlan, 1987: 670] (4). Davies, Margaret (1810-1867), wife of Edmund Kirk (1790-1848). Margaret died on 19 December 1867 [Coghlan, 1987: 580] (4). Dillon, Gerald (1829-1905) of Westmeath, son of Edward and Margaret Dillon, married Sarah Murphy, a daughter of Michael Murphy and Mary Tray. The dowry was 2,000 sheep” [Coghlan, 1987: 243] (4). Dolan, Felix (1838-1905) of Cavan, merchant in Buenos Aires and estanciero in Lobos. Dolan was a member of Lobos city council and represented that town to the Admiral Brown Club [Coghlan, 1987: 253] (5). Donovan, Florencio (b1831), merchant and marine agent in Buenos Aires, son of Florence Donovan (d1879) of Co. Cork [Coghlan 1987: 269] (3). Ennis, Patrick (b1843), shepherd in Salto [Coghlan, 1982: 263] (3). Fleming, Patrick (1809-1875), probably from Dublin, who emigrated to Argentina in the early 1820s. He was kidnapped by Ranqueles Indians during a trip to Cuyo, and was rescued by Governor Rosas expedition in 1833. Fleming founded estancia La Turbia, province of Buenos Aires, and married Manuela Montes de Oca. In Buenos Aires, he was the owner of a nautical storehouse to stock the cargo of his own fleet between Montevideo and Buenos Aires. His orphan nephews Michael and James Fleming went to Argentina to work with him. Patrick Fleming was a personal friend of Governor Rosas and his daughter Manuelita. However he managed to help several enemies of Rosas’s rule to escape to Montevideo. He was a brother of Mons. Michael Anthony Fleming (1792-1850), O.S.F., bishop of Newfoundland (Canada) 1829-1850, and he had family links with John Henry Mandeville (1773-1861), the British Consul in Buenos Aires (2). Flood, Cornelius (1864-1918), emigrated in the 1870s and settled in Uruguay [Coghlan, 1987: 348] (2). Furlong, Catherine, daughter of James Furlong and Elizabeth Murphy. Catherine married Nicholas Byrne (3). Furlong, George (b1831), in 1869 worked in La Caldera, Rojas [Coghlan, 1982: 258] (3).

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Furlong, William, son of James Furlong and Elizabeth Murphy. Emigrated to Argentina and died unmarried in Salto (3). Garrahan, Daniel (b1845), son of James Garrahan and Margaret Kelly, married Mary Young (b1853), daughter of James Young and Brigid Kenny (5). Garrahan, Edward (1842-1883), son of Patrick Garrahan and Anne Kenny, married Brigid Savage. Edward Garrahan died in February 1883, and afterwards Brigid Savage joined Mater Misericordiae convent in Buenos Aires [Coghlan 1987: 386] (5). Garrahan, James (1836-1888), born in 1836 most likely in Ireland, son of Patrick Garrahan and Anne Kenny. Died on 12 December 1888 in Lobos. The obituary in The Southern Cross (February 1888) noted that ‘it was rare to find a man of any nationality who could throw the lazo as dexterously and as surely as Don Santiago’. He married Margaret Cunningham daughter of Thomas Cunningham and Mary Athlumney, born in 1839 in Ireland, and who died on 11 June 1925 in Abbott, Monte [Coghlan, 1987: 384] (5). Garrahan, José (Josie) (1867-1928), son of James Garrahan and Margaret Cunningham, married Brígida Garrahan a daughter of Daniel Garrahan and Mary Young [Coghlan, 1987: 385] (5). Garrahan, Lawrence (Larry) (1850-1911), son of Patrick Garrahan and Anne Kenny, married to Ellen Murphy (d1947), daughter of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully [Coghlan, 1987: 386] (4, 5). Garrahan, Lorenzo (Lawrence) (1876-1932), son of James Garrahan and Margaret Cunningham, died single in La Esperanza, Abbott [Coghlan, 1987: 384] (5). Garrahan, Patrick (1805-1870), born 17 March 1805 in Co. Westmeath, emigrated to Argentina in 1829 and resided in Ranchos until 1854. In 1869 he lived in Las Heras (Census 1869). Married Anne (Joan) Kenny (1813-1883). He died on 10 March 1870 [Coghlan 1987: 385]. According to Fanny and Kate Murphy in their letters to John James Pettit, during his last years Patrick Garrahan suffered a mental sickness (4, 5). Garrahan, Patrick (1847-1890), son of Patrick Garrahan and Anne Kenny, married to Kate Ballesty (1857-1887), a daughter of Gerald Ballesty and Ann Cunningham (sister of Margaret Cunningham) [Coghlan, 1987: 19, 387] (5). Garrahan, Santiago (Santie) (1866-1932), son of James Garrahan and Margaret Cunningham, married Catalina (Lizzie) Walsh daughter of Pedro Walsh and Maria Ana Slamon, of La Porteña, Lobos [Coghlan, 1987: 385] (5). Garrahan, Tomás (Tom) (1864-1936), son of James Garrahan and Margaret Cunningham, born in Luján on 23 April 1864. Tomás Garrahan married Julia Juana O’Loughlin, daughter of Peter O’Loughlin and Kate MacDonough. Tomás Garrahan died on 16 August 1936 in estancia New Home, Abbott [Coghlan, 1987: 384] (5). Ham, Peter (1813-1875), son of Edward Ham and Catherine Grennon of Co. Westmeath. Estanciero in Luján. When he died, The Southern Cross published in the obituary: ‘We are sorry to have to chronicle the death of our old friend Mr. Peter Ham, of La Choza, Luján. Mr. Ham came to this country in the year 1842. He was a steady, upright man. He lived to a good age, and has left behind a family of which he might well feel proud in his last moments. Mr. Ham, through his persevering industry and uprightness, amassed an immense fortune (about eighteen million, currency) since his arrival in the Plate’ [Coghlan, 1987: 449] (5). Healy, Michael (1820-1892) of Longford, settled in Las Heras and married Catherine Loughlin (c1830-1906) (5).

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Howlin, James (1818-1905) of Kilrane, Co. Wexford. Emigrated to Argentina and married Margaret MacCormack (1838-1902), also from Kilrane [Coghlan, 1987: 487] (3). Howlin, John (b1848), who emigrated to Argentina and established in San Pedro (3). Hughes, John (1823-1896), of Newry, Co. Down. Hughes emigrated to Argentina in 1845, and had estancias in Rojas and Paraguay, as well as the Quinta Flores in Buenos Aires. Married Luisa Vernet and then Anne (Anita) Browne (b1835), daughter of Patrick Browne and Elizabeth Fitzsimons [Coghlan, 1987: 489] (4). Hutchinson, Thomas, British Vice-Consul in Rosario, Santa Fe, and previously in Montevideo and present-day Malabo (Equatorial Guinea). Thomas Hutchinson published Buenos Aires and Argentine Gleanings; with Extracts from a Diary of the Salado Exploration in 1862 and 1863 (London: Edward Stanford, 1865), an outlook of the Argentine rural life, and the differences between Irish and gauchos. Kavanagh, Eduardo (Edward) (1854-1893), established in Bragado, brother of James Garrett Kavanagh [Coghlan, 1987: 510] (5). Kavanagh, James Garrett (1848-1893) of Annesley Castle, Co. Wexford, went with his parents to Argentina when he was three years old. They arrived in Buenos Aires in 1851 in the William Peile. Later he was sent to study in Ireland. When he came back to Argentina, he worked in estancia Los Leones, in Bragado. In 1889, during a banquet to honour Parnell, ‘Don Diego Kavanagh, of Bragado, made a clever speech in which he, an Irishman by birth, paid a high compliment to Dr. O’Farrell and other distinguished Irish-Argentines’ [Coghlan, 1987: 510] (5). Kavanagh, Nicholas (Nick) (b1818) of Wexford, who arrived in Buenos Aires in the William Peile. Kavanagh married Mary Brure (1834-1918) of Co. Westmeath, and was recorded in 1869 census residing in Magdalena. His son Nicolás Kavanagh (1858-1919) changed his family name to ‘Cabana’ [Coghlan, 1987: 512] (3). Keating, William (1835-1919) of Tagmon, Co. Wexford, emigrated in 1859 to Argentina and settled in Monte. In 1872 William Keating married Anne Barry (1853-1940) of Kilrane (3). Kirk, Edmund (1790-1848), married in 1823 in St. John, New Brunswick (Canada) to Margaret Davies (1810-1867). Their daughter Catalina (Kitty) Kirk married James Pott [Coghlan, 1987: 580]. (4, 5). Lalor, John (1860-1931) of Co. Wicklow. Lalor emigrated to Argentina in 1880, worked initially as a shepherd and in 1894 joined Oñagoity, Hijo & Lalor, wool and cattle agents. In 1910, he founded Casa Lalor. Married to Emilia O’Neill [Coghlan, 1987: 582] (5). Leyden, Santiago (d1918), son of William Leyden and Louise Nannery of Ballynacarrigy, Co. Westmeath. Santiago Leyden married Catalina Kenniff in Monte [Coghlan, 1987: 607] (5). MacGarrell, Inés (Agnes), daughter of James John MacGarrell of Ballymahon, Co. Longford, and Margaret Finn. Inés MacGarrell married Pedro Silva [Coghlan, 1987: 389] (5). Manny, Eugene (1836-1895) of Longford, son of Edward Manny and Margaret McGoey, mar- ried Hariett Garrahan (1843-1899) (5). Manny, José Eduardo (Joe) (d1906), son of Eugene Manny and Harriet Garrahan, born in General Rodríguez, merchant and founder of Bouchard town. Married Alicia Moore, daughter of Juan Patricio Moore and Martha Gahan [Coghlan, 1987: 651] (5). McClymont, John (1828-1858), married on 15 March 1854 to Clementina Arriola in St. Andrew’s [Howat, Jeremy, British Settlers in Argentina: Studies in 19th Century Emigration, http://homepage.ntlworld.com/jnth/, accessed 30 September 03]. McClymont’s estancia was in

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Cañuelas, a department in southern province of Buenos Aires (2). McKeon, Tomás José Gregorio (Tom) (1867-1949), born in Merlo, Buenos Aires. Son of Michael McKeon (b1836) of Columbkille, Co. Longford, rural teacher and estanciero in Lobos, and Maria Teresa Gahan (1844-1909). Tomás McKeon was a president of the Irish Catholic Association, Lobos; journalist, contributed to La Prensa and The Standard. The McKeon family owned four leagues and a half in Lobos, south of Salado river [Coghlan, 1987: 564] (5). Monks, Margaret, estanciera in Cañuelas [Coghlan, 1982: 121] (2). Moore, Juan Patricio (John) (c1840-1904), son of Patrick Moore and Mary Murphy. Juan Patricio Moore was ‘estanciero in Lobos, member of the education council, and Lobos representative to the Admiral Brown Club. […] From his obituary in The Southern Cross: “he was the first civilised man to settle in what is today Veinticinco de Mayo, when that partido was one of the most dangerous in the frontier with the Indians” [The Southern Cross 3 June 1904]. Juan Patricio Moore married Martha Gahan, who died in 1881, and in 1887 with Ellen Atkinson of Longford’ [Coghlan, 1987: 670]. ‘He made a fortune in the frontier buying horses from the Indians and selling them to the Army’ [Gálvez, 2002: 38]. Juan Moore’s estancia in Lobos was located in Cuartel VIII, Arroyo Culú-Culú, contiguous to Garrahan’s estancia [GEO Lobos, Survey 173] (4, 5). Moore, Margarita (Maggie) (b1845), daughter of Patrick Moore and Mary Murphy, married to Patrick Kirk [Coghlan, 1987: 580, 668] (4). Moore, Maria Catalina (Mary) (1832-1889), daughter of Patrick Moore and Mary Murphy, member of the Sisters of Mercy. Mary died in Mount Gambier, Australia [Coghlan, 1987: 669]. Recorded in 1869 census residing in Buenos Aires [Coghlan, 1982: 140] (4). Moore, Patricio (Patrick) (1846-1885), son of Patrick Moore and Mary Murphy [Coghlan, 1987: 670] (4). Moore, Patrick (1798-1863), son of Robert Moore and Mary Keenan, arrived in Argentina on 18 December 1830 in the Hollywood [Coghlan 1982: 84]. On 20 January 1831 he married Mary Murphy (1804-1899), daughter of Edward Murphy and Mary Dowling. Patrick Moore was estanciero in Lobos, and died on 6 August 1863 [Coghlan, 1987: 669, 703]. (4). Moore, Roberto (Robert) (1835-1884), son of Patrick Moore and Mary Murphy, estanciero in Mercedes, married. Mary Daly (1835-1918) [Coghlan, 1987: 670] (4). Moore, Sara (Sally) (1833-1903), daughter of Patrick Moore and Mary Murphy [Coghlan, 1987: 670] (4). Mulhall, Michael George (1836-1900), son of Thomas Mulhall and Catherine Flood of Dublin. In 1861, he founded together with his brother Edward Thomas The Standard. Writer, journalist, and statistician. Michael Mulhall married in Ireland to Marion MacMurrogh Murphy (d1922) [Coghlan, 1987: 687] (3, 4). Murphy, Ana (Anita) (d1913), daughter of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully. In 1866 Anita married James Walsh (1837-1874) of Waterford [Coghlan, 1987: 703, 887] (4). Murphy, Catalina (Katie, Kitty) (1868-1879), eldest daughter of John James Murphy and Ellen Roche. In 1878, ‘when my parents had four children (Kitty, Cissie, little Martin, and Jack), they decided to go back to Wexford, perhaps to live, having already bought over a league of land in Rojas. A year later, Kitty died, a lovely fair-haired happy child of ten. In those years scarlatina was fatal. No one dared go near them for fear of contagion. The other children had been sent down to Haysland, my father’s old home, where his sister and invalid brother lived. She and the

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children went to see the funeral passing towards Kilrane churchyard. My mother said it nearly broke her heart to see the three small ones on the side of the road watching the funeral pass, not realizing it was their little sister. […] This place he named “La Angelita”. We all knew it was in memory of his little Kitty in heaven, whom he adored, but never mentioned her to me until two days before he died’ [Murphy, 1909] (3). Murphy, Catalina Ana (Kate) (1850-1932), daughter of James Murphy and Mary Tray. In 1881, Kate married John Stephen Dillon in Dublin [Coghlan, 1987: 705] (4). Murphy, Catalina E. (Catherine) (b1854), eldest daughter of Patrick Murphy and Mary McGrath [Coghlan, 1987: 710] (3). Murphy, Catalina Isabel (Katie) (1864-1949), eldest daughter of William Murphy and Elizabeth Roche. She married Hugh Decimus Lett of Wexford (d1939) (3). Murphy, Clemente (Clemmie) (1875-1894), son of William Murphy and Elizabeth Roche [Coghlan, 1987: 710] (3). Murphy, Eduardo (1853-1868), son of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully, died in Las Heras [Coghlan, 1987: 703] (4). Murphy, Eduardo (1842-1888), son of James Murphy and Mary Tray, MP of Partido Autonomista, elected in 1880 together with Fr. Patrick J. Dillon [Coghlan, 1987: 705] (4). Murphy, Elena (Ellen) (1852-1947), daughter of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully, married to Lawrence Garrahan (1850-1911), son of Patrick Garrahan and Joan Kenny (4, 5). Murphy, Elizabeth (Bess), second daughter of Nicholas Murphy and Catherine Sinnott. Elizabeth married James Furlong (1809-1892), son of William Furlong, who purchased (or received as a dowry) the two Murphy farms and the house in Haysland. Elizabeth died before 1892 in Haysland. Murphy, Francisca (Fanny), daughter of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully. Fanny married on 23 August 1873 to Alexander MacLean [Coghlan, 1987: 703] (4). Murphy, Guillermo (Willie) (1866-1945), son of William Murphy and Elizabeth Roche. Willie was sent to study in Ireland (3). Murphy, Isabel (1851-1868), baptised on 24 July 1851 by Fr. Edward Kavanagh. Daughter of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully [Coghlan, 1987: 703]. Married to T. Tallon. Died in Las Heras (4). Murphy, Isabel (Elizabeth) (1845-1884), daughter of James Murphy and Mary Tray, joined the Sisters of Mercy [Coghlan, 1987: 705] (4). Murphy, Isabel Inés (Elizabeth Agnes) (1872-1895), second daughter of John James Murphy and Ellen Roche [Coghlan, 1987: 708] (3). Murphy, James (1810-1868) of Waterford, son of Edward Murphy and Mary Dowling. In 1829 he emigrated to Argentina and established in Las Heras. Married to Mary Tray (1810-1878), they had nine children. Died in Las Heras during the cholera epidemic of 1868 [Coghlan, 1987: 704]. A survey of his estancia in Las Heras was performed in 1891, located in Cuartel IV, in the border of Lobos and Cañuelas [GEO General Las Heras, Surveys 104, 105] (2, 4). Murphy, James (1826-1892) of Fariestown, Co. Wexford, son of Patrick Murphy, emigrated to Argentina and established in Rojas (3). Murphy, James, cousin of John James Murphy of Tenacre, Kilrane, Co. Wexford (3). Murphy, John James (1822-1909), eldest son of Nicholas Murphy and Catherine Sinnott. J. J. Murphy emigrated in 1844 to Argentina, worked in Chascomús and then established in Salto,

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where he purchased the estancia La Flor del Uncalito. Later he bought La Caldera in Rojas, where he appointed his brother Patrick as manage r. J.J. Murphy made two prolonged visits to Ireland (1858-1863, 1878-1882), with the intention to live there from the proceedings of his Argentine rural business. But on both occasions he went back to Buenos Aires, and finally purchased a third estancia, San Juan, with 20,000 hectares in Venado Tuerto, southern Santa Fe. John James Murphy married Ellen Roche (1846-1881), daughter of Patrick Roche and Margaret Reville, who arrived at Buenos Aires on 28 August 1864 in La Zingara. John James Murphy died on 13 July 1909 in his house of Almagro, Buenos Aires (2, 3, 4). Murphy, Joseph (b1844), brother of James and cousin of John James Murphy, worked in Rojas. In 1872 he went back to Ireland and died in 1873 [Coghlan, 1982: 258] (3). Murphy, Juan (Johnny) (1864-1914), second son of Patrick Murphy and Mary MacGrath. He died before 1914 (4). Murphy, Juan Justo Pastor (John) (1843-1882), son of James Murphy and Mary Tray. John married Maria O’Rourke a daughter of Michael O’Rourke and Mary Maguire. Murphy was a member of the education council, judge of the peace, and military commander in Marcos Paz [Coghlan, 1987: 705] (4). Murphy, Julia (1849-1936), daughter of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully, born in Lobos. In 1866 she joined the Sisters of Mercy, was sent to Australia in 1888, and died there (4). Murphy, Lawrence (Larry) (1821-1903) of Kilrane, Co. Wexford, son of Sylvester Murphy and Anastasia Dunne. Larry arrived in Buenos Aires in 1844 in the William Peile, together with his brother John and sister Kate (who was engaged to William Whitty). Larry was a cousin of John James Murphy, who sailed in the same ship. He married Mary Dillon (1834-1929), daughter of Edward Dillon and Margaret Dillon. In 1869 resided in Navarro, and then relocated to Mercedes [Coghlan, 1987: 711] (3, 5). Murphy, MargaretMargaret (1831-1901), eldest daughter of Nicholas Murphy and Catherine Sinnott. Margaret died unmarried. She lived with a niece Ellen Furlong, daughter of his sister Bess. Margaret died in Haysland (3). Murphy, Margarita (Margaret) (1847-1872), daughter of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully, joined the Sisters of Mercy [Coghlan, 1987: 703] (4). Murphy, Margarita Clementina (Maggie) (1868-1963), second daughter of William Murphy and Elizabeth Roche (3). Murphy, Martin (1829-1899), third son of Nicholas Murphy and Catherine Sinnott. Martin Murphy was handicapped. He was unmarried and represented his brothers’ interests in Ireland. He died in Haysland (3). Murphy, Michael (1807-1864), son of Edward Murphy and Mary Dowling of Cork. Michael emigrated in 1829. Married to Elizabeth Scully (d1856) and in 1863 to Lucy Kenny (b1833) [Coghlan 1987: 703]. He owned two estancias in Lobos, one in Cuartel IX (cañada de las Garzas), and the other in Cuartel X (puesto del Bañadero). Both were purchased in 1862 [GEO Lobos, Surveys 99 and 120] (4). Murphy, Miguel (Michael) (1851-1921), son of James Murphy and Mary Tray, born in Las Heras. Physician and estanciero. He studied in Buenos Aires, and then in Dublin, London and Paris, returning to Argentina in 1882. Married to Maria Elena Dillon (1864-1935), daughter of Edward Dillon and Sarah Spillane [Coghlan, 1987: 705] (4, 5). Murphy, Nicolás (Nicky) (b1862), son of Patrick Murphy and Mary MacGrath. He was sent to

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study in Ireland and went back to Argentina in 1878. In 1889, Nicolás Murphy was appointed Vice-President of Rojas municipality. Married in 1891 to Beatriz Walker. He died 1900 (3). Murphy, Patricio (1854-1868), son of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully, died in Las Heras [Coghlan, 1987: 703] (4). Murphy, Patrick (Patt) (1832-1881), fourth son of Nicholas Murphy and Catherine Sinnott. Patt Murphy emigrated to Argentina in 1849, sailing in the Crossdale (6 January 1849). He established in La Caldera, Rojas. Patt Murphy married Mary MacGrath (1830-1888) [Coghlan, 1987: 708] (3). Murphy, Patrick of Ballygeary, Co. Wexford, brother of Nicholas Murphy and father of John, James, Joseph and Ellen Murphy (3). Murphy, Roberto (1855-1934), born in Lobos, son of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully. In 1887 he was appointed judge of the peace in Lobos. Married to Ana Morgan, daughter of Jorge Morgan and Ana Gaynor, and to Luisa Cunningham, daughter of Joseph Cunningham and Mary Murphy. Died in Cambaceres on 14 July 1934 [Coghlan, 1987: 703] (4). Murphy, Sarah (b1847), second daughter of James Murphy and Mary Tray, married to Gerald Dillon (1829-1865) of Co. Westmeath [Coghlan, 1987: 243, 704] (4). Murphy, William (1827-1890), second son of Nicholas Murphy and Catherine Sinnott, emigrated to Argentina c1850, and worked minding his brother John James’s flocks. Then he purchased and settled estancia San Martín in Salto. William married Elizabeth Roche (1842- 1931), daughter of Patrick Roche and Margaret Reville, and sister of Ellen. William Murphy died in 1890 in Salto [Coghlan, 1987: 709] (3). O’Connor (Connor), John (1816-1913) of Co. Wexford, emigrated in 1844 in the William Peile and established in San Antonio de Areco (Census 1869), in Pergamino (Census 1895), and finally in southern Santa Fe. He visited Ireland in 1875. In April 1877 he was appointed President of the Areco Club in San Antonio. He married Anne Hier (1829-1903), and died on 20 July 1913 in Acevedo [Coghlan, 1987: 170]. He was related to James Pettit (3, 4). O’Connor, Matthew, married to Margaret Howlin of Blackwater, Enniscorthy, Co. Wexford. In 1871 they had a daughter, Elizabeth O’Connor [Pauline Delevingne, 22 October 2003]. Several members of the Howlin family emigrated to Argentina, amongst them Patrick Howlin (one of the Kilrane Boys), in the William Peile in 1844 (3). O’Loughlin, Peter (d1885), teacher and shepherd, married in 1882 to Kate MacDonough [Coghlan, 1987: 610] (5). O’Neill, John, married to Mary Murphy, parents of Michael O’Neill (d1964) [Coghlan, 1987: 735] (4). Parle, John (b1828) of Haysland, Kilrane, Co. Wexford, brother of James and Nicholas Parle. When he died in Argentina, John James Murphy and Eduardo Casey were appointed executors (3). Pender, James (1825-1865) of Wexford. James sailed with John James Murphy in the William Peile, arriving at Buenos Aires in 1844. He settled in Luján and married Julia Cavanagh (b1837). He died on May 1865 in Luján [Coghlan, 1987: 749] (3). Pettit, James (1788-1869) of Haysland, Kilrane, Co. Wexford. Most likely, James was a merchant in Ireland and emigrated to Argentina in the late 1830s. He was married to a daughter of Edward Murphy and Mary Dowling. They had a son, John James Pettit (1841-1900), who was born in Buenos Aires. Mrs. Pettit died in September 1841 in Buenos Aires, and in c1852 James Pettit re-

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GENEALOGICAL GUIDE: SOME PERSONS MENTIONED IN THE LETTERS AND MEMOIRS*

emigrated to Australia with his only son. James died on 26 April 1869 in Dunolly, Victoria (Australia). He had business links with Patrick Browne (1803-1873) and John Mooney (1803- 1873) (3, 4). Pettit, John James (1841-1900) born in Buenos Aires on 9 March 1841, son of James Pettit (1788-1869). In 1852 he went with his father to Australia (4). Pierce, Nicholas (b1841), joiner in Salto [Coghlan, 1987: 261] (3). Porritt, Margaret (née Roach). First cousin to John James Pettit. Returned to Buenos Aires from Ireland between January and August 1865. Married to Mr. Porritt and lived in Montevideo, Uruguay. Mrs. Porritt ran a millinery shop in Calle Corrientes, Buenos Aires city [Handbook of the River Plate 1869]. Purcell, Jane (b1815) teacher in Chivilcoy together with her daughters Mary and Elizabeth [Coghlan, 1982: 184] (3). Rabbit, Timothy (1821-1885), married to Edward Robbins’s eldest daughter, Margaret (1835- 1893), resided in San Andrés de Giles (Census 1869). Died in estancia Tatay, Carmen de Areco [Coghlan 1987: 763]. Edward Robbins, Timothy Rabbit and John McClymont were recorded as foreign residents in Cañuelas in the Handbook of the River Plate, 1863 edition [Howat, Jeremy, British Settlers in Argentina: Studies in 19th Century Emigration, http://homepage.ntlworld.com/jnth/, accessed 30 September 03] (2). Reilly, James (1833-1893), arrived in Argentina in 1857, and was estanciero in Merlo and afterwards in Chivilcoy. Married to Elizabeth MacGovern (1833-1897) of Longford, widow of Martin Farrell. James Reilly died in Marcos Paz [Coghlan, 1987: 775] (5). Reville, Clement, O.S.F., brother of Mary Roche (née Reville). Fr. Reville lived in the Franciscan Friary in Wexford town [Roman Catholic Diocese of Ferns, 1846] (3). Reville, Mary (d1866), mother of Ellen Roche (John James Murphy’s wife), and of Elizabeth Roche (William Murphy’s wife). Mary Reville died some time before her husband Patrick Roche (1807-1881) emigrated to Argentina in 1866 or 1868 (3). Robbins, Edward (1802-1866), born in Kileens, Offaly, son of Garrett Robbins and Margaret Deehan. Married Margaret Egan, with whom he had seven children, and Ann Ryan, who had three children from her previous marriage. Robbins and family arrived in Argentina in 1849. Edward died on 5 April 1866, and was buried in the old cemetery of San Pedro (2). Robbins, Julia (1831-1877), eldest daughter of Edward Robbins and Margaret Egan. Married to John Kehoe (b1831), who probably emigrated to Argentina with the Robbins family in the Vanguard. They established in San Pedro [Coghlan, 1987: 530] (2). Robbins, Rose (1833-1918), born in Kileens, Offaly, second daughter of Edward Robbins and Margaret Egan. Married Daniel Brennan (1827-1880) of Rosemount, Co. Westmeath. In 1895 Rose resided in San Pedro (2). Roche, William (1845-1868) emigrated to Argentina and worked with John James Murphy and then with his brother William in estancia San Martin, Salto. He was a brother of William Murphy’s wife, Elizabeth Roche, and John James Murphy’s wife, Ellen Roche. Son of Patrick Roche (1807-1881) and Mary Reville, ‘When William came to this country, he went to work with my father and was nearly killed by the Indians. My father rode in from work, and found William with his back to the door refusing to let them in, and the chief Indian with a machete against his chest. My father said “William, for God’s sake, move away or they’ll kill you”. They took everything they fancied. My father was accustomed to their raids and took it calmly, but

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APPENDIX 2

William was fuming’ [Murphy, 1909] (3). Rooney, Edward, married Catherine Delaney. They lived near Co. Longford (2). Rooney, Luke (1830-1887) died on 2 June 1887 in Navarro. His son Luke Rooney (jun.) died the same year, probably of typhus [Coghlan, 1987: 792] (5). Savage, Santiago (James) (1864-1923), son of Thomas Savage and Mary Geoghegan, married Margarita Rosa Manny, daughter of Eugene Manny and Harriet Garrahan [Coghlan, 1987: 813] (5). Scally, Peter (1865-1930), son of Michael Scally, born in Monte, married María (Mary) Garrahan (1858-1904), daughter of James Garrahan and Margaret Cunningham. Later Peter Scally married Maria Manny, daughter of Eugene Manny and Harriet Garrahan [Coghlan, 1987: 385, 816] (5). Sinnott, Catherine (1792-1861), daughter of William Sinnott, married to Nicholas Murphy of Haysland, Kilrane, Co. Wexford (3). Spillane, William, son of Jeremy Spillane (d1860) and Mary Maguire, and brother of Sarah Spillane de Dillon, and half-brother of María O’Rourke [Coghlan, 1987: 243, 802] (4). Whitty, Catherine (b1822), sister of Frank and Lawrence Whitty. She settled in Salto and died after 1869 [Coghlan, 1982: 263] (3). Whitty, Francis (Frank) (b1809), brother of Catherine and Lawrence Whitty, he settled in Salto and died after 1869 [Coghlan, 1982: 267] (3). Whitty, William, one of the Kilrane Boys, who arrived in Argentina with his fiancée Kate Murphy, cousin of John James Murphy (3).

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APPENDIX 3 MONEY, CURRENCY, VALUE, AND OTHER CONVERSIONS

Several passages of the documents in this book include diverse currency denominations in Argentina and in Ireland, as well as the value of products and services. Likewise, the writ- ers use different length, weight, and area units, according to the place in which they are and the persons they address. Therefore, it is necessary to clarify these units in order to establish an appropriate context. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the legal currency unit in Ireland was the Pound Sterling (£), Additionally, there were the following units: the shilling, equiva- lent to 1/20 of a pound (£1 = 20 shillings); the penny, equivalent to 1/240 of a pound (£1 = 240 pence, or 1 shilling = 12 pence); and the guinea, equivalent to twenty-one shillings. I will not analyse here the changes of Argentine currency units, a subject impossible to cover in this appendix. It suffices to say that the first currency units in the River Plate Provinces were minted in 1813 and 1815 in Potosí, and were the gold and silver escudo. Every province (for instance, Tucumán, Santiago del Estero, Córdoba, La Rioja and Mendoza) had their own currency at different times. In Buenos Aires, the peso appears in 1821 first manu- factured in England. The peso (generally mentioned as Dollar by English-speakers in Buenos Aires, frequently changed its value and denomination. Among the denominations mentioned by J.J. Murphy is the patacón. He adds that a pat- acón is equivalent to 4s.-3d. (that is, less than five patacones per pound sterling). Also, the moneda nacional (mentioned by Tom Garrahan in 1885), which was equivalent at that time to 24 old pesos. Regarding the fluctuating exchange rate between pesos and pounds sterling, refer to the texts included in this book. With that information I have built Table 12.

Table 12. Exchange rate of £1

Year Pesos (‘dollars’)

1855 $ 125.00

1860 $ 133.00

1865 $ 144.00

1870 $ 125.00

Even knowing the exchange rate between pesos and pounds in that period, in order to understand the value of money it is necessary to adjust the historical values in pounds sterling to refer to actual prices. Table 12 has been prepared from information of Economic History Services, based on purchasing power:

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APPENDIX 3

Table 13. Purchasing power of £1

Year 2002 Year 2002

1800 £ 39.54 1865 £ 50.07

1805 £ 40.73 1870 £ 49.97

1810 £ 37.11 1875 £ 47.31

1815 £ 42.27 1880 £ 52.82

1820 £ 45.80 1885 £ 60.40

1825 £ 44.29 1890 £ 65.42

1830 £ 54.09 1895 £ 64.00

1835 £ 60.32 1900 £ 62.39

1840 £ 48.18 1905 £ 62.64

1845 £ 57.45 1910 £ 62.39

1850 £ 64.00 1915 £ 47.08

1855 £ 48.63 1920 £ 23.92

1860 £ 47.17 1925 £ 36.29

(John J. McCusker, “Comparing the Purchasing Power of Money in Great Britain from 1264 to Any Other Year Including the Present” Economic History Services, 2001, http//www.eh.net/hmit/ppowerbp/). One of the best contemporary descriptions of currencies in Argentina is found in Thomas Hutchinson’s Buenos Ayres and Argentine Gleanings (1862):

The standard coin in this country is the ounce of gold of 16 silver dollars or pata- cones, which is divided into the following coins: 16 silver dollars. 1/2 an ounce in gold. 1/4 an ounce in gold. 1/8 an ounce in gold. 1/2 a dollar in silver. 1/4 a dollar in silver. 1/8 a dollar in silver.

Besides this, the ounce is divided into an imaginary coin of 17 dollars each. The ac- tual or real currency is the Bolivian dollar (silver) of eight reals each, which, in reference to the gold ounce, has fluctuated in value - say from 21 to 22 dollars during the past two years. The new Bolivian dollar of six reals each is, in Rosario, received at seven reals; in Buenos Ayres, this money is at par with the old Bolivian dollar of eight reals.

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MONEY, CURRENCY, VALUE, AND OTHER CONVERSIONS

The provincial currency of Buenos Ayres is paper; notes are issued of the value of: 1 dollar, equivalent to from 2d. to 3d. 5 dollar 10 dollar 20 dollar 50 dollar 100 dollar 200 dollar 500 dollar 1,000 dollar 2,000 dollar This money has lately averaged from $400 to $450 for each gold ounce, and is now more or less at $430 for one; these extreme variations, in many cases, are due to political motives or speculations. The general average of the Bolivian dollar in sterling is from 3s. to 3s. 4d., and the Buenos Ayres paper dollar (as above) from 2d. to 3d. each [Hutchinson 1862: 320]. Finally, in Table 13 there are other conversions that are necessary to understand some values included in the letters and memoirs. Table 14. Other conversions

Length Inch 2.54 centimetres Foot 30.48 centimetres Yard 91.44 centimetres Mile 1.6 kilometres League 4.83 kilometres

Area Acre (Ireland) 0.65 hectares Rood 0.25 acre Square League 1,792 hectares Hectare 10,000 square metres Square Mile 259 hectares Square (‘cuadra’) 100 square metres

Weight Pound 0.45 kilogrammes Arroba 11.5 kilogrammes

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APPENDIX 4 GLOSSARY

agrimensor Surveryor borrego Lamb bozal A halter, normally made with calf hide brete Shedder capataz Responsible for a group of farm-hands, reports to the foreman capón Castrated lamb cardo Thistle, a plant of the genus Cardus sp., Cirsium sp., or Silybum sp., especially Cardus nutans cédula Mortgage debenture chacra (chacarero) Small farm condominio Joint ownership corral Stockyard escritura Title deed estancia Ranch or large farm (1,000 hectares or more), chiefly dedicated to cattle. Usually referred to by Irish Argentines as camp. galpón Shed, storehouse gaucho A cowboy from the South American pampas, ethnically related to Amerindian and Spanish of the pampean frontier grasería Boiling down establishment guía A certificate authorising the carrying of cattle, which includes the owner’s mark hijuela Estate of a deceased person likeness Photograph matadero Slaughterhouse mate A highly-caffeinated Paraguayan tea mayordomo Foreman mediero (also, medianero) To own a flock on halves, i.e., 50 per cent monte A small wood, a group of planted trees novillo Young castrated bull (novillito is a novillo in its earlier fattening stages) pampero A cold and dry wind from the southwest, which clears the sky. partido (also, departmento) Political division of the provinces in Argentina, equivalent to an Irish civil parish peón Cattle-hand

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APPENDIX 4

potrero (also, lote) Fragment of the estancia, one of the land parcels or lots in which an estancia is divided usually for production reasons puestero The shepherd in charge of tending a flock of sheep, or takes care of a portion of the farm, including both cattle and agriculture (called poster by J.J. Murphy). The shepherd usually was given a puesto, an out-station consisting of a hut with some trees, and food. pulmonía Pneumonia quinta Small estate on the outskirts of a town, usually with production of vegetables. saladero Meat-curing plant that produces jerked beef, hides and tallow. sauzal A wood of willows seca (also sequía) Drought señaling Marking during the lambing season sicuta, cicuta Hemlock tambo Dairy farm tasajo Jerked beef testamentaría Execution of a will tirador Braces tosca Type of calcarean rocks on the surface of the soil tropilla Herd of horses vizacha (vizcachera) Corral

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Public Records GEO. Gobierno de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Ministerio de Obras Públicas, Departamento de Investigación Histórica y Cartográfica, Dirección de Geodesia. José Pedro Thill, May 2002.

Tithe Books (1823). National Library of Ireland (microfilm), National Archives of Ireland (Dublin).

Griffith’s Valuation (1853). National Library of Ireland. Local Heritage Centres.

General Register Office (Dublin), baptisms, marriages and deaths, 1864-1921.

Books and Articles Akenson, Donald Harman (1991). Small Differences: Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants, 1815-1922, Montreal and Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1988. — (1997), If the Irish Ran the World: Montserrat, 1630-1730, Montreal and Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997.

Anderson, Benedict (1983). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, London and New York, Verso, 1991.

Bonsor, N. R. P. (1983). South Atlantic Seaway: an Illustrated History of the Passenger Lines and Liners from Europe to Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina, Jersey, Bookside Publications, 1983.

Boyle, Valerie (ed.) (1999). A South American Adventure: Letters from George Reid 1867- 1870, London, 1999.

Bulfin, William (1900). Tales of the Pampas, Buenos Aires, L.O.L.A. Literature of Latin America, 1997.

Coghlan, Eduardo A. (1981). Andanzas de un Irlandés en el Campo Porteño 1845-1864, Buenos Aires, Ediciones Culturales Argentinas, 1981. — (1982), El Aporte de los Irlandeses a la Formación de la Nación Argentina, Buenos Aires (private edition), 1982.

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— (1987), Los Irlandeses en la Argentina: Su Actuación y Descendencia, Buenos Aires (pri- vate edition), 1987.

Connolly, S. J. (ed.) (1998). The Oxford Companion to Irish History, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1998 (cited as OC, including authors’ names when available).

Davis, Graham (2002). Land! Irish Pioneers in Mexican and Revolutionary Texas, (Texas A&M University Press, College Station).

Deleuze, Gilles and Felix Guattari (1980). Mille Plateaux, Capitalisme et Schizophrénie 2, Paris, Les éditions de Minuit, 1980.

Devoto, Fernando (2003). Historia de la inmigración en la Argentina, Buenos Aires, Sudamericana, 2003.

Fitzpatrick, David (1994). Oceans of Consolation: Personal Accounts of Irish Migration to Australia, Cork, Cork University Press, 1994.

Gahan, John V. The Secular Priests of the Diocese of Ferns, Éditions du signe, Strasbourg, 2000.

Gálvez, Lucía (2002). Historias de Inmigración: Testimonios de pasión, amor y arraigo en tierra argentina (1850-1950), Buenos Aires, Norma, 2002.

Graham-Yooll, Andrew (1981). The Forgotten Colony: a History of the English-speaking Communities in Argentina, Buenos Aires, L.O.L.A. Literature of Latin America, 1999.

Holquist, Michael (ed.) (1981). The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays by M. M. Bakhtin, Austin, University of Texas Press, 1981.

Howat, Jeremy (1984). South American Packets: the British Packet Service to Brazil, the River Plate, the West Coast (via the Straits of Magellan), and the Falkland Islands, 1808-1880, York, Postal History Society, 1984.

Hutchinson, Thomas J. (1865). Buenos Ayres and Argentine Gleanings: with Extracts from a Diary of Salado Exploration in 1862 and 1863, London, Edward Stanford, 1865.

Isaacs, Alan et al. (2000). Oxford Dictionary of World History, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2000.

Kirby, Peadar (1992). Ireland and Latin America: Links and Lessons, Dublin, Trócaire, 1992.

Lahitte, Héctor B., julio A. Hurrell, et al. (1999). Arboles Rioplatenses, Trees of the Río de

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la Plata, Buenos Aires, L.O.L.A. Literature of Latin America, 1999.

Landaburu, Roberto E. (1995). Irlandeses: Eduardo Casey, Vida y Obra, Venado Tuerto, Fondo Editor Mutual de Venado Tuerto, 1995.

Lee, John (1980). “Richard Griffith’s Land Valuation as a Basis for Farm Taxation” in Davies, Gordon and Charles Mollan (eds.) Richard Griffith, 1784-1878, Dublin, 1980.

Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1990). Tristes tropiques, París, Club France Loisirs, 1990.

Love, George Thomas (generally ascribed to) (1962). A five years’ residence in Buenos Ayres during the years 1820 to 1825, Buenos Aires, Ediciones del Solar.

Macnie, J. (1925). Work and Play in the Argentine, London, T. Werner Laurie, 1925.

Marshall, Oliver (1996). The English-Language Press in Latin America, London, Institute of Latin American Studies, 1996.

McLay, Anne (1996). Women on the Move: Mercy’s Triple Spiral. A History of the Adelaide Sisters of Mercy: Ireland to Argentina 1856-1880 to South Australia 1880, Adelaide, Sisters of Mercy, 1996.

Miller, Rory (1993). Britain and Latin America in the Nineteenth and the Twentieth Centuries, London and New York, Longman.

Murray, Edmundo (2003a). How the Irish became ‘Gauchos Ingleses’: Shared Values and Cultural Representations in Irish-Argentine Literature in González, Rosa (ed.) “The Representation of Ireland/s: Images from Outside and from Within”, Barcelona, PPU, 2003.

Murray, Thomas (1919). The Story of the Irish in Argentina, New York, P. J. Kenedy & Sons, 1919.

Nally, Patrick (1992). Los Irlandeses en la Argentina, in Familia, Journal of the Ulster Historical Foundation Vol. 2, N° 8, 1992.

Nevin, Kathleen (1946). You’ll Never Go Back, Maynooth, The Cardinal Press, 1999.

O’Sullivan, Patrick (ed.) (1992). The Irish World Wide: History, Heritage, Identity, Vol. I: Patterns of Migration, London, Leicester University Press, 1992.

Passionist Fathers (1938). Golden Jubilee of the Monastery: Saint Paul’s Retreat of the Passionist Fathers 1888-1938, English/ Spanish edition, Capitán Sarmiento, 1938.

Peart, Barbara (1931). Tía Barbarita, London, Faber & Faber Ltd., 1931.

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Penna, José (1897). El cólera en la República Argentina, Buenos Aires, 1897.

Roger, María José (2003). The Children of the Diaspora: Irish Schools and Educators in Argentina, 1850-1950, article based on the History Thesis, Universidad Católica Argentina 2003, in Irish Diaspora Studies in Argentina, www.irishargentine.org, accessed 23/10/03.

Sabato, Hilda and Juan Carlos Korol (1981). Cómo fue la inmigración irlandesa en Argentina, Buenos Aires, Plus Ultra, 1981.

Sbarra, Noel H. (1964). Historia del alambrado en la Argentina, Buenos Aires, Eudeba, 1964.

Slatta, Richard W. (1992). Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier, Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1992. — (1990), Cowboys of the Americas, Yale, Yale University Press, 1990.

Todorov, Tzvetan (1982). La conquête de l’Amérique: la question de l’autre, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 1982.

Tóibín, Colm and Diarmaid Ferriter (2001). The Irish Famine: a Documentary, London, Profile Books, 2001.

Ussher, James M. (1951). Father Fahy: a Biography of Anthony Dominic Fahy, O.P., Irish Missionary in Argentina (1805-1871), Buenos Aires, 1951. — (1954): Los Capellanes irlandeses en la colectividad hiberno-argentina durante el siglo XIX, Buenos Aires, 1954. — (1966): Las Hermanas de la Misericordia (Irlandesas): Apuntes históricos sobre sus cien años en la Argentina, 1856 – Febrero 24 - 1956, Buenos Aires, Editorial Irlandesa.

Wolf, Eric (1982). Europe and the People Without History, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1982.

Woodham-Smith, Cecil (1991). The Great Hunger: Ireland 1845-1849, London, Penguin Books, 1991.

Manuscript Sources Anastasia Joyce Papers, Letters to Martin Murphy 1844-1879, collection of 170 letters, photographs, and documents of the Murphy family of Haysland, Kilrane parish, Co. Wexford. Manuscripts submitted by Mary Anglim, Kilmore, Wexford.

Brabazon, John (c1852). The Customs and Habits of the Country of Buenos Aires from the year 1845. Translated and edited by Eduardo Coghlan in 1981. The original manuscript in English remains unpublished.

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Garrahan, Tom (c1930). Memoirs 1879-1912. Manuscript in ninety-nine pages annotat- ed by other family members. Copy of the manuscript submitted by Patricio J. Garrahan, Buenos Aires.

Harris, Ruth-Ann M. (2002). Negotiating Patriarchy: Irish Women, the Landlord, and Emigration from the Shirley Estate, Carrickmacross, Co. Monaghan, Boston, Boston College, 2002. Manuscript submitted by the author.

Horan, Timothy. The Irish in Argentina, National Archives of Ireland, Department of Foreign Affairs (‘Buenos Aires’), 900/1.

McKenna, Patrick (1994). Nineteenth Century Irish Emigration to, and Settlement in, Argentina (M.A. Geography Thesis) Maynooth, 1994. Library of the University of Maynooth.

Murray, Edmundo (2003). A Documentary Chronology of the Irish in Argentina: 1830- 1929, Geneva, Irish Argentine Historical Society, 2003. — (2002), Diasporic Models in Irish-Argentine Literature, mémoire de license, Université de Genève, Faculté des lettres (Bibliothèque d’anglais).

Murphy, Emily (c1909). Memoirs of my Father, John James Murphy, Buenos Aires. Margarita Emilia Murphy (b1886) assisted her father John James Murphy with secretarial work. The typewritten manuscript was distributed after his death in 1909. Copies of the man- uscript were submitted in 2002 by Mary Anglim, Kilmore, Co. Wexford, and in 2003 by Miguel Murphy, Venado Tuerto.

Pettit, Andrew (2003). Letters to John James Pettit from his Cousins (Murphy & Moore fam- ilies) in Buenos Aires and the Camp, 1864-1875. Copy of the transcription, photographs, and selected reproductions of the manuscripts submitted by Andrew Pettit, Melbourne, Australia.

Préteseille, Landry (1999). The Irish Emigrant Trade to North America. 1845-1855, Mémoire de maîtrise, Centre d’etudes irlandaises, Université Rennes 2, 1999. Website www.uhb.fr/Langues/Cei/, accessed 23/5/2002.

Robbins, Edward (c1860). Memoirs 1811-1853. The manuscript was found among the papers of Rose Brennan (née Robbins) when she died in 1918. It was transcribed and printed in a 12-pages brochure by family members. The original manuscript was lost. Copy of the transcription submitted by Julia McInerny, San Pedro.

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NOTES TO PAGES 1-9

NOTES

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: FACES, PLACES AND ENCOUNTERS

1 Donald Akenson remarks that ‘it was this imperialism that served as the background to Ireland’s tiny empire in the West Indies, Montserrat. From the invaders, many Irish men and women learned how imperialists behave. They acquired the English language, and they became part of the exponentially expanding web of knowledge (and thus, of opportunity) that linked the New World and the Irish ports, such as Kinsale. So, they were imperialised quickly and became expert imperialists themselves’ [Akenson 1997: 174]. 2 The letters from Salto (Buenos Aires) to Martin Murphy in Ireland provide many examples when he asks his brother in Wexford to send him a plough, underwear, or even a gig. 3 Up to the first decades of the twentieth century, the same idea was conceived in England and Ireland. In 1924, the journalist John J. Byrne-Newell wrote from Argentina: ‘The average Argentine and foreigner knew far less about us [the Irish]. This can hardly evoke surprise, seeing the amount of ignorance and superstition rampant among the bulk of the people out here, composed of illiterate and semi-illiterate rustics, labourers, and servants, [J. J. Byrne Newell, Where the Peso Rules in ‘The Irish Independent’ 5/9/1924]. 4 Unfortunate examples are certain books about the Irish Famine, like Paddy’s Lament: Prelude to Hatred, by Thomas Gallagher (1998). Its well-documented logic, the efficient dramatic rhetoric, and a sensibility towards the identity of millions of Irish-United States Americans, hide a discourse of alienation, riddled by evidences elaborated from abundant folkloric documentation. Among those evidences strikes the reader the redeeming role that the U S played sending food to, and receiving poor emigrants from Ireland, during and after the Famine. This book is a proof that the quantity of references and primary sources is not enough for the historian to effectively understand the past. Other example, Frank McCourt’s Angela’s Ashes (1996) has been a well-rounded marketing success, and it is reader-targeted from the stunning cover photograph of a suffering child to the final sentence: ‘Isn’t this [the United States] a great country altogether?’ 5 Sabato and Korol conclude that ‘the total number of Irish immigrants who arrived in the country in the nineteenth century was between 10,500 and 11,500’ [Sabato and Korol 1981: 48]. Patrick McKenna argues that their study ‘is based in the assumption that Coghlan (1982) captured 100% of the Irish emigrants in his work on the census of 1869 and 1855. They analyzed Coghlan’s figures using statistics to build in assumptions for mortality and out-migration and further in-migration up to 1895 to arrive at their figure. The fact that there is such a difference between their figures and mine (especially when I allow for the possibility that my figures may be low) gives some indication of the room which exists for argument about the numbers of Irish who emigrated to Argentina during the nineteenth century’ [McKenna 1994: 210]. McKenna’s estimation of 40-45,000 emigrants in the nineteenth century is based on documentary sources which allow us to infer the existence of a significant emigrant segment who were not recorded in the censuses owing to death or re-emigration out of the country. Furthermore, given that McKenna does not seem to consider the assisted emigrations (for instance, the 1,774 passengers of the City of Dresden and others in the 1880s), and that he does not include arrivals from Ireland in the period 1900-1929, the figure could be even higher. 6 In Coghlan’s work (1987), 4,348 Irish-born settlers in Argentina and Uruguay have been identified by the author independently of their place of death. I thank Margarita O’Farrell de Coghlan and Martha Coghlan for their authorisation to use the information in Eduardo Coghlan’s books. 7 Base: 1,786. 8 Base: 672. 9 Base: 750.

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NOTES TO PAGES 9-30

10 Base: 2,233. 11 Among the examples of rural Irish-Argentine exodus to the cities, Maureen Hughes Moore’s, noted that ‘Catalina Browne, wife of Lorenzo, was furious because her husband didn’t like the idea of living in Buenos Aires, as most of her friends’ [Gálvez 2002: 31]. 12 Base: 2,202. 13 Irish Immigrants in the Land of Canaan: Letters and Memoirs from Colonial and Revolutionary America, 1675- 1815, by Kerby A. Miller, Arnold Schrier, Bruce D. Boling and David N. Doyle, is another good example of excellency in historiography based on emigrant letters. 14 I have intentionally omitted a few documents of J.J. Murphy that were written to be published in Irish newspapers. 15 According to Mikhail M. Bakhtin, a belief system is ‘the circle of one’s vision’, i.e., a metaphor of one’s vision of the world. ‘What I see can never be what you see, if only because I can see what is behind your head’ [Holquist 1981: 425]. Speaking about nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Irish Catholic and Protestant world visions, Donald H. Akenson argues that systems of belief are ‘complex inteworkings of attitudes, faiths, accurate or inaccurate empirical observations, which - if they are viable - have not so much a defensive logic, but to their adherents, a satisfying psychologic - and they permit their adherents to hold without disquiet beliefs that are rationally incompatible with each other [Akenson 1991: 127]. 16 ‘Chronotope’ (literally, time-space), is ‘a unit of analysis for studying texts according to the ratio and nature of the temporal and spatial categories represented. The distinctiveness of this concept as opposed to most other uses of time and space in literary analysis lies in the fact that neither category is privileged; they are utterly interdependent. The chronotope is an optic for reading texts as x-rays of the forces at work in the culture system from which they spring’ [Holquist 1981: 426]. 17 Anastasia Joyce Papers, which include the Murphy’s letters, ar collection is composed of 270 letters and other documents (one brochure, some shipping company receipts, two cheques and legal notifications). In this book I have included only a portion of these documents. 18 Irish-Argentine writer Rodolfo Walsh described his family with a laconic ‘three or four generations of Irish married to other Irish’. Also, Maureen Hughes Moore notes about her ancestors that ‘during four generations they married among them, and several were second cousins’ [Gálvez 2002: 28]. 19 Other ports of origin were Southampton, Cork, and Dublin (the latter especially for hired ships). 20 Very few of the Irish, if any, who emigrated to Argentina spoke Irish as their first language. 21 According to George T. Love, during the 1822 census there were 3,500 ‘ingleses’ in the province of Buenos Aires [Love 1962: III, 1]. 22 In fact, camp is used by shepherds in Australia, New Zealand, and Falkland Islands, therefore suggesting a common origin in the sheep-farming trade. 23 In the letters studied by Fitzpatrick, there is one occurrence of home in every 383 words. This ratio is higher in the letters sent from Australia than in those sent from Ireland [Fitzpatrick 1994: 620]. 24 A very good knowledge of the Spanish and English languages is essential to conduct practical research on the Irish emigration to Argentina in the nineteenth century and first decades of the twentieth century. Of course it is always possible to read translations of primary sources and references, but it would be extremely difficult to inter- pret the wealth of significance that is between the lines of public and private documents, press articles, or simple manuscript notes. Furthermore, it is rare to find primary documents that do not include in some way both languages. Most likely, this may be one of the reasons for the sparse number of doctoral theses and scholarly articles about English-speaking communities in Latin America in general, and about the Irish in Argentina in particular.

CHAPTER 2 ‘I BEGAN TO THINK OF LEAVING IRELAND’ THE MEMOIRS OF EDWARD ROBBINS 1800-1853

1 Killeen, a townland east of Tullamore, northern Co. Offaly, located in Kilclonfert parish. County Offaly con- tributed with only 3.1% of the Irish settlers in Argentina (estimated from Coghlan 1987). However, relative to other destinations, emigration to Argentina from this area near the Westmeath border and at a short distance of Kilbeggan, Streamstown, and Moate seems to have been very high. 2 Clara, Co. Offaly, between Kilbride and Kilmanaghan parishes. Several other families emigrated to Argentina from this region (for instance, Flynn, Scally, Gannon, Guinan, Ryan, Molloy, Geoghegan, MacDonnell, Kelly). At that time, Clara was a market and post-town, and ecclesiastical district in the barony of Kilcoursey, six miles from Tullamore, and 48.5 miles from Dublin. It is situated on the river Brosna, near the Grand Canal, one of the means used before the 1850s by the emigrants to reach Dublin, and on the road from Tullamore to Athlone.

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3 Cloghanhill, Co. Offaly, Parsonstown Poor Law Union. Cloghanhill (or Coolreagh) is in the barony of Garrycastle, in north-western Offaly. Thomas Saint George Armstrong (1797-1875), born in Garrycastle, was a successful merchant in Buenos Aires and greatly influenced emigration from the midlands to Argentina. 4 The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland was created by two identical measures passed by the British and the Irish parliaments. The Union ‘provided that Ireland should be represented in the House of Lords by four bishops and 28 representative peers, and in the Commons by 100 MPs. [...] The immediate occasion for the Union was the insurrection of 1798, seen as confirming the need for direct control of a neighbouring dependency whose instability had become a serious threat. Politically conscious Catholics generally supported the Union, in the belief, encouraged by government, that it would be followed by rapid progress towards full Catholic emancipation. The Union did not succeed in making Ireland part of a unitary British state, and day to day government continued to be conducted from Dublin castle’ [Bolton, G. C., The Passing of the Irish Act of Union, 1966, in: OC 565]. Robbin’s unfavourable representation of the Union discloses his patriotic feelings from the beginning of the account. 5 Bobby, colloquial, a stupid person. Nineteenth-century education in rural Ireland was strongly influenced by religion. Hedge schools (paid schools) ‘were so designated because, especially in the early eighteenth century, when the prohibition against Catholic schools and teachers was stringently enforced the master taught their pupils clandestinely in makeshift classrooms, sometimes consisting of little more than the shelter of a hedge or barn. The name continued in use even when a hut or the home of a pupil was a more usual location. Though by no means restricted to Catholic pupils, especially in the Presbyterian north, hedge schools were particularly identified with the Catholic population. Official figures suggest that in the 1820s between 300,000 and 400,000 children attended, the number of schools rising to 9,000 in 1824. The masters, usually self-taught or former hedge scholars themselves [...] were often itinerant, setting up school in a cottage or lodging with a family in return for teaching the children. Other parents paid a modest fee in coin or in kind. Attendance was erratic. The curriculum was generally in English and comprised the customary three Rs [reading, writing, arithmetic], though there were masters who had competence in classics and modern languages. [...] A system close to the monitorial was quite common by the early nineteenth century’ [Milne, Kenneth, OC 237]. 6 Kilmonaghan (Kilmanaghan, Kilmonagh), a parish ‘partly in the barony of Clonlonan, county of Westmeath, but chiefly in that of Kilcoursey, King’s county. [...] Part of the old [Roman Catholic] church remains, with a burial- ground attached’ [Lewis’s Topographical Directory of Ireland, 1837]. Kilmonaghan gets its name from the local saint, St. Manchan, who established a monastery in Leamonaghan, and died there of the ‘Buidhe Chonailp’ - the great plague, in 664. 7 Most small and mid-size farmers did not own their land. Frequently, landlords were absent and lessors or middlemen were responsible for collecting rents in their name. The lease term of Killeens seems to have been the customar 21-31 years. 8 Bolart, two townlands (north, 117 acres, and south, 300 acres) in Kilcoursey barony, Kilmanaghan civil parish. 9 The use of thrice, by nineteenth century standards, is literary and thus related to the following quote from Goldsmith’s poem. The passage quoted is from Oliver Goldsmith’s poem The Deserted Village (1770), line 5. This poem was popular among Irish settlers in Argentina, particularly those who received good education as the writer. One estancia, John and Mary Murray’s in Lincoln, was named Auburn. Hedge school teachers used the poem as a basic text to teach reading skills. The writer received a superior education than average, and is proud of it. 10 Oatmeal: oat flour. Gender, religion and class values are portrayed in this family tradition. In rural Ireland, until relatively recent times, the subjection of women to men’s rule was common among farmers. A self-reliant attitude towards family assets, like Mrs. Grennon’s independent judgement to liberally dispose of the oatmeal, had to be internally compensated in some way with religious beliefs. Additionally, the charity justification of differential social classes worked well to support Mrs. Grennon’s action under masculine regards. 11 Cloaghtanny: a townland in the barony of Kilcoursey, Kilmanaghan parish (598 acres). The writer’s father leased relatively large properties. Between 170 and 180 acres of land, even if this was the area of the three farms together (a fact that is not clear in the text), was much larger than the average farms of those days. The census of 1841 showed that 45% of the holdings, taking Ireland as a whole, ‘were of fewer than five acres; and since no holdings under an acre was enumerated hundreds of thousand of patches were not taken into account’ [Woodham- Smith 1991: 34). In 1845 only 7.5% of total landholders had 50 acres or more [Tóibín and Ferriter 2001: 52]. Therefore, the Robbins were not a poor family, and the area under lease would have certainly given them voting rights. This higher social position than the average is key to understand the writer’s perspectives, and his later economic decay and decision to emigrate. 12 Col. William Aylmer (1772-1820), an officer of the British Brigade in general Simón Bolivar’s Army. Bolivar succeeded in obtaining the independence for the northern part of South American from Spain [García Arreche,

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Carlos, La Legión Británica en la emancipación de Venezuela y Colombia, Boletín Histórico 27, Setpember 1971]. ‘The United Irish veteran John Devereux (1778-1860) had raised an Anglo-Irish legion of 5,500 men, about half of whom were Irish, to support the revolt of the Spanish American colonies. The legion, strongly endorsed by Daniel O’Connell, whose teenage son Morgan was an officer on Devereux’s staff, saw action in Simon Bolivar’s war of liberation in Venezuela’ [OC 304]. William Aylmer was born in Co. Kildare and took part in the 1798 Rebellion ‘leading United Irish insurgents in a guerrilla campaign against government forces in his native county. He later served as an officer and noted swordsman in the Austrian Army, from which he was at one point detached to tutor English Dragoons in the art of swordsmanship. Aylmer died in Jamaica, 1820, from a wound sustained during the Irish Legion’s first engagement against the Spanish at Rio Hacha’ [McGinn, Brian, The Irish in South America: a Bibliography, in accessed 13 September 2004]. The experience of James Deehan included in these memoirs was considerably negative, especially taking into account that he died in action two years later. 13 Fr. Luke Doyle, parish priest of Clara (Cogan, diocese of Meath). ‘Early in 1822 Very Rev. Luke Doyle succeeded Fr. Wyer. Fr. Doyle was born in Ballymore, studied in Navan and Maynooth, officiated for a time as curate in Milltown and Navan, and professed in the Diocesan Seminary. He administered in the parish of Moyvour in 1816 and 1817, and was appointed administrator of Kilbeggan in September, 1818. On 1 June 1820, Fr. Doyle was appointed Pastor of Tubber, and early in 1822 he was translated to Clara, where he became Master of Conference and Vicar-General. At the election of 1824 for a Coadjutor Bishop, he was third (dignus) on the list. He died in November 1824, and was buried in the churchyard of Ballymore’ [Offaly Historical and Archaeological Society, Parish of Clara, accessed 29 September 2003]. 14 This is another indication of the writer’s social position before emigration. Few men of eighteen years of age from a rural milieu would have visited Dublin at that time. 15 Up to the Act of Union, there were four types of land tenure systems: freehold, leasehold, tenant at will, and three life lease renewable for ever. ‘During the early nineteenth century, the pattern of tenure changed rapidly. Many landlords replaced leaseholds with annual tenancies, while the Great Famine bankrupted most remaining middlemen. Annual tenancies allowed rents to be raised each year and place the tenant on six months’ notice to quit, enhancing both the landlord’s economic control over his estate and its profitability’ [OC 299]. In Argentina, between Rosas fall in 1852 and the late 1870s, the land tenure system (which was very different from English common law owing to the existence of immense desert areas still under Indian control and legally owned by the government), allowed a number of Irish settlers to access to landownership. By the close of the century, the most important Irish and Irish-Argentine landowners in Buenos Aires and Santa Fe began leasing their lands, particularly to Italian colonos who rented for tillage purposes. According to an Irish diplomatic envoy, ‘it is one of history’s litt- le ironies that our emigrants came to Argentina to assist in building up a system and a class the creation of which in Ireland had led to their own emigration’ [Horan, Timothy, The Irish in Argentina, National Archives of Ireland, Department of Foreign Affairs, Buenos Aires - 900/1]. 16 Fr. James Wyer, parish priest of Clara. Fr. Wyer succeeded Fr. Thomas Walsh, who died 1 May 1810. In 1822, Fr. Wyer was transferred to the union of Tubber and died in 1823 [Offaly Historical and Archaeological Society, Parish of Clara, accessed 29 September 2003]. 17 ‘About two miles north from Clara is the extensive bog of Kilmaleady, which in 1821 burst its bounds and flowed for nearly a mile and a half down an adjoining valley. Its further progress was arrested by judicious measures, but not till after it had covered about 150 acres, of which 60 to 80 were buried under a superincumbent stratum of bog from six to ten feet in depth’ [Lewis’s Topographical Directory of Ireland, 1837] 18 In 1820 Fr. James Sheerran was administrator of the parish of Clara [Offaly Historical and Archaeological Society, Parish of Clara, accessed 29 September 2003]. 19 Fr. Patrick Barry succeeded Fr. Doyle as parish priest of Clara. ‘This worthy pastor was born in the parish of Dunboyne, studied in Navan and Maynooth, and was ordained in 1815. After having officiated as curate in Navan, with zeal and efficacy, he was appointed pastor of Clara, on 9 November 1824. He died on 11 January 1861, uni- versally regretted, and was buried in the cemetery of the Franciscan Monastery of Clara [Offaly Historical and Archaeological Society, Parish of Clara, accessed 29 September 2003]. 20 The Catholic Association was established in May 1824, to campaign for Catholic emancipation. In the beginning, Catholic Association members were merchants, professional men, and landowners, and the subscription (or Catholic Rent) was fixed at 1 guinea (£1.05) per year, a rate unaffordable by poorer classes. Daniel O’Connell (1775-1847), the popular champion of Catholic emancipation, ‘proposed a new category of associate member, with a minimum subscription of one penny per month. [...] The implementation of the scheme provided for the creation of a nationwide network of local agents and committees’. Therefore, the Catholic Association was transformed through the lower Catholic rent ‘into a mass-based political movement of an unprecedented kind. It was suppressed

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in March 1825 under the recently introduced Unlawful Societies Act’ [O’Connor, Thomas and Kenneth Milne, OC 74 and 78, respectively]. When disclosing his membership to the Catholic Association, the writer asserted his links to an upper social class in Ireland. However, the end of the sentence may indicate his frustration with his status as an immigrant in Argentina. 21 Hugh Morgan Tuite, MP, of Sonna, county Westmeath, a freeholder with lands in Westmeath and Kilsallagh, Co. Longford. Mr. Tuite was a Reformer, first elected in 1826 to the House of Commons. 22 In 1826, ‘Catholic activists in several counties, despite O’Connell’s initial scepticism, offered a dramatic demonstration of the power of the Catholic electorate. [...] In Cavan, Monaghan, Westmeath, and Louth large numbers of 40-shilling freeholders likewise defied their landlords to support pro-emancipation candidates’ [OC 75]. 23 Maynooth, St. Patrick’s College, ‘the principal seminary for the training of Irish Catholic priests, created by act of parliament (1795). [...] By 1826 it had over 400 students [O’Connor, Thomas, OC 353]. 24 The qualifying use of splendid for a funeral may be peculiar today, but at least up to the early nineteenth century, among a vast majority of Irish peasants, particularly in rural Ireland (but also in other European and non-European societies from early times), death rituals were an essential vehicle to socialise. The wake, a well-planned mix of lamentations, merrymaking, dining and drinking round the body of the dead person, could last for the whole night, and it was an event that everybody in the social circle of the dead person would attend. ‘Relatives, neighbours, and friends gathered to spend a night in drinking, singing, dancing, story-telling, and other amusements. [...] The custom can be interpreted as a means of honouring the dead person by a last feast in his or her honour. Alternatively it has been seen as an assertion of continuity and vitality in the face of mortality, a perspective which helps to explain the explicit sexual content of some of the rituals and games reported at Irish wakes. From at least the seventeenth century wakes were condemned by the Catholic church’ [OC 582]. In Argentina, the Irish would continue waking their dead family members in approximately the same way, including story-telling with sexual contents. But rural Irish Chaplains closely controlled the custom. 25 The gaol of Tullamore was built in 1833-35 by architects J.B. Keane and John Killay, who also built other important landmarks in the city (the courthouse, the bank, Presbyterian church, and the railway station). 26 The overwhelming victory of Daniel O’Connell against Vesey Fitzgerald in the Co. Clare by-election of 1828 ‘confirmed the collapse of proprietorial control over Catholic voters, and convinced Tory prime minister Arthur Wellesley, first duke of Wellington (1769-1852) and home secretary Robert Peel (1788-1850) that Catholic emancipation could not be delayed. However, it took several months of behind the scenes negotiation, during which Ireland seemed to come close to explosion, before the last Catholic Relief Act became law on 13 April 1829’ [OC 75]. 27 The writer did not explain how God delivered him out of his creditor’s hands but his fears were graphically represented. Until 1872 debtors and their families from all over Ireland were imprisoned in the Four Courts mars- halsea, a debtor’s prison built in 1775 in Dublin. The rich prisoners would hire ‘comfortable chambers, while the poor were crowded into squalid halls’ [Malcolm, Elizabeth, OC 138]. 28 Faheeran: a hamlet in the parish of Kilcumreagh, barony of Kilcoursey. 29 Hon. J. W. Westenra, son of Lord Rossmore, a Reformer, who sat in the Parliament in 1837. He was a Lieutenant-Colonel in the Line and Captain in the Scotch Fusilier Guards. To contest a county was to run for one of the parliamentary seats in Westminster. Since the Act of Union in 1800, ‘Ireland was represented in the United Kingdom parliament by 100 seats. [...] Ireland’s MPs remained for most of the nineteenth century highly unrepresentative of the society they nominally spoke for. Those returned in the first two decades after the Union were drawn overwhelmingly from landed families, many of which had been prominent in the Irish parliament before 1800. All, up to 1829, were Protestant’ [OC 589]. ‘The Act of Union reduced the Irish constituencies to 32 counties, Trinity College, and the larger boroughs’ [206]. Traditionally, the qualifications for voting in parliamentary elections were complex. Only a minority were authorised to vote, including 40-shilling freeholders, i.e., those ‘who met one of the qualifications of the electoral franchise by owning or holding by a lease for lives (as opposed to for a term of years) land worth 40 shillings per annum after payment of rent and other charges’. Catholic emancipation in 1829 ‘was balanced by legislation to raise the county franchise to £10, disenfranchising the 40-shilling freeholders whom O’Connell had so effectively mobilized. This reduced the county electorate from 216,000 to 37,000’ [204-206]. 30 In 1831 Dr. Cantwell succeeded Dr. Logan as the Roman Catholic bishop for the diocese of Meath. A per- sonal friend of Daniel O’Connell, Dr. Cantwell gathered with great energy the scattered stones of the sanctuary in Mullingar, and re-erected the temples levelled in the penal days. He died in 1864 [The Catholic Encyclopaedia, accessed 29 September 2003]. 31 The first major Parliamentary Reform Act, in 1832, retained the £10 franchise in the counties, but admitted

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some categories of leaseholder. The multiplicity of borough franchises was replaced by a single qualification of occupation of property valued at £10 or more per annum’ [OC 206]. Nicholas Fitzsimons, MP for the King’s Co., 1832-1840, succeeded by Andrew Armstrong. 32 Tithe (from Old English, teogotha ‘tenth’), was a tax levied since pre-Norman times for the support of the Church and clergy, usually one-tenth of the annual produce of land or labour. Later in the seventeenth century, ‘the requirement that Catholics (and later Protestant dissenters) should make compulsory contributions for the support of the minority Church of Ireland caused resentment. [...] The earliest open attack on the tithe system, however, came from the Anglican landlord class, who had their own reason to dislike tithes as competing with rents for a share of the tenant farmer’s income. [...] The growing prominence of the issue was due partly to the shift from pasture to tillage in the last decades of the eighteenth century. [...] Grievances over tithes contributed to continued unrest during the 1790s and into the early decades of the nineteenth century. The Tithe Composition Act (1823) converted tithe into a more predictable charge on land. Despite this, the following decade saw the most sustained and violent attack yet mounted on the system, the Tithe War, a widespread campaign against tithes during 1830- 3. [...] By 1833 there were 22 counties in which half or more of tithes owed were unpaid. The campaign differed from contemporary agrarian protest in having the active support of large farmers, who had been particularly affected by the return of tithes on pasture land under the Tithe Composition Act of 1823. [...] The Tithe Rentcharge Act (1838) mitigated public hostility to the system’ [OC 543]. 33 Cholera, ‘a disease spread via contaminated water or food, had been endemic in Bengal for centuries; it reached Europe in the 1820s due to improved transport and communication. Ireland experienced four major cholera epidemics: in 1832-3, 1848-50, 1853-4, and 1866-7. In the early 1830s cities and towns, many of which had poor water and sewage facilities, were most seriously affected. [...] Around 25,000 died from cholera in 1832- 3’ [OC 87]. In 1867-68, in the height of the emigration from the midlands and Wexford to Argentina, there was a cholera outbreak in Buenos Aires and other cities, in which 9,000 died. 34 It was common for the eldest son to live with his parents, even after marriage. At the time of marriage, among well-off families like the Robbins’, dowries were frequently paid in cash (cf. Murphy to Murphy 26 April 1865 in this volume). This amount would serve as a contribution to the husband’s home, in which the newly married couple would live. 35 In the 1830s the Telford family, of W. Greenville, Clara, were one of the principal landlords in northern Offaly [Kilmanaghan, Lewis’s Topographical Directory of Ireland, 1837]. Evictions in this area were not very frequent before the Famine. The blind man’s curse may refer to Deuteronomy 28:28-29: ‘And the Lord will strike you with madness, blindness and panic, so that even at midday you will grope like a blind man in the dark, unable to find your way. You will be oppressed and robbed continually, with no one to come to your aid.’ 36 Mallow Spa, Co. Cork, one of the most popular spas in nineteenth-century Ireland, which offered sup- posedly medically beneficial waters. ‘Mallow’s warm springs were promoted as a cure for consumption from 1738, and led to the town being dubbed the “Irish Bath”’ [Garnham, Neal, OC 521]. The fact that the writer and his brother could afford a stay in Mallow is another indication of their higher economic position than average farmer families of the midlands. 37 At least in some counties, the government did not abandon the use of soldiers and police to enforce tithe payments until the late 1830s. 38 The Parson was a Church of Ireland rector (equivalent to the Roman Catholic parish priest), or a vicar or any beneficed member of the clergy. 39 ‘In 1784 a separate Irish postal system was set up. [...] The growth of postal services provided an important stimulus for wider infrastructural developments, encouraging improvements in roads, harbours, and ships’ [Heslip, Robert, OC 456]. Mail and day coaches were part of the Bianconi system, ‘started by Charles (Carlo) Bianconi (1786-1875), an Italian immigrant who came to Ireland in 1802 as a pedlar of prints. In 1815 he started his service, a one-horse, two-wheeled car to carry passengers, goods, and mail. Many Bians (as they were affectionately known), were to continue on Irish roads until their replacement by railways and later motor buses’ [Collins, Peter, OC 46]. Bianconi’s transport empire depended heavily on contracts for the carriage of mail. ‘By 1803 the Grand canal linked Dublin to Shannon harbour, 80 miles away, a journey of eighteen hours. It was later extended to Ballinasloe and Kilbeggan’ [Collins, Peter OC 68]. Before the railway arrived to the midlands, emigrants to Argentina used the Royal Canal and Grand Canal to reach Dublin, and then sailed to Liverpool and Southampton to go on board on a ship to the River Plate. 40 Local clubs were formed in the counties as branches of Dublin’s Catholic Association. 41 Among 1830s Irish farmers, trips to London would have been reserved to a privileged elite. 42 Benjamin Chapman, MP in 1841 for Westmeath and a Reformer, of Kilina Castle, Westmeath. Sir Richard Nagle, form Jamestown, Co. Westmeath, son of Thomas Nagle and Mary Geoghegan, and owner of Donore Castle,

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which was part of the MacGeoghegan country. Nagle died in 1850. 43 The evening of 5 January 1839 (the Twelfth Night, i.e., the eve of Epiphany or the twelfth day after Christmas) was remembered in Ireland during decades as the Night of the Big Wind. ‘The storm ravaged Ireland, particularly the west, north, and midlands. [...] High winds uprooted trees, destroyed buildings, killed livestock, and, in built-up areas, spread fires’ [OC 46]. A victim of the Big Wind was Patrick Naughton (d1839) of Sonna, Co. Westmeath, whose widow Mary Finnegan, son and daughter Anne Cleary (1829-1924) (née Naughton) emigrated to Argentina in 1853 [Coghlan 1987: 145]. 44 Tullywood House, Baylin, Athlone (Co. Westmeath). 45 Thomas Bracken, tenant or immediate lessor in many leases of Ballyrevagh, Ballymahon, Co. Longford [Griffith’s Valuation 1851]. Poor Law Unions, together with public works and state-sponsored emigration, were a consequence of the measures provided by the Irish poor law (1838), which was modelled on the new English poor law of 1834. The poor law ‘created a nationwide system of poor relief financed by poor rates paid, in large part, by Irish landowners’ [Crossman, Virginia OC 452]. Valuators were responsible to establish the poor rates (taxes) to be paid by freeholders. Edenderry (east Offaly) Poor Law Union was created on 7 May 1839. ‘The union covered an area of 290 square miles. Its operation was overseen by an elected Board of Guardians, 22 in number, representing its 17 electoral divisions in counties Offaly, Kildare, and Meath. The Board also included 7 ex-officio Guardians, making a total of 29. The Guardians met each week on Saturday. The population falling within the Union at the 1831 census had been 35,536’ [Higginbotham, Peter, The Workhouse, accessed 30 September 2003]. 46 Colum Cille (c.521-597), founder of the monastery of Durrow, Co. Offaly. He was seen ‘not only as an exile from his homeland but as specially a patron of the Irish’ [Sharpe, Richard, OC 105]. 47 Father John O’Rafferty, parish priest of Tullamore, and Thomas P. O’Flanagan, one of the 28 guardians of Tullamore Poor Law Union. The Poor Law Union was declared on 16 September 1839 and covered area of 246 square miles. In 1831 the population falling within the Union was 52,852 [Higginbotham, Peter, The Workhouse, accessed 30 September 2003]. 48 Athy Poor Law Union was created 16 January 1841 and covered an area of 252 square miles. There were 24 elected Guardians, representing 14 electoral divisions in counties Kildare and Laois. The Board also included 8 ex-officio Guardians, making a total of 32. The Guardians met each week on Wednesday. The population falling within the Union at the 1831 census had been 50,907 [Higginbotham, Peter, The Workhouse, accessed 30 September 2003]. William Downes, Lord Chief Justice in 1822. 49 Arbitration is the settlement of a dispute by a person or persons appointed by the parties. It was a legally binding process of dispute resolution that could avoid the need and save the expenses to resort to the Courts. As a result of private disputes, particularly between business partners, some may have sought arbitration in a conflict, while others may have used the law to increase a conflict or to gain a public platform for their grievances. Edward Rooney married Catherine Delaney in about 1840 and lived near Longford. 50 Twenty-four failures of the potato crop are listed in different records before the Great Hunger of 1845-1849, including 1728, 1739, 1740, 1770, 1800, 1807, 1821 and 1822 (Munster and Connaught), 1830 and 1831 (Mayo, Donegal and Galway), 1832, 1833, and 1834 (many districts), 1835 (Ulster), 1836, 1837, and 1839 (general), 1841 (many districts), and 1844. The Irish population had in potatoes ‘an abundant supply of incredibly cheap food, easily obtained, and the standard of living of the time was such that a diet of potatoes was no great hardship’ [Woodham-Smith 1991: 30]. ‘By the early nineteenth century over two million acres were under potatoes, yielding from six to eight tons per acre. [...] Potatoes were the staple food, assuring the poor of a highly nutritious diet. The most common method of cooking was boiling. Consumption was between ten to fifeteen pounds daily. [...] In the 1840s over 3 million people [out of 8.5 million total population] were totally dependent upon potatoes for food’ [Crawford, E. Margaret, OC 456]. 51 The potato harvest of 1845 was one-third deficient. ‘A fungal disease, Phytophthora infestans, commonly called potato blight, damaged the crops. Its origins are unclear, though bird droppings imported as fertilizer from South America have been suggested as a likely source. The first region of Europe to be affected by blight was Belgium in June 1845. Transmission to Ireland was swift, the first signs appearing in September 1845’ [Crawford, E. Margaret, OC 228]. The losses were not equal in all Ireland. On 17 October Ferbane, King’s, Irish Constabulary Country reported that ‘the distemper has lately appeared in some parts of the district. Some parts are free of it’ [Tóibín and Ferriter 2001: 45]. 52 The marriage was celebrated fifteen months after the death of the writer’s first wife, suggesting that the conventional mourning period was about twelve months. Robbins was forty-four years old and, in spite of some problems, he had a good position and therefore he would have been considered a good match. The marriage to a

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tenant widower, who contributed her own children and land near Mullingar, was a convenient solution to help him with his seven small children as well as to the maintenance of his assets. The Ryans of Parks, Clara, were a well- known family that included several priests and nuns. 53 The potato failure of summer 1846 exceeded the fears of the most pessimistic forecasts. Three quarters of the crop were lost, and 3.5 million people in Ireland were threatened with starvation. ‘The severity of the Great Famine is indicated by the widespread incidence of disease. The potato-eating population had become accustomed to a diet rich in vitamin C and quickly succumbed to scurvy. Symptoms of marasmus and kwashiorkor, although not identified as such, were described in the medical journals. The lack of vitamin A in the famine-constrained diet was manifest in xerophthalmia - a disease causing blindness - among workhouse children. Typhus and relapsing fever were the most common diseases afflicting the weakened population. Both were transmitted by the body louse and famine conditions provided an ideal environment for spreading the infection as starving masses congregated in urban centres searching for food. [...] The highest levels of mortality occurred in Connacht, and the lowest in Leinster. More died of disease than starvation; the old and the very young were particularly vulnerable’ [Crawford, E. Margaret, OC 229]. 54 The Board of Works was ‘established in 1831, reflecting the anxiety of the British politicians to promote the economic improvement of Ireland and thus to reduce poverty and disorder. Consisting of three salaried commissioners, plus staff, the board took over duties previously performed by a number of different bodies. [...] Between 1831 and 1914 the board paid out £49 million in grants and loans. Not all of this money was well spent. [...] The greatest challenge faced by the board, and to which, ultimately, it proved unequal, came during the Famine, when for a two-year period (1845-7) it was the primary body responsible for relief. Required to adhere to strict rules concerning the type of public works undertaken and the wages paid, the board was criticized by land- lords for sponsoring useless works, and by tenants for the inadequacy of the relief thus provided’ [Crossman, Virginia, OC 452]. 55 Since 1838 the poor law administration ‘was placed under the control of the English Poor Law Commission, operating through commissioners based in Ireland. In 1847 a separate Poor Law Commission for Ireland was created comprising the chief secretary, the under-secretary, and the chief commissioner, and serviced by a staff of assistant commissioners, inspectors, and clerks. The commission supervised the election and proceedings of poor law boards, and was empowered to dissolve boards whose members were incompetent or inactive. [...] Conflict between the commission and local poor law boards, evident from the earliest days of the poor law, increased as the century continued and more particularly as representation of Catholics among poor law guardians increased’ [Crossman, Virginia, OC 452]. 56 Captain William Telford, of Greenville near Clara, King’s Co, of the same family of John Telford. 57 Equivalent to £303, i.e., more or less the same payment he obtained at previous valuator positions in Offaly and Westmeath unions. 58 Church donations during funerals would indicate the social position and popularity of the death person and his or her family. 59 Roscommon was one of the counties most struck by the famine. On 9 January 1847, the guardians of the poor law union declared that ‘the State of the Poor House, both from Excessive Numbers and Sickness, makes it absolutely necessary for the Guardians to proclaim the utter impossibility to admit any more persons until further notice’ [Tóibín and Ferriter 2001: 117]. For the week ending 29 August 1846, 41,766 persons were employed in public works, versus 1,220 in Offaly and 139 in Westmeath. Roscommon also received crowds of starving people from the west of the island. 60 In workhouses, fever and dysentery were the main killer diseases in 1845-50 (32.3% of total deaths) [Tóibín and Ferriter 2001: 133]. 61 Most likely, the migration process began for the writer during conversations with friends and family members. At this time, there was already some experience of emigration from the Irish midlands to the River Plate, and letters and accounts from returned emigrants were probably circulating among the Robbins and their social circle in Offaly and Westmeath. The fair of Banagher, Co. Offaly, and a family reunion were the circumstances for dissemination of information about Argentina and the initial Irish settlements. Additionally, the merchant Thomas Armstrong came from the same area of John Deehan, and it is not unlikely that the Deehans and others present at the fair in Banagher were aware of Armstrong’s success in Argentina. The considerations to emigrate taken into account by the writer are predominantly economic, of the push type, i.e., factors restraining the continuation of lifestyle in the origin (number of family members to feed, strategic difficulties on farm management, potential risk of default). There is no clue in his account about the writer’s pull factors that attracted him to Argentina as a destination. However, as Patrick McKenna observes, at that time the midlands was ‘aware of the opportunities for acquiring land which existed in the grassland region of Argentina, because the main sponsors of the emigration on

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the Argentine side (Thomas Armstrong and Patrick Browne) came from those areas’ [McKenna 1994: 163]. Most likely, the writer was thinking at this time to liquidate his leases in Westmeath and Offaly, and to pay with this capital the journey and the initial settlement expenses in Argentina, and perhaps to initiate a business. Later in 1849, when he arrived to Buenos Aires, he still had £80 left. 62 Young Ireland was ‘a romantic nationalistic group active 1842-8. Initially led by Thomas Davis, Charles Gavan Duffy, and John Blake Dillon, and focused on the Nation newspaper, the group comprised mainly middle-class graduates, from both Catholic and Protestant backgrounds, of Trinity College, Dublin. It sought to create a non-sectarian public opinion in Ireland infused with a sense of cultural nationality, and believed it necessary to promote a national literature and to revive the Irish language [...]. The group was fully involved in the repeal campaign, but rejected Daniel O’Connell’s pragmatic overtures [...]. Davis failed to grasp Catholic sensitivities [...] while O’Connell’s son John saw the group as potential rivals for the leadership of the movement. [...] Young Ireland had little popular support outside Dublin or amongst the Catholic clergy. [...] The rebellion of 1848 was an abject failure and the movement’s leaders fled abroad or were transported. Their legacy lay not in the insurrectionary fiasco of 1848, but with their success in inculcating a romantic sense of nationality into subsequent generations of Irish nationalists’ [OC 603]. Robbins’s assessment, they were mad, or traitors to their Country, was largely influenced by his rural and Catholic perspectives, as well as by his favour of Daniel O’Connell, from whom the Young Irelanders split. In addition to this, the writer already had what he calls a public life, and some of his earnings depended on the social infrastructure created by the United Kingdom. When he wrote Country he was probably thinking on the United Kingdom as a whole, not only Ireland. 63 Most of the Irish emigrants bound to Buenos Aires followed the Liverpool route, i.e., (a) from the midlands to Dublin using the Royal Canal and Grand Canal up to the early 1850s, and the railway thereafter, (b) from Dublin (or directly from Wexford) to Liverpool crossing the Irish Sea in steamers, and (c) from Liverpool to Buenos Aires calling at Lisbon, Cape Verde isles, Rio, and Montevideo. Some emigrants also used Southampton. Sailing boats were used until 1851, and from that time steamers gradually replaced sail. During the first half of the nineteenth century, tickets were purchased in Dublin or Liverpool, but later some companies had agents in Mullingar, Ballymahon, and Wexford. The average cost of tickets was from £13 to £16 depending on the class, company, ship, and the age of the passengers. If the Robbins paid the lowest price available for two adults (full-fare) and eleven children (half) they would have paid about £100. Michael McDonald was a shop-keeper in 45 Park Street, Toxteth Park, Liverpool. 64 Before steamers began sailing to South America, passengers would wait until the weather conditions were favourable for sailing-boats. The Robbins waited for over a month, but John James Murphy was luckier and waited just one week. Families would sleep in a Liverpool boarding house. The two biggest ones were ran by Frederick Sabel (Union Hotel) and Frederick Marshall’s, at 28 Moorfield and at Clarence Dock, respectively. In the 1850s, Sabel’s charged one shilling a day for bed and three meals. Marshall’s charged four pence a night. Most emigrant boarding houses were of the filthiest kind. They were overcrowded and emigrants were sometimes bedded in rooms of even cellars, destitute of comfort and convenience, in which house-keepers put as many emigrants as the place could hold. From 1851 onwards, before the day of departure, emigrants had to go through a medical inspection by government doctors. The examination was undertaken by government decree to prevent any outbreak of contagious disease on board. However, doctors judged on appearance, they looked at emigrants’ tongues and felt pulses only’ [Préteseille 1999]. The Vanguard was one of the typical ships involved in the emigrant trade. Built in 1840 by M. Thompson in Sutherland, it was used by Clarke & Co. for both North and South American trade. She measured 26m x 7m x 5m. In 1848 the Vanguard was given a three-years extension. At that time, she was owned by Whitby. The ship manifest of the arrival at Buenos Aires, 23 July 1849 (about two months journey), recorded 101 Irish passengers on board. There were twelve passengers named Robbins: Anne, Anne, Bernard, Edward, Edward, Garrett, Julia, Mary, Maryanne, Richard, Rose and Thomas. Most of the passengers were from counties Offaly and Clare. 65 The Buenos Aires Irish Hospital, or Irish Infirmary, was founded a year before the arrival of the Robbins at Buenos Aires. It was established ‘for the purpose of receiving sick immigrants, whether men, women or children, or any poor family from the country, who might be unable to procure medical assistance’ [Murray 1919: 156]. 66 In the mid-nineteenth century, a quinta was a small farm located near the cities and dedicated to the production of vegetables. 67 Probably, Margaret Monks from Cañuelas, and James Murphy (1812-c1869) from Luján [Coghlan 1987: 121, 718]. 68 Patrick Fleming (1809-1875), of Dublin, emigrated to Argentina in the early 1820s. He was captured by Ranquel Indians during a trip to Mendoza, and rescued in 1833 by Rosas expedition. He settled in estancia La Turbia, Buenos Aires province, and married Manuela Montes de Oca. In Buenos Aires, he owned a naval shop used

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to store products transported by his own merchant fleet between Buenos Aires and Montevideo. His orphan nephews Michael and James Fleming also emigrated to Argentina and worked with him in Buenos Aires. He was a friend of Juan Manuel de Rosas and his daughter Manuelita, though he helped numerous enemies of the Rosas regime to escape to Montevideo. Patrick Fleming was a brother of Michael Anthony Fleming (1792-1850) O.S.F., Bishop of Newfounland 1829-1850. He was also related to the English envoy to Argentina, John Henry Mandeville (1773-1861). 69 Puente Alsina, Pompeya, south of the city of Buenos Aires. 70 The fact that the writer did not dedicate himself to more lucrative rural activities, for instance, sheep-farming or meat-curing from the time of his arrival, may indicate that he did not have family or friends among the wealthiest Irish settlers in Argentina. 71 Possibly an envoy of the Sisters of Mercy, the Catholic nuns founded in 1831 by Catherine McAuley in Dublin. The Sisters of Mercy arrived in 1856 in Buenos Aires together with Fr. Cullen. 72 Buenos Aires occupation by Urquiza’s federal army. 73 John McClymont (1828-1858), married 15 March 1854 to Clementina Arriola in St. Andrew’s church [Howat, Jeremy, British Settlers in Argentina: Studies in nineteenth Century Emigration, accessed 30 September 2003]. McClymont’s estancia was in Cañuelas, a district of southern Buenos Aires province. 74 Timothy Rabbit (1821-1885), married to Margaret Robbins (1839-1893), settled in San Andrés de Giles (1869) and died in estancia Tatay, Carmen de Areco [Coghlan 1987: 763]. Edward Robbins, Timothy Rabbit and John McClymont are listed in Mulhall’s 1863 Handbook of the River Plate, residing in Cañuelas [Howat, Jeremy, British Settlers in Argentina: Studies in nineteenth Century Emigration, accessed 30 September 2003]. John Kehoe (b1831), probably emigrated with the Robbins in the same ship Vanguard, and later married to the writer’s daughter, Julia Robbins (1831-1877). Settled in San Pedro [Coghlan 1987: 530].

CHAPTER 3 ‘THE BEST COUNTRY UNDER THE SUN’ LETTERS TO MARTIN MURPHY 1844-1879

1 John James Murphy wrote home when he arrived in Liverpool, two days after leaving Wexford. He and his party probably sailed directly from Wexford town to Liverpool in one of the steamers that regularly crossed the Irish Sea. 2 ‘Liverpool, like Bristol, owed its rise to its involvement in trade with Ireland (though its link with the slave trade in the eighteenth century was another key element). Individual migrants from Ireland came regularly to Liverpool but it was during the Great Famine that migration occurred on a massive scale’ [Kearney, Hugh, OC 324]. However, pre-Famine Liverpool already housed Irish nationalists, particularly the Repealers of the 1800 Act of Union. ‘The repeal movement of 1842-3 revived the techniques of mass agitation pioneered during [Daniel O’Connell’s] Catholic emancipation campaign: a network of local committees and branches, a nationwide fund-raising scheme (“the repeal rent”), effective use of newspaper reporting, and close co-operation with the Catholic bishops and clergy. [...] Repeal in theory meant the unqualified restoration of pre-1800 Irish parliament. In practice, O’Connell must have recognised that no British government would return to a definition of the Anglo-Irish connection as loose and undefined as the “constitution of 1782”. Instead repeal was at the same time an effective slogan. [...] Both the government and British public opinion, deeply divided over [Catholic] emancipation, were largely united in their belief that repeal would fatally weaken the United Kingdom, and must be resisted at all cost’ [Nowlan, K. B., The Politics of Repeal, 1965, in: OC 481]. 3 Teetotaller, a person advocating or practising abstinence from alcoholic drinks. Temperance and total abstinence in Ireland ‘was introduced from England in 1835 and Fr. Theobald Matthew (1790-1856), a Capuchin from Cork, took up the teetotal cause early in 1838. Fr. Matthew’s crusade was a phenomenal success: by 1841-2 perhaps five million people, out of a total population of 8.2 million, had taken the teetotal pledge. The crusade was supported by the Catholic urban middle class and by radical Protestants, who saw it as a reforming and modernizing force. Yet most of its adherents were poor rural Catholics and their motives for joining are harder to unravel. A desire for economic and social betterment was certainly important, but Fr. Matthew was endowed in the popular mind with miraculous powers. The crusade was also therefore an expression of popular religious beliefs and millenarian fantasies that characterized Ireland in the decades before the Famine. O’Connell took the pledge himself in 1840’ [OC 538]. In Argentina, the Catholic Total Abstinence Society was founded in 1896 Buenos Aires by Dr. L.E. McDonnell, M. Hart, E.J. Brown, T.W. Kennedy, W. Brown, M. Burke, J. Barber, J. Holmes, D. McCarthy, W. McKlusky and T.E. Gormley [Murray 1919: 221].

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4 James Pettit (1788-1869) of Haysland, Kilrane, Co. Wexford. He emigrated in the 1830s to Argentina with his wife (née Murphy). They had a son, John James Pettit (1841-1900), who was born in Buenos Aires. Mrs Pettit died in September 1841 in Buenos Aires, and circa 1852 James Pettit went to Australia with his only son. James Pettit died on 26 April 1869 in Dunolly, Victoria (Australia). Most likely, James Pettit had business connections with Patrick Browne (1806-1893), another Wexford merchant in Buenos Aires, who together with John Mooney (1803-1873) were largely responsible for the Wexford emigration to Argentina. Haysland is a townland of 157 acres in the Kilrane parish of Forth barony, Co. Wexford. 5 James Pender (1825-1865) of Co. Wexford. James Pender sailed with John James Murphy in the William Peile, arriving in 1844 at Buenos Aires. He settled in Luján and married Julia Cavanagh (b1837). 6 The William Peile, a 279 tons barque owned by captain Joseph Sprott of Harrington and built and launched by Peile, Scott & Co. on 13 May 1843, made this journey to Argentina with 115 Irish emigrants on board, most of them from Wexford. On 21 April 1844 she weighed anchor at Liverpool under captain Sprott’s command, and called on 13 May at Saint Jago (Cape Verde islands). The William Peile was ‘becalmed in mid ocean for three weeks’ [Murphy 1909]. After crossing the South Atlantic ocean she probably called on Bahia and Rio de Janeiro and finally arrived in the River Plate on Tuesday, 25 June 1844. In 1944 the national teacher Walter MacCormack wrote an epic (and rather male chauvinist) ballad, The Kilrane Boys, inspired in the emigration of these youngsters from Wexford to Argentina [Ranson, Joseph (ed.), Songs of the Wexford Coast, Wexford: John English & Co., 1975, first ed. 1948, p. 74]. 7 John O’Connor (1816-1913), settled in San Antonio de Areco (census 1869) and then in Pergamino (census 1895). In April 1877 he was the president of San Antonio de Areco Club. John O’Connor married Anne Hier (1829-1903) in San Antonio de Areco. He died on 20 July 1913 in Acevedo [Coghlan 1987: 170]. 8 William Whitty, mentioned in The Kilrane Boys ballad, together with his bride, Kate Murphy, of John James Murphy’s cousin. 9 James Pettit probably negotiated the cost of tickets from Buenos Aires. 10 Fr. Edward Kavanagh (d1880) from the diocese of Ferns, Co. Wexford. Affectionately known as ‘Big Fr. Kavanagh’, or ‘Big Fr. New’, Fr. Kavanagh was long remembered for his charity and his efforts to save the starving people during the Famine, when he was in the parish of Ballycullane/Gusserane (New Ross). ‘He worked “with might and main” to save the people from actual starvation. He bought and borrowed for that purpose, but, at length, he was made bankrupt by the shopkeepers of New Ross and as a result had to quit the country. [...] He resigned on November 1850 and emigrated to Buenos Aires, where he arrived in February 1851. Robert Gore, the owner of Saunderscourt, on the River Slaney, had been elected MP, with Fr. Kavanagh’s help, and, around the middle of the century, was a British Minister in Buenos Aires. It is quite possible that it was Gore who persuaded Fr. Kavanagh to settle in the area of the Rio de la Plata, where his brother James had already settled some time before. [...] At his death The Southern Cross stated: “In this country of famous horsemen, Fr. Kavanagh distinguished himself for his riding prowess. Very few could emulate him in riding for five consecutive days’ [Gahan 2000: 30]. Fr. Kavanagh serviced as assistant to Fr. Anthony Fahy. ‘During many years he journeyed the camps to visit the Irish. When in 1856 the Irish were divided in four chaplaincies, Fr. Kavanagh was assigned to Magdalena, San Vicente, Ranchos, Chascomús and Dolores. Some time later he had to resign owing to weak health. After a long sickness Fr. Kavanagh died on 3 January 1880’ [Ussher 1954]. 11 The residents of Salto had to wait thirty-four years more to see the train arriving to their town. It was not until 1896, when the Central Buenos Aires Railway Co. built the railway from Carmen de Areco to Salto (40.6 Km.) and the station. 12 After Argentina gained its independence, the nation was paralysed by tension between the Federalist provinces and Centralist Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires did not want to give up its commercial privileges, its political leverage, or to pay taxes to a central government. The Federalists ratified a constitution in 1854, establishing the Argentine Confederation with a capital at Santa Fe. Buenos Aires repudiated the constitution and declared itself independent. The Confederation hovered on the brink of economic ruin, and its President, Justo José Urquiza, invaded Buenos Aires in 1859. He won a military victory, but was forced to retreat in the face of determined local resistance. Buenos Aires began bankrolling insurrections throughout the Confederation, and after Urquiza surrendered to a Buenos Airean army in 1861, the Confederation quickly collapsed. Buenos Aires imposed a largely Centralist constitution on the new Argentine Republic [Erwin, James L., Footnotes to History,

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the first English-language daily published in South America [the first English-language weekly paper was the British Packet and Argentine News, 1826-1859]. In 1862 Edward was joined in Argentina by his brother Michael George and they served jointly as editors. [...] Although in fact Irish, the Mulhall brothers usually referred to themselves as English, championing the interests of the British community, views that were reflected in the paper, and the brothers were often criticised for this stance. Nevertheless, the Mulhalls were advocates of Home Rule for Ireland. [...] The Standard finally ceased publication in 1959 as a result of financial difficulties compounded with family squabbles and industrial unrest’ [Marshall 1996: 14]. In the 1860s, a generalised opinion about Mulhall was that he ‘is paid for cracking up the place, that not the slightest dependence is to be placed upon anything he says. [...] The editor of the Standard will get shot some day by some of the scores of men he has ruined by persuading them to come out. It is a common saying in town “Have you seen the Standard? What’s the latest lie?”’ [Boyle 1999: 7, 27]. The Standard’s office was located in 176 Calle Maipú, Buenos Aires. 14 The relations of J.J. Murphy with his brothers William and Patrick were not always easy. At this time J.J. was on a prolonged visit to Ireland. 15 Sell to a tail by number of head. 16 In the period 1830-1870, upon arrival to Buenos Aires, most of Irish single women over sixteen years old worked as servants, cooks, and seamstresses [Coghlan 1982]. Still in 1889 Irish servants were highly appreciated in Buenos Aires. 17 Probably, the father of Matthew Pierce (1855-1937) of Co. Wexford, who emigrated to Argentina and settled in Salto [Coghlan 1982: 266]. Matthew Pierce married Ellen Kehoe (b1867), and died in San Patricio. 18 Before Catherine Murphy died, her son J.J. went back to Ireland. ‘He then went back to Haysland to visit his mother, who thought it was a stranger when he arrived. It was only when he spoke she recognised him as her handsome John, and could only cry and cry. He had been so disfigured by the smallpox’ [Murphy 1909]. He remained in Ireland until the last months of 1863. His ship back to Argentina, Paraná of the Royal Mail Steam Packet Co., departed from Southampton on 9 November, called at Lisbon (13 November), Cape Verde (20), Pernambuco (28), Bahia (30), and Rio de Janeiro (3 December), and arrived in Buenos Aires on 13 December (passengers were registered on 1 January 1864) [Coghlan 1982: 88, Howat 1984:135]. With the wooden screw steamer Esk (she arrived at Buenos Aires on 12 January 1851) the Royal Mail Steam Packet Co. had ‘the first regular steamship service to South America’ [...]. The Paraná was a much larger 2,250 tons wooden paddle steamer of 92.96 m length, with 2 funnels and 3 masts. She was built in Southampton by Wigram & Sons, and made her maiden South Atlantic voyage in 1862 [Bonsor 1983: 22]. She could accommodate 300 first class passengers and had a dining saloon about 26 yards (23.8 m) long with 96 sits. J.J. paid £55.00 for his ticket, and shared the cabin with two other passengers [Murphy to Murphy 20 November 1863, not included in this collection]. 19 Say, phonetic spelling for sea (as in tay for tea). 20 Shearing time was from October to December, and sheep-farmers waited for the best moment to sell their wool, which could be sold in the estancia or in Buenos Aires (as William Murphy did in this case). 21 ‘Aunt Eliza met William Murphy only fifteen days before they married’ [Murphy 1909], which suggests a match-maker’s arrangement, perhaps through Fr. Fahy. William Murphy and Elizabeth Roche married in La Merced, Buenos Aires, on 17 November 1863 [Coghlan 1987: 709]. 22 The previous packet, Oneida, left Southampton on 10 October 1863 and arrived at Buenos Aires on 14 November [Howat 1984: 135]. 23 ‘A prosperous dairy farm near Tagore, Co. Wexford. But when her mother [Margaret Reville] died her father [Patrick Roche] sold the farm. [Murphy 1909]. 24 Fr. Anthony Dominic Fahy (1805-1871) from Loughrea, Co. Galway, the Roman Catholic chaplain of the Irish in Argentina. He joined the Order of Saint Dominic and was ordained in Rome in 1831, went back to Ireland and in 1834 was destined to St. Joseph’s Convent, Somerset, Ohio. Seven years later Fr. Fahy was back at Loughrea living with his family and helping the parochial clergy, and in 1839 he was named Prior of Black Abbey convent, in Kilkenny. In 1843 Dr Daniel Murray, Archbishop of Dublin, received a request from Buenos Aires to replace the chaplain to the Irish in Argentina, Fr. Patrick O’Gorman, who had died. Dr Kinsella, bishop of Ossory, Co. Kilkenny, recommended Fr. Anthony Fahy. He arrived in Buenos Aires on 11 January 1844 in the British brig Plata from Liverpool [Ussher 1951]. He had his residence at Thomas Armstrong’s house. In 1847 he sent £441-1-10 to the Archbishop of Dublin for an Irish Relief Fund. During the crisis of Camila O’Gorman in 1848, Fr. Fahy demanded an exemplary punishment for the wayward daughter, who was also giving the industrious and well-regarded community a bad name. In 1849 Fahy supported Governor Rosas in refutation of allegations made against the Brigadier and on acknowledgement of his favour. In the period 1851-6, Fr. Fahy officiated at the weddings of 185 Irish couples, therefore confirming his fame of match-maker. He also paid for the education of twelve seminary students in All Hallows, Ireland, in order to assign them later to diverse Argentine parishes. In

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1864 President Mitre appointed Fr. Anthony Fahy honorary Canon of the Cathedral Church of Buenos Aires. Among other works, he founded the Irish Infirmary - later Irish Hospital - to attend the newly-arrived immigrants. He was also responsible for the coming to Argentina of the Sisters of Mercy. Working together with Thomas Armstrong, he held savings of several Irish sheep-farmers in his bank account, and helped them to identify potential businesses and land to purchase. Fr. Fahy died of a heart attack on 20 February 1871, though it was reported that he died a victim of the yellow fever owing to his attending to the sick. Fr. Fahy was fundamental to the formation of a Roman Catholic English-speaking community, which later evolved as the Irish Argentine community, and excluded other segments from this group (for instance, Church of Ireland urban professionals and labourers) [Murray 2003b]. The cornerstone of the success of the Irish in Argentina was due to his, and Thomas Armstrong’s, ability to understand and mesh the cultures of the Argentines and the Irish for the benefit of the Irish and business communities’ [McKenna 1994: 117-8]. 25 Although the letter writer did not disclose the motive of this request. 26 Crosstown, a townland of 66 acres in Mayglass parish, near Rathmanee, Forth barony, Co. Wexford, at about eleven kilometres of Haysland. The Murphys leased another farm in this townland. 27 In fact John James also criticised Patt though he helped him financially. 28 Martin Murphy remained in Ireland until his death in 1899. Most likely, his staying at home would have been derived from the fact that his brothers needed someone as a point of contact in Ireland. Margaret Murphy also stayed in Ireland. 29 In the letter writer’s mind, comfort means British life style. 30 In 1869, the population of Buenos Aires (city and province) was 495,107, including 28 per cent of foreign residents. 31 Owing to the land tenure system in mid-nineteenth century Ireland, it was almost impossible to tenants to access the ownership of their lands. 32 More than anything, this strong feeling was frequently cultural, and was caused by the shocking experience of Irish newcomers when they were confronted with the native way of life and customs. 33 A year or two was enough for Murphy to change his own strong feeling- against the country. This short period suggests that he immediately foresaw an excellent business outlook for himself. However, several other immigrants, particularly in the second half of the nineteenth century, were not so lucky and had to go back to the British Isles or re-emigrate to the United States, Australia, and other countries. When George Reid emigrated to Argentina in 1867, the captain of the Newton ‘laughed and said “Oh dozens of you sheep-farming fellows go out by every one of our steamers and nine out of ten pass back again in three months”’ [Boyle 1999: 7]. It is estimated that in 1850- 1859 ‘re-emigration may have begun equalling immigration among the Irish at that point and that this was a major reason why the remaining immigrants appeared so successful as a group. [...] A comparison between 1869 and 1895 censuses demonstrates that for every Irish emigrant who arrived in Argentina during that 26-year period at least one emigrant left. [...] It must be assumed that the great majority who left Argentina resettled in the United States’ [McKenna 1994: 197-213]. 34 Family union and social relations, together with economic considerations, were powerful motivations for migrants to choose certain destination, or to go back home. However, the temporary visits some emigrants paid to their family and friends at home, especially considering the relatively high cost of tickets, would have been moti- vated by the desire to show their financial success within their social circle. 35 Catchup (also ketchup), a spicy sauce made from tomatoes, mushrooms, vinegar, etc., used as a condiment. 36 Cantrell & Cochrane, a sauce popular in middle-class homes in Ireland at that time. Today Cantrell & Cochrane is a manufacturer of beverages and snacks in Dublin. 37 The writer appealed to his readers’ need for a rich and varied diet, which was not the case in Ireland at that time. ‘By the beginning of the nineteenth century the poor throughout the country [Ireland] were subsisting principally on potatoes and milk. Potatoes were consumed in very large quantities; estimates range from 10 to 15 pounds [4.5-6.8 kg] daily for adult men. The potato had become the staple food of at least one-third of the population on the eve of the Great Famine. During spring and early summer whole milk was sometimes drunk, though skimmed or buttermilk were the more common beverages. Butter was produced for market, leaving the less nutritious buttermilk liquid for home consumption. During the “hungry months” of summer two foods, oatmeal and herrings, filled the hiatus between the end of the old season’s potato crop and the new harvest. There was a regional pattern to oatmeal consumption; more was eaten in northern and eastern counties than elsewhere. Herrings were eaten throughout Ireland, although less extensively in the midlands. Other foods had became occasional, peripheral, and luxurious. [...] After the Famine sweet strong tea replaced milk as the main beverage, and even the very poorest demanded tea of a high quality. Imports of cheap American wheat stimulated greater consumption of bread, home baked or purchased from bakers’ vans that toured the countryside. [...] Indian meal,

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a remnant of the famine relief, was popular until the end of the nineteenth century, sometimes mixed with flour for bread making or added to oatmeal for porridge’ [Crawford, E. Margaret, OC 146]. For Argentine gauchos, the ‘diet of the pampa changed only slightly during the nineteenth century. Beef roasted quickly over an open fire (asado) and copious drafts of mate comprised the basis and often the entirety of the gaucho diet from the colonial era on. Travellers in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries commented upon the carnivorous gaucho’s single- minded penchant for quick-cooked beef. Carne con cuero, large portions of beef wrapped in cowhide and roasted slowly by an open fire, was still more highly prized by gauchos’ [Slatta 1992: 76]. 38 The average area per flock of 2,500 sheep was about 1,700 hectares. Today’s standard of eight ewes per hectare would have been extremely crowded in 1860s Buenos Aires province. 39 A gig was a light two-wheeled one-horse carriage, known in Argentina as sulky. A wagon was a four-wheeled vehicle for heavy loads, often with a removable tilt or cover. 40 A tax cart was a gig for larger loads, but still with two wheels and with a tandem horse. 41 For four passengers. 42 Murphy considered a new business in importing these type of gigs in Argentina. 43 During the period 1860-1880, J.J. Murphy promoted and financed a steady flow of selected emigration from southeast Wexford to Argentina. Most of the emigrants were hired by his brother Martin in Ireland to work in estancia La Flor del Uncalito in Salto. Usually, the Murphys advanced monies for the passage ticket and the emigrants committed to return the cost (£13-16) after 12-14 months working for them in Argentina. After that period, they were free to work elsewhere. Most of these emigrants settled in Salto, Rojas, San Antonio de Areco, and San Pedro. A significant portion of the correspondence between John James and Martin Murphy refers to these arrangements. 44 Another criticism to his brothers’ behaviour. 45 The writer of this letter considered an extravagant habit the fact that his brother gave her wife the best possible conditions to deliver a baby. Juan (John Joseph) Murphy, a son of Patrick Murphy and Mary MacGrath, was born on 3 January 1864 in Buenos Aires [Coghlan 1987: 710]. 46 The reason why the men took care of the flocks on foot could have been to save the horses for sale. 47 Trespassing - the unlawful intrusion of cattle in other’s property - was common in Buenos Aires province before the farmers began fencing. Sometimes trespassing created property rights for the trespassed landowner. On 31 October 1865 a new Rural Code was adopted by the government of Buenos Aires, including the right of the farmer to round up other people’s cattle and to be paid 2-10 pesos per head. This caused some excesses from certain estancieros. In 1875 Sociedad Rural accused Guillermo Mooney (1838-1928) (El Gaucho Inglés), of Pergamino for exaggerating rounding of others’ cattle in his estancia El Procreo [Sbarra 1964: 65-66] and [Coghlan 1987: 666]. 48 Elizabeth Furlong (née Murphy). 49 J.J. Murphy’s return from Ireland, where he stayed from 1861 to 1863. 50 Thirty-two degrees Celsius, a relatively high temperature for someone accustomed to the weather in Ireland. 51 Probably, John Butler (1798-1871), married to Mary Murphy (1847-1887), daughter of James Murphy and Mary Power [Coghlan 1987: 89]. 52 Mount, a loanword from Argentine Spanish monte, i.e., a grove made up of planted trees, frequently paraísos (chinaberry, Melia azedarach) and peach trees. Murphy explains the meaning of the word, ‘plantation’, to his readers in Ireland. Sometimes translated by Irish Argentines as paradise tree (cf. Nevin 1999), the paraíso is ‘cultivated all over the world, [...] for forestry and as ornamental in gardens, town squares and streets. It gives good shade. Grows from seeds and its growth is fast. The leaves are poisonous, containing azedarine, so they are used externally. The fruit is also poisonous’ [Lahitte 1999:192]. ‘In 1852 Pedro Luro planted the nation’s first eucalyptus trees on his ranch near Dolores. The trees gained popularity and became fixtures on larger estates by the end of the century’ [Slatta 1992, 19]. Probably for that reason and for its faster growth speed than paraísos, Australian eucalyptus (Eucalyptus tereticornis and other species) were the preferred trees planted in the pampas by the close of the century. Being eucalyptus of difficult pronunciation for most Spanish speakers, it was common among locals to speak of ucalito or Uncalito. Tree mounts, together with fencing, changed completely the original landscape of Argentine plains. 53 In the mid-1860s the frontiers were not too far from Salto. Some kilometres west of Nueve de Julio, there were dangerous areas controlled by out-laws and the Indians. 54 In 1878, J.J. Murphy returned to Ireland with his family. Most likely they wanted to live in Ireland receiving the revenue of their land in Salto, but the deaths of their children Kitty (12 May 1879) and Martin Herbert (13 April 1881) convinced them to go back definitively to Argentina. ‘My father said “I am leaving and not coming back; the Argentine has never treated me like this”. He never left the Argentine again’ [Murphy 1909]. The family travelled back to Argentina and arrived in Buenos Aires in the Leibnitz in January 1882 [Coghlan 1987: 707].

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55 However, at that time there was a native parish priest, Fr. Antonio Lima, residing in Salto. The insistence of the Irish and their Argentine-born families to be attended by Irish priests continued until the turn of the century, and this was the object of controversy with the Passionist Fathers. The Irish feared to open their community to the larger Argentine society. Nevertheless, J.J. Murphy was very generous with the local parish, and was a member of the municipal committee responsible for building the new church of Salto, which began on 23 April 1865 [Roldán, Héctor G., Historia de la Parroquia San Pablo, Saltonline, accessed 27 October 2003]. 56 Thomas Furlong (1800-1875) was Bishop of Ferns in 1857-1875. Born in Mayglass, Co. Wexford, and ordained in 1826. He served on the staff of Maynooth College until he was appointed as Bishop of Ferns in 1857. Dr. Furlong ‘established many religious houses in the diocese - the House of Missions, Loreto Convent, Convent of Mercy (Enniscorthy), St John of God Convent, the Convent of St Louis in Ramsgrange, and the Sisters of Perpetual Adoration in Wexford. He also saw the building of the “twin churches” in Wexford town’ [Our Lady’s Island, Priests of the Island accessed 3 September 2004]. 57 The enclosed note was a commitment to pay for ticket costs of emigrants to Argentina. It was addressed to the shipping companies, but in fact it was intended to be shown to potential emigrants in order to convince them to emigrate. 58 La Zingara, the smallest ship of Thomas B. Royden & Co’s fleet, was a 287-tons barque sheathed in yellow metal in 1860, and fastened with copper bolts. Master: George Sanders. La Zingara was one of the ships more frequently used by the Irish emigrants to Argentina. In 1860-1869, she transported at least 581 Irish emigrants to Buenos Aires. Thomas Bland Royden, later Lord Royden, was the principal shareholder. The history of Thos. B. Royden & Co. began in 1800 when Thomas Royden in partnership with a timber merchant named Bland started to build small sailing ships in Liverpool on the site where the Brunswick Dock stands today. [...] By 1854 Thomas Royden was building one wooden ship every other year for their own account and seven were completed on that basis. The Anne Royden, completed in 1856, was the largest wooden ship built for the fleet and operated out of Liverpool to India. In 1860 the La Zingara was built for South America [Haws, Duncan, Merchant Fleets, Vol. 21]. 59 John Carr (b1844) of Co. Wexford, probably a son of Jack Carr. John Carr settled in Salto (census 1895) and married Margaret Howlin (1860-1924), daughter of James Howlin and Margaret MacCormick [Coghlan 1987: 119]. 60 This was a way to evade customs taxes, which according to the writer were very high. 61 The best country under the sun, that is, Argentina. As a destination for Wexford emigration, in Murphy’s view, Argentina competed with the United States, England, South Africa, and Australia. 62 For the writer of this letter, independence meant owning the means of production, that in his case were sheep and, particularly, land. 63 This way of thinking was aligned with that of the Argentine local bourgeoisie, who were convinced that the only way for the country to succeed was to replace the native cultures with the customs brought by Northern European settlers. 64 The representation of Ireland as a distressed and ever oppressed country is typical of the oppression narratives of the nineteenth century, in which the landlords tyrannised the farmers in a way that the only solution available to the Irish was to emigrate. Murphy emptied Ireland of any positive ideas with the exception for family and friends. 65 A continued reproach to his brothers. 66 Probably, Matthew O’Connor and Margaret Howlin. 67 Most likely, John Howlin (b1848), who emigrated to Argentina and settled in San Pedro. 68 John Barry (b1805) of Kilrane, Co. Wexford. On 5 February 1862 he arrived at Buenos Aires in La Zingara, and settled in Monte. He emigrated with his wife Mary Lambert (d1867), and seven children. His eldest son, Stephen Barry (1845-1918) married to Mary Pettit (d1878). 69 James Murphy, a cousin of John James Murphy of Tenacre (a townland in Kilrane parish). 70 Homesickness was, for the vast majority of emigrants, a powerful feeling that sometimes made them unhappy in their new homes. However, not all of them felt in the same way about home, and the origin of this concept was linked to diverse ways of conceiving the world at home. For J.J. Murphy, home was the society of my dear friends of Haysland and with the possibility of travelling between Argentina and Ireland, home may have been either in this country or that. Therefore, home was not associated with a specific geographical space, and it was not linked to the concept of homestead. 71 A traditional belief of material success in earth, which is a sign of divine choice for the eternal paradise. This belief may have been influenced by a Protestant perspective, common in middle-class Catholic farmers in nine- teenth-century Ireland. 72 Until about the 1870s, particularly after emigrating to Argentina, most Irish settlers would consider

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themselves Englishmen. Generally speaking, the opposition Irish/English was merely geographic or parochial, and was not yet affected by the Catholic-Nationalistic discourse of the mid-1870s onwards. 73 In a previous drought in 1859, when ‘there was no rain for months and months, in the province of Buenos Aires 4,000,000 sheep were lost. My father [J.J. Murphy] saved his by constantly throwing buckets and buckets of water over the parched land and the sheep were able to eat the roots of grass or weeds they found. They survived on that and water. He did this day and night and the sheep would rush towards him as soon as they saw him coming’ [Murphy 1909]. 74 Murphy owned two-thirds of the sheep, i.e., each poster had one third ownership on the flock. Considering 2,000-2,500 sheep in each flock, at this time Murphy would need between six and eight men to manage the sheep-farm. 75 Poster, a loanword from Argentine Spanish puestero, i.e., the shepherd in charge of minding a flock of sheep, or later, taking care of a portion of the farm including both cattle and agriculture. The shepherd usually was given a puesto (a modest hut with some trees) and food. Murphy’s posters received no salary in addition to their profit share. Other shepherds, however, ‘worked for a wage of 16 pesos per month [...]. He could slaughter up to six old sheep per month for food. In contrast to the migratory life of most rural workers, the puestero lived a more routine, secure, and sedentary existence’ [Slatta 1992: 145]. 76 Two-thirds of the lambs for the owner and one-third for the shepherds. 77 The sheep-owner was supposed to contribute the land, whether owned or rented. 78 One half belongs to J.J. Murphy and, of the other half, William and Nick own fifty percent. 79 In March 1864 Fr. Michael Largo Leahy was appointed Irish Chaplain of Carmen de Areco and the nearby parishes. ‘His district extended outward to Salto, Rojas, Chacabuco, Arrecifes, San Pedro and anywhere else, in and outward direction, he found time or occasion to go. From the time of his appointment Carmen began to figure as the best organized and most distinctively patriotic and progressive Irish center in all the land. At once he set to organizing circulating libraries, reading rooms, clubs, schools and everything that could be for the enlightment, the moral and social progress and ennoblement of his people’ [Murray 1919: 232]. Fr. Large Michael Leahy was born in 1842 in Ballyheigue, Co. Kerry, and arrived in Argentina in 1863. ‘For fully twenty years he literally spent himself for his flock. […] His efforts were materialized in St. Patrick’s Chapel, Carmen de Areco; St. Mary’s Chapel, Chacabuco; St. Brigid’s Chapel, Rojas; Sts. Michael and Mel’s Chapel, Chacabuco; St. Brendan’s College, Carmen de Areco; St. Patrick’s Library, Salto, and other circulating libraries attached to the above mentioned chapels’ [Passionists 1938]. 80 The National Bank of Liverpool Ltd., bankers active in Liverpool from 1863 to1883. The bank was established as a limited liability company in 1863 with a nominal capital of one million pounds sterling, divided into 10,000 shares of £100 each, largely subscribed by shareholders resident in Ireland. It was projected under the auspices of the former directors of The National Bank Ltd. (est. 1835), bankers of the City of London, anticipating mutual benefit from financing trade between Ireland and Liverpool. It never really acquired such business on any scale, although by late 1863 deposits totalled £480,000 and the company’s capital was increased to three million pounds sterling in 1864. However, the bank’s growth was checked by the financial panic of 1866 and losses in subsequent years, and in 1870 paid-up capital was only £449,000. In 1871 it acquired the Liverpool and Birkenhead branches of Alliance Bank Ltd (est. 1862), bankers of Liverpool and City of London, and opened branches in Bootle and Waterloo. The bank was acquired by Parr’s Banking Co. Ltd. (est. 1865), bankers of Warrington, in 1883 [Archives of the Royal Bank of Scotland Group, Memory Bank, accessed 27 October 2003]. 81 Murphy acted with the authority of the eldest brother, and got involved even in trivial domestic decisions impacting the everyday life of the family in Ireland. 82 Probably, John Boggan (b1835), who emigrated to Argentina and settled in Salto (census 1869). 83 Mary MacGrath (1830-1888). 84 Estancia La Caldera in Rojas. 85 Murphy wished to be appointed as the Argentine honorary consul in Dublin to extend further his business opportunities. 86 William Roche (1845-1868), emigrated to Argentina and worked first for J.J. and then for William Murphy in estancia San Martín, Salto. He was a brother of William Murphy’s wife, Elizabeth Roche, and of J.J.’s wife, Ellen Roche. They were children of Patrick Roche (1807-1881) and Mary Reville, sister of Fr. Clement Reville, O. S. F. ‘When William Roche came to the country, he went to work with my father and was nearly killed by the Indians. My father rode in from work, and found William with his back to the door refusing to let them in and the chief Indian with a machete against his chest. My father said “William for God’s sake move away or they’ll kill you”. They took everything they fancied, my father accustomed to their raids took it calmly but William was fuming’

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[Murphy 1909]. 87 Murphy did not buy this estancia, since La Caldera is eleven leagues from La Flor del Uncalito. 88 Uncalito, from eucalipto (eucalyptus), is the name of a brook and a lagoon in J.J. Murphy’s lands. The Uncalito brook is tributary of Areco river. This estancia was bought in 1854 to John MacKiernan (1806-1893) of Co. Antrim, from whom Murphy previously rented land. MacKiernan ‘came and said to him: “Murphy, I want you to buy my land”, “You are crazy” my father answered, “I have no money to buy land”. “How much have you?” Mr. MacKiernan asked. “Only so much”, my father answered mentioning the small savings he had. Mr. MacKiernan said “Give it to me, take the land and pay me when you can. I can’t pay the taxes and live”. My father had courage and faith in this great country and took over the land. In one year the price of wool went to the skies and with the sale of wool he paid off his debt and named his place El Uncalito’ [Murphy 1919]. The estancia was located in Cañada del Uncalito, Cuartel XI of Salto, and the original property occupied three quarters of a league (1,875 hectares) [Survey 56, GEO Salto]. 89 This was well in advance of Eduardo Casey’s land purchase of 1880 in Venado Tuerto, so it may refer to the area in Arroyo Seco, south of Rosario. J.J. did not purchase here, but he was the first to buy from Casey in 1880. 90 Thomas Hutchinson, British consul in Rosario, Santa Fe. ‘Hutchinson got his appointment and preference from the English Government for betraying his friends. He was an Irishman and was, it is said, one of O’Connell’s secretaries’ [Murray 1919: 310]. In 1861 Thomas Hutchinson, an experienced traveller who previously was appointed vice-consul in present-day Equatorial Guinea Montevideo, published Gleanings, including his perspective of the country and sheep-farming. ‘The most successful sheep-farmers in the Republic are Irish, with preponderance in numbers of Westmeathmen and Wexfordians over those from the other Irish countries.’ In 1867, during the cholera epidemic in Rosario, Thomas Hutchinson and his wife ‘rendered a great service to the poor and stricken of the city, for the Consul was an eminent medical man, and his wife was instrumental in establishing a sanatorium to cope with the plague. Numbers of people in Rosario owe their lives to them. Everything they did was for charity, and instead of any profit accruing to them from this they spent their own means freely in the good work. The Provincial Governor gratefully mentioned the Doctor’s services in his message to the legislature’ [Murray 1919: 310, 311]. 91 In Murphy’s mind, there was a class division between old-time Irish landowners and newly-arrived labourers. This division between Irish settlers would continue during the remainder of the century, and in the late 1880s the estancieros were socially closer to the Argentine landed bourgeoisie than to new immigrants from Ireland. In February 1889, the City of Dresden arrived in Buenos Aires with 1,774 poor Irish emigrants on board. Although the established Irish-Argentine community did every effort to accommodate them in the best possible way, there was a clear boundary between both groups, i.e., landowners and labourers. 92 Fr. James Roche (d1883), parish priest of Wexford since 1850 who led the project of building the Twin Churches in Wexford. Fr. James Walsh (d1868), ordained in 1819, parish priest of Our Lady’s Island in 1860-1868. He was responsible of building the present church in the Island parish [Our Lady’s Island, Priests of the Island accessed 2 September 2004]. 93 Between 1861 and 1863, the Raymond sailed to Argentina with at least 312 Irish emigrants (captain Rochfort). 94 Eight men to tend 15,000 sheep. 95 James Howlin (1818-1905) of Kilrane, Co. Wexford. He emigrated to Argentina and married Margaret MacCormack (1838-1902), also from Kilrane [Coghlan 1987: 487]. 96 Catherine and William Furlong, children of James Furlong and Elizabeth Murphy. Catherine married Nicholas Byrne, and William emigrated to Argentina and died unmarried in Salto. 97 On 28 August 1864, sixty-nine Irish passengers arrived in La Zingara and were registered by Buenos Aires port authorities [Coghlan 1982]. 98 The passage ticket cost in steering (third class) £16 and Murphy negotiated with Captain Sanders of Thomas Royden & Sons a reduction to £13. 99 Emphyteusis, a long-term (18-99 years) bail arrangement between the government as landlord and the occupier of land as tenant, with the latter’s preferential right to purchase the property after having paid rents for certain time. Several problems derived from this system since the occupiers were frequently absent in spite they declared to reside in the place. ‘Emphyteusis grants made by Bernardino Rivadavia beginning in 1822 evicted many other settlers as well. The land grant system provided for the long-term use of land at low fixed rents so long as the recipient kept the area under cultivation and saved it from depreciation. The national government retained title, gained rental income, and hoped to promote agriculture by utilizing Argentina’s most abundant resource: land. Emphyteusis grants were legally neither heritable nor alienable, but speculators combined grants to form huge estancias’ [Slatta 1992: 92].

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NOTES TO PAGES 54-56

100 Sometimes the writer of this letter had the tendency to include boastful comments, particularly about his business skills, suggesting that he feared his family and social relations would not consider him a successful entrepreneur. These fears might have been related to his imposed patriarchal role of eldest brother. 101 To convert from emphyteusis tenancy to ownership. 102 The writer looked down upon his brothers and emphasised their need for protection, reinforcing therefore his own responsibility of eldest brother. 103 San Martín, his brother William’s estancia, also in Salto. 104 The writer indinced others to an eviction from their farm in Wexford. 105 8,111 hectares (Irish statute acre). How reasonable was J.J. Murphy having bought this huge tract of land would become evident seventeen years later, when he tripled his property by purchasing 20,000 hectares in Venado Tuerto. This pretended reasonability seemed to be linked to his conspicuous need to demonstrate success outside of Ireland as a compensation to a perceived failure in Ireland. 106 Ellen Roche, sister of Elizabeth Murphy (née Roche) and future wife of J.J. Murphy, arrived in La Zingara and was registered in Buenos Aires on 28 August 1864 [Coghlan 1982: 96]. 107 Edward Edmunds and Thomas Roche, arrived in La Zingara on 28 August 1864 [Coghlan 1982: 49, 96]. 108 As a prudent businessman, (i.e., the perception he wanted to create in his audience), Murphy’s strategy was to manage each farm separately. 109 Patrick Murphy, brother of Nicholas Murphy, father of John, James, Joseph and Ellen Murphy. James Murphy (1826-1892) of Fariestown, Co. Wexford, emigrated to Argentina and settled in Rojas. 110 The railway did not arrive to Salto until 1896 (Central Buenos Aires Railway Co.), so passengers would normally take a train to Luján, which opened in 1864, and from there they would reach Salto on state-coaches or on horse-back. 111 The Wexford People, which first appeared on 8 January 1853 as The People, and is still being published. 112 Francis Whitty (b1809), who settled in Salto and died after 1869 [Coghlan 1982: 267]. 113 Catalina Isabel Murphy (1864-1949) was baptised on 20 November 1864. She married Hugh Decimus Lett of Co. Wexford (d1939). 114 The flowers of the eucalyptus tree are white, small, and arranged in leaf axillary inflorescences. They are not bright or colourful, and for the scarce quantities of this specie found at that time in Argentina, I think that Murphy did not give this name to the estancia for botanical reasons but following the Argentine Spanish idiomatic use of flor (as in flor de caballo, a wonderful horse, or campo flor, good quality land). Therefore, the name of the estancia must have been related to the toponym Uncalito, qualifying it at the same time as the best estancia of the region (a judgement which was not very much off the line with J.J.’s way of thinking about his own accomplishments). Murphy already had a relatively fluent knowledge of Spanish. 115 In the mid-nineteenth century, whether in Ireland or in Argentina, matchmaking (bringing about a marriage) was an established practise among a vast majority of Irish farmers. Fr. Anthony Fahy had such reputation [Ussher 1954: 151]. Among Irish Argentines ind other inmigrant groups matchmaking had considerable importance. As late as the 1900s, the narrator in William Bulfin’s The Course of True Love would claim that marriage broker Tom Brady ‘delighted in this amorous branch of diplomacy, and could look back to many a wedding which he had helped to organise’ [Bulfin 1997: 137]. In Ireland, after the disaster of the Great Famine, ‘an obsessive concern with security, and with the preservation and extension of the family holding, led to a new pattern of late and often arranged marriages [...]. It is also clear that long before the Famine arranged marriages, negotiated between the families of the prospective partners on the basis of the assets each would bring with them, were common among graziers and farmers. [...] The increasing prominence of the arranged marriage or “match” in post-Famine Ireland, similarly, may be evidence less of a change in behaviour than of the growing dominance in a smaller population of the farming class, among whom matchmaking was already well established. [...] Even with separate spheres of work for husband and wife, burdens could be eased if the couple “agreed”. The despised “matches” often worked out if the two people got on well together. Emotional power reinforced economic power and vice versa’ [Ní Chonaill, Bronagh et al., OC 349]. Professional matchmakers did not work for free, and occasionally were paid relatively high fees. In this letter, J.J. Murphy’s opinion of marriage brokers is not as fanciful as in Irish-Argentine traditions. 116 Jackass, a stupid person, a fool. 117 The distance from La Flor del Uncalito (Salto) to La Caldera (Rojas) was approximately 75.5 Km. through the old tracks (151 Km. for a round trip). Using a spare horse, an experienced rider could cover in a day 80-100 kilometres at a trot. John P. Robertson’s Letters from South America include the account of Luis Aldao, a gaucho from Santa Fe who in 1815 covered 114 leagues (550.4 Km.) in 3.5 days, with an average of 28.5 leagues (137.6 Km.) daily. Therefore, the writer’s measure of distance would have been correct, and it gave a good idea to someone

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who did not know the place. Additionally, this implies that the readers of this letter in Ireland were experienced horse-riders. 118 George Furlong (b1831), in 1869 worked in La Caldera, Rojas [Coghlan 1982: 258]. 119 Shepherds driving a flock of sheep through the pampas would have ridden at less than half the speed than without the sheep. 120 De Renzi James Brett (1843-1927) of Rathmacknee, Co. Wexford, son of a Church of Ireland parson. Later in the 1880s De Renzi James Brett was appointed by Eduardo Casey as the administrator of Venado Tuerto lands. In 1870 he married Margaret Anastasia Roche (1851-1921), eldest daughter of Patrick Roche and Margaret Reville, and sister of William and J.J. Murphy’s wives. Their third daughter, Georgina Brett (1877-1919), married Patricio Murphy, son of Patrick Murphy and Mary MacGrath [Coghlan 1987: 67]. In 1887 Brett was one of the founders of Venado Tuerto Polo Club [Macnie 1925: 156]. 121 An ironic commentary about Fr. John Large Leahy, ‘who was very tall, was known by everybody as “El Padre Largo”. He and his brother [John Baptist Leahy] who was a small man, did a tremendous lot of good work for all the Irish boys and girls who came out from Ireland by bringing them together. These priests rode from one camp to another borrowing a horse from place to place’ [Murphy 1909]. His brother Fr. John Baptist Leahy arrived in Argentina in 1867. 122 Fr. Leahy resided in Carmen de Areco, but his district included Salto and he may have lived temporarily there. Murphy’s observation unveils the fact that there were rivalries among the Irish parishes in Argentina, owing perhaps to the different origin in Ireland of its members (e.g., midlands vs. Wexford). 123 In the 1860s, the few roads existent in Buenos Aires province were scarce and not paved with stones as in Ireland. However they were wider so they could support bigger vehicles. 124 Between 27 December 1864 and the first days of 1865, the Paraguayan army led by Vicente Barrios and Francisco Isidoro Resquín successfully campaigned in the Brazilian Matto Grosso and reached Coimbra, Albuquerque, Corumbá, Miranda, and Dorados. In April 1865, the Paraguayans invaded Corrientes, and on 1 May 1865 the Triple Alliance treaty was signed among Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay. 125 In 1865 Navarro organised its first Irish Races. ‘Races were equal, it was said, to “the best ever held in Mullingar”. There were tents on the course, a band of music, dancing and all kinds of gamesters. Fr. Curran, in true home-Sagart [priest] style, cautioned the people to avoid drink and excitement and to keep the peace and such good order as would be to the credit of their name and race […]. The racing was for two days, but the meeting did not wholly terminate for nearly a week - those were funny times, good times, in the camp’ [Murray 1919: 249]. 126 Matthew O’Connor (b1829) and his wife Margaret (b1843), who later settled in Carmen de Areco (census 1869). 127 Probably, a brother or cousin of William Keating (1835-1919) of Tagmon, Co. Wexford, who in 1859 emigrated to Argentina and settled in Monte. In 1872 William Keating married to Anne Barry (1853-1940) of Kilrane. 128 In nineteenth-century Ireland, ‘marriage could only be established if males and females each brought resources to the union sufficient to establish a viable unit. Males generally brought land while females brought dowry, used in part to capitalize the new unit and in part to enable the groom’s family to dower other daughters. [...] The distribution of land and dowry was the prerogative of the senior males of the family and this kept unmarried children subject to patriarchal control. Nevertheless possession of a dowry gave women power within the household because women in fact maintained individual claims on their dowries’ [Harris 2002: 7]. ‘Marriage was an economic as well as a social contract. The amount of money, land, or other property to be brought to the marriage was agreed in advance’. Later in the twentieth century, ‘education, skills, and the woman’s own savings took the place of the dowry that would previously have been demanded’ [Ní Chonaill, Bronagh et al., OC 349]. 129 A £200 dowry must have been a relatively high one compared to other dowries in the same period. In 1840- 1855 dowries in Co. Monaghan ‘ranged from two pounds to a hundred or more pounds, with the most frequently quoted figure being around fifty pounds sterling’ [Harris 2002: 14]. 130 Frequently, when the parents were death or absent, the consent to the marriage of a woman in the family was the right of the eldest brother. 131 Margaret Murphy remained a spinster and died unmarried. 132 J.J. married two years later, on 25 May 1867. At this time, his future wife Ellen Roche was living with William and Elizabeth Murphy in nearby estancia San Martín. 133 In this context, respectable meant not only being of good social class and background, but also deserving of respect because of good economic circumstances. 134 The lost French packet may have been Béarn of Messageries Maritimes, wrecked on the Brazilian coast on 27 February 1865 [Bonsor 1983: 70].

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135 The writer’s brother-in-law, James Furlong (and perhaps others), invested in his sheep-farming business in Argentina (at least one-third of the Rincón flock was owned by Furlong). This would have been a way to fund Murphy’s business with fresh capital from Ireland. 136 Paraguay is 1,500 Km. from Buenos Aires. In 1865 Brazil had an 8,000,000 population and $20,000,000 GDP; Argentina, 1,200,000 and $8,000,000; Uruguay, 350,000 and $2,918,000; and Paraguay, 600,000 and $1,200,000. 137 On 29 December 1864 the National Association of Ireland was founded in Dublin, backed by the Catholic hierarchy and intended to foster co-operation with English radicals to promote disestablishment of the Church of Ireland. 138 An important segment of the Irish settlers in Argentina, particularly those who were able to purchase land in Buenos Aires or Santa Fe, were more concerned by the Irish land tenure system than by Fenianism or Republicanism. Moreover, during the nineteenth century the Land League of 1879 was the only political movement in Ireland which had a substantially successful reception among most of Irish Argentines. This may have also been derived from the fact that many of the emigrants, like J.J. Murphy, still held their life-tenancy rights as eldest brother heirs. 139 Banks charged 7% but taking land as collateral. Therefore, Irish settlers paid up to 20-30% in the private lending market so as to avoid risking their estancias. 140 This may indicate that J.J. was already wooing his future wife Ellen Roche (Mrs R.), but she did not accepted any engagement yet. 141 In 1865, La Zingara arrivals in Buenos Aires were on 11 March, 11 May, and 15 December [Coghlan 1982]. 142 Fain, gladly, willingly, with pleasure. Even in the writer’s time its use was already obsolete or archaic, and may have been a mark of distinction and education. Shakespearean use of fain appears in, for instance, The Tempest (1610): I would faine dye a dry death (I. i. 72). 143 This represents a very low lambing rate, probably owed to high lamb mortality. 144 Whether to convince his friends and neighbours to emigrate to Argentina, or to justify himself before his social relations, there was a repetitive praise of the country in all J.J.’s letters. 145 Conversations with family and friends were the normal way to get information about an emigration destination. 146 Contemporary letter writers would have agreed with Murphy: ‘Of absolute danger, especially of being robbed and murdered, which seems most to haunt you, there is very little, I am happy to say. Think of the hundreds of fellows that come here “with a view to sheep farming” every year, and how very few come to grief. Where an Englishman does come to grief, 9 times out of 10 if you inquire you find he was drunk in a pulpería a few days before, and quarrelled with some rowdy gaucho or other’ [Boyle 1999: 93]. 147 Despite a long standing tradition of Irish emigrants to Argentina writh previous experience in sheep-farming, there is evidence that many emigrants were not skilled in any rural job. 148 In January 2003, during a field trip to Argentina, I had a chance to visit the abandoned and decaying house of La Flor del Uncalito. Compared to the mansions of other estancieros, mid-nineteenth century Irish sheep-farmer houses were sober and functional, suggesting a puritan work ethic. Commonly, a mirador was built on top of the roof to survey flocks and to anticipate uninvited visits (i.e., gauchos and Indians). At the turn of the century, the first generation of Irish Argentines was more frivolous, and built expensive houses, frequently on English country house style, complete with landscape gardens, tennis lawns, and other amenities. 149 In the emigrants’ minds, at least before arriving in Buenos Aires, as well as among the people who remained in Ireland, Argentina was frequently portrayed as a wild country, full of savages who could not undertake or even understand the culture of the civilized (i.e., English) world. The same perspective was shared by a vast majority of the emigrants from the British Isles, including those who emigrated as late as the 1880s (for instance, such descriptions of the country and its people are frequent in John Brabazon’s The Customs and Habits of the Country of Buenos Aires from the year 1845, and Kathleen Nevin’s You’ll Never Go Back). However, the understanding of a space with those unrestrained features would also have been an incentive for emigrants who wished to improve their status in life and to climb the social ladder to better and more secure positions, an undertaking which was perceived as impossible in Ireland. Within a colonised mind, the legends (fairy tales, according to Murphy) depicting Argentina as a half-civilised half-savage place, and the dreams of improving their own social situation would have been equally challenging and attractive to a number of Irish men and women who emigrated to Argentina. Moreover, their gradual passage from emigrants to settlers (for those who were lucky enough to find a suitable place in the new society), was greatly influenced by a change of beliefs about the enlightenment, social life and happiness which were possible to attain in Argentina. Yet, this change of attitudes was certainly derived from the fact that the

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Argentine governing elite imitated and followed European, particularly English, civilised culture and abandoned savage customs and uses. Irish settlers and the local bourgeoisie shared a common coloniser point of view towards native culture, which they considered savage and uncivilised. Emigrants, who perceived themselves as colonised in Ireland, became colonisers in Argentina. 150 Murphy would have hired almost all his neighbours to work in Argentina, and finance their passage tickets during a year. However, although at some time in the 1850s he ‘could afford extra help, so he had an old Indian to work with them’ [Murphy 1909] he would not employ native labour to mind his sheep. Gauchos or Indians were not interested on sheep-farming or any work on foot, but seemingly the actual reason had more to do with their perceived honesty and reliability than with their labour skills. 151 Moses Browne (1804-1887) of Kisha, St. Iberius parish (Co. Wexford). 152 James Pender died on 7 May 1865 in Luján, Buenos Aires [Coghlan 1987: 749], therefore this letter must have been written in May 1864. 153 Grog was used in Australia and New Zealand as a general term for alcoholic drinks, especially beer [Turner, G. W., English Language in Austral. and New Zealand, 1966]. In Trinidad in the West Indies, the word is used in grog shop, meaning a bar or pub where alcohol is sold (thanks to Edward Walsh for this reference). 154 This winding introduction opened the exposition of new arguments to attract neighbours and friends to emigrate to Argentina. 155 Unfatigued, indefatigable. 156 The change of addressee (from Martin to James) depicts the pragmatic structure of the letter, in a group conversation among adult males, discussing important matters for their families. 157 This is a concession which serve to emphasise the next reasoning. James’s desires and intentions (to improve the family estate in Kilrane) were in fact a chimera as the necessary means (land) to achieve those goals were not available, and for every (Irish) tenant farmer now a days acquiring land was only possible through emigration to Argentina. 158 In the mid-nineteenth century, one of the most important cultural differences between the Irish arriving to Argentina and the natives was education. In the early 1860s, it is estimated that only 20% of native Argentines were able to read and write versus 60% among the Irish. This was the result of an old-time education system in place among Irish farmers which provided teaching to a much wider population than among Argentine gauchos and creoles. In addition to this, Irish girls were taught to keep them respectable, i.e., they would be able to match the assets of a reasonable suitor, if not with their dowries at least with their knowledge or a combination of both. 159 On 6 January 1856, the Sisters of Mercy arrived in Argentina. Fr. Fahy tried to get the Irish Sisters of Charity to work with the Irish settlers in Argentina. Not succeeding in getting the Sisters of Charity he then approached the Sisters of Mercy for the same purpose. Among several charities and works, the Sisters of Mercy opened in 1868 the Irish Immigrant Girls’ Home and school at 248 Calle Chacabuco [Murray 1919: 340]. In 1871, the Sisters had an orphanage of 120 Irish girls [Mulhall 1892: 257]. A year later they opened a Convent and girls’ school in Mercedes[Murray 1919: 246]. In 1878 they opened a school at Calle Solís 112 [Murray 1919: 389]. They left Argentina in 1880 under ‘the generally turbulent political situation [which] erupted with particular violence [and] the bitter anti-religious thrust of the revolution’s [McLay 1996: 442]. While the sisters were on the high seas, mother Evangelista Fitzpatrick agreed with bishop Dr. Reynolds to take those sisters to Australia. So when the sisters arrived in Liverpool they never went to Dublin, but got on the next ship to Adelaide. However they returned to Argentina in August 1890 and opened the school Mater Misericordiae in 1897, Clonmacnoise in 1922, St. Anne’s in 1929, and Saint Ethnea’s in 1931. They also took over St. Brigdet’s girls school in 1902 [Roger 2003]. The education provided by the Sisters of Mercy is regarded by Murphy as good as there is in any part of the globe, including Ireland and the Irish Diaspora. 160 In the writer’s mind, those differently situated than many people at home that can not do better by leaving were better suited for emigration. Perceived social class was apparent among several of the most successful Irish settlers in Argentina, who believed - some of their descendants still believe - that the best emigrants belonged upper classes in Ireland. Murphy consistently and cynically considered that knowing no better was a blessing to the poorer classes. This attitude, typical of the principal links in the emigration chain from Ireland to Argentina must have strongly influenced the distribution of information about Argentina among the poorest potential emigrants in Ireland, so that in 1889, when the City of Dresden arrived in Buenos Aires from Cork with 1,774 destitute Irish emigrants on board, they were ‘often spoken of in very deprecatory terms by people who themselves, or their parents, came to Argentina under circumstances differing very little from those of the passengers of the Dresden’ [Murray 1919: 440]. The per- ception of a higher and entrepreneur emigrant class was construed by a vast majority of the Irish in Argentina, and was particularly strong after the 1880s with the competition of massive immigration from Italy, Spain, and other countries.

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161 Two farms, in Haysland and Crosstown. 162 This reason to stay is not frequently cited in migration studies. However, the shame of being considered under necessity of leave within their social circle might have been a powerful psychological counter-push to many per- sons who decided to stay in Ireland. 163 This second class of non-emigrants (should I call them amigrants?), people that entertain a prejudice to every thing foreign should be read with a contemporary perspective. Murphy is not speaking with a twenty-first-century attitude towards different ethnicity or birthplace. Instead, he is judging those in Ireland who cannot believe that happiness can be formed in any place but where themselves really are, and consequently (and most importantly) are compared to philosophers who do not need or want to know more about a comfortable and independent way of living. The latter is the aim of the writer of this letter, and it is shared by his readers in Ireland as a life-time goal. 164 The writer refers to selling the life-tenancy contracts, a system which was common among farmers in nine- teenth-century Wexford. 165 Chronologically, it is probable that this remark refers to Murphy’s time previous to emigration in 1844 when notices from Argentina began arriving in Wexford in the form of letters from the first emigrants, among them James Pettit and Patrick Browne. 166 Joseph Murphy (b1844) worked in Rojas as a farm hand. He died after 1869 [Coghlan 1982: 258]. 167 Another negative remark about brother Patrick, comparing his behaviour with that of the writer’s shepherds. The comparison belies attitudes towards work and pleasure which create judgment parameters. 168 This may refer to the physical clearing of thistle, but they writer may also have referred to the clearing of squatters. 169 In a seemingly response to one of his brother’s questions, Murphy provided his own vision social structure. He identified a class distinction between the farmers, who were born and grew up on a place of their own (i.e., a tenant family farm), and the servants, who grew up in houses belonging to their masters. Murphy believed that most of the farmers had a better thought of themselves than the labourers and servants, who did not perceive themselves suitable to undertake their own businesses (e.g., sheep-farming). Furthermore, he considered the farmer emigrant less likely to commit mean acts than the labourer emigrant, understanding mean acts as a subversion of class. 170 Philip Lambert, probably related to brothers James Lambert (1839-1919), John Lambert (1850-1902), and William Lambert (1846-1932) of Saladillo. 171 Up to the end of the 1850s, having something (a small capital) was important, yet not essential, to succeed as a settler in rural Argentina. In the 1860s it was more difficult for newcomers without assets to purchase land. 172 In spite of Murphy’s wishes to see her sister Margaret married to Philip Keating, he respects her decision not to do so. It seems that feminine subjection to the eldest brother’s control was not so strict among the Murphys and other middle-class families in 1860s rural Wexford. 173 Murphy and many other Irish settlers in Argentina regularly received the Wexford People, later the Westmeath Examiner, and other regional newspapers. The possibility to be up to date was important for them because they still had friends and family, and some had business interests at home. Additionally, some immigrants like Murphy had the idea to return and live with the proceedings of their sheep-farms in Argentina. 174 Visiting family and friends back in Ireland was relatively frequent among well-off settlers in Argentina. These trips represented not only a remedy to homesickness, but more than anything else a demonstration to others within their own social circle in Ireland that the decision to emigrate was the right one. Sometimes they were also related to health reasons. 175 Lambing rate, i.e., lambs born divided by ewes lambing. It is one of the most important measures indicating sheep-farming profitability. Taking into account the natural pastures, Murphy’s lambing rate of 63% would have been fairly good at that time, though it would be consider today very low compared with a standard of 150% in Ireland (thanks to Jerry Anglim for this information). 176 Banks normally mortgaged land as security for individual credits. 177 Catherine Whitty (b1822), settled in Salto and died after 1869 [Coghlan 1982: 263]. 178 Margaret Anastasia Roche (1850-1921), first daughter of Patrick Roche and Margaret Reville. 179 John Parle (b1828) of Saltee Islands, Co. Wexford, brother of James and Nicholas Parle. Seemingly, J.J. Murphy and Eduardo Casey were appointed trustees by his deceased brother Nicholas, who settled and died in Argentina. 180 Mary Roche (née Reville), mother of William Murphy's wife Elizabeth Roche, died some time before her husband Patrick Roche (1807-1881) emigrated to Argentina between 1866-68. 181 Capt. Stocks, partial owner of La Zingara. 182 Fr. Clement Reville, O.F.M. (1804-1877), a brother of Mary Roche (née Reville). Fr. Reville was born on 10 August 1804 in Lough, parish of Rathangan. Ordained priest in Rome in 1827, he joined the Franciscan

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community in Wexford in 1832, and was elected provincial in 1849 and again in 1876. He died on 24 February 1877 in the Franciscan Friary, Wexford [Collectanea Hibernica, N° 44, 45 (2002-2003), pp. 251, 270-271]. 183 Letter undated, written after May 1867. 184 Patrick Ennis (b1843) settled in Salto as shepherd [Coghlan 1982: 263]. The Camp Catechism must have been an informal code among labourers about how to behave with their masters. 185 These statements indicate that Murphy helped many people to emigrate to Argentina despite not needing them to work in his estancia. 186 ‘In those days there were no fences, sheep were kept apart from neighbouring ones with these deep trenches. That was his first work in the Argentine. He was the first man to fence in the whole of his camp. The firm of John Shaw, where he dealt in Buenos Aires, had to send to England for wire, as there was not enough in the country for such an enterprise. [...] People thought him mad. After six months they left unpaid, and worked their way towards Salto’ [Murphy 1909]. In 1875 the cost of fencing one lineal league (5,196 metres) was 60,000 pesos, including posts of ñandubay and wire [Sbarra 1964: 77]. 187 Apart from the system that Murphy was planning to develop, it is clear that his confidence in sheep-farming business in Argentina was high. He was not wrong: ‘Civil war in the United States further spurred Argentine wool production by eliminating the southern Confederacy’s competing cotton. [...] By 1885 wool and sheepskins accounted for 69 percent of the value of Argentina’s non-meat exports. In 1899, the first year in which total non- meat exports exceeded on hundred million pesos in value, sheep products contributed 81 percent of the total. From 1901 to 1912, frozen mutton shipments ranged in value from five to seven million pesos per year. Sheep grazed on the finest cabañas (breeding ranches) in the province and ranked with purebred cattle as leading attractions at the prestigious Palermo stock exhibition sponsored by the Rural Society’ [Slatta 1992: 142]. 188 Worsted, a knitting wool. One of paradoxes resulting from the global economics dictated by British colonialism that in a wool-producing region as was Argentina at that time sheep-farmers needed to import their knitting wool from the British Isles. 189 This long digression about letter writing shows very well the rhetorical strategy of the writer. The style of writing, as well as size, form and system were of course very important for him, since sentiments and feelings were secondary to his first priority, i.e., business. 190 Drawers, or underpants. At least some of the Irish settlers did not wear gaucho apparel. After the fall of Rosas in 1852, ‘new mass-produced garments from European factories pushed aside native hand-woven textiles. Bombachas supplanted the chiripá, and machine-made boots replaced botas de potro. In dress, ranch workers became largely indistinguishable from the immigrant farmer or urban day laborer except in the most traditional regions’ [Slatta 1992: 76]. 191 The cholera epidemic of 1868. 192 In April 1868, Domingo F. Sarmiento won in the presidential elections, with Alsina as Vice-President. Sarmiento shared a bigoted Anglo-Saxon view of the Irish, as ‘a rabble organised by the priests. Ignorant and drunken Irish are arriving in the United States; rude, ignorant, backward masses. [...] Fanatic, drunk, semi-savages people. If they came here, in ten years Argentina would be reduced to the same situation in Ireland, with their people eternally ignorant and backward’ [Obras Completas, vol. 36, 1948]. Thomas Murray added that Sarmiento was a Hibernophobe [Murray 1919: 376]. His negative opinion of the Irish was fuelled by the Irish Argentines ruses to circumvent enrolment in military service. 193 Probably, a Wexford variation of the idiom ne’er do well, meaning a rogue or rascal. 194 Nicholas Kavanagh (b1818) from Co. Wexford, who arrived in Buenos Aires in the William Peile. Kavanagh married Mary Brure (1834-1918) of Co. Westmeath, and was included in the census returns for 1869 (Magdalena). Their son Nicolás Kavanagh (1858-1919) changed the family named to ‘Cabana’ [Coghlan 1987: 512]. 195 Probably, Florence Donovan jun. (b1831), a merchant and shipping agent in Buenos Aires, son of Florence Donovan (d1879) of Co. Cork [Coghlan 1987: 269]. 196 Isabel Inés Murphy (1872-1895), second daughter of J.J. Murphy and Ellen Roche [Coghlan 1987: 708]. 197 Lawrence Whitty, who remained in Ireland, was a brother of Francis Whitty of Salto, who at this time would have been 63 years old. 198 Murphy complained that some people in Ireland believe that the law existing in England should naturally be the same over the whole world. Regarding laws England included Ireland. There were many aspects where Argentine and Anglo-Saxon laws differed and varied greatly. The belief that English ‘rules’ should be valid anywhere and everywhere in the world would have had an effect on colonialist reasoning and the governing elite throughout the British Isles during the Victorian epoch. Paradoxically, Murphy demonstrated the same way of thinking as Flaherty & McVicary when he was satisfied with the changes in the country modelled by English customs and conventions. 199 Cámaras, second judicial instance.

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200 Nicholas Pierce (b1841), settled in Salto as joiner [Coghlan 1987: 261]. 201 Murphy honestly recognised a fact that contradicted what he has always maintained about Argentina and its opportunities available to Irish shepherds. However, he attributed the problem to the two returning emigrants, whose minds is a wear on their constitutions. 202 Probably, a relation to Cornelius Flood (1864-1918), who emigrated in the 1870s and settled in Uruguay [Coghlan 1987: 348]. 203 The ticket cost £13 each. The fact that Lamport & Holt paid five percent commission back to Martin Murphy on passage tickets from Liverpool to Argentina is another evidence of the relatively significant number of emigrants who owed their settlement in the new country to J.J. Murphy. 204 Probably related to John Byrne (1831-1886) of Balloughter, Co. Wexford, who emigrated to Argentina in 1857 and settled in Bragado [Coghlan 1987: 91]. 205 Ere, before. Poetic or archaic use; however it would have been common speech in Ireland in those days. 206 Patt Murphy and his wife Mary MacGrath sent their two sons Nicolás and Juan (eleven and nine years old respectively) to Ireland to study there. Members of the Irish-Argentine community with means used to send their sons to study in well-known boarding schools in Ireland and England. Those who could not afford the school fees, would send their sons to their family houses in order to assist to a day school [Roger 2003]. 207 Nicolás Murphy (1862-1900), son of Patrick Murphy and Mary MacGrath. In 1889, Nicolás Murphy was Vice-President of Rojas town council. He died after 1900. 208 Juan Murphy (1864-1914), other son of Patrick Murphy and Mary MacGrath. He died before 1914. The writer of this letter has no big consideration of his son’s skills. 209 Stoutness was regarded as aesthetically pleasing and considered to be a symptom of good health. 210 Although in some contexts the use of ye (you, archaic plural of thou) could be interpreted as a way to show off superior education, it was and it still is in use in the south of Ireland. 211 Joseph Murphy left Argentina in 1872 and went back to Ireland. Patt Murphy had a different attitude towards Ireland than that of his brother John James. 212 James Howlin (1818-1905) of Kilrane, Co. Wexford, emigrated to Argentina and settled in Rojas. He married Margaret MacCormack (1838-1902) [Coghlan 1987: 487]. 213 John Murphy of Ballygeary, brother of Lawrence Murphy and one of the Kilrane Boys, (see note 6 to this Chapter 3). 214 Fund remittances among family members were common from Argentina to Ireland and from Ireland to Argentina as well. However the usual goal of remittances from Ireland to Argentina was to invest in sheep-farming business (as the £50 James will retain per account of this year’s sheep business here), while those from Argentina to Ireland were frequently to help family maintenance. 215 John Ronan (1833-1879) of Co. Westmeath, married in 1861 to a sister of Catherine Whitty. They settled in Chivilcoy (census 1869) and he died in Funchal (Madeira) in 1879 [Coghlan 1987: 789]. 216 Seemingly, the writer had no intention of going back to Ireland. 217 Hugh Decimus Lett (d1939), son of William Lett of Co. Wexford. Hugh Lett married María Ballesty, a daughter of James Ballesty (1825-1876), a neighbour of Patt Murphy in Rojas. After Maria Ballesty died in 1910, Hugh Lett married in 1912 to Catalina Isabel Murphy, first daughter of William Murphy [Coghlan 1987: 17, 709]. In 1876 William Lett was the owner of fourteen acres in Tinnacross, Enniscorthy [Rice, Jean, Property owners County Wexford circa 1870 in: Avellaneda. Bartolomé Mitre (1821-1906) returned from Montevideo and supported the rebels. On 24 September 1874, Mitre rose up against Avellaneda but his 5,500 men were defeated on 26 November in La Verde by 900 loyal men led by Col. Arias. Mitre surrendered his position on 2 December, and one week later Julio A. Roca defeated Arredondo in Santa Rosa. Mitre’s death sentence was pardoned and he was imprisoned for four months only. 222 Probably related to James Pettit. 223 Fr. John “£” Furlong. The pounds symbol may have been a joke, probably referring to Fr. Furlong’s insistence in collecting money.

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224 Probably, John Connor emigrated to Argentina with John James Murphy in the William Peile (1844), then went back to Ireland and in 1875 returned to Argentina. 225 ‘To boot’, a common idiom equivalent to ‘as well’. 226 James Ballesty (1825-1876) of Co. Westmeath, emigrated to Argentina in 1850 and was the first Irish settler in Rojas, where he bought estancia La Estrella in 1859. In 1872 he was one of the first farmers to wire his land, and three years later introduced the steam-powered threshing machine. In Rojas, he built the municipal park, a school, a library, the Irish club, the mill, and an hotel. In 1869 he had 40 hectares of wheat, 30,000 sheep, and a grasería. He died on 11 April 1876, shortly after coming back from a trip to Ireland. He married in 1856 to Marcella Casey, who died in 1871. In 1875 he married in Dublin to his first wife’s cousin, Therese Casey [Coghlan 1987: 17]. 227 Antagonism between settlers from Wexford and Westmeath sometimes called ‘Ballynacarrizies’) was frequent in the mid-nineteenth century. ‘The men and women of Wexford in Buenos Aires province had a feud with those of Westmeath. In one place, Salto Argentino, the parish priest held separate mass services each Sunday to avoid a fight. Throughout the century, the church services a family attended were not referred to by their times but by the county of origin of the worshippers attending. However, they did mix at the ‘native’ mass and ushers made sure that seating arrangements were such that rival families were kept apart’ [Graham-Yooll 1999: 140]. I believe that this conflict was due to perceived social class rather than to geographic origin. 228 The boys were fourteen and twelve years old, a time to decide about their future education. 229 A small recrimination allowed to an eldest sister. 230 The writer, born in Argentina seventeen years before, did not speak Spanish fluently. She shared her life with English-speaking family members and pupils and teachers at the Irish school in Chivilcoy, and workers at the estancia who were more fluent in English than in Spanish. This peculiar linguistic situation was shared by many children of the Irish settlers in Argentina, whether born in Ireland or in Argentina. For a vast majority of Irish Argentines, Spanish was not the first language until the first decades of the twentieth century, and even in the 1950s some of them would better speak in English (though with several loanwords) than in Spanish. 231 The little girl may have been the self-representation of the writer, with a little gray dog as her only company. Certainly, she felt lonely. 232 The passage ticket cost was £13 (£13 x 20s = 260s x 0.05 = 13s). 233 William Murphy and family visited Ireland in 1877. 234 Catalina (Katie) Murphy (1868-1879), first daughter of John James Murphy and Ellen Roche. In 1878, ‘when my parents had four children Kitty, Cissie, little Martin, and Jack, they decided to go back to Wexford, per- haps to live, having already bought over a league of land in Rojas. A year later Kitty died; a lovely fair-haired happy child of ten. In those days scarlatina was fatal. No one dared go near them for fear of contagion. The other chil- dren had been sent down to Haysland, my father’s old home, where his sister and invalid brother lived. She and the children went to see the funeral passing towards Kilrane Churchyard. My mother said it nearly broke her heart to see the three small ones on the side of the road watching the funeral pass, not realizing it was their little sister. [...] This place [in Mar del Plata] he named La Angelita. We all knew it was in memory of his little Kitty in heaven whom he adored, but never mentioned her to me until two days before he died’ [Murphy 1909]. 235 Clemente Murphy (1875-1894), son of William Murphy and Elizabeth Roche [Coghlan 1987: 710]. 236 In 1877 Eduardo Casey exported 500 live sheep to Great Britain. J. B. Brett was in charge. 237 In the period 1875-79, wheat accounted for 0.3% of total Argentine exports. In 1900-04, it would reach 22% [Slatta 1992: 195]. 238 These passage reflect the enthusiasm of the writer for the future of the country, which was shared by a majority of the Irish landed elite of the last decades of the nineteenth century. 239 Guillermo Murphy (1866-1945), son of William Murphy and Elizabeth Roche. Willie was sent to Ireland to study. 240 Catalina Isabel Murphy (1864-1949) and Margarita Clementina Murphy (1868-1963), first and second daughters of William Murphy and Elizabeth Roche. They were also sent to Ireland, at least for a short time, on a marked difference with Patrick’s sisters. 241 Nicolás Murphy, son of Patrick Murphy and Mary MacGrath. He returned from Ireland sometime in 1878. 242 Probably, Anne Cormack, who arrived in Buenos Aires on 15 December 1865 in La Zingara [Coghlan 1982: 38].

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CHAPTER 4 ‘EVERYTHING CAME TOGETHER, WAR, PLAGUE AND LOCUSTS’ LETTERS TO JOHN JAMES PETTIT 1864-1875

1 The distance from New Ross to Kilrane is approximately 50 Km. (certainly not so far by Australian or Argentine standards). 2 Probably, John Barry (b1805) of Kilrane, who emigrated to Argentina in 1862 with his wife Mary Lambert (d1867) and six children. One of them, Stephen Barry (1845-1918) married in 1872 to Mary Petit [Coghlan 1987: 27]. Ballyconor Big and Ballyconor Little are townlands in Kilrane parish, Co. Wexford (Forth barony), with 153 acres in total. Most likely, John Barry gave his lease up to James Furlong but the farm was not in the best conditions. 3 Most likely, the reason why Matt’s parents were against his marriage to one of the Howlin girls was related to a difference in fortune between the parties. At that time, and in that social circle, her dowry should have matched Matt’s assets (the inverse was also valid). Their taking possession of the farm in Ballygery would have been the result of the unauthorised wedding. Matthew O’Connor, a steward, married Margaret Howlin of Blackwater, Enniscorthy (Co. Wexford). In 1871 they had a daughter, Elizabeth O’Connor [Pauline Delevingne 22 October 2003, communication with the author]. Some of the Howlins of Wexford emigrated to Argentina, including Patrick Howlin, one of the Kilrane Boys in the 1844 William Peile. Ballygillane Big and Ballygillane Little are townlands in Kilrane parish, Co. Wexford (Forth barony), with a total of 286 acres. Ballygerry, a neighbouring townland of Haysland, is also in Kilrane parish (139 acres). 4 In 1863 the Dublin, Wicklow and Wexford Railway Co. arrived to Enniscorthy. Wexford town was not reached until 1872. 5 The letter writer refers to the American Civil War (1864-1865). ‘Irishmen fought in both sides, but in far greater numbers (perhaps in excess of 140,000) for the Union, whose armies included several Irish units. [...] In the short term, Irish involvement in the war gave rise to the Fenian raids into Canada (1866), and provided military experience for some who subsequently returned to Ireland’ [Garnham, Neal OC 12]. After the war, some of those soldiers re-emigrated to Argentina, among them, John Stephen Dillon (1844-1915). 6 The only Wexford O’Neill in Argentina identified by Coghlan is John O’Neill, married to Mary Murphy, parents of Michael O’Neill (d1964) [Coghlan 1987: 735]. 7 Those were the scheduled dates. In fact, the departure of La Plata of the Royal Mail Steam Packet Co. took place on 27 May arriving at Southampton 2 July 1865. The following arrival from Southampton to Buenos Aires was on 13 July 1865 [Howat 1984: 135]. 8 Margarita Moore (b1845), the writer’s sister, married to Patrick Kirk [Coghlan 1987: 580, 668]. 9 Patrick for Maggie’s father, Patrick Moore, and Edmund for Edmund Kirk [Coghlan 1987: 580, 680]. 10 Ana Murphy (d1913), daughter of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully. Anita married James Walsh (b1837) of Co. Waterford. 11 When the law of 17 December 1823 was adopted, all adult male citizens were required to serve in the army. This law remained in force after 1852, when National Guard units were established for each department, mostly to protect villages and estancias against Indian attacks. Frequently, ‘native Argentines refused to join voluntarily, so foreigners constituted the bulk of enlistees from 1854 enrolment advertisements. Few of the immigrants could ride a horse, so they could not serve in cavalry units, the backbone of frontier defence. In 1855 these enganchados con- stituted 62% of the infantry company of the line at Fuerte Argentino, Bahía Blanca’ [Slatta 1992: 129]. Except during limited periods of time, British residents were generally not required to military service. Their sons, however, following the same jus soli principle which gave them Argentine citizenship, could be enlisted. Later on, requirements for military service were changed and only young men were required to enrol. 12 Patrick Browne (1806-1893) of Wexford, largely responsible for the first emigration from this county to Argentina. He worked for Dickson & Montgomery in Liverpool that sent him to Buenos Aires in 1824. He owned a saladero in Buenos Aires, which employed many Irish people [Coghlan 1987: 79]. 13 Sara Moore (1833-1903), daughter of Patrick Moore (1798-1863) and Mary Murphy (1804-1899) [Coghlan 1987: 670]. 14 Juan Patricio Moore (c1840-1904), son of Patrick Moore and Mary Murphy. Juan Patricio Moore was ‘estanciero in Lobos, member of the education council, city major, and Lobos delegate to the Admiral Brown Club, the organization which in 1876 supported Mgr. Patrick J. Dillon and Edward Murphy as parliamentary candidates in Buenos Aires. From the Southern Cross obituary: “He was the first civilised man to settle in the current partido of Veinticinco de Mayo, when that area was one of the most dangerous in the frontier with the Indians” [Southern Cross 3 June 1904]. In 1870 Juan Patricio Moore married Martha Gahan (d1881). In 1887 he married Ellen Atkinson of Longford [Coghlan 1987: 670]. Juan Moore’s estancia was located in Lobos, Cuartel VIII, Arroyo

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NOTES TO PAGES 88-90

Culú-Culú [GEO Lobos, Survey 173]. 15 The first telegraphic lines in Argentina were laid in 1855, three years after Ireland. In 1864 telegraphic services with Europe were opened. Cables were laid between Buenos Aires and Montevideo, and from Uruguay to Pernambuco, Brazil, which was the destination of the first Transatlantic cable. 16 In 1876 the Argentine international mail was carried by different shipping companies: the Royal Mail Co. (28%), Messageries Maritimes (31%), Lavarello Co. (14%), Société Générale de Transports Maritimes (15%), Lamport & Holt (3%), Pacific Steam Navigation Co. and others (9%) [Howat 1984: 126]. 17 In the 1850s and 1860s, cholera outbreaks in Argentina were frequent, particularly in 1856, 1864, 1867, and 1868. This last year an epidemic broke out in Buenos Aires, Rosario, Córdoba, Mendoza and other cities and 9,000 died [Penna 1897]. Small towns in the countryside were isolated and somehow protected from the plague. ‘In 1867,’ wrote Emily Murphy, ‘my parents had intended to be married in the Merced Church [in Buenos Aires]. In those days all the Irish were married there, always of course by one of their Irish priests, but as cholera broke out in Buenos Aires they were married in Salto in May 1867 by Fr. John Leahy. My father very wisely thought no one should come near the city [of Buenos Aires]’ [Murphy 1909: 2]. 18 Roberto Moore (1835-1884), estanciero in Mercedes. Married to Mary Daly (1835-1918) [Coghlan 1987: 670]. 19 The writer and her family were one of the Irish Argentines moving from the camp to the city. This change usually represented the social raise accomplished by landed families, who from the late 1860s began imitating the native bourgeoisie an some English settlers in their custom of living in the city but making a living from the camp. However, in the somehow romantic view of this group, the countryside always does good. 20 The commentary looks as a match-making proposition. 21 In 1874 Margaret Roach married Mr. Porritt and went to live in Montevideo, Uruguay. 22 Sarah Murphy (b1847), daughter of James Murphy and Mary Tray, married to Gerald Dillon (1829-1865) of Westmeath [Coghlan 1987: 243, 704]. 23 The Triple Alliance War (1864-1870) was declared by Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay against Paraguay. The Paraguayan President Francisco Solano López, ‘alarmed by Brazilian intervention in Uruguay and harbouring desires for Paraguayan territorial expansion and access to the sea, initiated hostilities against Brazil in 1864. Despite traditional rivalry between Brazil and Argentina, the latter joined Brazil and its puppet government in Uruguay in the Triple Alliance pact (May 1865) against Paraguay. Paraguay’s well-trained army of 600,000 men did not prove equal to the task, and López’s death in March 1870 ended one of the most destructive wars in Latin American his- tory. In addition to losing more than half of its population, Paraguay was also stripped of considerable territory as a result of the war’ [ODWH]. This year Paraguayans attacked Corrientes, but were defeated in Yatay and Uruguayana. The war ‘added new troop demands, and the gaucho again became the principal victim. Like past con- flicts, the war temporarily retarded rural economic growth, exacerbated the rural labour shortage, and exposed the southern frontier to Indian attacks’ [Slatta 1992: 133]. 24 In Australia, a severe drought occurred in 1864-1865, being the latter the first year ‘in which the numbers of sheep were fewer and the production of wheat and wool less than the previous year. The government Statistician’s annual report to Parliament stated “… the immense wheat field to the north of Gawler, averaging in ordinary seasons from 15 to 17 bushels per acre, only yielded from five to eight.” Pastoralists in the Flinders and Olary ranges were more seriously affected than the wheat farmers; the pastoral districts lost one-quarter of their sheep. Port Augusta, which in the year to June 1864 contributed one-quarter of the South Australian wool exports, shipped considerably less wool in 1866’ [Atlas of South Australia, 1865: Consolidation and Expansion, 1986]. 25 Julia Murphy (1849-1936), Sister Maria Clara in religion, was born in Lobos, and made her profession on 25 April 1871. She died in Australia on 2 December 1936 [Ussher 1966: 108]. The Murphys owned two estancias in Lobos, one in Cuartel IX, Cañada de las Garzas, and the other in Cuartel X, Puesto del Bañadero. Both were bought by Michael Murphy in 1862 [GEO Lobos - Surveys 99 and 120]. 26 Maria Catalina Moore (1832-1889), Sister Maria Mercedes in religion, made her profession on 25 March 1867 and died in Australia on 4 December 1889 [Ussher 1966: 108, and Coghlan 1982: 140]. Thanks to Edward Walsh for this and other references from ecclesiastical archives. 27 Isabel Murphy (1845-1884), Soeur de la Charité [Coghlan 1987: 705]. 28 The letter writer’s use of irony suggests that there was some fear in the family of all the daughters entering religious life, while she at least would not make a similar decision. Sally may have been portraying in this way her will to get married. 29 Patrick Bookey (1810-1883) emigrated to Argentina c1828, settled in Chacra Santa Catalina, Lomas de Zamora. Mary Mooney (d1873) was a daughter of John Mooney of Wexford. John Mooney and Patrick Brown were responsible for the emigration from Wexford [Coghlan 1987: 48, 669].

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30 Daniel Cranwell (1835-1876), son of Edmund Cranwell, a chemist of Co. Tipperary, and Dolores Arenillas [Coghlan 1987: 194]. 31 The Pettits lived in Argentina and emigrated to Australia. Though she was born and grew up in Argentina, the letter writer was not a fluent Spanish speaker. 32 It is not clear what was Fanny’s promise, though it may have been related to her later broken engagement with William Spillane in December 1869. 33 The expression poor sinner was commonplace in contemporary rural Ireland. It would often be used in speech about somebody who had a reputation for prayer and holiness in life. 34 Anita Murphy (married in 1866 to James Walsh). 35 Elena Murphy (1852-1947), married to Lorenzo Garrahan (1850-1911), a son of Patrick Garrahan and Joan Kenny, and uncle of Tom Garrahan (who wrote the memoirs included in this Chapter 5). 36 Yatay (a palm tree typical of Entre Ríos and Corrientes), was the name of a battle between the Triple Alliance and Paraguayan armies on 17 August 1865. The Alliance forces, 10,000 men under the command of Venancio Flores, attacked the Paraguayans and defeated them, killing 1,200 and taking 1,200 prisoners (from a total of 3,000 men). 37 Among the Irish women who settled in Argentina, working was not the rule, except for unmarried young women, widows or spinsters. At their arrival and for some time afterwards, unmarried women frequently obtained jobs as domestic employees or servants (maids, cooks, nannies, tutors) with well-off families in Buenos Aires and other cities or estancias. Women with some education would obtain positions as tutors or professors in residences or private schools. Unmarried women continued working into middle-age. When married, it was not socially accepted for a woman to work. The returns of 1869 census show that only 5.8 percent of Irish married women declared an occupation. Sometimes widows enjoyed a privileged position, and several of them managed their holdings as estancieras [Coghlan 1982]. 38 In 1840-1864 sheep farming in Argentina became a extremely profitable business. Its importance decreased during the second half of the nineteenth century but was still profitable in the first decades of the twentieth century. Until 1864 earnings from sheep-farming were up to 21 percent per annum (versus bank interest rates 7-9 percent in early 1863, and 5-10 percent annual yield from land). From 1864 to the end of the 1870s sheep farming yielded up to 8-10.5 percent per annum (versus bank interest rates 12 per cent in January 1865, and private lending interest rates up to 24 percent). In the 1880s profitability was still relatively high, yielding 11-20 per cent per annum in 1885 [Sabato & Korol 1981: 87]. 39 St. Kilda, a seaside resort and residential suburb on Port Phillip Bay, 6 Km. southeast of Melbourne, Victoria (south-eastern Australia). The place was named after a yacht Lady of St. Kilda, which was anchored in the bay. In 1846-1851 St. Kilda became a fashionable place for well-off families. In 1857 the privately run sea baths in St. Kilda were connected to Melbourne by the railway. By the mid-1860s St. Kilda had about fifteen hotels, racecourses, and cricket and bowling clubs. 40 For the letter writer, being stout (heavy) was regarded as a sign of vigour and vitality. 41 Patrick Moore, the writer’s father, died in 1863. Michael Murphy, the writer’s maternal uncle, died in 1864. 42 The French packet, ‘can be traced back to 1851, when Messageries Nationales, a road transport company serving the principal towns of France, acquired the steamship line between France and the Levant, hitherto run by the French Government. […] On 19 September 1857 a new contract was obtained for a mail service to Brazil with a feeder service from there to the River Plate, which was too shallow for the mail steamers to reach Montevideo and Buenos Aires. […] The 800 ton paddle steamers Saintonge and Aunis were completed in France for the feeder service from Rio de Janeiro to Santos and to the River Plate ports’ [Bonsor 1983: 64]. In 1876, Messageries Maritimes carried 100,000 letters from Buenos Aires to Europe (31% of total mail) [Howat 1984: 126]. 43 The formal reception into religious life. 44 The Triple Alliance War against Paraguay continued until 1870. Native Argentines were subject to undertake military service while British foreigners were generally not conscripted into the army. 45 John Connor (1816-1913) of Wexford arrived in Argentina on 4 July 1844 from Liverpool. He sailed in the William Peile together with J.J. Murphy. Connor settled in San Antonio de Areco, then in Pergamino and finally in southern Santa Fe. He was married to Anne Hier (1829-1903) [Coghlan 1987: 170] (see note to Chapter 3). 46 John James Murphy (1822-1909) of Kilrane, Co. Wexford. According to him, John James Pettit’s father James Pettit played a key role in the Wexford emigration to Argentina. Pettit emigrated to South America and then to Australia in the mid-1850s. J.J. Murphy recognised that ‘I have not language to express the kind of Mr. James Pettit of Haysland; all the people in Kilrane must be under a great obligation to him’ [J.J. Murphy to Nicholas Murphy, 15 April 1844]. 47 Personeros, those who would serve in the army instead of the incumbent, recliving a payment. Since the

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NOTES TO PAGES 94-98

Anglo-Argentine Treaty of 1825 British subjects were not eligible for military service in Argentina, but nothing prevented the government to enrol their Argentine-born sons. 48 The first recorded St. Patrick’s Day in Argentina was celebrated on 17 March 1829 at James Willis Irish Jemmy aval hotel. 49 Patricio Bookey (1843-1881), son of Patrick Bookey and Mary Mooney [Coghlan 1987: 48]. 50 This statement counterbalances the typical positive view of Irish settlement in Argentina. Only a few Irish emigrants to Argentina - calculated at not more than 10 percent - managed to acquire and preserve their means of production, i.e., land and sheep. 51 This is further evidence that it was not uncommon for some emigrants’ sons born in Argentina to conceal their status as Argentine nationals under their appearance (by use of language) as British subjects. 52 The writer may be referring to an alternative route from Argentina to Australia, i.e., Buenos Aires-Mendoza- Santiago de Chile-Panama-San Francisco-Australia. 53 In 1864 the Western of Buenos Aires Railway Co. (Ferrocarril del Oeste) reached Luján from Moreno. Luján is thirty kilometres from Mercedes. 54 Whether the statement was true or not (i.e., a higher rate of criminality among natives than the Irish), it is important to note that the letter writer assumed that English or Irishmen, both in Argentina and in Australia, are not such wretches. 55 This may have been a generalised feminine perception of the nurturing character of men. Under this vision, if they (men) were not in good humour they would not provide for the material requirements of the women. 56 John Hughes (1823-1896) of Newry, Co. Down, emigrated to Argentina in 1845, and owned estancias in Rojas and Paraguay, as well as Quinta Flores in Buenos Aires. Hughes married Luisa Vernet and later Anne Browne (b1835), a daughter of Patrick Browne and Elizabeth Fitzsimons [Coghlan 1987: 489]. 57 Mary Daly (1835-1918) emigrated from Ireland in 1850, and married Roberto Moore in c1859 [Coghlan 1987: 670]. 58 Mary Bookey (d1898), daughter of Patrick Bookey and Mary Mooney. On 24 May 1898 Mary married Miles King, a son of Captain John King of Admiral Brown’s navy, and Sara MacGaw [Coghlan 1987: 49]. 59 Carte de visite, a personal photograph. They were small albumen prints mounted on cards 6.5 by 10 centimetres. After their invention by the French photographer André Adolphe Disderi in 1854, they became very popular in many countries. In Argentina they were introduced by Federico Artigue in the late 1850s. 60 General Las Heras. 61 Fr. Patrick MacCarthy arrived in Buenos Aires from Liverpool on 25 June 1864 in the steamer Paraguay [Coghlan 1982: 33]. He is not included in Santiago Ussher’s Los Capellanes Irlandeses. There was another priest, Fr. Michael McCartan (1798-1876) of Belfast, mentioned by Thomas Murray. After having spent some years in Buenos Aires in the 1830s Fr. McCartan went to Brazil, Cuba, US, and Chile, and returned to Argentina in c1862. ‘He generally differed with the church authorities everywhere he went, finally ending up by believing that he was the prophet. [...] The poor man was as mad as a March hare’ [Murray 1919: 99]. 62 This statement portrays the writer’s belief about Protestant ministers as antagonists of the Roman Catholic faith. At this time, in Irish-Argentine circles, Protestant referred to Anglicans, Methodists, Presbyterians, and any non-Roman Catholic Christians (though dissenters was also used, especially before the 1860s). Usually, in Argentina there were no distinctions between the Church of Ireland and the Church of England, and the former was assimilated to the latter one in the same way that Irish-born immigrants were assimilated to ingleses. 63 ‘Probably the single greatest obstacle the early settlers in the camp faced when deciding where to settle and graze their sheep was the availability of water. The Irish very quickly discovered that it was possible to overcome the water shortage by digging wells. This meant that proximity to a constant flowing river was no longer essential for sheep grazing. This allowed the Irish to move their flocks deeper into the interior. In a dry period all of the water for the sheep had to be raised from the well. A sheep drinks about two gallons [7.6 litres] of water per day, so a large flock of sheep would require about twenty thousand gallons [76,000 litres] of water daily. The shepherd drew the water by lowering a water container made form horse hide into the well by a rope, the other end of which was attached to the saddle of this horse. He then walked his horse away from the well filling the skin and raising it in the process. The water container was so designed that when it reached the top of the well it poured out the few gallons of water into a shallow channel from which the sheep drank. The shepherd and his horse then walked back towards the well lowering the empty skin back into the well as he returned. He and his horse continued to walk, over and back, hour after hour, in temperatures often approaching 40 degrees C until all the sheep were satisfied’ [McKenna 1994: 297]. 64 In this passage the Argentine gaucho’s skin and hair colour (dark, black) are taken as an important value to judge their ability (education) and morality (savages). In general terms, this view was shared by the Irish emigrants

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NOTES TO PAGES 98-101

to Argentina and their Argentine-born children. The letter writer’s belief in the superiority of her English culture led her to prejudiced views. Further than the obvious bigotry, in these representations of the Argentines there was a fearful mind, afraid of discovering similarities with a culture considered inferior a priori. 65 It is estimated that in the mid-nineteenth century only 20 per cent of Argentines were able to read and write, while in Ireland literacy was over 60 per cent. María José Roger argues that in Ireland ‘even the humblest peasants received an elementary education. That is why, it’s not surprising to find that most of Irish immigrants who arrived to our coasts, knew how to read and write. [...] The percentage of literate Irishmen [in Buenos Aires and Rojas] averaged 82-85 percent in 1869, increasing to 90-92 percent in 1895’ [Roger 2003: 15]. 66 The average journey from Liverpool to Australia lasted 135 days. 67 The Intercolonial Exhibition of Natural Products and Works of Industry and Art was held in August 1866, in Melbourne, Australia. In the writer’s mind, the comparison between Australia and Argentina was possible because, together with North America, both were part of the Anglosphere and thus potential destinations of the Irish Diaspora. Furthermore, Buenos Aires may have been poor regarding Australia because it was not a formal colony of the British Empire. 68 The inference suggested that a married woman would have been better informed about business and the state of the country than a single woman. At the time Sally was 33, and she never married. 69 Catalina Kirk (1838-1867), daughter of Edmund Kirk and Margaret Davies, married in 1857 to James Pott [Coghlan 1987:580]. Catalina Kirk’s brother, Patricio Kirk, was married to the writer’s sister, Margarita Moore. 70 James and William Barron were killed in San Juan on 7 February 1867 [British Consulate, Buenos Aires, Appointment of Curators for those who died intestate, National Archives, Kew, FO 446/29, F. 34 - Curator: Augusto Martin, in: Howat, Jeremy, British Settlers in Argentina: Studies in nineteenth century emigration, accessed 3 October 2003]. 71 Santiago Adolfo Klappenbach was the owner of Sociedad Anónima de Minas y Fundiciones de San Juan, with an office in Piedad 116, Buenos Aires, and a store in Barraca Atalaya of Barracas [Mulhall 1863 in: Howat, Jeremy, British Settlers in Argentina: Studies in nineteenth century emigration, accessed 3 October 2003]. 72 Margaret Bookey (d1916), daughter of Patrick Bookey and Mary Mooney. On 8 July 1856 Margaret Bookey married Felix Santiago Klappenbach (1830-1894), son of Santiago Adolfo Klappenback and Maria Felipa Vilches [Coghlan 1987: 49]. 73 During the nineteenth century, particularly in 1852-1880, lack of physical security was one of the first priorities of every Argentine government. 74 The letter writer established a relation of values between both countries, which were represented by Argentine (shameful) and Australian (interesting) newspapers. 75 It is believed that the 1867 cholera outbreak in Buenos Aires was brought by soldiers fighting in Paraguay. Thousands in the city fled to the countryside. In a few weeks, 8,920 died, including several physicians. 76 On 19 April 1867, the Scottish widow Jane Hamilton died at 66 [Burials of members of St John’s Church in the Victoria Cemetery, 1864 to 1867, in: Howat, Jeremy, British Settlers in Argentina: Studies in nineteenth century emigration, accessed 3 October 2003]. 77 The Triple Alliance War against Paraguay. 78 Ana Murphy (d1913), daughter of Michael Murphy and Elizabeth Scully, married to James Walsh (1837- 1874) of Co. Waterford [Coghlan 1987: 703, 887]. 79 Postal cards of Buenos Aires. 80 Patrick Moore (1798-1863), son of Robert Moore and Mary Keenan, arrived in Argentina on 18 December 1830 in the Hollywood [Coghlan 1982: 84]. On 20 January 1831 he married Mary Murphy (1804-1899), a sister of Michael and James Murphy. Moore was estanciero in Lobos and died on 6 August 1863 [Coghlan 1987: 669, 703]. 81 The River Plate Handbook, Guide, Directory and Almanac for 1863, comprising the City and Province of Buenos Ayres, the other Argentina provinces, Montevideo, etc., published by Michael George Mulhall and Edward Thomas Mulhall. They produced further editions of the Handbook in 1863, 1869, 1875, 1876 (Spanish), 1885, and 1892. 82 Addiction to alcohol was frequent among the Irish in Argentina, and they (as ingleses) were over represented in crime statistics of intoxication. However, the writer provided a justification of the habit owing to the change of country, European emigrants who get lost here, turn to drink. The writer suggests that Argentina and the Argentineans were to blame for the corruption of decent European customs. Her statement seems to agree with George Reid’s letters: ‘A man said to me very truly the other day that Buenos Ayres is the hell of young men, and the expression is not too strong. I really think if someone else does not do it I shall write a letter myself to one of the English papers and try to do something to prevent young fellows without money coming out here, and going

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NOTES TO PAGES 101-106

body and soul to the devil, it is wretched to see so many of them drink, drink, drink caña from morning to night...’ [Boyle 1999: 113]. 83 Synbad signed articles in the Standard. Irish-born John Hughes emigrated first to the United States and then to Argentina. 84 Eduardo Murphy (c1853-1868), Isabel Tallon (née Murphy) (b1851), James Murphy (1810-1868), and Patricio Murphy (1854-1868) [Coghlan 1987: 703]. 85 Locust was a serious plague for sheep or cattle grassland in Argentina, as well as for the early agriculture activity of the 1870s. At this time, Dublin-born Barbara Peart described a locust plague in Entre Ríos: ‘at sundown the locusts came. The trees, the flower beds and lawns, even the rooms, were invaded. Every time Barbarita struck a match that night locusts rose up in protest, and what a night it was. At sunrise the great black cloud lifted from the ground bit by bit and the trees stood white and ghostly, every shred of bark and every single leaf stripped from them. The ground was a sieve of tiny holes in each of which hundreds and hundreds of eggs had been deposited. The parent invaders had not, on this occasion, done very much damage to the grass, but in a month the countless millions of eggs hatched out and the whole vast extent of land belonging to the ranch became one moving, green carpet of grasshoppers, eating every blade of grass as they crawled along [Peart 1931: 103]. 86 The writer provided a close analogy with contemporary Famine narratives, in which natural phenomena were also called visitation. The visitation - a trouble or difficulty - was regarded as divine retribution, which may have been justified as a corrective punishment supposedly sent by God on account of Argentina’s evils. 87 General Las Heras. 88 Francisca Murphy, married 1873 to Alexander MacLean [Coghlan 1987: 703]. 89 Catalina Ana Murphy (1850-1932). 90 Margaret Kirk (née Davis) (1810-1867) died on 19 December 1867 [Coghlan 1987: 580]. 91 Eduardo Murphy (c1853-1868) [Coghlan 1987: 703]. 92 James Murphy (1810-1868) [Coghlan 1987: 704]. 93 The letter writer believed that there was a causal relationship between the epidemic and divine punishment. 94 They normally resided in the farm General Las Heras. 95 Roberto Murphy (1855-1934) [Coghlan 1987: 703]. 96 This very negative view of life and conditions in Argentina was portrayed and communicated with direct frankness, a view with which her cousins and other Irish Argentines agreed. 97 By England the writer understood the British Isles, including Ireland. This understanding was particularly important when comparing British culture and customs with those of Argentina. 98 There was a positive appraisal of the natives’ musical abilities. However the point of view was external, from the people coming out from England. 99 President Domingo F. Sarmiento. His English notions were his admiration for the English values of indus- trial and political ‘modernism’, and his hatred for Argentine native culture. ‘Sarmiento is our great hope’, wrote sheep-farmer George Reid of Entre Ríos, expressing a generalised opinion among members of the English-speaking community, ‘he has acted like a civilized being which is much to say in this country [Boyle 1999: 156]. 100 Putinos, Portino (phonetic spelling). Porteños, the people of Buenos Aires (a port). This phonetic spelling may indicate that the writer of this letter did not know how to write correct Spanish, and probably had a strong English accent when speaking the local language. 101 The long controversy of enrolling foreigners in Argentine wars was followed by the enrolment of their sons. In fact, the letter writer’s brothers should have been liable of military service so the English protections must have been not legal. This is a rather stereotyped feminine perspective of war, perceiving nothing else than to have the pleasure of sporting the dress, instead of actual patriotism. 102 Michael George Mulhall (1836-1900). On 10 June 1868 Mulhall married Marion MacMurrogh Murphy [Coghlan 1987: 687]. Marion was the author of From Europe to Paraguay and Matto-Grosso (1877), Between The Amazon and Andes or Ten Years of a Lady’s Travels in the Pampas, Gran Chaco, Paraguay, and Matto Grosso (1881), Celtic Sources of the Divina Commedia (1908), Explorers in the New World before and after Columbus, and the Story of the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay (1919), Beginnings or Glimpses of Vanished Civilizations (1911), as well as numerous articles and essays. The writer qualified Marion Mulhall as very beautiful and accomplished, representing therefore values she considered important in any women. 103 Miguel Murphy (1851-1921), a physician, studied medicine in Buenos Aires, Dublin, London, and Paris. In 1891 he married Maria Elena Dillon, a daughter of Edward and Sarah Dillon [Coghlan 1987: 705]. 104 His sister, being a woman, was not perceived as able to provide information about camp or business matters. It is not clear if this was the letter writer’s belief or part of a message relayed on behalf of his sister - it could be one or the other. In this social circle both men and women believed that managing or running a business was not

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NOTES TO PAGES 106-109

appropriate for women. 105 Mulhall’s The River Plate Handbook, second edition (1869). 106 At this time agriculture began to be a business with a certain appeal in Argentina, but the lack of labourers and capital were major obstacles to progress. The labour shortage was resolved by the massive influx of immigrants especially from Italy between 1880 and 1930. 107 Since the fall of Rosas in 1852, the perception of the Irish settlers about the role of Argentine government was that it should drastically improve the security and protection of persons and property. Indian raids in the pro- vince of Buenos Aires continued until the war against them in 1879, but criminality (including murdering and catt- le robbing) was high well in the twentieth century. Without disputing the actual dangerousness of life in the camp in those times, these claims for better security were frequent in almost every issue of the Standard and the Southern Cross, and represented a strategy to unite with the Anglo-Argentine community, avoiding in this way the frequent cliché of drunkards, vagrants and criminals that accompanied the Irish in many parts of the informal British Empire. 108 The division between landowners and those who at this time did not own land began to be significant. Until the 1860s it was possible for Irish sheep-farmers to purchase land with the proceedings of the wool business. But in 1869 land prices were significantly higher and the fluctuations on the international wool market aggravated sheep-farmers’ situation. 109 The Catalinas dock was finished in 1872. It was 500 metres long and included a railway terminal. 110 The racecourse in Morón was inaugurated in 1869, but was replaced in 1871 by Santa Teresa track on Anacarsis Lanús’ land, near the Southern Railway line. 111 Edwin Pearce Christy (1815-1862), minstrel manager and performer, was born in Philadelphia. ‘He began his career as a minstrel in Buffalo and toured upstate New York from 1843 to 1845. The group took the name of its founder and became known as the Christy’s Minstrels. […] The name of the original group, Christy’s Minstrels, was licensed for use by a new organization and became synonymous with the performance tradition of blackface minstrelsy’ [Bewley, John, Keffer Collection of Sheet Music, ca. 1790-1895, Penn Library, Department of Special Collections,

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Howat & Graeme Wall, The Yellow Fever Outbreak of 1871, accessed 24 October 2003]. 126 The Triple Alliance War ended in March 1870 with the death of Francisco Solano López. On 11 April 1870 Justo José de Urquiza (1801-1870), governor of Entre Ríos who overpowered Rosas in Caseros (1852) and was later the President of the Argentine Confederation in 1854-1860, was murdered in his estate of San José. According to George Reid, who was farming at the same time in Entre Ríos, ‘Urquiza and his son were murdered by order of the second in command, Lopez Jordan, who now desires to be recognized as governor general in Urquiza’s stead’ [Boyle 1999: 155]. 127 The ambiguous situation of Argentine-born sons or grandsons of Irish settlers regarding the military service was supported by the English consuls while openly denying their Argentine nationality. 128 Most likely, Mary Moore (née Murphy) arrived in Argentina in 1829 with her brothers Michael and James, and with Patrick Garrahan. Frequently, relationships made during the journey were very strong, and lasted for years after arriving in the country. 129 Sally Moore was thirty-seven years old when she wrote this letter. She felt alone, a loneliness caused by several family deaths and the loss of her friends. 130 It was customary for spinsters to take in orphans at home, as company and to help in the house while at the same time helping to rear and educate them. 131 Up to 1869, the Standard had an international edition that was sent to England and Ireland every month. 132 Mary Moore (née Murphy) died almost 30 years later, on 14 October 1899. The comment suggests that the letter writer and her close family were not in the best of spirits. 133 In Uruguay occurred three major yellow fever epidemics, in 1857, 1873, and 1886. In 1873 there were so many victims, that corpses had to be buried in common graves. 134 Margarita Murphy (1847-1872) [Coghlan 1987: 703]. Margarita, Sister Maria Vicenta in religion, made her profession on 28 August 1868 and died on 15 July 1872 [Ussher 1966: 108]. 135 Margarita (d1872), Isabel (d1868), Eduardo (d1868), and Patricio (d1868) [Coghlan 1987: 703]. 136 Ana (d1913), Julia (d1936), Fanny, Elena (d1947), and Roberto (d1934) [Coghlan 1987: 703]. 137 Juan Justo Pastor Murphy (1843-1882). 138 In 1873 Mary Moore (née Murphy) was sixty-nine. 139 Juan Patricio Moore (1840-1904), member of the education council and major of Lobos. Delegate to the Admiral Brown Club in 1876. In 1870 Juan Moore married Martha Gahan (1841-1881), and their son Tomás Gahan was born on 17 August 1872. When Martha Gahan died, Juan Moore married Ellen Atkinson [Coghlan 1987: 670]. 140 In the 1870s land speculation was significant. Promises of security from the government, the probability of defeating the Indians once and for all and optimistic prospects both for agriculture and cattle business were all factors influencing extraordinary increases in land price. Parque, old name of Lavalle street in Buenos Aires. In 1822 the street name was Del Parque after an artillery storehouse, which was built in 1810 in the place occupied today by the Courts [Cutolo 1994: 690]. 141 Wool market prices rose 20% in the 1860s, giving the sheep-farming business a new great push. 142 The correspondence network worked well between Ireland, Argentina, and Australia, facilitating the dis- semination of news and information among settlers in distant places. 143 Lawrence Browne (b1816) of Co. Wexford, brother of Patrick Browne, who emigrated to Argentina in 1844 [Coghlan 1987: 81]. 144 Some Irish settlers and, particularly, the first generation of their Argentine-born children, had a marked dis- like for rural life, and were attracted by cities and urban jobs like merchants, professionals, or employees in British companies. Patricio Moore (1846-1874) and Alexander MacLean, Fanny Murphy’s husband, opened this grocery store in Buenos Aires. 145 Roberto Moore (1835-1884) married Mary Daly in 1859. They lived in Mercedes [Coghlan 1987: 670]. 146 Francisca Murphy and Alexander MacLean got married on 23 August 1873, being the wedding mass cele- brated by Fr. Patrick J. Dillon [Coghlan 1987: 703]. 147 Anita Murphy, a niece of Ellen Garrahan (née Murphy) died on 22 July 1913 [Coghlan 1987: 887]. 148 James Walsh (1837-1874) of Co. Waterford. 149 Approximately eight months delivery. 150 In 1874 Arredondo revolted in Córdoba. Mitre supported the rebels, but they were beaten by forces loyal to the federal government. 151 At the time of this letter Patricio Edmundo Kirk would have been ten years old. 152 The estancia in Lobos, Buenos Aires province.

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153 Juan Patricio Moore’s wife, Martha Moore (née Gahan) (1841-1881) [Coghlan 1987: 670]. 154 In different parts of Buenos Aires province it was suspected that members of the police were engaged in diverse criminal activities. 155 In 1875 Dr. Aneiros, archbishop of Buenos Aires, endeavoured to obtain the return to the Jesuit community of those properties confiscated and expropriated from the Society of Jesus in colonial times. There was resistance in the press and among some politicians. On 28 February there was a public protest meeting against the Catholic Church, in which Adolfo Saldías, Emilio Castro Boedo, Telémaco Susini and others organised a raid against El Salvador school. The church was set on fire and was completely destroyed. 156 Although she accepted her limitations and recognised that she knew nothing about business, Sally (then aged forty-two), believed a woman could be a successful business woman.

CHAPTER 5 ‘WE BEGAN TO MAKE A GARDEN’ THE MEMOIRS OF TOM GARRAHAN 1864-1912

1 James Garrahan, born in 1836 in Ireland, died 12 December 1888 in Lobos. According to his obituary in The Southern Cross of 17 February 1888, ‘it was rare to find a man of any nationality who could throw the lasso as dexterously and as surely as Don Santiago’. James Garrahan emigrated to Argentina with his parents Patrick Garrahan (1805-1870) and Anne Kenny (1811-1883). He married Margaret Cunningham, born 1839 in Ireland and died 11 June 1925 in Abbott, Monte [Coghlan 1987: 384]. 2 Juan Isidro Lagos, owner of estancia La Bagatela in General Rodríguez. Their daughter Carolina Lagos García was married to Argentine President Carlos Pellegrini. 3 On ‘shares’ or on ‘halves’ was a share-cropping system popular among nineteenth-century sheep-farmers in Argentina. The system ‘was made up of a contract between a capitalist-worker (who brought his workforce and a share of the necessary assets to undertake the business), and a capitalist-landowner (who brought his lands and the remaining share of assets required to undertake the business). At the end of the contract term, the worker received a half-share of the proceedings and the landowner the other half’ [Sabato and Korol 1981]. 4 Part of the Garrahan lands in General Rodríguez (3,814 hectares between rivers La Choza and El Durazno) were purchased in 1867, and later inherited by Lawrence Garrahan, uncle of the writer, and Eugene Manny, Harriet Garrahan’s husband [GEO General Rodríguez Survey 19]. 5 Patrick Garrahan (1805-1870) of Co. Westmeath, arrived in Argentina c1829 and settled in Las Heras. In 1837 he married Anne Kenny (1813-1883) [Coghlan 1987: 385].In his last years, Patrick Garrahan suffered from a mental illness, as Fanny and Kate Murphy mentioned in their letters to John James Pettit. 6 Not included are Eduardo Garrahan (b. in Lobos and married to Cecilia Byrne), and Juan Garrahan (b. 1855). 7 Peter Ham (1813-1875), son of Edward Ham and Catherine Grennon from Co. Westmeath. Estanciero in Luján. When he died, the Southern Cross noter that he ‘he was a steady, upright man. He lived to a good age, and has left behind him a family of which he might well feel proud in his last moments. Mr. Ham, through his per- severing industry and uprightness, amassed an immense fortune (about eighteen million, currency) since his arrival in the Plate’ [Coghlan 1987: 449]. Most likely, Tom Garrahan’s father would not have agreed with the Southern Cross. 8 See J.J. Murphy to Martin Murphy 30 October 1873: ‘I sold 2,000 fat sheep, but well have to sell sheep by the cut at March, as my increase exceeded the sales’. 9 A regular rider could make 100 Km. (about 20 leagues) per day. A spare horse was always used. 10 The writer was nine years old when he was taught to read. 11 Michael Healy (1820-1892) of Co. Longford, settled in Las Heras and married Catherine Loughlin (c1830- 1906). They had eight children, including Mike (jun.), three years younger than the writer, and five daughters. 12 Eugene Manny (1836-1895) of Co. Longford, married to Harriett Garrahan (1843-1899), the writer’s aunt. 13 Mary Kenny (née Cunningham), a daughter of Thomas Cunningham and Mary Athlumney, and sister of Patrick Cunningham, Margaret Garrahan (née Cunningham), and Kathleen Keogan (née Cunningham). Mary married Patrick Kenny (1814-1858), brother of the writer’s grandmother, Anne Garrahan (née Kenny). 14 Though not dangerous now, in the mid-nineteenth century measles could have fatal effects in infants. 15 The quality of construction described by the writer is significantly superior to the average shepherd hut in Argentina of that time, which was normally built ‘with sods of earth placed on top or each other supported by a frame of vertical posts reinforced by lateral tyings of wattle, and later wire, covering an area of about 4m x 2.5m (12’ x 8’). The sod walls were plastered by a mortar which was traditionally made of a combination of horse manure and grass. [...] The roof was thatched in a similar fashion to the method in Ireland except that the thatch was sewn

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on with the long tail-hair from the horse’ [McKenna 1994: 299]. 16 ‘In 1824 the Argentine government imported 100 Rambouillet merino sheep, which were bought by the Irish merchant Peter Sheridan’ [Coghlan 1987: 834]. In 1855 Richard Newton brought Romney Marsh, Rambouillet and Lincoln rams. On 13 January 1858 Francis Halbach imported 124 Rambouillet sheep [Sbarra heavier 1964: 41, 53]. By the mid-1880s, the Rambouillet - larger, hardier, and bearing thick, heavy fleece than creole sheep - quickly spread across Buenos Aires. Emilio Delpech, a French wool buyer, observed that there was ‘a predominance of the Rambouillet in the pastures of Juárez, Dolores, Maipú, Tandil, and other southern partidos as sheep-raising moved out to frontier regions’ [Slatta 1992: 143]. 17 Criolla is ‘the oldest bovine breed in America and the world at large. Its origins date back to the first cattle brought by C. Columbus in his second trip to America in 1493. They had been selected in Andalusia and were spread all over the New World during several colonising expeditions. They thus reached the farthest corners of America where they soon adapted to its various climates. Due to the abilities they developed, they multiplied dramatically from the glaciers in Patagonia up to the west of the United States. The Creole cow is medium sized (400-440 Kg.), with an angular structure, high and forward tail setting which marks a wider birth canal. The udder is firmly placed, medium sized; appropriate rear ends. Milk production is sufficient for feeding its calves (4-6 litres per day). There is a higher milk-production cow too. Adult bull weight ranges between 600 and 800 kg’ [Asociación Argentina de Criadores de Ganado Bovino Criollo, 1 October 2003]. Durham is a dual purpose cattle, sometimes identified with the primitive Shorthorn. 18 The litotes characterises the writer’s dissatisfaction with his father’s lengthy absences, and the consequent added responsibilities. This is more explicit in the following sentence. 19 Arredondo revolted in Córdoba, and Mitre supported the rebels, but they were beaten by forces loyal to the Federal Government. 20 Mount, a loan-word from Spanish monte, a small wood, a group of planted trees. 21 In 1872 Fr. Patrick J. Dillon and Fr. Samuel O’Reilly opened St. Brigid’s Irish chapel in La Choza, in John Brown’s estancia. John Brown (1819-1888) of Co. Wexford, was a generous supporter of the new chapel, and the opening day a great party was organised, with Mass, races, and dancing [Coghlan 1987: 81]. 22 Lawrence Garrahan, the writer’s brother, was born in 1876 and died in 1932 in estancia La Esperanza, Abbott. 23 Patrick Garrahan (1847-1890) and Kate Ballesty (1857-1887). 24 Anne Garrahan (née Kenny). 25 Less than $100,000 gold. 26 Working habits were key values for the writer, and seemed to be related to religion. 27 Spanish spelling of viscacha, any large South American burrowing rodent of the genus Lagidium or Lagostomus, related to the chinchilla [OCED]. The den is called Vizcachera. 28 Peter O’Loughlin (d. 1885), a teacher and later a sheep-farmer, who arrived in Buenos Aires in 1868. His daughter Julia O’Loughlin, who was born after her father’s death, married later to Tom Garrahan [Coghlan 1987: 610]. 29 The writer was already seventeen years of age. 30 Approximately 150 Km. from Saladillo to Marcos Paz, and 60 Km. from Marcos Paz to Ensenada (present- day La Plata). 31 During the yellow fever outbreak of 1871, with the devastating effect of 13-25,000 victims in the city of Buenos Aires, saladeros (meat-salting plants) were blamed for spreading the disease through their filthy and unheal- thy conditions. Therefore three of these saladeros (two belonging to Juan Berisso) were moved to nearby Ensenada. Traditionally, salted-beef was exported as low-quality food. 32 Know today as Camino Rivadavia, which begins in Tolosa. Since colonial times, this road linked Ensenada with Camino Real (Buenos Aires - Magdalena). It was built in 1827 by the prisoners taken in Punta Lara and Río Santiago encounters, during the war against Brazil. 33 At this time, Lacroze’s Rural Tramway already reached Salto. 34 Lawrence Murphy (1821-1903) of Kilrane, Co. Wexford, one of the Kilrane Boys who arrived in 1844 in the William Peile, together with his brother John and sister Kate. He was a cousin of J.J. Murphy [Coghlan 1987: 711]. 35 James Reilly (1833-1893), who arrived in Argentina in 1857 and was an estanciero in Merlo and then in Chivilcoy. He died in Marcos Paz [Coghlan 1987: 775]. 36 They got married on 4 April 1882 in Las Heras. Ellen Murphy (1854-1947), a daughter of Michael Murphy and Isabel Scally [Coghlan 1987: 386]. 37 They got married on 30 October 1882 in Buenos Aires, Concepción church. 38 Brigid Savage became a widow just three months and a half after her wedding.

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39 Anne Garrahan (née Kenny) died on 25 April 1883, about two months after the death of her son Edward (14 February 1883). 40 The writer was proud of his entering adulthood, well in advance of full age (21 years old in Argentina). 41 The insistence of the writer on temperance reminds us of the Temperance and Total Abstinence societies in Ireland (teetotallers) of Fr. Theobald Matthew (1790-1856). Tom Garrahan’s view of drinking, smoking, and horse- races, as opposed to working habits, seemed to be closely related to moral and religious values in the Puritan ethic. 42 Felix Dolan (1838-1905) of Co. Cavan, merchant in Buenos Aires and landowner in Lobos. Dolan was a member of Lobos city council, and later represented Lobos to the General Brown Club [Coghlan 1987: 253]. 43 The criticism to his father was not because of his prudent management but due to his lack of capacity to provide for the future. 44 At this time, literacy among Irish-Argentine shepherds seems to have been higher than in the first half of the nineteenth century. 45 These products were normally imported from the British Isles. An advertisement in the sixth edition of Mulhall’s Handbook of the River Plate (1892) includes La Loción de Irlanda, a product to treat sheep scabies manufactured by the North of Ireland Chemical Co. of Belfast, and imported by G. Kelsey of Buenos Aires. 46 Daniel Cummins (1850-1927) of Ballynacarrigy, Co. Westmeath, lived in Lobos until 1904 [Coghlan 1987: 162]. He emigrated to Argentina with his brothers Bernard and Andrew Cummins (mentioned in the same passage). 47 He owned one third of the flock and its yield. 48 In Warner’s cadastral map of 1884, Lorenzo and Juan Garrahan owned parcels 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 (about 16,000 hectares) in Venado Tuerto (Warner, Rodolfo Plano de Loreto y Venado Tuerto, Rosario de Santa Fe, July 1884). In 1886, the same parcels were owned by E. Murphy and Eduardo Casey (Foster, Enrique, Registro Gráfico de Propiedades Rurales de la Provincia de Santa Fe. Departamento Topográfico, 1886. AGN). 49 Heifer, a female domestic bovine animal that has not borne a calf, or has borne only one calf. Tambo heifer is one of these cows for dairy production. 50 The cowboy saddle, in the North-American way, ‘is adapted from the old Spanish saddle - is, in fact, almost similar - and differs sensibly from the Mexican. The line of its seat from cantle to horn, viewed sidewise, is a semicircle; there is no flat place to sit on. This shapes gives the cowboy, seen from the side, all but as perpendicular a seat in the saddle as the old knight in armour’ [Slatta 1990: 90]. 51 Luke Rooney (1830-1887) died on 2 June 1887 in Navarro. His son Luke Rooney (jun.) also died that year, presumably of typhoid fever [Coghlan 1987: 792]. 52 These problems indicate that this camp was still not fenced. 53 James Garrahan died on 12 February 1888 in Lobos. The analogy of death with sundown is a beautiful representation of the writer’s awe at his first experience with the end of life. 54 The previous critiques to his father became open after his death. 55 James Garret Kavanagh (1848-1893) of Annesley Castle, Co. Wexford, emigrated to Argentina at three years old with his parents, arriving at Buenos Aires in the William Peile (10 February 1851). He was sent back to Ireland to study and then worked in estancia Los Leones, in Bragado. In 1889, during a banquet to honour Charles Stewart Parnell, ‘don Diego Kavanagh, of Bragado, made a clever speech in which he, an Irishman by birth, paid a high compliment to Dr. O’Farrell and other distinguished Irish-Argentines’ [Coghlan 1987: 510]. 56 Eduardo Kavanagh (1854-1893). 57 The writer is proud of his first successful cattle business. 58 Dan Cummins was fourteen years older than the writer. 59 Hotel Jardín in San Miguel del Monte, located in 367 Petracchi (ex-Uriburu), and still open to the public. The present hotel was built in 1897 and opened in 1905. It was famous for the dances and social gatherings. His first owner was Ricardo Mansino (b1880) [Astorga, Victor & Miguel Angel Fabiano (eds.), Monte, cuna de Rosas, Monte, 2000]. 60 Another reference to the writer’s attitude towards drinking and entertainment, in which he refers metonymically to himself as dry with regard to drink. 61 A frequent obsession among Irish settlers was to pay all their debts back before dying. 62 Probably, Santiago Leyden (d. 1918), son of William Leyden and Louise Nannery of Ballynacarrigy, Co. Westmeath. On 16 May 1895 Santiago Leyden married Catalina Kenniff in Monte [Coghlan 1987: 607]. 63 The writer is proud to honour all his debts, i.e., in opposition with Lawrence Garrahan’s attitude. 64 Tomás Dodds, a surveyor registered in the Topographic Department of Buenos Aires, who approved his last test in 17 November 1873 and graduated in 1 June 1875. Dodds was one of the most active surveyors in Buenos Aires, active from 1877 to 1930. The writer refers to the survey 121 of Lobos, performed in 1884 by Dodds for

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the heirs of Patrick and Anne Garrahan (née Kenny). The original land was bought in 1877, was located in Cuartel VIII, paraje Arroyo Culú-Culú, and covered 6,643 hectares [Dirección de Geodesia, Departamento de Investigación Histórica y Cartográfica, Provincia de Buenos Aires; Libro de Actas de Agrimensores 1824-1883, folio 71 vuelta]. 65 To señal, loan word from Spanish, to mark sheep or cattle, i.e., to cut the ears of sheep in a particular way in order to identify one’s sheep from others, especially in case of accidental mixing of flocks or stolen sheep. Señaling was used by Irish and Irish-Argentine shepherds probably to distinguish from Australian and New Zealand marking, castrating lambs (cf. for instance, John James Murphy to Martin Murphy, 20 March 1864). 66 They obtained 1.1 lambs per ewe. In spite that sheep frequently produce twins (i.e., two lambs per ewe), diverse breeding conditions and diseases generate a certain mortality rate that reduces lamb production. The writer refers to the average rate of lambs per ewe in the flock after considering mortality (cf. John James Murphy to Martin Murphy 20 March 1864, thirty years before, in which the writer and his men obtained 1.3 lambs per ewe). 67 Up to the turn of the century, it was rare among mid-size cattle breeders to remove the horns from bovine cattle. The advantage of this operation was to avoid damages as well as diseases. 68 The writer made a gross revenue (before expenses) of $14,400 (or $36 per head) in three years, i.e., 50% per annum. Comparable bank interest on deposits in the same period were significantly lower than 50% per annum. 69 In addition to the self-satisfaction of being the first to dehorn and vaccinate in this area, the writer represents in this sentence his positive attitude towards hard-work instead of money wasting behaviour. 70 At this time, some sheep-farmers were already renting steam-powered shearing machines. 71 That is, about 80 sheep per person daily. ‘Native workers, including women, who earned equal wages and did equal work, clipped an average of 35 to 50 animals per day’ [Slatta 1992: 144]. However, this ‘was not very impressive for places like Australia and New Zealand, where shearing sheep by hand was more advanced, but could be for Argentina which did not have the experienced men until a while later. Some shearers in Australia and New Zealand had done over 300 a day by themselves in the late 1800s. That is one man over 300 sheep per day [compared to the 80 sheep per day of this passage]. But other countries didn’t take long to learn the faster methods which include not tying sheep but seating them on their backsides and moving around them’ [Peter Black, Shearingworld, , communication with the author, 2 October 2003]. A person born in 1910 in Falklands/Malvinas islands, who lived in a remote area where shearing was done manually, referred to her father: ‘I don’t think Dad was good at shearing. I think that Les got to his hundred but I don’t think any of the others did’ [Falkland Islands Journal, 2003, p. 126, in Campbell, Duncan, , email 11 November 2003]. 72 In the last decades of the nineteenth century, many products were used against sheep scab. Among the che- mical products, Hayworth’s Sheep Dip, a glycerine-derived product, was advertised in newspapers. In Bloemfontein, South Africa, Hayworth’s was announced as ‘Certain death to scab! Stocked by all storekeepers’ [The Friend of the Free State 22 November 1898]. Earlier in 1883, in New Zealand, the Hawkes Bay Herald announced that ‘a trial of Hayworth’s Improve Glycerine Sheep Dip was made. Mr C. P. Hayward, a member of the firm concerned in its manufacture, was anxious to demonstrate to sheepowners and interested persons the value of his liquid’ [Hawkes Bay Herald 26 March 1883]. The extract of tobacco was also used at that time as ‘the only infallible remedy to radically cure the scab in sheep’. It was used ‘one part of extract mixed with 100 or 150 parts of hot or cold water for bath’ [Mulhall 1892: 72]. 73 Mary Scally (née Garrahan) (1858-1904), a sister of the writer, who married Pedro Scally [Coghlan 1987: 385]. 74 Abbott railway station in Monte (3.1 Km. from the border with Lobos and 98 Km. from Buenos Aires) is the nearest railway station to the Garrahan estancia in Lobos. The station changed its name when it was transferred from the Western Railway Co. to the Southern Railway Co. 75 The ambiguity of the paragraph may be derived from the writer’s internal conflict between his wishes to par- ticipate in dances and drinking, and his role as the eldest brother that includes responsibility and abstinence. 76 The treasurer is usually the most responsible post in a society, so the writer is re-affirming his positive attitude towards a serious and responsible life. 77 About 180 Km. from Salto to Abbott. 78 Dennehy, a town in Nueve de Julio named after Edmund Dennehy (1830-1921), a physician of Cappoquin, Co. Waterford. On 26 February 1883, Eduardo and Guillermo Dennehy donated 93 hectares to the Western Railway Co. [GEO 9 de Julio]. The 1880s tensions with neighbouring countries (Chile in particular), justified a budget increase for the purchase of arms and hiring military personnel. In 1896 the war against Chile was considered inexorable, so President Uriburu adopted the conscription or military service. In addition to this, internal reasons included the perceived threat of immigrant anarchists to the established social structure, and the

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strategy to increase immigrants’ notion of Argentineness. In May 1896 over 7,600 recruits were sent to Edward Casey’s estancia in Curamalán, under the command of general Luis María Campos. Other military camps were in Tandil and Dennehy’s estancia. The military service was conceived as one of the immigrant integration strategies (together with education and mandatory ballot), which were developed by the governing elite in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Immigrants’ children born in Argentina were required to serve in the army for a term of one year, and therefore to learn Spanish [Devoto 2003: 277] 79 José Eduardo Manny (d. 1906), born in General Rodríguez, businessman and founder of Bouchard town [Coghlan 1987: 651]. 80 Santiago Savage (1864-1923), son of Thomas Savage and Mary Geoghegan. Santiago Savage married in 1891 to Margarita Rosa Manny, a daughter of Eugene Manny and Harriet Garrahan [Coghlan 1987: 813]. 81 Forty-Fives is a descendant of the Irish game Spoil Five. It was much played among the Irish population in the Americas, particularly in British North America. The most popular version is with bidding, technically known as Auction Forty-Fives, and also sometimes called One Hundred and Twenty (which is more logical given that 120 is the target score and the number forty-five has no relevance to the game). 82 Fr. Samuel O’Reilly (d1907) of Longford, Irish chaplain in Luján, Mercedes, and Chivilcoy. During fifty years, ‘he was an Irish Chaplain in Argentina, a practical believer in the simple life, he grew wealthy fast, and gave of that wealth in every charitable and patriotic cause, Irish and Argentine, with unstinted liberality. He lived to be the Dean of the Irish Chaplains, was popular with his people, a kindly and generous friend, a good priest and a good Irishman’ [Murray 1919: 253]. In 1872, Father Sam opened St. Brigid’s chapel in La Choza together with Fr. Patrick J. Dillon, and in 1877 opened Marcos Paz chapel, which would become the local parish church [The Southern Cross 1975: 33]. 83 John Lalor (1860-1931) of Co. Wicklow. Lalor emigrated to Argentina in 1880, worked as a sheep-farmer, and in 1894 joined Oñagoity, Son & Lalor wool and cattle brokers. The firm became Salabery, Lalor & Bertetche. In 1910, Lalor founded Casa Lalor. He married Emilia O’Neill [Coghlan 1987: 582]. 84 Pedro Scally (1865-1930), son of Michael Scally, was born in Monte and married in 1894 Maria Garrahan (d1904). Later Peter married Maria Manny, a daughter of Eugene Manny and Harriet Garrahan [Coghlan 1987: 816]. 85 Catalina Walsh, daughter of Pedro Walsh and Maria Ana Slamon of La Porteña, Lobos. Santie and Kate married on 29 October 1898 [Coghlan 1987: 385]. 86 The old place was named La Esperanza. 87 José Garrahan (1867-1928), the writer’s brother, married on 11 February 1899 to Brigida Garrahan, a daughter of Daniel Garrahan and Mary Young [Coghlan 1987: 385]. 88 To rent by the head is to base the rental price on the head of cattle existing in that land, instead of extension. 89 The Southern Railway (Ferrocarril del Sud) arrived in Tandil in 1883 from Ayacucho. 90 The River Plate Fresh Meat Co., founded by George Drabble in Campana in 1882. 91 Mary Scally (née Garrahan), died on 24 November 1904 [Coghlan 1987: 385]. 92 A level of hard calcareous material in the soil, sometimes near the surface. 93 The World War I. 94 Julia Juana O’Loughlin (d. 1956), daughter of Peter O’Loughlin and Kathleen MacDonough. Her two sisters, Katie and Maria Ana, were religious women. 95 Inés MacGarrell, daughter of James John MacGarrell of Ballymahon, Co. Longford, and Margaret Finn. 96 Katie O’Loughlin professed with the Sisters of Mercy in 1898. 97 Moderation and sobriety were among the most important values for the writer. Even in his wedding and honeymoon self-restraint of expenses was essential.

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INDEX

alcohol. See temperance Club, 107; boarding houses, 119, 123, 130; Allison, William, 35 Coliseum, 96; docks, 107, 119; English societies, Argentina: politics, 72 107; Farmacia Gibson, 130; Fleming's coffee Arias, Gral. Inocencio, 123 house, 35; France Hotel, 130; housing, 110; Irish Aristegui, Catalina, 130 Hospital, 35; Irish settlement, 9; Jockey Club, Armstrong, Thomas St. George, 21 107; Once, 119, 122; Paso de Burgos, 35; Paz attitudes and beliefs (See also values); Argentine views Hotel, 130; public works, 107; Quinta Ramos, of the Irish, 39, 53; beliefs, 70, 90, 95, 99, 106, 35; Recoleta, 35; saladero, 101; San Miguel 107; Catholic views of Protestants, 87, 98; church, 130 English views of the Argentines, 87; Irish views of Buenos Aires, province: Abbott, 126; Arrecifes, 10, the Argentines, 39, 42, 46, 47, 95, 98, 101; Irish 116; Azul, 130; Campana, 121, 128; Cañuelas, views of the English, 106 130; Carmen de Areco, 9, 116; Chivilcoy, 78, 80, Australia: colony, 99; industrial exhibition, 99; 124, 126; Coronel Suarez, 129; Ensenada, 119; Melbourne, 101; St. Kilda, 92 Exaltación de la Cruz, 10; General Rodríguez, Avila, Sixto, 116 116, 130; Irish settlement, 9; Las Flores, 129; Las Aylmer, Col. William, 31 Heras, 98, 116; Lobos, 117, 124; Luján, 9, 115, Baggon, Robert, 48 116, 124, 130; Magdalena, 125; Mar del Plata, Ballesty, James, 80, 145 130; Marcos Paz, 118, 120; Mercedes, 9, 95, 96, Ballesty, Kate, 117 117; Monte, 128; Morón, 130; Navarro, 119, banking: Banco de la Nación, 125; Banco 120; Nueve de Julio, 122, 127; Pergamino, 10; Hipotecario, 123; interest rates, 60, 67; National Ranchos (General Paz), 116; Río Salado, 128; Bank of Liverpool, 48, 50; stock market, 125 Rojas, 55, 56, 70, 79, 83; Saladillo, 119, 122; Barron, James and William, 99 Salto, 48, 50, 53, 56, 83, 129; San Andrés de Barry, John, 48, 145 Giles, 9; Suipacha, 9; Tandil, 127, 128; Trenque Barry, Martin, 60 Lauquen, 129; Villegas, 129; Zárate, 118 Basque settlers, 122 Bulfin, William, 23 Beccas, Darío, 127 Burns, Pat, 126 Boggan, John, 50, 145 Butler, John, 45, 50 Boggan, Robert, 50 Byrne, Phillip, 120 Bookey, Margarita (Margaret), 145 Byrne, Stephen, 74 Bookey, María (Mary), 145 'camp': countryside, 35, 67, 88, 99, 116, 129; Bookey, Patricio (Patrick), 145 estancia, 44, 55, 117, 122, 129; land (property), Bookey, Patrick, 21, 87, 90, 93, 94, 145 43, 70, 107, 116, 118, 126; rural business, 70, Brabazon, John, 13 106, 109, 120 Bracken, Thomas, 33 Cantwell, Dr. (bishop), 32 Breen, Elizabeth, 56 Carney, Thomas, 36 Breen, John, 38 Carr, Jack, 47 Brett, De Renzi James, 57, 73, 145 Carr, John, 146 Brien, James, 34 Cascallares, Luis, 121 Brown, Anita, 87 Casey, Eduardo, 69, 83 Browne, Bridget, 51, 63 Casey, Lawrence, 128 Browne, Lawrence, 111, 145 Castroman, Melchor, 127 Browne, Moses, 51, 63 celebrations: Christmas, 105; St. Patrick's day, 94, Browne, Nicholas, 53, 63 130 Browne, Patrick, 21, 87, 111, 145 Chapman, M., 33 Buchanan, Diego, 125 Chisholm, E., 125 Buenos Aires, city: Almagro, 130; Athletic Sports class: servants, 22, 43, 66; structure, 17

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INDEX

Cleary, Martin, 68 Doyle, Martin, 62 climate: 'big wind' (Ireland), 33; comparative, 53, 70; dress, 50, 70, 71, 106 drought (Argentina), 41, 45, 90, 125; drought drinking. See temperance (Australia), 89, 90, 93; dust storms, 102; fine Dublin: Argentine consul, 51, 54; business, 72; weather, 83; floods, 127; heat, 46, 48; hot winds, Marshelsea, 33; port, 47 96; pampero wind, 100; rain, 43, 127; snow, 123; Dunne, James, 53 winter, 75, 117 Eagan, James, 32 clothing. See dress education: boys, 75, 80; girls, 64, 77; governess, 128; Clunen, Jim, 122 Jesuit college, 98, 113; Maynooth College, 32; Coffy, Mary Ann, 35 schools (Argentina), 53, 78, 81, 95, 120, 124; Coffy, Thomas, 34 schools (Ireland), 32; Spanish language, 81; Coghlan, Eduardo, 8, 13 tuition, 64; tutors (Argentina), 116, 118, 124; communications (See also transport); French mail, tutors (Ireland), 30 88, 93, 99; mail, 72, 75, 87, 95, 99; telegraph, Effe, Pat, 34 88, 96 Eliff, Mogory, 129 Connors, Richard, 86 Elish, James, 56 Córdoba, province, 129; Laboulage, 129; Santa Ellington, Tom, 122 Eufemia, 129 Emain, James, 71 Cormack, Anne, 84, 146 emigration, 7; agents, 38; chains, 62; demographics, Cormack, Catherine, 40, 50, 62, 63, 66, 77 7; expectations, 62; fear, 65; homesickness, 48, Cormack, Peter, 48, 50, 53, 71, 122 61; Irish relations with Argentines, 87; reasons to Cornfoot, Pedro, 123 emigrate, 64, 65; re-emigration, 85; return, 42, correspondence (See also communications); 74; visits to Ireland, 41, 66, 75, 77, 93 composition, 14, 71, 91 England: Liverpool, 18, 22, 35, 38; London, 33 Cranwell, Daniel, 87, 90, 101, 107, 146 Ennis, Patrick, 146 crime: murder, 52, 61, 95, 99; robbery, 49, 113, 121; Entre Ríos, province, 109 violence, 124 epidemic. See health Croswell, Daniel, 93 estancia: driving and rounding cattle, 119, 123; Cummins, Daniel, 122, 124 fencing, 70, 117, 121, 123; foot and mouth, 127; Cunningham, John, 122, 124 Holstein, 127; housing, 43, 61, 68, 117, 121, currency: dollars, 35, 48, 57; dollars (old money), 127; locust, 102; name, 52; pigs, 122; vaccinat- 117, 121, 122; dollars (silver), 51; moneda ing, 126, 129; water, 98 nacional, 122; paper, 69; patagones (patacones), Evoy, Mary, 83 51; pesos moneda corriente, 116 Fahy (Fahey), Fr. Anthony, 20, 41 death (See also health); children, 83; loss, 103, 108, family: adoption, 109; conflicts, 44, 47 123; neglect, 102; wake, 32, 120, 123, 124; family history. See genealogy widow, 120 Famine, Great, 34 debts, 32, 35, 67, 76, 94 farm. See estancia Deehan, Catherine, 32 Farrell, Pat, 30 Deehan, James, 31 Fitzsimons, Nicholas, 32 Deehan, John, 30, 32, 35 Fleming, Patrick, 35, 107, 146 Deehan, Margaret, 30 Flood, Anne, 83 diet, 42, 70, 117, 118, 121 Flood, Cornelius, 146 Dillon, Frank (jun.), 127 food. See diet Dillon, Gerald, 89, 90, 146 Ford, George, 36 Dillon, James, 34 France: Bordeaux, 82 discourse, 3 (See also language) Freeholders, 33 disease. See health Furlong, Catherine, 146 Dodds, Tomás, 127 Furlong, Fr. John, 50, 79 Dolan, Felix, 121, 146 Furlong, George, 49, 56, 74, 75, 77, 146 domestic service. See class: servants Furlong, James, 41, 80, 86 Donough, Tomás, 130 Furlong, John, 81 Donovan, Florencio, 73, 146 Furlong, Mary, 63 Doolin, Mary, 90 Furlong, William, 62, 63, 147 Downs, Lord, 34 Garrahan, family: Anna (née Kenny), 116; Brigid Doyle, Frank, 41, 53, 60, 66 (née Savage), 120; Catalina (née Walsh), 126;

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Daniel, 147; Edward, 118, 147; Ellen (née Indians, 22, 107 (See also gauchos) Murphy), 120; James, 115, 147; José (Josie), 147; investment. See banking Julia (née O'Loughlin), 129; Lawrence (Larry), Irigoyen, Hipólito, 125 147; Lorenzo (Lawrence), 147; Margaret (née Irish counties: Clare, 8, 21; Dublin, 8; Kerry, 8; Cunningham), 115; Mary (née Young), 125; Longford, 8; Offaly, 8, 21; Roscommon, 34; Patrick, 108, 116, 117, 147; Patrick (jun.), 147; Westmeath, 8, 21, 80; Wexford, 8, 21, 80 Phillip, 117; Santiago (Santie), 127, 147; Tomás jobs. See labour (Tom), 115–30, 147 Kavanagh, Eduardo, 124, 148 Garret, Easton, 129 Kavanagh, Fr. Edward, 39, 50 gauchos, 98, 101, 105 (See also attitudes and beliefs) Kavanagh, James Garrett, 124, 148 Gaul, Simon, 53, 77 Kavanagh, Nicholas (Nick), 73, 148 Gaule, Alice, 73 Keating, James, 56 Gaynor, Edward, 33 Keating, Philip, 58 Gaynor, George, 33 Keating, William, 148 genealogy, 12 Keegan, Thomas, 30 Goicochea, Ignacio, 126 Kehoe, John, 36 Gorry, Thomas, 30 Kennedy, John, 32 Goyeneche, Juan, 128 Kenny, Mary (née Cunningham), 117, 122, 124, 146 Grennon, Edward, 30 Kilford, Anthony, 30 Grennon, Ellen, 30 King, Billy, 30 Grennon, James, 31, 33 King, Mary (née Bookey), 97 Grennon, Samuel, 31, 32, 35 King's County. See Offaly Ham, Peter, 116, 147 Kirk, Edmund, 148 Hamilton, Jane, 100 Kirk, Margaret (née Davies), 103, 146 Handbook of the River Plate, 101, 106 Kirk, Patricio Edmundo, 87, 127 Hansen, Paul, 127 Klappenbach, Santiago A., 100 Hausen, John, 122 La Espadaña, 117 health (See also death); accidents, 89, 92; anthrax, labour: domestic service, 40; shopkeeping, 111; 120; apoplexy, 88; back pain, 75; childbirth, 44, wages, 70; women, 40, 67, 92, 114; work ethic, 126, 130; cholera (Argentina), 72, 88, 100, 102, 16; workforce, 53, 67 104, 111; cholera (Ireland), 32; dysentery Lagos, Juan, 115 (Ireland), 34; fever, 34; heart diseases, 34, 120; Lalor, John, 126, 148 hooping cough, 77; Lambert, Philip, 62, 66 insanity, 96, 97; liver and kidneys, 89; measles, land: emphyteusis, 54; purchase, 47, 51, 54, 67, 110, 117, 126; midwife, 130; nervous diseases, 92; 117; rent, 117, 122; survey, 125 pneumonia, 124; sight, 104; teeth, 115; typhoid landlords. See law: tenant rights fever, 122; yellow fever, 109, 110 language, 22 (See also discourse); English, 116; Irish, Healy, Michael, 116, 147 23; phonetics, 23; pragmatics, 24; semantics, 23; 'home': country, 41, 42, 43, 57, 64, 93; dwelling, 31, Spanish, 22, 81, 90, 94; syntax, 23 41, 73, 112, 124, 127; emotional associations, law: comparative, 73; inheritance, 69, 126; justice of 41, 60; house, 30, 77, 80, 88, 92, 98; neighbour- the peace, 45; lawsuit, 116; litigation (Argentina), hood, 42, 46, 49, 50, 76, 83; return, 42, 62 36; litigation (Ireland), 34; tenant rights, 60, 62, homesickness. See emigration 64; trespassing, 45 Hore, Robert, 39 law-breaking. See crime Hore, Stephen, 39 Lawler, Tom, 47 Howland, James, 96 Legates, George and Robert, 117 Howland, John, 93 Lett, Hugh Decimus, 77 Howlin, James, 53, 76, 148 letters. See correspondence Howlin, John, 148 Leyden, Santiago, 125, 148 Howlin, Margaret, 86 linen, 31 Howlin, Patrick, 76 Longford: Ballymahon, 33 Hughes, John, 96, 148 Lynch, Luke, 116 Hutchinson, Thomas, 52, 148 MacCarthy, Fr. Patrick, 98 identity, 2, 49 (See also values) MacDonough, Kate, 120 illness. See health MacGarrell, Inés (Agnes), 130, 148 immigration. See emigration MacNamee, Fr., 30

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Manny, Eugene, 117, 120, 126, 148 Lawrence (Larry), 120, 151; Margaret, 50, 57, Manny, Harriet (née Garrahan), 117 78, 151; Margarita Clementina (Maggie), 151; Manny, José Eduardo (Joe), 126, 148 Martin, 37–84, 151; Mary (née MacGrath), 50; marriage: advice, 57; age, 130; announcement, 41; Nicholas, 38; Nicolás (Nicky), 151; Patrick, 55; civil, 130; clandestine, 86; dowry, 58, 64; Patrick (Ballygeary), 152; Patrick (Patt), 44, 49, honeymoon, 127, 130; match-making, 56; 72, 152; William, 49, 66, 152 parents, 33; position, 108; prospects, 60; refusal, Murray, John, 21 66; tension, 67; wedding, 41 Murtagh, Fr., 32 McCarr, John, 33 music and dancing, 105, 107, 124; Christy Minstrels, McClymont, Guillermo, 125 107 McClymont, John, 36, 148 Nagle, Richard, 33 McCormick, Ann, 30 Neil, James, 67 McDonald, Michael, 35 Newbery, George and Rodolfo, 122 McGuiness, Mother, 35 newspapers: Argentine, 87, 100; Australian, 87; Irish, McKeon, Tomás José Gregorio (Tom), 128, 149 66, 86; The Standard, 39, 52, 87, 88; The McLean, Alexander, 112 Wexford People, 41, 55, 78 meat industry: boiling down sheep, 116; cold-storage Noguera, Emilio, 128 plant, 127, 128; export, 83; hides, 119; saladeros, O'Brien, John Thomond, 21 119 O'Connell, Daniel, 34 Menta, Juan, 127 O'Connor (Connor), John, 38, 79, 80, 152 Meyer, Enrique, 118 O'Connor (Connor), Matthew (Matt), 48, 57, 62, mining, 100 67, 86, 152 Mitre, Bartolomé, 72, 78 O'Connor, Hugh, 34 Molloy, Pat, 127 O'Farrell, Miguel L., 129, 130 money. See currency Offaly: Banagher, 35; Clara, 30, 33, 34; Cloghanhill, Monks, Margaret, 35, 149 30; Clonmacnoise, 33; Kilcumrearagh, 32; Mooney, John, 21 Kilmonaghan, 31; Tullamore, 32, 34 Moore, family: Juan Patricio (John), 88, 125, 149; O'Flanagan, Thomas P., 34 Margarita (Maggie), 87, 149; María Catalina O'Leary, Fr. Patrick, 30 (Mary), 149; Mary (née Daly), 96, 146; Patricio O'Loughlin, Katie, 130 (Patrick), 149; Patrick, 106, 149; Roberto O'Loughlin, Peter, 118, 152 (Robert), 88, 149; Sara (Sally), 86, 149 O'Lynn, Brian, 48 Moore, James, 62 O'Neill, John, 152 Moore, Peter, 53 O'Neill, William F., 86 Mulhall, Michael George, 106, 149 (See also O'Rafferty, Fr. John, 34 newspapers: The Standard) (See also Handbook of the O'Reilly, Fr. Samuel, 117, 118, 126 River Plate) Paleón, Goyo, 124 Murphy, family of Cork and Waterford: Ana (Anita), Parle, John, 69, 152 87, 149; Catalina Ana (Kate), 97, 150; Eduardo, Parle, Nicholas, 69 150; Eduardo (MP), 150; Elena (Ellen), 150; Patts, John, 62, 126 Francisca (Fanny), 90, 150; Isabel, 150; Isabel Peel, Robert, 32 (Elizabeth), 150; James (Las Heras), 97, 150; Juan Pender, James, 38, 63, 70, 83, 152 Justo Pastor (John), 109, 110, 151; Julia, 151; Pender, Mary, 38, 83 Margarita, 110; Margarita (Margaret), 151; Perricino, Gino, 127 Michael, 92, 151; Miguel (Michael), 122, 151; Peterson, Adolfo, 128 Patricio, 152; Roberto, 152; Sarah (Sally), 89, Pettit, James, 21, 38, 152 152 Pettit, John James, 85–114, 152 Murphy, family of Wexford: Ana (Annie), 81; Pettit, William, 79 Catalina (Katie, Kitty), 83, 149; Catalina E. photographs, 50, 75, 77, 92, 94, 98; cartes de visite, (Catherine), 150; Catalina Isabel (Katie), 150; 97, 98, 108; photographers, 50; post cards, 101 Catherine, 39; Clemente (Clemmie), 150; Pierce, Matty, 40 Elizabeth (Bess), 150; Guillermo (Willie), 150; Pierce, Nicholas, 49, 66, 72, 74, 75, 153 Isabel Inés (Elizabeth Agnes), 73, 150; James, 40, Pitt, John, 79 48, 49, 65, 76; James (Rojas), 150; James Pitt, Margaret, 79 (Tenacre), 150; John, 76; John James, 37–84, 93, Pitts, Tom, 79 150; Joseph, 65, 74, 75, 151; Juan (Johnny), 151; playing cards, 126

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Porritt, Margaret (née Roach), 112, 153 Sarmiento, Domingo F., 106 Portugal: Lisbon, 40 Savage, Santiago (James), 126, 154 potato, 34, 55 Scallan, Gregory, 49, 53 Pott, Catalina (Kitty) (née Kirk), 99 Scally, Peter, 126, 154 Pott, John, 127 schooling. See education poverty: Board of Works, 34; Poor Law Union Athy, Scottish, 22 34; Poor Law Union Edenderry, 33; Poor Law sheep-farming: capital, 42; dipping, 79; general, 72, Union Tullamore, 34 92, 106; halves and thirds, 49; income, 42, 44; press. See newspapers Lincoln, 121; losses, 125; management, 42, 71, 72; prices: land, 110; novillos, 124, 128; rams, 122; profits, 61; Rambouillet, 117, 121; señaling, 126; sheep, 106; wethers, 67, 127; wool, 53, 68, 76, shearing, 76, 105, 126 78, 106, 125 ship captains: Bell, John, 39; Lenders, 47; Sprott, property. See land Joseph, 39; Stocks, 69 Purcell, Jane, 153 shipping companies: Lamport and Holt, 73, 78, 81; Rabbit, Timothy, 36, 153 Thomas Royden & Son, 76 Ragget, Miguel, 125 ships: City of Dresden, 22; Copernicus, 74; Hevelius, ranch. See estancia 81; La Zingara, 47, 51, 54, 55, 59, 62, 67; Ptolemy, reading habits, 121 74; Raymond, 46, 47, 51, 53; William Peile, 21, 38, Reilly, James, 120, 153 39 Reilly, William, 35 sickness. See health religion: anti-Catholic revolt, 113; apostasy, 98; Sinnott, Catherine, 154 baptism, 130; Catholic Association, 32; Catholic Sisters of Mercy, 64 Emancipation, 32; Catholic Rent, 32; chapels, Smith, Paddie, 118 117; Church of Ireland, 17, 22, 33; collections, Sœurs de la Charité, 97 46, 52, 83; confession, 118; Enniscorthy cathe- South Africa: Cape of Good Hope, 46 dral, 79; Irish chaplains, 46, 48, 50, 53, 57, 117; Spillane, William, 108, 154 pilgrimage, 130; tithe, 32; vocation, 64, 89, 120 sports: horse racing, 57, 73, 107, 120, 121; hunting, remittances, 52, 60, 74, 79, 83 118; Lobos Hibernia Club, 126 repeal, 38 Summers, James, 33 Reville, Fr. Clement, 41, 55, 69, 74, 153 Tallon, Edward, 33 Robbins, Edward, 29–36, 153 Tallon, Elizabeth, 102 Robbins, Garrett, 30 taxes: customs, 47; tithe, 32, 33 Robbins, Julia, 36, 153 teachers. See education: tutors Robbins, Michael, 30 Telford, Capt. William, 34 Robbins, Rose, 153 Telford, John, 33 Roche (Roach), Elizabeth, 41, 51 temperance: effects of drinking, 61, 63, 79, 101; Roche (Roach), Ellen, 55, 66 movement, 38; virtue, 118, 121, 124, 126 Roche (Roach), Fr. James, 42, 53 Terrero, Juan Manuel, 121 Roche (Roach), James, 79 transport (See also communications); Bianconi, 18; Roche (Roach), Margaret, 68, 88, 90 coach (Argentina), 78; coach (Ireland), 33; cost of Roche (Roach), Mary (née Reville), 69, 153 ticket, 78; general, 17–22; gig, 33, 43, 57; Grand Roche (Roach), Patrick, 69, 71 Canal, 18; horse-riding, 43, 44, 56, 116, 120; Roche (Roach), William, 51, 79, 153 railway (Argentina), 55, 95, 121; railway Rochford, Margaret, 50 (Ireland), 18, 86; roads, 119; Royal Canal, 18; Rodriguez, Casimiro, 121 saddles, 122; tramway, 119; Transatlantic journey, Ronan, John, 77 18, 47, 51, 73, 78, 81; wagon, 43 Rooney, Edward, 34, 154 trees: eucalyptus, 119; planting, 45, 126, 128; willow, Rooney, Luke, 122, 154 119 Rosas, Juan Manuel de, 35 Tuite, Hugh M., 32 Rue, Ramón, 36 Uncalito, La Flor del, 40 Ryan, Ann, 34 Union, Act of, 30 Ryan, John, 36 Urquiza, Justo José de, 109 Ryan, Pat, 34 Uruguay, 9, 73, 74, 110, 112, 130 Sanders, James, 38 values, 15 (See also attitudes and beliefs) Santa Fe, province, 9, 52; Rosario, 52; Venado Tuerto, Velasquez, Lorenzo, 123 9, 37, 122 Villegas, Justo, 117

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Wallace, Edward, 32 Walsh, Fr. James, 53 Walsh, James, 100 Walsh, Larry, 33 war: enrollment, 109; military service, 87, 90, 93, 94, 106; revolution, 35, 102, 109, 113, 117; Triple Alliance, 60, 67, 72, 90, 93, 94; US Civil War, 86; Yatay battle, 91 Watson, James, 129 Watt, James, 77 weather. See climate Wellington, A. Wellesley, duke, 32 Welsh, 22 Westenra, Col. J.W., 32 Westmeath: Ballymore, 32; Moate, 33; Moyvore, 33; Mullingar, 34 Wexford: Ballyconnor, 86; Ballygerry, 86; Ballygillane, 86; Kilrane, 38, 48; Newross, 86 Whitty, Catherine, 67, 68, 77, 154 Whitty, Francis (Frank), 56, 67, 154 Whitty, Lawrence, 56, 73 Whitty, William, 38, 154 Winn, Daniel, 33 Winn, Judy, 32 work. See labour Young Irelanders, 35

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