Modern Libertarian: Philosophy an Uncertain Lineage
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A Hayekian Theory of Social Justice
A HAYEKIAN THEORY OF SOCIAL JUSTICE Samuel Taylor Morison* As Justice gives every Man a Title to the product of his honest Industry, and the fair Acquisitions of his Ancestors descended to him; so Charity gives every Man a Title to so much of another’s Plenty, as will keep him from ex- tream want, where he has no means to subsist otherwise. – John Locke1 I. Introduction The purpose of this essay is to critically examine Friedrich Hayek’s broadside against the conceptual intelligibility of the theory of social or distributive justice. This theme first appears in Hayek’s work in his famous political tract, The Road to Serfdom (1944), and later in The Constitution of Liberty (1960), but he developed the argument at greatest length in his major work in political philosophy, the trilogy entitled Law, Legis- lation, and Liberty (1973-79). Given that Hayek subtitled the second volume of this work The Mirage of Social Justice,2 it might seem counterintuitive or perhaps even ab- surd to suggest the existence of a genuinely Hayekian theory of social justice. Not- withstanding the rhetorical tenor of some of his remarks, however, Hayek’s actual con- clusions are characteristically even-tempered, which, I shall argue, leaves open the possibility of a revisionist account of the matter. As Hayek understands the term, “social justice” usually refers to the inten- tional doling out of economic rewards by the government, “some pattern of remunera- tion based on the assessment of the performance or the needs of different individuals * Attorney-Advisor, Office of the Pardon Attorney, United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.; e- mail: [email protected]. -
Download the List of History Films and Videos (PDF)
Video List in Alphabetical Order Department of History # Title of Video Description Producer/Dir Year 532 1984 Who controls the past controls the future Istanb ul Int. 1984 Film 540 12 Years a Slave In 1841, Northup an accomplished, free citizen of New Dolby 2013 York, is kidnapped and sold into slavery. Stripped of his identity and deprived of dignity, Northup is ultimately purchased by ruthless plantation owner Edwin Epps and must find the strength to survive. Approx. 134 mins., color. 460 4 Months, 3 Weeks and Two college roommates have 24 hours to make the IFC Films 2 Days 235 500 Nations Story of America’s original inhabitants; filmed at actual TIG 2004 locations from jungles of Central American to the Productions Canadian Artic. Color; 372 mins. 166 Abraham Lincoln (2 This intimate portrait of Lincoln, using authentic stills of Simitar 1994 tapes) the time, will help in understanding the complexities of our Entertainment 16th President of the United States. (94 min.) 402 Abe Lincoln in Illinois “Handsome, dignified, human and moving. WB 2009 (DVD) 430 Afghan Star This timely and moving film follows the dramatic stories Zeitgest video 2009 of your young finalists—two men and two very brave women—as they hazard everything to become the nation’s favorite performer. By observing the Afghani people’s relationship to their pop culture. Afghan Star is the perfect window into a country’s tenuous, ongoing struggle for modernity. What Americans consider frivolous entertainment is downright revolutionary in this embattled part of the world. Approx. 88 min. Color with English subtitles 369 Africa 4 DVDs This epic series presents Africa through the eyes of its National 2001 Episode 1 Episode people, conveying the diversity and beauty of the land and Geographic 5 the compelling personal stories of the people who shape Episode 2 Episode its future. -
National Conference of Christians and Jews, Washington, D.C., January
REMARKS VICE PRES I DENT HUBERT HUMPHREY NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CHRISTIANS AND JEWS WASHINGTON, D. C. JANUARY 31, 1967 ~ 1 am privileged to accept this National Brotherhood Citation on behalf of President Johnson, and to express to you his profound appreciation of this honor and his regret that he was unable to be with you tonight ( ~~~~.J J. President Johnson said in his State of the Union Message that this was a time of testing for Americans. 6 f many people applied this just to Vietnam, or to our international responsibilities. L-.._ But this i ~ of testing here at home too. ~ Again} in the President's words, "the questi!l12Js whether we will continue working for better opportunities for ~ Americans, when most Americans are already living better than any people in history." -2- There is no question that \Aetnam, and our other international obligations, do require resources which might otherwise be devoted to building wider and better opportunity here in America. - ~ ~ ~ ~· ~nd may I say, parenthetically, that our efforts to resist agg ~!!OJ~ ciple of national independenc:~ i~tnam also have a great deal to do with A the building of human opportunity~tlA-/._~ 1 ~ ut I wonder: Should we cut back here at hom~ What are the facts of ou r Amen. can economy.? I L_ The fact is that we have ~one 70 strcll,g ht months without inte rr uption of ou r economic expansion --the .,longest . and strongest expansion in our history-- and that 1967 will be anothe r year- of balanced growth. -3- L!,he fact is that our nation's output, last year, grew more than 5 per cent for the third straight year -- and that's another record fo r length and strength. -
People Power: the Everyday Politics of Democratic Resistance in Burma and the Philippines
People Power: The Everyday Politics of Democratic Resistance in Burma and the Philippines Nicholas Henry A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2011 ii ... the tale he had to tell could not be one of a final victory. It could be only the record of what had had to be done, and what assuredly would have to be done again in the never ending fight against terror and its relentless onslaughts, despite their personal afflictions, by all who, while unable to be saints but refusing to bow down to pestilences, strive their utmost to be healers. Albert Camus, The Plague This thesis is dedicated to all those who, resisting the terror of state violence, continue to do what has to be done. iii Abstract How do Community Based Organisations (CBOs) in Burma and the Philippines participate in the construction of political legitimacy through their engagement in local and international politics? What can this tell us about the agency of non-state actors in international relations? This thesis explores the practices of non-state actors engaged in political resistance in Burma and the Philippines. The everyday dynamics of political legitimacy are examined in relation to popular consent, political violence, and the influence of international actors and norms. The empirical research in this thesis is based on a grounded theory analysis of in-depth semi-structured interviews with a wide cross-section of spokespeople and activists of opposition groups from Burma, and with spokespeople of opposition groups in the Philippines. -
The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines Lisandro Claudio
The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines Lisandro Claudio To cite this version: Lisandro Claudio. The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines. 2019. halshs-03151036 HAL Id: halshs-03151036 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03151036 Submitted on 2 Mar 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. EUROPEAN POLICY BRIEF COMPETING INTEGRATIONS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The Erosion of Liberalism and the Rise of Duterte in the Philippines This brief situates the rise and continued popularity of President Rodrigo Duterte within an intellectual history of Philippine liberalism. First, the history of the Philippine liberal tradition is examined beginning in the nineteenth century before it became the dominant mode of elite governance in the twentieth century. It then argues that “Dutertismo” (the dominant ideology and practice in the Philippines today) is both a reaction to, and an assault on, this liberal tradition. It concludes that the crisis brought about by the election of Duterte presents an opportunity for liberalism in the Philippines to be reimagined to confront the challenges faced by this country of almost 110 million people. -
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard Daniel B. Klein Santa Clara University The continued progress of a social movement may depend on the movement’s being recognized as a movement. Being able to provide a clear, versatile, and durable definition of the movement or philosophy, quite apart from its justifications, may help to get it space and sympathy in public discourse. 1 Some of the most basic furniture of modern libertarianism comes from the great figures Friedrich Hayek and Murray Rothbard. Like their mentor Ludwig von Mises, Hayek and Rothbard favored sweeping reductions in the size and intrusiveness of government; both favored legal rules based principally on private property, consent, and contract. In view of the huge range of opinions about desirable reform, Hayek and Rothbard must be regarded as ideological siblings. Yet Hayek and Rothbard each developed his own ideas about liberty and his own vision for a libertarian movement. In as much as there are incompatibilities between Hayek and Rothbard, those seeking resolution must choose between them, search for a viable blending, or look to other alternatives. A blending appears to be both viable and desirable. In fact, libertarian thought and policy analysis in the United States appears to be inclined toward a blending of Hayek and Rothbard. At the center of any libertarianism are ideas about liberty. Differences between libertarianisms usually come down to differences between definitions of liberty or between claims made for liberty. Here, in exploring these matters, I work closely with the writings of Hayek and Rothbard. I realize that many excellent libertarian philosophers have weighed in on these matters and already said many of the things I say here. -
Mary Mccarthy
Mary McCarthy: Manuscripts for in the Manuscript Collection at the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center Descriptive Summary Creator: McCarthy, Mary, 1912-1989 Title: Mary McCarthy, Manuscripts for The Group Dates: 1953-1964 Extent: 2 boxes, 1 galley folder (.63 linear feet) Abstract: The Ransom Center’s holdings for Mary McCarthy comprise her draft chapters, final manuscript, and galley proofs for the novel The Group . RLIN Record #: TXRC05-A10006 Language: English . Access: Open for research Administrative Information Acquisition: Purchase, 1968 (R4493) Processed by: Bob Taylor, 2003 Repository: The University of Texas at Austin, Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center McCarthy, Mary, 1912-1989 Biographical Sketch Born in Seattle on June 21, 1912, Mary McCarthy was the eldest of four children born to Roy and Therese McCarthy. Orphaned upon their parents’ deaths in the flu epidemic of 1918, Mary and her brothers eventually found refuge with their maternal grandparents in Seattle. Following her graduation from Vassar College in 1933, McCarthy, intending to pursue a literary career, moved to New York City, where she soon attracted attention for her essays and dramatic criticism. In the late 1930s she began to write short stories, several of which served as the nucleus of her first novel, The Company She Keeps, published in 1942. As one of the major figures in contemporary American cultural and political thought, Mary McCarthy wrote widely in fiction( The Oasis, Cast a Cold Eye, The Groves of Academe ), theater criticism( Mary McCarthy’s Theatre Chronicles, 1937-1962 ), memoir( Memories of a Catholic Girlhood and How I Grew ), and broad-ranging commentary( Venice Observed and The Mask of State: Watergate Portraits ). -
Uyghur Dispossession, Culture Work and Terror Capitalism in a Chinese Global City Darren T. Byler a Dissertati
Spirit Breaking: Uyghur Dispossession, Culture Work and Terror Capitalism in a Chinese Global City Darren T. Byler A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2018 Reading Committee: Sasha Su-Ling Welland, Chair Ann Anagnost Stevan Harrell Danny Hoffman Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Anthropology ©Copyright 2018 Darren T. Byler University of Washington Abstract Spirit Breaking: Uyghur Dispossession, Culture Work and Terror Capitalism in a Chinese Global City Darren T. Byler Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Sasha Su-Ling Welland, Department of Gender, Women, and Sexuality Studies This study argues that Uyghurs, a Turkic-Muslim group in contemporary Northwest China, and the city of Ürümchi have become the object of what the study names “terror capitalism.” This argument is supported by evidence of both the way state-directed economic investment and security infrastructures (pass-book systems, webs of technological surveillance, urban cleansing processes and mass internment camps) have shaped self-representation among Uyghur migrants and Han settlers in the city. It analyzes these human engineering and urban planning projects and the way their effects are contested in new media, film, television, photography and literature. It finds that this form of capitalist production utilizes the discourse of terror to justify state investment in a wide array of policing and social engineering systems that employs millions of state security workers. The project also presents a theoretical model for understanding how Uyghurs use cultural production to both build and refuse the development of this new economic formation and accompanying forms of gendered, ethno-racial violence. -
Open Cosmopolitanism and the World Social Forum: Global Resistance, Emancipation, and the Activists’ Vision of a Better World
Globalizations, 2017 Vol. 14, No. 4, 504–518, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2016.1254413 Open Cosmopolitanism and the World Social Forum: Global Resistance, Emancipation, and the Activists’ Vision of a Better World GIUSEPPE CARUSO ∗,∗∗ ∗NHS England, Redditch, UK ∗∗Richmond Fellowship, London, UK ABSTRACT The World Social Forum (WSF) is the world’s largest activist network to date. Its global, regional, national, and thematic events have gathered since 2001 millions of participants and thousands of civil society and social movement organisations. Its cosmopolitan vision is built on resistance to the planetary domination by neo-liberal globalisation. This paper unpacks WSF’s cosmopolitan project and reflects on its vision of emancipated individuals, convivial communities, and a just planetary society in harmony with the environment. In its open organisational space, WSF’s cosmopolitan project develops while in the process of political action rather than prior to that. At the same time, power dynamics, ideological cleavages, and pragmatic concerns about organisation and strategy challenge WSF’s ability to pursue its goals. However, it is these internal tensions that make WSF’s cosmopolitan project both more difficult to achieve and more realistic than claims of universal unity among all its participants. Keywords: World Social Forum, open cosmopolitanism, global justice movement, global resistance 1. Introduction The resurgence over the past three decades of a cosmopolitan discourse is related to, on the one hand, the expansion of market-led globalisation and, on the other, the intensification of social and political mobilisation for social justice. The fall of the Berlin Wall introduced a vision of global unity predicated on the global spread of neo-liberal doctrines. -
Conservative Thinking Through the Ages
If you don’t regularly receive my reports, request a free subscription at [email protected] ! Visit my website at http://www.myslantonthings.com ! 13 Star Flag Washington Franklin Jefferson 24 Star Flag John Adams Madison Hamilton Samuel Adams De Tocqueville 48 Star Flag Hayek Friedman Reagan 50 Star Flag CONSERVATIVE THINKING THROUGH THE AGES Steve Bakke April 7, 2021 Sometimes, to get “grounded” while working through frustrating upside-down realities of politics in 2021, it helps to go back to our Founding Documents for wisdom. And it helps to recall some wise quotes by conservatives spanning our nation’s history. I enjoy reading through these from time to time. Our Form of Government • The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are……staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people. – George Washington • Here, sir, the people govern. – Alexander Hamilton • The Constitution was made to guard the people against the dangers of good intentions. – Daniel Webster Page 1 of 3 • Government’s first duty is to protect the people, not run their lives. – Ronald Reagan • The power to do good is also the power to do harm. – Milton Friedman American Exceptionalism • We are a nation that has a government – not the other way around……Our government has no power except that granted it by the people. – Ronald Reagan • I say RIGHTS, for such they have, undoubtedly, antecedent to all earthly government; Rights, that cannot be repealed or restrained by human laws; Rights, derived from the great Legislator of the universe. -
Hayek and Friedman: Head to Head 2
HAYEK AND FRIEDMAN: HEAD TO HEAD 2 Hayek theorized in terms of the market process that governs relative prices. His macroeconomic theorizing focused especially on the rate of interest, which, broadly conceived, reflects the pattern of prices of consumer goods and various categories of capital goods. Monetary expansion can disrupt the market process, causing resources to be misallocated. Friedman focused on the strong relationship between changes in the monetary aggregates and subsequent movements in the overall level of prices—as Hayek and Friedman: Head to Head demonstrated statistically during the heyday of monetarism for many economies and for many time periods. With possible effects on resource allocation considered to be at most a secondary issue, the empirical findings bolster the claim that the Roger W. Garrison long-run effect of monetary expansion is overall price-and-wage inflation. Auburn University The differing orientations—theoretical for Hayek and empirical for Friedman—reflect a fundamental difference in methodological precepts. While actually allied on many policy issues (including even monetary policy when their policy recommendations are constrained by considerations of practicality and In the grand battle of ideas, F. A. Hayek and Milton Friedman were, at the same political viability), Hayek and Friedman are radically at odds with one another time, soul mates and adversaries. Hayek’s Constitution of Liberty (1960) and about the very nature of the requisite analytical framework. Friedman’s Capitalism and Freedom (1962) are rightly seen as companion The difficulties of comparing Hayek and Friedman get compounded by volumes. By contrast, Hayek’s Monetary Theory and the Trade Cycle ([1928] Hayek’s prescription for monetary policy. -
Drei Methodenstreite and Intramural Strife
DREI METHODENSTREITE AND INTRAMURAL STRIFE A University Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, Hayward In Partial Fulfillment ofthe Requirements for the Degree Master ofArts in Economics By Christopher R. Inama February, 1996 Copyright © 1996 by Christopher R. Inama ii DREI METHODENSTREITE AND INTRAMURAL STRIFE By Christopher R. Inama Approved: Dated: iii TABLE OF CONTENTS l. INTRODUCTION II. 7lfF METHODENSTREIT 2 A. ORIGINS OF THE GERMAN HISTORICAL SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS 2 1. Some Forerunners ofthe German Historical School ofEconomics .,. 5 2. An Initial Criticism ofHistoricism , 10 B. THE GERMAN HISTORICAL SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS , 12 C. MENGER'S CHALLENGE 20 D. THE OUTCOME 27 III. FIFTY YEARS LATER 30 A. HAYEK'S THEORY 33 B. KEYNES'S THEORY 40 C. THE DISPUTE 43 D. THE OUTCOME 45 IV. AN ONGOING DEBATE 51 A. POSITIVISTS, COLLECTIVISTS, AND OTHERS OF THEIR ILK 52 B. AUSTRIAN RESPONSES TO THAT ILK 68 I. ADDITIONAL PHILOSOPHICAL INFLUENCES ON AUSTRIAN THOUGHT 68 2. SOME VARIATIONS WITHIN THE AUSTRIAN SCHOOL 80 C. SOME METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES 82 I. Internal Contradictions ofLogical Positivism 82 2. Is Empirical Knowledge Inconsistent with the Austrian Theory? 84 D. HAYEK'S CRITICISMS OF DIFFERENT FORMS OF POSITIVISM 85 IV. AN INTRAMURAL FRAY 90 A. SOME DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MISES AND HAYEK 90 B. A MISESIAN BRANCH OF THE FAMILY TREE 95 C. ANOTHER STUDENT OF MISES CLAIMS THE MIDDLE-GROUND 106 D. RADICAL SUBJECTIVISTS DESCENDED THROUGH HAYEK .... 108 V. CONCLUSION 111 BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................