THE EVOLUTION OF IRISH CATHOLIC NATIONALISM, 1844-1846

An Analysis of the Cultural Conflict That Evolved

Out of British Administrative Failure in Ireland

Under the Union,

by Kathleen Mary Molesworth Quigley

M. A., Moderator in Modern History and Political Science,

Trinity College, Dublin, 1948.

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Date tZ CltrxL if10 THE EVOLUTION OF IRISH CATHOLIC NATIONALISM, 1844-184-6.

by Kathleen M. M. Quigley.

This inquiry analyzes the necessity for the Irish

Repeal Party's alliance with the Catholic Church, especially during the two crucial years prior to the Great Famine, The

Repeal Party during this time sought to defend the predom• inantly rural subsistence Irish society against British policies of coercion and assimilation. The main organization at the national and popular level to unify this Irish resistance to British policies was the Irish Catholic Church.

Daniel O'Connell acted as the bridge between the

Parliamentary Irish Repeal party and the Catholic Church.

This was closely linked to his aims and methods which he conceived in the immediate practical terms of Irish survival against the threat of cultural and economic extinction. He therefore rejected as unrealistic the more absolutist doc•

trine of nationality of his Young Ireland critics and rivals within his party. He recognized that their ultimate ideals

of physical resistance to the almost total military control

that Britain exercised over Ireland would be futile, and

possibly disastrous for the Irish people. He insisted,

instead, on "moral force" and Constitutional methods to

achieve peaceful co-existence with Ireland's more dominant

neighbour, Britain. His Catholic allianpe was essential to

these pragmatic and constitutional ends. The introductory chapters set the historic framework

for this most important phase of the British-Irish conflict from iQkk to 18if6 which was centered around a struggle for control of the Irish Catholic Church. Ireland's development

is traced from a position of almost complete domination and

control by Britain and a lack of organized resistance at the

Act of Union in 1800, to a political voice and organized resistance at a national and popular level in 18A4« In this

historical process, Daniel 0*Connelly Repeal Party, supported

by the Irish Catholic leaders, acted as a major catalyst.

Next, the trial of Daniel O'Connell in l8Mf on charges

of sedition against the British government is examined as a

model in miniature of the British-Irish conflict that had

raged in the preceding years. It was the culmination of this

conflict, showing that the accused was also, in a political

sense, the accuser. O'Connell1s acquittal was a moral

refutation of British policies that supported the Protestant

government oligarc^% practice of discrimination against

Catholic Ireland. Furthermore, it and the subsequent reper•

cussions in Britain, aggravated the growing dissension within

the ruling British Conservative party. From this point, the policy of the British government towards the Irish Repeal

Party took a more devious turn, and never again directly

challenged O'Connell. Rather, it attempted to divide the

Irish nation, and especially its Catholic leaders, by

coercion and bribery. Also in 1844, the British government failed to persuade the Papacy to compel the Irish Church leaders to abandon

Repeal. Instead, it only succeeded in strengthening the bonds between Catholicism and the national movement of

O'Connell, which had become a "cause celebre" in the

Catholic context of Europe.

By 1845 the British policy towards the Irish Catholic

Church had shifted to belated recognition and half-hearted

conciliation. The increased Maynooth Grant of 1845 was a

prime example of an isolated and limited gesture. The

goodwill engendered by this was counteracted by the strength

of the anti-Catholic opposition to the Bill. In addition,

the immediate subsequent introduction of the Academical

Institutions (Ireland) Bill, without consulting the Irish

Church leaders, and with its implied threat to Irish culture

and Catholic influence, further reduced the favourable

impression that the British government had created among

the Irish Catholic leaders by the Maynooth Grant.

These British policies revealed the weakening of the

government's efforts at ideological assimilation, and the

strength of the Catholic base of Irish nationalism under

the leadership of Daniel O'Connell. The ensuing controversy

within the Repeal Party from 1845 between the more secular

physical force Young Ireland nationalists and O'Connell's

Catholic supporters served to intensify the latter's link with his moral, force and constitutional objectives. It was not his failure of leadership in his last two years, as his critics have supposed, that temporarily interrupted his constitutional movement at his death. It was, rather, the major tragedy of the Great Famine, compounded by British administrative failure and the consequent abortive Young

Ireland rebellion in 18^-8, that left the constitutional movement without a strong leader.

O'Connell's heritage and most permanent contribution was to give the Irish Catholic Church a more unified and active political role within the national movement, and

thus provide a base during those years from which the

Irish constitutional national movement in the late nineteenth century could be launched. PREFACE.

The writer's interest in this subject stems from her family background and experience that have, in a practical way, deeply reflected both the English and Irish traditions expressed in this study, and the historic cultural rifts and cross-patterns between these two.

Further, her residence abroad, in both Europe and Asia, and her studies in Canada, have led her to re-examine some of the assumptions inculcated by her predominantly English,

British Commonwealth, and non-Roman Catholic education.

This, in turn, she believes, has lent an objectivity to her study of a highly controversial and important aspect of

Irish history. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Abstract...... • * . . i Table of Contents. . . . * . . iv List of Tables (in Appendix). . . • . . v Introduction...... • vi I. . Ireland Subordinated to British Interests, 1800-1846. 1 II. O'Connell and the Irish Party of Protest. . . 32 III. British Attempts to Divide Catholic Repealers From the Irish Public...... 58 (The Trial of Daniel O'Connell, 1844) IV. British Attempts to Divide Catholic Repealers From the Clergy...... 85 The Charitable Bequests Act, 1844. . . .86 Papal Rescript to Irish Clergy, 184%. . . -97 V. The Limits of Anglo-Irish Co-operation. . . .110 The Maynooth Grant, May 1845* • • » .111 VI. Catholic Repealers as Defenders of Irish Catholic Culture...... 130 The Academical Institutions Bill, 1845- • .131 Conclusion...... 151 Annotated Bibliography: ...... 156 I. Books. A. Contemporary Sources. . . • .156 B. Secondary Sources...... 162 II. Articles, Essays in Learned Journals. . . .170 III. Public Documents...... 175 IV. General Reference Works...... 177 V. Periodicals: A. Contemporary Newspapers and Periodicals. . 179 B. Secondary Periodicals and Learned Journals. . 180

Appendix (Tables)...... * 181 V

LISO? OF TABLES.

APPENDIX A.

A-1 EXPORT DEPENDENCE OF IRELAND 181 A-4 Acreage and Crop Production...... 184 A-4 Grain Exports to England, 1800-1846. . . .184 A-5 Cattle Exports to England, 1846. . . . .185 A-5 Cattle and Sheep Production in Ireland. . . .185

A-6 IMPORT DEPENDENCE OF IRELAND 186 A-7 Value of Irish Exports and Imports, 1790-1846. . 187 A-8 Meat, Grain, Dairy, and Linen Exports to England, 1790-1845 188 A-9 FISCAL DEPENDENCE OF IRELAND 189 A-10 Revenue and Expenditure of Ireland. . . . 190

APPENDIX B.

B-1 SPECIAL PRIVILEGES OF THE PROTESTANT ESTABLISHED CHURCH—1849. . . .191 B-2 Membership and Financial Statistics of Churches, by Denomination. . . . .192 STATISTICS: B-3 Established Church...... 193 B-4 Roman Catholic Church...... 194 B-4 Presbyterian Church...... 194 B-4 Methodist Church...... 194 B-5 Baptist Church...... 195 B-5 TABLE OF GRANTS IN AID 195 To: Church of England. Church of Scotland. Church of Rome. Dissenters in England. Dissenters in Ireland. INTRODUCTION.

The primary purpose of this study is to examine the effectiveness of the Irish Repeal Party under the leader• ship of Daniel O'Connell, during the crucial last two years of his life, from l8i*4 to 1846, when the Irish nation he sought to defend was threatened with cultural and economic extinction.

The policies and tactics employed by the Repeal Party as directed by Daniel O'Connell in this national struggle for survival have been the subject of considerable contro• versy both by his contemporaries and by modern Anglo-Irish historians. Generally these have under-estimated and under- evaluated the role played by O'Connell and his supporters.

These have tended to assume, with the decline of the more spectacular mass demonstration direction of the Repeal Party under O'Connell's leadership, that he had become either over-awed by the power of British officialdom, or had been eclipsed as the leader of Irish Repeal by the more nationalist and militant Young Irelanders within his own party.

Their criticism of the Catholic Repeal Party during this last phase of O'Connell's life, from \8kk to 1846, has stemmed in part from the greater nationalistic glamour of the Young

Ireland separatist tradition that has provided justification for the long history of violence that gave birth to the vii modern Irish political nation of 1921. On the other hand, modern Irish historians, disillusioned with the clerical overtones that preceded and have survived twentieth century partitioned Ireland, have tended to blame O'Connell for what they regarded as its worst abuses. let other critics of Catholic Repeal have rather blamed O'Connell's mental and physical decline for the failure to rescue

Ireland from the inevitable demoralization created by years of accumulated economic imbalance and political maladmini stration.

Amongst the most recent scholarship, Kevin B. Nowlan in The Politics of Repeal gives the most thorough coverage

of the political relations during these last years between

Catholic Repeal and the British government, but the totality

of the cultural alienation of the Irish Lower Nation that

Catholic Repeal embodied is not emphasized in his studies.

Both Robert B. McDowell in Public Qplnion and Government

Polrirgy iS Ireland, and Theodore W. Moody in Thomas Davis,

and also in "The Irish University Question", in their

admiration for the Young Ireland movement and their basic

distrust of clericalism, have underplayed the importance

of the Catholic alliance with Repeal from 184% to 184-6.

Eminent biographers of Daniel O'Connell, such as Angus D.

Macintyre and Denis R. Gwynn, have highlighted the success

of O'Connell's most vigorous years, forgetting that the viii philosophical and ideological values to which he was com• mitted, remained the most valid expression of the "Irish

Lower Nation"* in its hour of threatened cultural and

economic extinction.

Contemporary writers reflected more clearly the beliefs

and passions engendered by the cultural gulf that existed

between the Upper and Lower Irish Nations. Among these,

both George Lefevre, the biographer of Peel and O'Connell.

and Bernard O'Reilly in his biography of John MacHale, have

emphasized the importance of Catholic Repeal in defence of

the Irish Lower Nation. In addition, the very virulence of

the contemporary critics of O'Connell's Catholic Party, and

the basic contradictions of their position, +provide ample

evidence of the strength of Catholic Repeal.

The main emphasis and theme of this inquiry is an

examination of this neglected area of study. It seeks

to analyze the strength of Catholic Repeal which survived

the onslaught of the British government in the philosophical

* Tait's Edinburgh Magazine. XII (May 1845), P- 405- The Irish people (of the predominantly Catholic rural subsistence economy society) whom O'Connell sought to defend have been defined within the Irish context by contemporaries, and will be so defined in this study, as the Irish Lower Nation. The Protestant landlord class to which he was opposed was defined as the Irish Upper Nation.

+ John Levy, ed., A. Full and Revised Report on the Three Pays' Discussion in the Corporation of Dublin on the. Repeal of the Union. (Dublin: James Duffy, 1843). p. 9-218. The policies of Repeal that the leadership of O'Connell implied will be hereinafter defined as those representative of Irish Catholic nationalism, or the Catholic Repeal Party. ix and ideological arena during these last years from 1844 to

1846. The deteriorating economic situation in Ireland, par• ticularly marked from 1844 to 1847, heightened the ideo• logical struggle. The Appendix, taken from Thorn's Irish

Almanac. which is one of the most thorough contemporary documentary sources, has analyzed the full extent of the economic imbalance that intensified the Anglo-Irish cultural conflict.

In the current language of the times, this ideological conflict was defined in theological terms; the British pur• pose being "conversion", and the Irish purpose being resist• ance to this. These theological disputations, sterile and passe' as they may sound to the secular modern scholar, were the meat and drink of though to the leaders, both of Catholic

Ireland and their critics in the 1840's. In this area the

British Protestant and commercial effort proved inept and amateurish in these debates against the more subtle Catholic theologians. In addition, its materialistic approach was unable to persuade and influence the Catholic priests and the peasants, since it offered cash nexus cultural values that contradicted all the humanism and economic simplicity of the rural and semi-feudal clan-environment of Irish

Catholicism. Moreover, government propaganda insisted that

Irish Catholics, to be loyal, should be Protestant and

British. In other words, it invited the Irish Lower

Nation to commit cultural suicide in exchange for values

they did not comprehend. X

The ideological failure of the British government in

Ireland was measured, above all, by just this inability to win the true core of the predominant rural and Catholic

Irish Lower Nation; namely, its traditional and intellectual

leaders among the Roman Catholic clergy, and the surviving

remnant of the old Gaelic Catholic aristocracy. The measure

of O'Connell«s success lay in the very fact that his movement

was so roundly based on Irish cultural tradition of which he

was the inspired leader, cast in a purely Irish and Catholic,

rather than an Anglo-Irish and Protestant, mould.

The writer has traced, in the first two chapters, the

evolution of ideological Catholic nationalism and its historic

roots, and the contemporary setting of the 1840's are seen as

part of a common pattern. It is traced as the necessary

response, both at the national and at the popular level, to

the failure of British policies of coercion and assimilation

towards the Irish Lower Nation. The subsequent chapters

examine in depth the ideological struggle between the Repeal

Party supported by the political arm of the Catholic nation;

namely, the Catholic Church, and the British administration,

which struggle was intensified during the years from 1844 to

1846. The validity of the Catholic Repeal Party's claim to

represent the Irish national movement during these years is

examined by comparing it with its rivals, which included the

Young Ireland group within the Repeal Party, and the Irish

Catholic Whig Party outside Repeal. Chapter I.

*IRELAND SUBORDINATED TO BRITISH INTERESTS, 1800-18^6.

Nothing but a conviction that the Union is absolutely necessary could make me endure the shocking task which is imposed upon me. 1 —Lord Cornwallis.

"The Union of a shark with its prey."

—Lord Byron.

1. William Edward Hartpole Lecky, A History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century. (5 vols.; London: Longmans, Green, 1909)» Vol. V, p. 289- Chapter I.

IRELAND SUBORDINATED TO BRITISH INTERESTS, 1800-1846.

The Irish Catholic Party led by Daniel OfConnell evolved naturally out of Britain's political, social and economic attempt to assimilate and control the Irish

Catholic "Lower Nation'1 after the Union of 1800.

0,Connellrs party remained the Irish "Lower Nation*s" most effective and authentic means of defence during the two years immediately prior to the famine of 1846 when the

Irish Catholic nation was threatened with cultural and economic extinction. The arrest and trial of its leaders on charges of sedition, and the subseqment dissensions as to means and ends within its party ranks, despite outward appearances to the contrary, served to consolidate the leadership of O'Connell and his Catholic supporters within the party.

A brief glance at the historic background will help to explain the reason for the evolution and effectiveness of the O'Connell Catholic party during those two years. The immediate origin of the 0fConnell party was the Irish protest against the political framework established by the Acifc of

Union which it saw as one of the main obstacles against reform.

The main lines of British policies towards Ireland, however, which were implemented under the Union, had been consistently pursued since Tudor times. 2

These policies were based primarily on the geographical

imperatives of defence. The map of Western Europe reveals

that Britain is, in reality, a western island extension of

Europe, and that her position astride the narrow sea ap•

proaches to the Continent gives heir a unique strategic

advantage. As an island she had enjoyed a long history of

immunity from the unrest and strife that was so often

prevalent on the Continent, and her geographical location

had enabled her to control the western approaches to the

Continent. It is, then, evident that her policy was to

maintain and enhance the advantages that physical geography

had given her. Thus, her diplomacy, supported by her naval

power, was bent to this end in the European area. Her ac•

quisition of Gibralter, and her alliance with Portugal, were

examples of this policy. These alliances were aimed against

those Continental powers that sought to challenge Britain's

control of the seas around her, and consequently, sought to

threaten her with invasion.

The position of Ireland in this scheme of defence was

crucial. Indeed, Ireland was the "Achilles heel" of the

British defence system. As the British Empire in America

and in Asia grew in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,

Britain's dependence on that Empire for raw materials became

greater. Thus, the importance of controlling Ireland became

; even greater, for as Britain's geographical position enabled her to blockade the Continent, so, in reverse, could any i

Ii power controlling Ireland blockade the western approaches to Britain. Understanding this harsh reality, the British had, early in their national history, made the control of

Ireland a cornerstone in their defence policy.

The loss of control of Ireland to a Continental power in the event of war would have threatened Britain with an attack on two fronts, and a blockaded condition. This fear was constantly in the minds of both the British politicians and her military experts. An illtmstration of this occurred in March 1844 when the Irish agitation of the 0*Connell party was at its height. Against the background of a French threat of invasion, the British Home Secretary, Sir James Graham, wrote to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Heytesbury:

At this moment Guizot's administration is tottering, and if it fall, our relations with France may be suddenly broken; and then the fatal discovery will be made, how dangerous is the condition of Ireland, with millions of its inhabitants rebels att heart, and panting for our overthrow. 2.

2. Charles Stuart Parker, ed., The Life and Letters of Sir James Graham. (2 vols.; London: John Murray, 1907). Vol. I, p. 405. 'To Lord DeGrey, from Sir James Graham', February 4, 1844. (Hereafter cited as "Parker, ed., Graham").

Charles Stuart Parker, ed., Sir Robert Peel from his Private Correspondence and Papers. 2d ed., (3 vols.; London: John Murray, 1889). Vol. II, p. 492 f. (Hereafter cited as "Parker, ed., Peel").

Christopher John Bartlett, Great Britain and Sea Power, I8I5-I853. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963~)T~P~51 • 4

This chronic fear of Britain that Ireland would be used as a base for foreign blockade and invasion blinded her statesmen to the true nature of Irish demands for reform.

Irish reformers, such as Daniel O'Connell, offered their loyalty to Britain in return for a consideration of Irish grievances, but Britain's attitude of suspicion aroused their impatience, and helped to create the very situation of anarchy that she had endeavoured to avoid. The Irish reformers, such as Daniel O'Connell, rather than the British government, it may be argued, were the true constitutional politicians of that country.^

During the French invasion scare of 1843 and 1844 British governments, while excessively cautious in social and economic

reform programmes, nonetheless deployed such large numbers of

troops to Ireland that it appeared almost like an occupied

country. In October 1843, the regular military troops in

Ireland totalled 3^»0°0 which included an armed Irish Con•

stabulary of 10,000 (unlike England), and a cavalry of 3,600;1

and, in addition:

a battalion of each regiment of foot guards are in readiness by train and steamer for shipment to Ireland..... (And) the steamers are in readiness to move a thousand from Liverpool to Dublin ... Peel is resolute ... Her Majesty is willing ... the Duke is enchanted ... that some decisive action has been taken. 4.

3. Justin McCarthy, Irish Recollections (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1911), P. ?4.

4. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 398 f. 'To Lord Stanley, from Sir James Graham' (Private), October 4, 1843.

£-lmgs (London), October 17, 1843. 5

Also, in October, "the ships of war are sent to Cork and to

Shannon ... to overcome resistance and to prevent; bloodshed".-*

The pretext for this policy was that the Repeal agitation led by Daniel O'Connell might invite foreign invasion. The

British government did note question the fundamental loyalty

of the English population in the case of foreign invasion,

as she did in Ireland, though England had her own share of

civil disturbances. The Rebecca Riots in south Wales, the

unrest in Scotland which forced its clergy to be inducted

into their churches under military escort, and the potential

of militant Chartism in England, were not treated with the

same alarm as the Irish Repeal Movement.^

Troops at that time, according to government reports,

were desperately needed in England for defence purposes.

This was because it was believed a successful direct military

invasion on the southeast coast was possible if war was

declared on Prance. Lord Palmerston, usually optimistic,

declared in Parliament that:"

5« Times (London), October 17, 184-3.

6. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 398 f. 'To Lord Stanley, from Sir James Graham' (Private), October 4, 1843. 6

35»000 French troops could be transported over• night by steam bridge to land unopposed in south England with every chance of occurpying London three days later. ?.

Sir Robert Peel, the British Prime Minister, was equally concerned over Britain's southeast coastal defences. He feared that Invasion might lead to the successful capture of Britain's sole arms depot, the Woolwich arsenal outside

London, by "a comparatively small military force conveyed in steam boats" up the river Thames. The seriousness with which Ireland was viewed by the government at the time may be measured by the deployment there of such a large force of regular troops that could be ill spared from England.

Wellington, in the British Cabinet;, in 1843 reflected the hard core of these government policies. As early as 1827, Daniel O'Connell had expressed "great affright" at the consequences of these hard line views of Wellington.

7. Great Britain. Parliament. Parliamentary Debates, (House of Commons), Third Series, Vol. 82 (August 2, 1845), 1223-1234. (hereafter cited as Hansard.) The "steam bridge" refers to the more advanced development by the French in the use of steamships for their Navy.

Bartlett, Great Britain and Sea Power, pp. 170, I73.

8. Loo, cit.

9. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 399. 'To Lord Stanley, from Sir James Graham1 (Private), October 4, 1843. 7

10

"If so, all the horrors of actual massacre threaten us."

In 1843, Wellington expressed what he believed were the simple demands of immediate military expediency. He recommended that the "loyalist" Protestants should be armed for use against "rebellious" Catholics as they could, from a military standpoint, be more effectively employed against a civilian population. The regular troops would be at a disadvantage in the event of civil war in hostile territory, and could be better utilized to resist direct foreign 11 invasion.

Sir Robert Peel feared that such measures might lead to the alienation of the whole Catholic population of Ireland, which might be disastrous to Britain in the event of war, as the pressure upon you will be so great that, as in 1793» concession would be deemed preferable to resistance. 12. He thits recognized the danger of the government assuming the more ruthless garrison role that had been forced on the English planters in Ireland for centuries. He sensed the power of a hostile combination of native Irish tradition fused with the memories of a persecuted Irish Catholic Church, On the

10. William John Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of Daniel O'Connell, the Liberator, Vol. II. (London: John

Murray, 1888), p. 333. , , ntn Fitzpatrick was the personal aide of Daniel O'Connell. 11. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 410-412, 'To Sir James Graham, from the Duke of Wellington', October 5, 1843.

12. Hansard, 3d ser., 72 (February 23, 1844), 243-247..

Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 106. Cabinet Memorandum, February 17, 1844. 8 grounds of expediency alone he attempted to avoid such a situation.^ Yet the British government he represented was

caught, despite its best efforts, in the web that its history 14 had woven around It. The Plantations in Ireland, originally born out of

racial and religious distrust and anti-Jacobinism, created

the perpetuation of a dominant cast©that prevented the

assimilation or loyalty of those it subjugated. The Penal

Laws were to reinforce this situation by legalizing the

separation of the dominant Protestant caste who owned the

land from the Catholic Irish through rendering the latter

"poor and helpless", so much so that one commentator remarked 15 that; "the chain of the Catholic clanks to his rags". J

The economic advantagesgained by the ruling castfce, in

the name of religion, was not lessened by the relaxation of

the Penal Laws. These were further enhanced by the close links

13. Patrick Sarsfield O'Hegarty, A History of Ireland Under the Union. 1801-1922. (London: Methuen, 1952), P. 46 f. Wellington in 1808 recognized, like Peel, the Irish Catholic movement as primarily political and national, opposed to the British interests of Protestant Irish. It should also be noted that Wellington is the anglicized form of the Anglo-Irish family name of Marquis Wellesley of Trim, County Meath (where Dean Swift had his first Irish parish).

14. McCarthy, Irish Recollections, p. 75«

15. Loo, cit.

Constantia Maxwell, Country and Town in Ireland Under the Georges. (Dundalk: Dundalgan Press, 1949), p. 340. 9 forged between them and the rising industrial and commercial interests of England in the early stages of the Industrial

Revolution. This link was confirmed by the political Union of England and Ireland in 1800. Thus, to the government of

Ireland, Protestantism remained the badge of office, and

Catholicism the symbol of servitude and poverty.

British governments were hampered in any endeavours to reconcile these disparate interests by the widening economic gap between the forces of industrial change in England and the subsistence Catholic peasant economy of Ireland. Any desire to repeal the Union and to restore Ireland's native

Parliament, or alternatively, to give Ireland a more repre• sentative franchise, were regarded by the new industrial interests, including the absentee Irish landlord class, as acts of disloyalty with dangerous consequences for the Empire.

The economic trends that were to lead Ireland to recurring famine conditions in the 1830's and 1840*s, and which were at the roots of the Irish Catholic Repeal movement of O'Connell were already set in the eighteenth century, but subsequent government legislation did little to offset these.

Natural disasters of population growth and poor harvests contributed, but the presence of little restricted human greed and Ineptitude compounded the calamities Nature provided.

These trends were scarcely noticed in the pre-Union period as superficially Ireland presented to travellers and statis- cians a country of natural fertility and general prosperity.1^

16. Thorn's Irish Almanac and Official Directory ... for the year 1849. (Dublin: Thorn, 1849). p. 168. 10

She revealed a growing and balanced economy that could supply not only her own needs, but also an increasing surplus of various items which she exported at a growing rate* Moreover, she had achieved her generally prosperous position apart from the poverty of the Catholic peasantry on the marginal lands, while tripling her population since the beginning of the century.^?

In reality, the picture was not all that favourable.

Poster's Corn Laws of 1784 were to begin a reverse trend of lasting economic and social consequence whioh British govern• ments were subsequently often unable and unwilling to halt.

This Law provided bounties for tillage, and Ireland thus became a great corn-growing country, dependent upon selling its surplus to Great Britain. There, the Industrial Revolution demanded the corn ,and cattle of Ireland. At the same time trade agreements imposed restrictions on Ireland by which

Great Britain retained the monopoly of imperial trade, and protection against Irish manufacturing trade with England within the capitalist economy of the British Isles. Ireland was already becoming an agricultural dependency, with little

Industry. Outside the corn-growing east, the whole physical energy of the nation was directed to the cultivation of land, and the increased competition for land encouraged a rentier,

17. Edmund Curtis, A History of Ireland (London: University Paperbacks, 19o"6)', p. 3217 11 absentee proprietorship which allowed constant subdivision, made further possible by the production of the potato as the staple diet, on a small portion of land.

In the east there was a capitalist, corn-growing economy with a landlord class wedded to British export and commercial interests, while the remainder of Ireland had a subsistence economy almost entirely dependent upon the potato. The lines that separated these two economies did not become hardened and conspicuous until the Union had been in operation for more than twenty years.

Under the Union, Select Committees investigated the economic problems of Ireland, and in so doing created the first extensive well-documented case of unbalanced economic development since the Industrial Revolution; and: as such, this Irish case may be regarded as a classic example.

Strong recommendations were made to these committees by local leaders, such" as Dr. J. K. L. Doyle in 1830. He insisted that without drastic intervention, starvation was inevitable. Among other remedies, he recommended halting the subdivision of land, and the public provision of employ- 18 ment for the pauper population. It was already clear by

18- See Appendix A for an original analysis of this problem. R. Barry O'Brien, Dublin Castle and the Irish People. (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1909), p. 63.

William John Fitzpatrick, The Life, Times and Correspondence of the Right Reverend Dr. Doyle. Bishop of Kildare. New ed. (2 vols. Dublin: J. Duffy, 1880). Vol. II, p. 281 . 12 then that capital had outrun population, and that Ireland was so sunk in poverty and insecurity that private investors "now shunned" her, and carried "even to foreign lands, that which 19 might have been her salvation".

This lack of capital was one of the central themes of

Daniel O'Connell's Repeal of the Union speeches. He gave documentary evidence to prove that the Union had both bur• dened Ireland with an excessive national debt, and encouraged the draining of capital out of Ireland by aggravating control 20 by an absentee interest.

The question, therefore, can be asked, why there were no massive outcries from the l820's onwards against the economic injustices so blatantly perpetrated. Why were often well-intentioned and impartial British leaders within the British Parliament so often silent about the dramatic change from a relatively bountiful position in 1800 to a rapidly growing Irish pauper population by the 1830's?

19. Henry L. Jephson, Notes on Irish Questions. (Dublin: McGee; London: Longman & Green, 1870), p. 49. Illustrates from reports by Committees on Irish Poor in 1824-5 and 1830 the lack of employment and capital of more than 50% of the population of Ireland, that prevented them from raising themselves out of their condition.

20. John Levy, ed. , A. Full and Revised Report on the • • • Discussions in ... Dublin on the Repeal of the Urn on, (Dublin: James Duffy, 1843), p. 48-50, 57-60.

See also Appendix A. 13

A possible answer lies in the fact that the economists of the time, though often public-minded reformers, were caught up in the debate between the exponents of laissez- faire and of protectionism (mercantilism). Both of these economic models were intellectual constructs which were inappropriate for the economic problems of Ireland. In the laissez-faire model the main assumption is an ability for resources (of land, labour and capital) to adjust according to the profit incentive. This assumed that there existed no insitutional or geographical barriers to the movement of resources. In the mercantilist model the state is the prime mover, and a favourable balance of trade (resulting in gold accumulation) is the only justification for trade. Colonies are markets for manufacturers, and sources of raw materials.

British policy towards Ireland, both in the interests of Imperial defence and economy, had been one of mercantilist

exploitation from very early times. Aided by the Protestant

(often absentee) landlords since the Tudor Plantations of

Ireland, the indigenous peasantry had been put into a per• petual state of "drawers of water and hewers of wood" within

the Plantation economy. The justification for a continuation

of this policy in the public debates of the early nineteenth

century was usually based on the current doctrines of laissez-

faire that were in vogue at the time. These doctrines were

mainly used to prevent any effective government intervention

into the "status quo" in Ireland. There the laissez-faire 14

doctrine was particularly effective and provided the

justification of a national fiscal policy of financial

retrenchment which entailed the collection of taxes from

Ireland to help support the Empire. These beliefs ignored

the' major facts that much of Ireland's capital was going

to Britain via taxation, debt service, and rent to absentee

landlords; therefore, Ireland could ill afford this 21 expenditure.

The politicians and economists also argued that the population displaced from the farms would migrate into the towns and become a source of industrial labour. This argument was based on a historical analysis of what had happened grad• ually in Britain since the sixteenth century, and more rapidly in the eighteenth century. This neglected the fact that the labour force displaced from the Irish land had to accumulate the necessary capital for passage and sustenance during the migration across the water barrier of the Irish Sea.

Migrations to Britain, both permanent and seasonal, though resisted by local labour interests, had already occurred.

However, these were minor compared with the growth of popu• lation, so that the laissez-faire model had neglected a prime factor—the difficulty of the mobility of labour in Ireland.

21. Appendix A, pages A-9 f. 15

There were many other flaws In the British economic

thinking, but the whole problem is best summarized by

R. D. C. Black in his study of it.

The majority of writers undoubtedly regarded ^ the doctrines which had first been developed * from English models as having general validity, and were thus led to give advice on policy which was, to a large extent, inappropriate to Ireland's condition and requirements. 22.

The Irish economy had been tied solidly to Britain's needs,

and in effecting this, the injustices of the trend which had

already led to a split into a capitalistic export sector and

a subsistence sector in Ireland were not recognized by English

leaders. The natural population growth of the subsistence

sector, which was dependent on the potato, had made land

reform the main solution to their economic problems. Though

this land reform might be offered only as a temporary measure

of relief, it might possibly have prevented the worst con•

sequences of overpopulation, and have given time for overseas migration. However, such a policy was regarded by the com• mercial and landed interests of the time as impossible, since it would have destroyed the export sector which gave its

grains to Britain; and worst of all, violated the "sacred" rights of private property. A flagrant example of this was

the peasant evictions from lands they had held for generations

22. R. D. Collinson Black, Economic Thought and the Irish Question. 1817-1870. (Cambridge: University Press, 1960), p. 2i+2. 16 to satisfy the food demands of Britain's industrial classes, and the desire for profit of the absentee landlord class.

It is evident from this analysis that Ireland had become

25 a victim of Britain's military and economic needs. v Apart

from the speeches and writings of the leaders who protested this injustice, Thorn1s Irish Almanac, which for its time is

a most remarkable and complete work, reinforces this view and reveals the constant decline of Ireland's per capita income under the Union. As her population grew, her indus•

tries diminished, and her exports were monopolized by

Britain.2i+

It was also evident that the Irish "Lower Nation" was

rendered politically helpless by the Act of Union, which was

to consolidate for the next century the political, social

and economic ascendancy of the commercial and landowning

classes in Ireland. The distinctly commercial and rentier

class interests that pressed for the Union were confirmed

at the time by the criticisms of a considerable body of

public opinion both loyal to England and experienced in

Irish affairs.

23. Appendix A, pages A-1 to A-8, is an analysis of the growth of Irish dependence on Britain.

24. Thorn's Irish Almanac, p. 1 195- Economic "Statistics of Ireland" in addition to those provided in Appendix A. 17

The Speaker of the Protestant Irish House of Commons prophesied that the inefficiency of British government under the Union would "at least lead to the separation (of Ireland), 25 to its utter ruin, and the subversion of the Empire".

Lord Ely, the notable English "borough-monger", stated that the advocates of "this mad scheme (of Union) are men who do not belong to us, and absentees who never again intend to visit Ireland".26

The 300-member Irish House of Commons could muster only 162 supporters for Union, of which 116 were placemen who would have been stripped of their employment if they 27 had hesitated to support it. Irish Catholic support, outside the Irish Parliament, only acquiesced in the Union under the mistaken impression that Britain, now guaranteed of their loyalty, would grant the political and economic op. rights she had so long withheld. Thus, it may be argued

that the Act of Union was passed only by a combination of imperial and commercial interests that stifled, confused,

or bribed the opposition to them.

25. Lecky, History of Ireland, Vol. V, p. 226. Lecky describes John Foster, the Speaker, as a man of outstanding ability. He was also the author of the Corn Law.

26. Ibid.. p. 209 f.

27. Ibid., p. 2+06.

28. Ibid., p. 287, and 325-328. 18

The Union thus doomed the Irish majority to he a minority in the British Parliament, which basically represented the paramount interests of the dominant English ruling political parties. The leading English newspapers tended to reinforce further these party interests and presented to the British public a distorted view of Ireland. Their lengthy commen• taries, though indicating concern that there was dissatis•

faction in Ireland, were basically irritated that Ireland was not more like England. The London Times reflected this very critical attitude towards Ireland when it described the wide• spread Irish agitation of 1843 against the Union as

criminal ...outrageous falsehoods, impudent absurdities—it is with unfeigned repugnance that we are pressed by circumstances to mention again "repealers". 29.

Such excessive language was not uncommon in the early

nineteenth century with its fine contempt for the law of

libel. However, the English Radical press alone, more

sympathetic to Ireland, described the parliamentary party

structure as, in general, representative of a British class

interest, landed and commercially oriented. William Cobbett,

29. The Times. (London), October 30, 1843-

30. Terence de Vere White, "English Opinion". In Michael Tierney, ed., Daniel O'Connell: Nine Centenary Essavs. (Dublin*. Browne & Nolan, 1948), p. 206. 19 a British radical, was of the opinion that the landowning class in England was not clearly separated from the mer• cantile group, and that both of these were evenly spread between the two ruling parties in Parliament, who were the one "political faction in England in control".--51 Cobbett's

opinion was endorsed by Tait's redlnhurgh Magazine which

described the two main English political parties, Tory and

Whig, as not so different in their collective attitude towards

Ireland, in that they shared a strong common English

interest opposed to Ireland. v

Thus in England, as the radical press had affirmed, the

government was controlled by a narrow class interest, but it

was one with which the English population identified, both

culturally and ideologically. In the case of Ireland, how•

ever, the culture, religion and economics of the majority

were sufficiently alienated from England as to cut across

class lines and create a national movement opposed to the

government. The Irish party of Daniel O'Connell reflected this

national need which was most immediately and directly con•

cerned with removing the political obstacles to reform,

31. J. Oswald, "W. Cobbett and the Corn Laws", The Historian. XXIX, No. 2 (February 1967), p. 197 f.

32. Tait's Edinburgh Magazine. X, (1843), 2-6. "Repeal Without Disunion". (Hereafter cited as: Tait's.)

33. Tait's. XI, (February 1, 1844), p. 238. "Sketch of the Irish Great Debate". 20 namely, the Union government. A brief analysis of that government will serve to illustrate why it was regarded with such odium in Ireland.

As compared with the rest of the British Isles, the

Irish representatives to the Union Parliament were propor• tionately few, despite the fact that by 1841 the population of Ireland was one-third of the British Isles. In 1844, the 105 Irish members of Parliament represented a population of 8i- million, compared with 550 representatives for the sixteen million population of the rest of the British Isles.

Thus, Ireland had more than one-third of the population of the British Isles, but less than one-sixth of the repre• sentation in the Union Parliament. Moreover, a great number of the Irish were disqualified from voting because of their poverty, as under the 1832 Reform Act, the minimum standards of £10 householders in towns, and £10 freeholders and £20 leaseholders in the counties, only allowed one in every eighty inhabitants in Ireland to vote, as compared to one in nineteen in the rest of the United Kingdom. Radical opinion, including that of Daniel O'Connell, in advocating

XL household suffrage for Ireland^ pointed out this economic and electoral discrepancy between the two countries. ^

34 • Curtis, History of Ireland, p. 362.

Tait's. X (1843), P- 4 f.

35* Shaw's Authenticated Report of the Irish State Trials. 1844. (Dublin: Henry Shaw, 1844), p. 497-500. 21

Such a limited franchise in a country where many voters had only insecure tenure of their land holdings, encouraged

flagrant "bribery and intimidation. In turn, this was fur•

ther aggravated by a disaffected population that often 56

turned an election into a "bloody and riotous affair".

The majority of the peasantry, however, were too preoccupied

with the economic struggle for existence on the narrow

margin between subsistence and starvation, as the Devon

Report of 1845 so cogently illustrated, to concern them•

selves with political affairs. The peasant secret societies

and factions that naturally arose out of these conditions

had no direct national political aims. The nearest the

peasants came to participating in politics, before their

numbers were mobilized in the Repeal campaign of the l840's,

was during the tithe agitation of the 1830's.

The House of Lords, as evidenced by its vetoing of

Irish reform legislation, was even more divorced from Irish

popular Catholic interests. The large landowning commercial

interests were paramount. The Irish peerage, 93% Protestant,

were opposed to Catholic demands that might tax their wealth.

Also, 25% of the peerage within the House of Lords after 1833

were absentee landlords who received their wealth directly

36. Angus D. Macintyre, The Liberator; Daniel O'Connell and the Irish Party. 1850-1847. (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1965), P» 117 f. 22 from their estates in Ireland. These were naturally reluc• tant to change the landowning system that secured their

^7 livelihood. In addition, the cultural religious interest in the House of Lords was divorced from the Catholic majority.

The-Protestant Established Church was the episcopal link between England and Ireland within the Union, and the only -zo church entitled to representation.

Altogether, it may be argued, the Union Parliament was not only unrepresentative of the majority interest in Ireland, but economically and culturally, was often opposed to them.-^

What small representation Ireland had within the existing 37» D. Large, "The House of Lords and Ireland in the Age of Peel, 1832-1850". Irish Historical Studies. IX, (1955), 367-399.

Thorn's Irish Almanac. 1849. p. 75-79-

Levy, ed., Discussion on Repeal, p. 65- O'Connell using this argument indicated that a restored Irish Parliament would protect the interests of the Irish Protestant landlords through its House of Lords.

38. Lecky, History of Ireland. Vol. V, p. 238.

39- Thorn1s Irish Almanac. 1849. p. 75-79- This gives a full analysis of the composition of the House of Peers. See also p. 80-86 for an analysis of the membership of the House of Commons.

Macintyre, The Liberator, p. 299. See Appendix A—"Irish Electoral Statistics, 1832-1837" for the results of the general elections indicating unopposed and opposed candidates, and for representation of the Conservative and Liberal parties, and the Irish Repeal Party of Daniel 0'Connell. 23 electoral framework could exert little pressure against a government that legislated against them, at times harshly and oppressively, as their leader, Daniel O'Connell, bluntly explained.

• The Protection of Life (Ireland) Bill of April 184-6 was seen by O'Connell as an illustration of such legislation.

He declared that it failed in its avowed objective of reducing agrarian crime in Ireland. Instead, he elaborated, the real cause of "outrage" in Ireland was a direct result of the "most grievous and inexcusable political mis- government" .

It is the duty of Parliament to adopt such measures as will tend to eradicate the causes which produced those crimes, instead of re• sorting to laws which will harass and oppress the innocent without restraining the guilty. 1+0.

What Daniel O'Connell criticized as failure of the

Union administration was reflected directly in local government in Ireland. This was called the Castle

Administration and was responsibleto Westminster. If

Irish public odium fell upon one of its officials, it was not necessary to dismiss him as long as he had the support

40. M. F. Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters of the Liberator. (2 vols.; Dublin: McGlashin & Gill, 1873), Vol. II, p. 169. 24 of the English majority parties, which were often opposed

to Irish interests in the Union Parliament

The Castle administration was expected to implement

the statutes of the Union Parliament in the spirit recom• mended by the Prime Minister and the Home Secretary, through

their chief agent in Ireland, the Irish Chief Secretary, who

was resident in Ireland for only three months in the year.

However, such remote control from Westminster did not necessarily lead to impartial government. Instead, it

enhanced the tendency of the English executive to appoint

the important resident local officials, such as the Lord

Lieutenant, the Under Secretary, and the Lord Chancellor,

from a small party, removed from the Irish majority, ... which had derived all its consequences from ... and was entirely dependent on the British government. 42.

There were outstanding exceptions to the general rule

in the early nineteenth century. The Irish Under Secretary,

Thomas Drummond, appointed by the Whig administration

in 1835, was noted for his impartial and humane attempt

41. O'Brien, Dublin Castle, p. 8.

Charles F. Greville, The Greville Memoirs of George IV. William IV, and Queen Victoria. (5 vols.; London: Longmans, 1903), Vol. V, p. 273. See especially footnote 177.

Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 56-59. 'To Lord de Grey, from Sir Robert Peel', August 22, 1843.

42. O'Brien, Dublin Castle, p. 43-

Lecky, History of Ireland. Vol. V, p. 486. Illustrates how placemen voted the Union into existence. 25 to create "a permanent remedy for local disorders". He demonstrated that it was possible for the administration to co-operate with Daniel O'Connell»s Irish Party, which a later government (in 1843) was to accuse of sedition. He inevitably aroused the indignation of the local Protestant

Ascendancy class when he declared that "property has its duties as well as its rights".^ Under the Tory administration between 184-1 and 184-6, which is the special concern of this study, that Ascendancy class regained its monopoly of power in Ireland.

The division of the British executive between West• minster and its puppet administration in Dublin had other unfortunate consequences for Ireland, as it enabled each of these parts to hold the other responsible for the inept execution of government policies.^ In a letter to the

43' O'Brien, Dublin Castle, p. 63 f. O'Brien also gives a full report of Dublin Castle appoint• ments in the nineteenth century, and he indicates that the overwhelming majority were English or Irish Protestants, out of sympathy with the local Catholic majority opinion.

44. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 41-43- •To Lord Eliot, from Sir Robert Peel', December 23, 1842.

Ibid.. p. 60-62. •To Sir James Graham, from Sir Robert Peel', December 23, 1842. 26

Lord Lieutenant, Peel, during his administration from 1841 to 1846 referred to

the favourite doctrine of Dublin Castle of preferring the most zealous Protestant friends rather than (attempting to con• ciliate Catholics), 45 •

Yet his own Tory party, landed "country party", allied to

English commercial interests, encouraged such doctrine, de• spite his public declarations to the contrary, when he asked

Why have Protestants a preferable claim? Because they have ... for a long series of years the advantage of the monopoly of privileges secured by law ... and from constant contact with the government.... What motives can they hold out to the Roman Catholics to abjure agitation ... if honourable and legitimate distinction are denied them? 46.

Peel, writing to the Irish Lord Chancellor, Sir Edward Sugden, commented on the tactless dismissal of local magistrates un because of their involvement in the Repeal Movement, ' but, in reality, local government under him continued to stifle and oppose local popular dissent. Its trial of the Repeal leaders, including Daniel O'Connell, in 1844, was an out• standing example of this.

45* Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 56-59. 'To Lord de Grey, from Sir Robert Peel', August 22, 1843.

Greville, Memoirs. Vol. V, p. 273. Footnote 177.

O'Brien, Dublin Castle, p. 8.

46. Hansard. 3d Series, 73 (February 1844), 216.

Quarterly Review (Edinburgh), LXXV (1844-45), p. 278. The writer demonstrates that Sir Robert Peel went out of his way to give appointments to Roman Catholics.

47. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 51. 27

The ascendant party also strove to keep local patronage in their hands by appointing the County High Sheriffs from their number. The High Sheriff, in turn, appointed the local Grand Juries that administered the public works programme, which was the scene of much jobbing and political influence. This was despite the enlightened efforts of the Whig government that in 1836 created the Congested

Districts Boards to promote trade and industry to relieve local unemployment, 7 and the Municipal Reform Act of 1840 to make local government more representative and responsive 50 to local needs.

Thus, in general in Ireland, an alien spirit of govern• ment prevailed, and rendered inoperative legislation that was often regarded as enlightened within the English context.

Two of the most outstanding examples of this were the estab• lishment of a national system of Education in 1831> and the new Poor Law of 1837- The 1831 Board of National Education

47. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 51. 'To Sir Edward Sugden, from Sir Robert Peel', June 1, 1843.

Jephson, Notes on Irish Questions, p. 68-101. The chapter on "Administration of Justice".

48. O'Brien, Dublin Castle, p. 187 and 205.

if9- Ibid.. p. 225 f.

Jephson, op_. ext., p. 200-214.

50. Ibid., p. 2^Z-Z%.

O'Brien, £p_. cit.. p. 226. 28 displayed a tendency to anglicize the Irish while ignoring the local language and the national and religious traditions of the Irish peasantry. Consequently, "by 1871 illiteracy 51 remained universal and undiminished".

*The new Poor Law, implemented in 1837, generally ig• nored local popular opinion. Daniel O'Connell had recom• mended that the Poor Houses should be administered by those more in touch with the people; that is, the Irish clergy should be eligible for election, and that the guardians should be chosen on a totally elective and secret ballot principle. He also declared that the poor rates should fall more on the landlords, especially the absentee proprietors, than on those small tenant farmers least able to afford such 52 taxes. Instead, the British government simply applied the more centralized, and only partially elective, principle of the English system of 1834, and placed the burden of poor rates on the small farmers. In general, local demands

51. O'Brien, Dublin Castle, p. 242.

Jephson, Notes on Irish Questions, p. 193-196. Deals with the religious problems.

Thorn's Irish Almanac. 1849. p. 132. Census figures for 1841 indicated that only 1,238,059 males and 678,097 females could read and write; while 1,623,856 males and 2,142,210 females could neither read nor write.

52. Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters. Vol. II, p. 490-515. Poor Law (Ireland) Speech, April 28, 1837- 53. O'Brien, op_. cit., p. 225 f- 29

that "what the Irish needed was work, and not work houses" was replaced "by the English system of offering only Indoor 54

Relief. ^ This government attitude was hardly surprising as a Mr. Nicholls was sent from the Board of Trade to

"dispose of the question in six weeks".^

The subsequent Conservative administration of Peel recognized the monumental nature of the problems that had

accumulated, but it was imprisoned within the existing economic, political and religious structure of the United 56 Kingdom.-' United Empire priorities remained the same, but 57 makeshift reforms were to be introduced^' to avoid the 58 expense and danger of civil war, and of governing Ireland 59 as an occupied country. Peel's policy towards the 5k- O'Brien, Dublin Castle, p. 221 f.

55. Ibid.. p. 223.

56. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 101. Memorandum for the Cabinet, February 11, 1844. Illustrates government policy.

57. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 39$ •To Lord Stanley, from Sir James Graham', October k, 1843. •To Lord Eliot, from Sir James Graham', October 20, 1843.

58. Ibid., p. 409. •To the Duke of Wellington, from Sir James Graham', October 2, 1843-

59. Hansard. 3d Ser., 73 (February 23, 1844), 243-247.

Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 106. Cabinet Memorandum, February 17, 1844* 30

fundamental question of land reform was an illustration of

this. In 1843 Lord Devon was appointed to preside over the

inquiry "into the relations now subsisting between landlord

and tenant", but the spirit behind this inquiry, not without

precedent, indicated that the government did not intend to 60 effect any fundamental change.

The government's Arms Act (Ireland) of 1843 was part of

this general policy that had remained unaltered since the

Union. It gave continued evidence of the hollowness of

government promises of reform while admitting that the

machinery of civil government in Ireland was ineffectual.

This Act was hardly a deterrent to the guilty, though it 61

"harassed and oppressed the innocent". Under the Act the

penalty for carrying, or being trained to carry, arms was

transportation for life. Peasants who faced the alternative

possibilities of eviction from the land, death by starvation,

or confinement in the prison-like conditions of the Irish

work house, could hardly be intimidated by the punishment 62 prescribed by the Act.

60. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. LOO. 'To Lord Stanley, from Sir James Graham', October 7> 1843.

61. Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters. Vol. II, p.169.

62. Thorn's Irish Almanac. 1849. p. 137. "Statistics on Crime in Ireland".

Jephson, Notes on Irish Questions, p. 102-131. This account on "Crime" explains the rational basis for agrarian crime, and the illegal combinations of peasants, such as the "White Boys" and "Ribandism". 31

Thus, government efforts at reform in Ireland were ham• pered by both Imperial and local Ascendancy class opposition.

Peel's shrewd and able pragmatism was in particular blocked by the "mediocrity and prejudice" of many of his Tory party followers. ^ Among these were included the narrow Protestant landed oligarchy dominant in Ireland. By 1843 the monumental economic and cultural problems that had accrued by such government policies since the Union aroused a dissenting

Repeal of the Union movement sufficient to alarm the government.

Daniel O'Connell, its leader, personified this oppo• sition to British rule in Ireland. He became the defender of Catholic Ireland against the dominant Protestant imperial interest. He proclaimed the unpopularity of the British governments in Ireland since the Union. Little had changed, he insisted, since "175JOOO bayonets had carried the Act 64 of Union in 1800". ^ The propaganda of Protestant loyalty to the Union, supported by the British government, crystal• lized the opposition to it within the framework of an Irish national Catholic movement, led by Daniel O'Connell.

63. Greville, Memoirs. Vol. V, p. 273-

64' Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters. Vol. II, p. 113. Chapter II.

O'CONNELL AND THE IRISH PARTY OF PROTEST.

Grattan sat by the cradle of his country, and followed her hearse; it was left for me to sound the resurrection trumpet, and to show that she was not dead, but sleeping.

—Daniel O'Connell.^

He is the principal partner in the vice-regal government, ... he is master of a tail of thirty docile members of Parliament. 66.

65. William Edward Hartpole Lecky, Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland. (2 vols.; London: Longmans, Green, 1912). Vol. II. Daniel O'Connell. p. 2i+8.

66. Dublin University Magazine. XXIX (March 1847), 386. Chapter II.

O'CONNELL AND THE IRISH PARTY OF PROTEST.

The Irish resistance to assimilation by Britain, and the protest against the by-product of suffering that resulted, received its voice and organizational framework in the Catholic Repeal Movement led by Daniel O'Connell.

He was to remain, until his death in 1347, the most dominant and effective critic of British rule in Ireland, since his whole life had evolved to an unusual degree, both philo• sophically and pragmatically, out of these conditions which he sought to expose.

In his early twenties, O'Connell was already converted to the political principles that were consistently to govern his policies for the remaining fifty years of his life; namely, a constitutional and moral force movement to achieve

better Irish administration through a Repeal of the political 67 Union with Great Britain.

O'Connell, by birth and ability, by his early education

and experience, was prepared to a unique degree for this

political career. By birth he possessed the pride of the

Gaelic gentry, which through his family heritage and con•

nections at Darrynane, County Kerry, was to sustain and

67. Levy, ed., Discussion on Repeal, p. 19. Daniel O'Connell's speech. 34

ro fortify him throughout his life.0 These entailed the relationship "of an old clan chieftain ... with his people", of mutual loyalty and service in kind, upon which was riveted by centuries of persecution, a Catholic cultural heritage, peacefully co-existing within an alien 69 Protestant state. y

He was partially influenced by the royalism of the Irish

Catholic gentry, which had enabled his uncle, Count Daniel

O'Connell, to offer his sword, as Colonel of the Irish

Brigade in France, to the British Crown, rather than defend the French Revolution, which he believed was, in its republican sentiments, in defiance of the laws of God and man. O'Connell clung to the more humanist, paternalistic aspect of royalism 70 and the clan relationship,' which led him to revolt against the degradation of "the Irish peasant, a mere cottier, without political rights, without economic tenure, and 71 without hope". He wished to liberate these peasants

68. Kennedy F. Roche, "Revolution and Counter- Revolution". In Michael Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays, p. 67.

69. G. Murphy, "The Gaelic Background". In Tierney, op_. cit.. p. 15-18.

70. Asenath Nicholson, Ireland's Welcome to the Stranger; or. Excursions Through Ireland in 1844 and 1845. (London: Gilpin, 1847), p. 327. A Protestant missionary to Catholic Ireland, from the II. S. A. explains the popularity of Daniel O'Connell among his tenants; for example, no evictions, and land was- sold at 5% of the usual price. This contradicts the view of the hostile London Times.

71. Tait's Edinburgh Magazine. XIII (January 184-6), 1-10. A description of the life of O'Connell at Darrynane, by William Howitt, a journalist. 35 whom he saw around him, and whom Sean O'Eaolain, a modern biographer, described as "a repository of ancient riches ... a jumble of dull and foolish ideas, interlaced with some 72 vintage wine". It was to preserve the "vintage wine"

that O'Connell was prepared to lead a peasantry of whom he had, generally, no sentimental illusions: "Nobody could

ever believe the species of animals with whom I have to 73

carry on my warfare against the common enemy".

O'Connell was first trained for such public life

through his classical and Catholic education at the colleges

of Louvain, St. Omer, and Douai, which gave him the weapons

to do battle in the field of public life. Dr. Stapleton of

the English College of St. Omer described the aim of

education as the making of a good and patriotic citizen,,

a wise and eloquent and accomplished public man, an orator

capable of ready and effective expression with knowledge

available for public service. Dr. Stapleton was to be

amply justified later, in his description of O'Connell as

one who would make a remarkable figure in society.^

His rhetorical gifts, already apparent at St. Omer,

were partly consolidated in the service of law from 1794 at 72. Sean O'Faolain, The Irish (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1947), p. 80. 73- Ibid.» p. 79.

74. Thomas Wall, "Louvain, St. Omer, and Bouai", - in Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays, p. 38. 36

Lincoln's Inn, London. London also modified his more royalist and conservative background, and transformed him into a radical under the influence of the Benthamites and

Jacobins. The final synthesis of his preparation for his public career as the leader of the Irish Repeal Movement was hammered out on his return to Ireland where he became 75 a great legal advocate.'-^

There were two major events in Ireland that were to set

the course of his future career. The first of these, the

1798 Rebellion, which started in the name of political and

religious liberty, descended from these high hopes into a

bitter peasant war with religious overtones.'7^ This con•

vinced him of the futility of physical violence against the

British government, and of the irresponsibility of leaders

who led the people into a rebellion and into suffering with•

out gaining any advantages. In the last years of his life

he was to oppose, with the same grim forebodings, the more

militant tactics of the Young Ireland group within his own

Repeal party.

The other event of significance was the Act of Union

in 1800, when the bells of St. Patrick's Cathedral in Dublin

rang out the end of the Irish Legislature. He was already

75. Kennedy F. Roche, "Revolution and Counter- Revolution", in Tierney, ed., Hine Centenary Essays, p. 69-75-

76. Lecky, History of Ireland. Vol. : V, p. 250-473. This is Chapter X—"The Rebellion". See especially pages 470-473 on the horror of the Rebellion. 37

convinced that Irish admi nistration would not be improved 77 by that event, and he later declared that "it was the Act of Union that first stirred me up to come forward into 78

politics". The position he then took to protest the

consequences of the Union remained consistent throughout

his life. In his famous Repeal Speech from the platform

of the Corporation of Dublin in 1843 ne affirmed his

consistency in that "the tenor of my public life shov/s that

I have never varied from the sentiment of the speech made 79 at the time of the Union".'' O'Connell proclaimed his trust in a government of his fellow countrymen, rather than in 80 that at Westminster. If there was any present who could be so far men• tally degraded as to consent to the extinction of the liberty, the Constitution, and even the name of Ireland, he would call on him not to leave the direction and management of his com• merce and property to strangers, over whom he could have no control." 81.

77. Lecky, History of Ireland. Vol. . V, p. 329 f.

78. Kennedy F. Roche, "Revolution and Counter- Revolution", in Tierney, ed.Nine Centenary Essays, p. 79.

79. ILoc. cit. This book of essays gives a thorough analysis of the Catholic revolutionary creed of O'Connell which was central to his life. 80. Lecky, History of Ireland. Vol. V, p. 329 f.

81. Levy, ed., Discussion on Repeal, p. 19. 38

Central to O'Connell's protest was the demand for better administration in Ireland on a more radical basis in both

Church and State. These demands were rooted in the practical necessity of having to create a national movement from the only resources available to him in Ireland. These were the national organization of the Irish Catholic Church, fused with a political radicalism that could inspire political consciousness in the peasantry and the lower middle class.

O'Connell's philosophy of administrative reform, though influenced markedly by Jeremy Bentham, whom he regarded as Op one of the greatest benefactors of the human race, was no mere mechanistic interpretation of society. He believed, like Bentham, that "a great deal of the misery of man ... was derived from the forms of government under which he lived ... for these oppressed and harassed his faculties". Included within this evil were the distinctions of property and wealth that bred a love of superiority in the possessors of it, and the oppression of those less fortunate. v

O'Connell's demands for Catholic equality in Ireland, and the separation of the organization of the Catholic Church

82. Giovanni Costigan, The Makers of Modern England; Forces of Individual Genius. (New York: Macmillan, 1967), P. 17. In 1795 Bentham met O'Connell, whom he then referred to as "Dan, dear child".

83- K. F. Roche, "Revolution and Counter-Revolution", in Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays, p. 75. 39 from the State jpis also part of his same protest against what he believed was the administrative oppression of the

Union. Both he and Bentham criticized what they described as the evils of the Established Church in Ireland, inherent in the Union; specifically, in Ireland the Established Church did not fulfill its social and political function with the

Catholics, because they were separated from it. At the same time, the Established Church took upon itself the character of the State as the expounder of the "Sacred Volume", and demanded its protection in addition to exclusive privileges which the members of other churches did not share.^

O'Connell's identification with Catholicism was part of his indignant protest against the injustices done them under such a system, whose main rationale was that they were dis• loyal and represented a persecuting religion. Historically, he pointed out, Irish Catholics

have exhibited the strange instance, unknown to any other people on the face of the earth, of having never been accused of persecuting, though three times restored from persecution into power. ... I belong to those people. I am a descendant of them. Their feelings live in me, and I pronounce their voices from the grave. 85.

84. John Bowring, ed., The Works of Jeremy Bentham. (11 vols.; Edinburgh: William Tait, 1838-1843). Vol. II, The Book of Fallacies, p. 449.

85. Levy, ed., Discussion on Repeal, p. 64 f« 40

British fears of Catholic domination, he explained, were unfounded/since the Constitution provided safeguards

against the Catholic majority in Ireland. These included

a Protestant monarch, and a Protestant Peerage in the House

of Lords that could veto the anti-Protestant legislation or

of a restored Irish Parliament.

O'Connell untimately hoped to arouse British liberals

%Q an awareness of the anachronistic position of the Irish

Catholic Church within the British state. In England and

Scotland, he argued, "the church of the majority of the

people is the endowed church", whereas, in Ireland it was

unjust that "the Union ... compelled the majority ... to 87

support the church of the minority". '

Philosophically, he equally condemned the politically

monopolistic position of any church, even though it repre•

sented the majority, for as such it was oppressive as it

excluded the minority. These same principles made him

insist that the "Catholic Question" was not a sectarian

issue, but rather, was concerned with "liberty for you all",

and these are "the sentiments ... which have characterized

my whole life".88

86. Levy, ed., Discussion on Repeal, p. 55.

87. Loc. cit.

88. Ibid.. p. 20. 41

" The indignation he felt against the injustice done his i

Catholic countrymen was reinforced by the weak position of his minority party in the British Parliament. Thus, his inherent religious sentiment combined with his political pragmatism drove him to identify with the only popular organization in Ireland powerful enough to act as a pressure group against the. British government; namely, the organiza• tional framework of the Catholic Church, which had closely identified with the Irish peasantry since the Reformation in the sixteenth century.

O'Connell found the Irish Catholic Church eminently fitted, both in organization and in moral influence, to play v the role that /ould best contribute towards the effectiveness of his movement. The Penal Law era had closely identified the Church organization with the peasantry, as they had shared a common political and economic discrimination by the

Established Protestant Church and state. The Protestant state had, by depriving the Catholic hierarchy of legal recognition and state endowments, increased the democratic spirit and the de-centralizing forces among the clergy. The lower clergy became, in consequence, more bound to the peasantry to whom they owed their social origin and financial support.^

89. E. Larkin, "Church and State in Ireland". Church History. XXXI (1962), 294-306.

Quarterly Review (Edinburgh)-, LXXVI (1843), p. 282.

Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. II, p. 65- 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Sir James Graham', October 20, 1843. 42

- In addition, the Catholic prelates, by virtue of their position as the unrecognized "Church of Ireland" that had to defend its missionary role against the intrusive Protestant

Establishment, were also committed to a defence of the Irish

Catholic people wherever necessary, and they could not risk alienation by ignoring the economic grievances of their flock.

The system of nomination of bishops practiced in the

Irish Catholic Church since Penal days allowed them a measure of independence, both from the State and the Papacy, but this, in turn, had bound them more closely to the Lower Clergy and the congregations they served. In the nomination of bishops the Pope usually conformed to the most popular verdict of the 90

Irish clergy. During the 1840's the Repeal agitation of

O'Connell had the support of Dr. Michael Slattery, who had earlier been nominated for Archbishop of Cashel through the wishes of his clergy, and against the interference of the 91

British government. Dr. John MacHale, one of the most ardent supporters of O'Connell, was also elected to the 92 Archdiocese of Tuam against a hostile British opposition. 90. John H. Whyte, "Appointment of Catholic Bishops in Nineteenth Century Ireland". Catholic Historical Review, XLVIII (1962/3), 32. 91. John H. Whyte, "The Influence of the Catholic Church in Elections in Nineteenth Century Ireland". English Historical Review. LXXV (i960), 239-259.

Greville, Memoirs, Vol. II. (December 1843). Cited in Bernard O'Reilly, John MacHale. Archbishop of Tuam, His Life, Times, and Correspondence. (2 vols.; New York: Fr. Pustet, 1890). Vol. I, p. 547 f.

92. Norman Moore, "MacHale, John", Dictionary of National Biography. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917), XII, 551. 43

These two archdioceses lay in the Provinces of Munster and Connaught which were described as predominantly the Irish 93

"Lower Nation" subsistence farming area, ^ and it was from these areas that the strongest support for Repeal was derived

Indeed, Dr. John MacHale of Tuam was allied to O'Connell to such an extent in the Repeal Movement after 184-1 that he gave his name to the Catholic Party of MacHale which Oh supported O'Connell. ^

The rest of Ireland was described as belonging to the

"Upper Nation", so described as being more subject to English influence. The Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. Daniel Murray, and the Catholic Archbishop of Armagh, Dr. William 95 Crolly, y were located in this area, and were compelled to be

93' Nassau Senior, Journals. Conversations and Essays Relating to Ireland. (2 vols.; London: Longman, Green, 1868).Vol. 1, p. 23 f. He here geographically identified the "Lower Nation", also including Donegal in Ulster, and some counties in Leinster.

Tait's. XII (May 1845), p. 405- Here the English identified Ireland as divided into "lower" and "upper" nations.

94-- Bernard O'Reilly, John MacHale. Archbishop of Tuam; His Life. Times. and Correspondence. (2 vols.; New York: 1890). Vol. I, p. 496 ff. See also page 545 where, despite support for Repeal, MacHal was fearful of the "monster meetings" of O'Connell.

95. Cooper, Thompson, "Crolly, William", Dictionary of National Biography, V, 135' William Crolly (1780-1849) was educated in a grammar school operated by Unitarians and a Catholic priest. He was Bishop of Armagh, 1835-1849. Gilbert, John Thomas, "Murray, Daniel", Dictionary of National Biography. XIII, 1249- Born in 1768, he was Archbishop of Dublin (1823-1852). Nowlan, Kevin B., "Murray, Daniel", Hew Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), X, 86. 44 more acquiescent to British rule "because of this. Dr. Crolly,

"because of his responsible position as Primate of the Irish

Catholic Church, showed more political acumen towards both sides than many of the other bishops. He embodied the more neutral position of the church bureaucracy towards the State.

"It watches, waits, and bargains for time, using 'human 96 methods for heavenly ends'".

The Party of MacHale, like O'Connell, based its support of the Repeal Movement on humanitarian grounds in defence of

the Irish Lower Nation. It believed Repeal would lead to a government more orientated towards social justice in Ireland.

The Pilot, which became the most important Catholic newspaper 97

advocate of O'Connell's sentiments on Repeal, explained the

essential leadership role of the Catholic Church in Ireland,

since the Catholic majority had often an alien or absentee

secular aristocracy. The Catholic Church was the only organization which could "preserve the confederacy of the Irish mind", and peaceably win concessions from Great Britain. 98.

This Catholic Repeal Party thus provided O'Connell with

a vital link in the Repeal organization between the party

96. O'Faolain, The Irish, p. 116 f.

97. Macintyre, The Liberator, p. 83-85. Indicates the use O'Connell made of the press.

98. The Pilot (Dublin), December 9, 1844. 45 headquarters in Dublin and the people organized through the

local parishes.^9 ijrne irj_sh priests, through their function in the church, and the position of trust they held in the

local community, were influential agents within the organi•

zation to propagate, and to collect "rent" for the Party.

A political organization at the national level had already

been formed during the agitation for Catholic Emancipation

before 1829, and the consequence of Catholic Emancipation

after 1829, allowed O'Connell and other Catholics, described

by the English press as "disagreeably different from the

average English M. P.", for the first time to lead the

movement in the British House of Parliament,

McDowell illustrates that since the Act of Union, up

to the time of Catholic Emancipation, the Irish M. P.s

socially were often

related to the great British political families, producing a Prime Minister, a Foreign Secretary, a leader of the Opposition, a Secretary of War, and two of the most admired orators.

At first, the English were surprised that these Irish M. P.s

looked so much like themselves.1^

The Dublin University Magazine looked back to those

early post-Union days with Conservative nostalgia: twenty years since, amongst our representa• tives were several members of political marks ... in 1827 we could point to Plunkett, ... to Sir Henry Parnell with his copious

99. Macintyre, The Liberator, p. 88 and 91.

100. Robert Brendan McDowell, Public Opinion and Government Policy in Ireland. 1801 -1846. (London: Faber, 1952), p. 18 f. 46

knowledge ... to Mr. North with his uncommon eloquence ... undoubtedly a genius ... pro• ficient in the philosophy of Burke, and a pupil in the eloquence of Canning. 101.

This magazine also referred to the old-style Catholic Irish

gentry who knew their place in society:

Morris Fitzgerald, Knight of Kerry, the head of a proud race that looked down upon half the peerage.... He was a high-minded Irish chieftain, with the courtly manners of an Irishman of the good old school. 102.

The emergence of the radical O'Connell Catholic-toned

party was regarded with distaste. It was characteristically

attacked "by the ultra-Conservative press as "delegates of

Popery", and as representatives of an Irish priesthood that

"controlled an ignorant peasantry ... in whom the virtues of

a savage are lost, and those of a civilized man are not yet 103

acquired".

O'Connell, as the leader from 1829, became the centre

of such attacks, and the radical overtones of his party were especially deplored. In no department of moral or intellectual exertion has Ireland, during the last twenty years, been so badly represented as in politics.... When we examine the present condition we are painfully reminded that we have retrograded. Mr. O'Connell, doubt• less, occupies a vast space in the news• papers. With glaring evidence before us

101. Dublin University Magazine. XXIX (March 1847), 386.

102. Loc. cit.

1°3' Blackwood Magazine (Edinburgh), XL, p. 297; and XLVI, p. 190. 47

that he is a principal partner in the vice-regal government, he is master of a tail of thirty- docile members of Parliament To obtain power over the populace, and popularity amongst the Roman Catholic middle classes, has been the sole object (of O'Connell) since Emancipation was conceded in 1829. 10if.

. Peel regretted the emergence of this party to which he attributed the "mean, violent election contests now between

Roman Catholic and Protestant, and the emergence of a distinct Roman Catholic Party in the House". It was clear that the O'Connell leadership challenged the Protestant ascendancy, making the Catholic question a major issue in

British politics, whereas, before it was a novel and tiresome one.""^ More important, it questioned tradition, providing a disturbing illustration of power which could be wielded by

a popular organization managed by middle class politicians.^

This was to become, at its grass roots in Ireland

during the height of the Repeal agitation,

an organization exceeding anything of the same kind directed so as to form many of the functions of a legitimate government ... its one great purpose being the establishment of national independence. Against it were the resources of an empire—armies, fleets, railways and steamers. 107.

This mass movement, accompanied by "monster meetings",

O'Connell was careful to explain, was strictly peaceful,

10A. Dublin University Magazine. XXIX (March 1847), 386 f.

105. McDowell, Public Opinion, p. 86. He cites Peel's speech from: Hansard. 3d Series, 36 (184D, 307-309.

106. Ibid., p. 106.

107. The Illustrated London News. October 14, 1843. 48 and had had a constitutional precedent on a national scale in Britain, in the Reform Clubs of the Parliamentary Reform

Movement of 1831-108

O'Connell's tactics here had strong pragmatic overtones.

He recognized that Parliamentary tactics were not enough, as the Irish party interests he represented were a minority

at Westminster; but at the popular level, they might be used

as a pressure group. He had precedents in the Reform Clubs

of 1831 and in the Irish Catholic Association of 1828. More

significantly, in 1844 Peel had acknowledged the power of

the movement when he stated that, as in Ireland in 1793,

"the pressure upon you will be so great that concessions

would be deemed preferable to resistance".

O'Connell's major problem was to maintain the disciplined

and unified aspect of his movement, since disintegration into

civil war, he believed, would not only weaken it, but invite

punitive measures from the British government. On these

grounds he weighed his choice heavily on the side of Irish

Catholicism rather than English radicalism. He felt forced

108. H. Ferguson, "The Birmingham Political Union and the Government, 1831-1832". Victorian Studies. Ill, 3, (1960), 261-276.

Shaw1s Irish State Trials, p. 466-516. O'Connell confirms the techniques of agitation used by other current movements. Page 479 documents evidence of the strictly non-violent nature of the Repeal Movement.

109. Tait's. X (1843), 804. 49 to dissociate his Irish followers from the Chartists because of their militant overtones, despite the alliance they had effected between the politically more sophisticated radicals among the English workers and the bolder disaffected Irish migrants to England.11^ O'Connell also felt compelled to reject the combinations among his own countrymen for similar reasons, even at the risk of losing his own popularity. An illustration of this was the treatment meted out to him by the Operatives in Dublin on one occasion. Then he demonstrated that he was prepared to oppose local labour interests if he believed that they conflicted with the objectives of the 111 national movement. He was saved from injury only by chance. The groans and hisses became louder ... O'Connell could not obtain a hearing ... even his strong voice was drowned ... we saw him borne down and onward by a fierce mass ... a dreadful suspicion passed through our minds ... but then we heard that he was alive in the street below. 112.

O'Connell recognized primarily the limitations of a radical appeal to the English working-classes outside Par• liament, and he therefore relied basically on the Catholic

110. E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class. (Middlesex: Penguin, 1968), 483 f.

Hansard. 3d Series, 72 (February 13, 1844), 707-

Shaw's Irish State Trials, p. 497-500.

111. Dublin 5eview. XVII, (September 1844), P« 11. Explained that a selfish agitator, if not actually making common cause with the Chartists, v/ould have at least avoided denouncing them and coming into collision with them.

112. Ibid., p. 9 f. 50 radicalism of the Irish peasantry and the lower middle class.

The plea of "Justice for Ireland" was mainly limited in

England to the intelligentsia in the Radical and Liberal press, y who believed that

' doing justice to Ireland is the cheapest and most effective means to maintain the Union and of placing England in such a position as would enable her to bid defiance to a world in arms. 114.

Traditionally, the majority of English workers were more aroused by the anti-Irish Catholic propaganda of the Tory and the Whig presses, which presented "a formidable 1 1 5

obstacle to rational legislation".

At the local government level in Ireland, O'Connell1s

radicalism attempted to remedy the deficiencies of the

existing law in Ireland. The "shadow government" of 1 1 fs

Repeal Magistrates and Repeal Arbitration Courts was

established as recognition that the law had become ineffective

in Ireland because it was not based on equity. Also pessi•

mistic about the success of Parliamentary tactics, he had

once contemplated bringing pressure to bear on the

113. Tait's, X (1843), 2-6.

114- Tait's. X (1843), 804.

115. Tait's. XII (June 1845), 615.

116. The Illustrated London News, August 26, 1843, P. 155 f. 51 government through civil disobedience in the economic sector 117 that would hurt Britain's economy most. Ultimately frus• trated in his demands for reform, he placed his party under the banner of Repeal.

'Ultimately, O'Connell sought to prepare the Irish for self-government through these policies. Repeal, for him, never involved complete separation from Britain. He never defined clearly where in the Constitution the imperial responsibilities of Britain would be separated from those of Ireland. Essential for him, though, was Ireland's con• trol over her own fiscal and trade policies, as he believed that economic poverty was aggravated by imperial control in this sphere. This was one of his main indictments against lift the Union, though he was prepared to give his tacit support of British governments if they were prepared to 1 1 Q effect a remedy. 7

117- "B. Easton, "An Approach to the Analysis of Political Systems". World Politics. IX (1957), 383-4-00.

McDowell, Public Opinion, p. 18 f. Cites Nation (September 9, 1843)• O'Connell suggested that the people refuse to cut the harvest, and abstain from buying excisable articles.

118. Levy, ed., Discussion on Repeal, p. 44 f.

119. A. H. Graham, "The Lichfield House Compact, 1835", Irish Historical Studies. XII, 47 (March 1961), 209-225-

Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of 0'Connell. Vol. II, p. 131, footnote 1. O'Connell consented to support the policies of the Whig government, but there is no documented evidence that the so- called "Lichfield House Compact" existed, though its cordial alliance was publicly avowed. O'Connell said: "I joined the moment they displayed an anxiety to do a tardy justice to Ireland". 52

Ultimately pessimistic of the success of Parliamentary tactics to achieve reform, he demanded Repeal of the Union.

He claimed that the Act of Union was illegal, partly because he doubted that the Act could be repealed in the English

Parliament. His argument to support this view of the Union was to suggest that it was forced on the Irish people, so 120 it v/as no contract. From this, he argued that the Irish nation had no right to transfer the power of making laws into other hands—the power of the Legislature being derived from the people. To confirm this second opinion he quoted the writings of the political philosopher, John Locke, from 121 which the modern British Constitution was derived.

As part of these same tactics, O'Connell insisted that the Queen might issue writs to convene the Irish Parliament, and whatever irregularities in writ, the first session would cure all of them. He quoted the actions of the English Parliament after the"Glorious Revolution" of 1688 as a 122 precedent. A future Irish Parliament, he believed, 120. Levy, ed., Discussion on Repeal, p. 37•

121. Ibid., p. 35-

' The Illustrated London News. August 26, 1843. p. 135 f. At the Tara meeting, O'Connell claimed that the authority of the people of Ireland was usurped by the Act of Union, and his Repeal Association claimed most of the functions of the State.

122. Levy, OP_. cit.. p. 63. 53

could be restored in. the spirit of 1782 when legitimacy and

permanency was claimed for an independent Irish Parliament 123

restored by the Crown. The Crown was thus to remain as

a vital symbol of loyalty and unity. No other framework of

Irish separatism, O'Connell believed, was possible or

acceptable to the sister island, Britain. When the Young

Ireland group in his own party called the Queen "a foreign

potentate.... If she will visit Ireland she will be met

with a cry of Repeal.... It will make her coursers tremble," he dissociated himself from them, and indicated that "no one 125

had more respect than he for the Queen".

This attitude of O'Connell towards the Crown emphasized

the legitimacy and constitutional nature of his movement

abroad. Britain,, during the height of the Repeal agitation, attempted to persuade the Pope that the Irish clergy should refrain from supporting it, because it was seditious, and against thrones. The Pope pointed out that the Irish

Repealers were constitutional in their methods, and could not be accused of being rebels or anarchists, since "the

Irish protested loyalty to the Queen". Their professed aim was nothing more than the modification of the relation betwee]

123. Curtis, History of Ireland, p. 315.

124- Spectator. May 3, 1845- P- 414.

125. Spectator. May 10, 1845. P- 440. 54 two parts of the Empire. They claimed to confine themselves 126 to constitutional methods.

O'Connell's direct appeal to the throne during the earlier stages of Queen Victoria's reign was made also in the'hope that the young Queen might use her influence for

Ireland, even though Queen Victoria, as a constitutional monarch, explained, the government could hardly act on her opinion. He was encouraged in the hope that "we are to 1 PR

"be the friends of the Queen", and wrote that "we should rally round the throne," because he hoped that the Whig

Ministry "desired honestly and faithfully to serve the people of Ireland". y During 1837 some in Ireland fondly regarded the young Queen as "the bright star of hope". The liberality of her mother, the Duchess of Kent, had been advertised. The Dublin Evening Post of June 21, 1836 ac• knowledged the h20 which had been sent by her to the Tuam 1 30 Catholic Cathedral. ^ This small gift to the famine fringe 126. John F. Broderick, Holy See and the Irish Move• ment for the Repeal of the Union with England. 1829-1847. (Romae: Universitatis Gregorianae, 1951), P« 179 f.

127. Arthur Benson, ed., The Letters of Queen Victoria (3 vols.; London: John Murray, 1907). Vol. II, p. 113.

128. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 103. 'To P. Fitzpatrick, from Daniel O'Connell' London, June 28, 1837.

129. Loc.. cit. 'To Arthur French, Secretary to the General Association, from Daniel O'Connell', London, June 28, 1837-

130. Loc. cit. (same letter). 55

of Ireland encouraged the belief that royalty v/as benevolent,

and it fitted well with the existing ideas of the predominantly 1xi

Catholic peasantry who attended the Repeal meetings. These

beliefs were used by the Catholic leaders to funnel the move• ment' into peaceful channels, as was illustrated at a meeting

at Tullamore on September 26, 1839 when, "at the end of the proceedings, there v/ere three cheers for the Queen, and three 1 32 'harty' cheers for Repeal. y

O'Connell, who dedicated his history, A. Memoir on

Ireland; Native and Saxon, to the "Queen of Great Britain and Ireland",appealed to her in his preface, in the name of royal justice, against the Tory landlord class which through British prosperity ... is given protection ... and supports that anti-Irish faction which would once again transplant the Catholics of Ireland to the remotest regions. 134' The reaction of the Queen to O'Connell during the height of his agitation indicated that she had only a limited grasp

131. Spectator. April 12, 1845- p. 337- The writer here made an indirect tribute to O'Connell: "If we are to have Repeal, and an Irish sovereign, the living O'Connell, the leader of a national party, is worth all the Briens that ever bards fabled". In 1830 some of the Belgian revolutionaries hoped that O'Connell would occupy their vacant throne.

132. Shaw's Irish State Trials, p. 201.

133. Daniel O'Connell, A. Memoir on Ireland; Native and Saxon. 1172-1660. (Dublin: James Duffy, 1854), P- vii. This is the only published history by Daniel O'Connell; though he planned several volumes, only one was completed and published.

134. Ibid.. p. x-xii. 56 of Irish affairs. She had the mistaken view that O'Gonnell had personally encouraged French aid for Ireland in 1843.

The great event of the day is O'Connell's arrest. ... The case against him is very strong, the lawyers say. Everything is perfectly quiet at 'Dublin. You will have seen how O'Connell has abused (the King of France, Louis Philippe).... It is all because our visit to you has put an end of any hope of any assistance from France. 135.

In reply to Viceroy Lord Bessborough's pressing suggestion that she visit Ireland, she expressed her distaste and lack of sympathy for the enterprise.

It is a journey which must one day or other be undertaken, and which the Queen would be glad to have accomplished, because it must be disagreeable to her that people should speculate whether she dare visit one part of her dominion.... As this is not a journey of pleasure, like the Queen's former ones, but a State act ... it cannot be expected that the main expense of it should fall upon the Civil List. 136.

Lord John Russell was compelled, as her Prime Minister, to

explain the famine conditions of Ireland when he doubted

the propriety of

encouraging Irish proprietors to lay out money in show and ceremony at a time when the accounts of the potato crop exhibit the misery and dis• tress of the people in an aggravated state. 137.

135. Benson, ed., Letters of Queen Victoria. Vol. I, p. 621. 'To the King of Belgium, from Queen Victoria', Windsor Castle, October 17, 1843.

136. Ibid.. Vol. II, p. 111. 'To Lord John Russell, from Queen Victoria', Buckingham Palace, August 3> 184-6.

137. Ibid.. Vol. II, p. 112. 'To Queen Victoria, from Lord John Russell', Chesham Place, August 4, 1846. 37

When she did visit Ireland for the first time, in 1849, major famine had intervened. In the l880's she was to prove again unequal to the task of the Home Rule Tradition that O'Connell had left to the British Liberal Prime Mini• ster, William Gladstone, to fulfill. The European fame of

Daniel O'Connell, the liberal Catholic, in the 1840's had already shocked Gladstone out of his English insular con• ception of the sectarian nature of the Irish movement.

It was the combination of the radical traditions of

Britain within the framework of constitutional monarchy, combined with their Catholic traditional heritage, that gave the Irish movement, led by Daniel O'Connell, its distinctive force, both at the national and at the international levels.

138. Benson, ed., Letters of Queen Victoria. Vol. II, p. 269. •To Sir George Grey, from the Earl of Clarendon', Viceregal Lodge, Dublin, August 14, 1849.

139. John Lawrence LeBreton Hammond, Gladstone and the Irish Nation (London: Longmans, Green, 1938), p. 738 f. Hammond argues that Gladstone identified with the European mind of O'Connell. They were men who lived in the wisdom of the ages, and who had to struggle against the circle of an island mind of the English ruling class. Chapter III.

BRITISH ATTEMPTS TO DIVIDE

CATHOLIC REPEALERS FROM THE IRISH PUBLIC.

The Trial of Daniel O'Connell. 1844-.

The Traversers stand indicted for having conspired to create hatred against the Constitution and government, as by law established, especially towards Her Majesty's subjects in England.

—Attorney-General T. B. C. Smith.

My clients in this case are the Irish people - my client is Ireland - and I stand here the advocate of the rights and liberties and constitutional privileges of that people.

—Daniel O'Connell.1'

140. Shaw's Irish State Trials, p. 2.

141. Ibid.. p. 466. Chapter III.

BRITISH ATTEMPTS TO DIVIDE

CATHOLIC REPEALERS FROM THE IRISH PUBLIC.

The Trial of Daniel O'Connell. 1844.

The trial of Daniel O'Connell and other leaders of

Repeal in 1844 on "charges of treasonable conspiracy" was part of a general government plan to divide and weaken the

Catholic Repeal Movement in Ireland.^2 It illustrated,

142. Thomas Doubleday, Political Life of the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Bart.; An Analytical Biography. (2 vols.; London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1856). Vol. II, p. 32?. This source gives the Tory administration of 1841-1846, including the following who are mentioned in this study:

First Lord of the Treasury - Sir Robert Peel (was Chief Secretary to Ireland, 1813-1S19). Lord Chancellor - Lord Lyndhurst. Home Secretary - Sir James Graham. Foreign Secretary - Earl of Aberdeen. Colonial Secretary - Lord Stanley (was Chief Secretary to Ireland, 1830-1833; moved to House of Lords, 1844). President of Board of Control - Lord Ellenborough. Vice-President of Board of Trade - William Ewart Gladstone, (in 1844, resigned over Maynooth Grant). The Duke of Wellington was Leader of the Tory Party in the House of Lords. The Irish Castle Administration (Dublin) included: Lord Lieutenant - Earl de Grey (Sept. 15, 1841 - July 26, 1844). Lord Heytesbury (July 26, 1844 - July 10, 1846). John William Ponsonby, Earl of Bessborough, (from July 10, 1846). Chief Secretary - Lord Eliot (1841-1845). Sir T. Freemantle (from 1845). Under Secretary - Richard Pennefather (1841-1845). T. N. Redington (from 184-6). Lord High Chancellor - Sir Edward Sugden (Oct. 1841 - July 1846). Attorney General - T. B. C. Smith, Solicitor General - Richard Wilson Greene. Recorder, State Trial (January 1844) - Henry Shaw. 60 and was an admission of, the administrative failure of the

British Union government of Peel in Ireland. It demonstrated the weakness of an administration that preferred methods of coercion rather than "concessions" against the leader of a movement that represented the "burning passion of

(the Irish) one-third of the British Isles".1^

Peel's decision to bring O'Connell to trial reflected his desperation. .He feared that much harsher methods would 1L5 be necessary if O'Connell were not muzzled by imprisonment. ^

Even so, he admitted that wholesale coercion might be neces• sary in any case, because "if the prosecution will fail, the case will break down, or it will be mismanaged, O'Connell will be triumphant".

Despite his fears of O'Connell as an arch agitator, he was opposed to the more "hard line" policies of such Cabinet colleagues as the Duke of Wellington and Lord Lyndhurst.

143- Hansard. 3d Series, 72 (February 23, 1844-) 243-24-7.

Parker, ed.. Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 106. Cabinet Memorandum, February 17, 1844-

144- Tait's. XII (January 184-5), p. 65 f.

145' Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 399. 'To Lord Eliot, from Sir James Graham', October 14, 1843.

See Chapter I, page 4 above.

146. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 68. 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Sir James Graham', October 25, 1843. 61

These wished to put down Repeal with force, if necessary.

Peel and James Graham relied, instead, on the desperate hope that the Repeal leaders would "go on until they commit them• selves to High Treason". The trial, they hoped, was at the opportune moment to prove this.

Thus, Peel sought to discredit O'Connell in the eyes of the more Conservative Catholic opinion of Ireland, and he knew he could more easily do this by implicating him in a charge of conspiracy "with several others" of his less cautious followers. ^ Peel recognized, as did The Times. that Repeal was not of "so wholly factitious a character as to be blown to bits",^^ since it was^ot without cause".

Such a movement might, however, as Graham elaborated, lead to "internal discord in which folly, unfortunately, is hardly less dangerous than bad intentions", especially as 1 51 "our dangers from without are threatening enough". ^

147. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 333- The correspondent was Andrew O'Reilly, nephew of Count O'Reilly, an Austrian field marshal. The source of this pub• lication was The Reminiscences of An Immigrant Milesian.

148. Shaw's Irish State Trials, p. 1 f.

The indictment was against seven leaders of Repeal.

149. The Times (London), October 16, 1843- p. 1.

150. Spectator. January 27, 1844- p. 83- 151- Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 397. 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Sir James Graham', September 8, 1843- 62

Peel's tactics here had some merit and shrewdness.

Conservative Catholic supporters of O'Connell regarded with disfavour those among the Young Ireland wing of the Repeal movement who displayed, not only more militant character• istics, but also a more independent attitude tov/ards the 1 52

Catholic Church. Charles Gavan Duffy, the editor of the

Young Ireland newspaper, the Nation, who was arrested with

O'Connell, was typical of Young Ireland in this respect.

He explained at the time of the trial, perhaps with some naivete, that there was the possibility of French military aid for the Irish cause. He wrote, later, in his memoirs, that disaffected Irishmen serving in the French army dis• cussed the feasibility of a military expedition to Ireland.

These proposals were not uncommon, as a son of Louis Philippe, twelve months before O'Connell's arrest in 1843* published a pamphlet on the new navy of France in which such an "expedition 1 53 was proposed". ^ Duffy attacked O'Connell for rejecting such foreign military aid as might be offered to him.

In view of this possible breach between Catholics and

Repealers over method, Peel considered that with O'Connell out of the way it might be easier to win over the Roman Catholic

152. Charles Gavan Duffy, Young Ireland; A. Fragment of Irish History. 1840-1850, (London: Cassell, Petter & Galpin, 1880), p. 610.

153- Ibid.. p. 322 f. 63 clergy from Repeal. He no?/ considered their support essential in governing Ireland. y^ Sir James Graham, the Home Secretary, in a letter to Lord Eliot, the Irish Under Secretary, wrote:

This is the moment for tempering firmness with • reasonable concessions, and I am willing and anxious to consider any measures of this char• acter which you may suggest, not excluding the reconstruction of Maynooth with an enlarged grant, and a scheme for the payment of the Catholic clergy in some shape or other. 155«

He knew, however, that such was the strength of Repeal among the clergy, and the limited nature of the concessions he was able to offer, that it would require more than per• suasion to repress Catholic Repeal. Graham advised that the support of the Pope should be sought to condemn Repeal activ• ities by Roman Catholic priests on the grounds that they were

"dangerous to thrones in Europe as well as in England".1-^

The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland also recommended this course 1 57 of action.

Meanwhile, Peel's attempt to discredit O'Connell met with grave difficulties. The trial procedures exposed the unpopularity of the Castle administration in Ireland. These

154. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 409. 'To the Duke of Wellington, from Sir James Graham', October 2, 1845- 153. Jbid., p. 399. 'To Lord Eliot, from Sir James Graham', October 20, 1843.

156. Ibid.. p. 401 f. 'To Sir James Graham, from Sir Robert Peel', November 27, 1843- 157. Loc. cit. •To Sir Robert Peel, from Sir James Graham', October 30, 1843- 64 also aroused considerable sympathy for O'Connell among the

Catholic Whig gentry and clergy in Ireland who had formerly been reluctant to support his mass agitation techniques.

In addition, the Whig opposition in the British House of

Commons raised the whole question of the state of Ireland, which they considered to be the real root cause of Irish dis• content, rather than O'Connell*s agitation. Thus, these tactics of Peel failed in their purpose from the beginning.

Peel was aware that this might be the case. The anomalies in the administration of English justice in Ireland were already well known, and^had been analyzed and confirmed by some of the leading jurists of his day in England. "There exists in Ireland two sorts of justice, one for the rich, 1 58 and the other for the poor, both equally ill-administered". y

He believed that an effective jury system, indispensable to the proper administration of law, did not exist in Ireland where"the majority are prejudiced against the law".1-^

His handling of the trial, therefore, indicated that he was prepared to risk the failure of his propaganda, but that he considered it even more essential to remove the leaders of Repeal through imprisonment, while giving the appearance of constitutional correctness, sufficient to deceive more conservative and docile Irish opinion. These tactics, which

158. Jephson, Motes on Irish Questions, p. 69- Quoted by Lord Redesdale, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and confirmed by Lord Brougham, Lord Chancellor of England.

159. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 116. •To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir Robert Peel', August 8, I844. 65

he believed were demanded by imperial necessity, were also

to become blunders. He had placed on trial, not only one 160

of "the greatest legal advocates of his day", but he also*

aroused the whole tradition of equity embedded in English law.

'However, over the selection of the jury at the trial,

Peel did not expect the Castle government so tactlessly to identify the Protestant minority with loyalty, by selecting

a totally Protestant panel. The Castle's action, though, was defended by Conservative opinion.. This stated that there was no intention to "pack" the jury, and that there was no delib•

erate attempt to exclude Roman Catholics. It was explained

that the original list from which the jury was drawn happened to contain 388 Protestants and only 50 Roman Catholics, and

that it was selected long before there was any thought of a trial.

O'Connell's supporters and the Whig opponents of the government were quick to attack the Castle's appearance of partiality. As the Whig, Charles F. Greville, who admired the ability of Peel and Graham, but despised the general mediocrity of the Tory government, mentioned in his diary, the trial was a continual series of blunders and mismanagement from the first to the last. There is now an immense uproar about the jury list, and fate has determined that the worst appearance should be given to the whole proceeding. Shaw, the Recorder, is implicated in a manner which can

160. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 390.

161. Quarterly Review (Edinburgh), LXXIV (1844), 247 f. "Article IX". 66

'easily be made to look very suspicious ... the list, therefore, from which the jury was taken, was an imperfect list ... and all the Irish will believe that the mutilation was a con• certed affair between Peel and Shaw. 162.

Greville believed that it would be better under the cir• cumstances to have acquitted O'Connell by a mixed (Protes• tant and Catholic^ jury than to have convicted him by one

163 all Protestant. Lord John Russell, the leader of the

Whig opposition, was later to use this as a general indict• ment against the whole spirit of the trial: The trial was one elaborately put together for the purpose of conviction, and charged by a judge who did not allow any evidence or consideration in favour of the traversers to come fairly to his mind. 164'

In a debate moved by the opposition to the government on

"the state of Ireland" on February 13, 1844 Russell stated that "Ireland was occupied, not governed". Here he embodied the uneasiness of Irish Whig Catholic and Protestant opinion which, though it feared the dangers of popular Repeal agitation, believed also that the "spirit and the letter of the Union had not been fulfilled ... its fruits were

Insurrection Acts" and a partisan administration of Ireland that led to "the exclusion of certain political and religious 165 opinions under the sanction of government". ^ The radical

162. Greville, Memoirs. Vol. V, p. 222 f. (January 14, 1844).

163. Loc. cit.

Tr -, 164. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. V0J-- II, p. 325. 165. W. Torrens McCullagh, Memoirs of the Right Honourable Richard Lalor Shell. (2 vols.; London: Colburn, 1855). Vol. II, p. 339 f. 67 newspaper, the (London) Examiner. summed up the situation no more bluntly than Lord John Russell:

The situation in Ireland was that a trial had been set up to prove the justice of the Union, which was upheld by a minority of the popula- «rr

ttion who alone received justice under the Union.

Graham, the Home Secretary, exasperated by the Irish

Castle's crude handling of the case, demanded an explanation

from the Lord Lieutenant:

It is hardly credible that such a mistake at such a moment could have been accidental. We earnestly request that you ascertain who Is the party responsible.... It is hard that the public interest should be endangered by such gross negligence. A suspicion will always remain that the fidelity of theparties employed have been tampered with. 167.

Lord Eliot, the Irish Under Secretary, admitted the strength

of Catholic opinion in favour of O'Connell, which he was not

prepared to risk on the jury when, in his reply to Graham,

he stated "it was unfortunate that the name of no Roman 168

Catholic anti-Repealer was drawn".

O'Connell was quick to identify both the Catholic cause

and his own with Ireland. At his trial he skilfully exercised

his rights as an accused to be heard and defended by the most 169

skilful advocates of his day y within a court that he de•

clared was an extension of a narrow Protestant oligarchy. 166. Examiner (London), January 13, 1844.

167. Parker, ed. , Graham. Vol. I,, p. 403- 'To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham*, January 9, 1844-

168. Loc. cit. 'To Sir James Graham, from Lord Eliot'.

169. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 390. 68

In this, as Gavan Duffy explained, he addressed himself, not 170 so much to the jury, as to the conscience of England.

It is quite certain there is a considerable dis• crepancy of opinion between you and me ... we differ as to Repeal of the Union.... You also •differ ... on our religious beliefs.... If you had the same faith as me, not one of you would be in that box ... I am ... a Catholic ... in putting down that Protestant Ascendancy of which, perhaps, you are the champions—certainly you are not the antagonists ... and in establishing religious equality, against which some of you contended, -r,.. and against which all your opinions are formed. '

Further, if he was accused of "treasonable conspiracy", so were the people of Ireland:

My clients in this case are the Irish people. My client is Ireland. I stand here as an ad• vocate of the rights and liberties ... of that people.... My only anxiety is that their cause ... should be in the slightest degree tarnished or impeded by anything of which I have been the instrument. 172.

Their cause, he explained, had been advocated in the

same manner, and on the same basis of equity, as many others

which were finally exonerated under English law. Among

these were the slave abolitionists, whom he had actively

supported before their success in 1807. He now continued

170. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 432.

171. Ibid., p. 391 f. The lawyers for the Crown are described.

Ibid., p. 435 f- States that the Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench demonstrated partiality. Greville, Memoirs, p. 261. This Whig view supported the opinion of Gavan Duffy.

Shaw's Irish State Trials, p. 467-

172. Ibid., p. 466. 69 to condemn slavery in America, even at the risk of alienating

American sympathy for Irish Repeal, ^ and he now pleaded in the same spirit:

before the European world ... before a jury 'of Protestant gentlemen, in the presence of the kings and people of the universe, and with what amazement will they gaze upon you, if by a verdict ... you brand as fools and dotards millions of your Catholic fellow countrymen, and with them, many, very many Protestants. 174.

On these principles, affirmed by the "Glorious Revolu•

tion" of 1688, and based on the "Social Contract" theory of

John Locke, from which the British Constitution had evolved,1 176

he now made his stand. ' That constitutional precedent

allowed him to insist that: if a legislative union should be so forced upon this country against the will of its inhabitants (as in the present case), resistance to it would be a struggle against usurpation, and not a resistance against law. 177.

173. Shaw's Irish State Trials, p. 473 f., 482. O'Connell described the slave owners in the fl. g. A. as "criminals and pick pockets". He also supported the claims of Britain against President James Polk in the Oregon border dispute.

174. Ibid., p. 480.

175- Ibid.. p. 312. (O'Connell's speech)

176. K. F. Roche, "Revolution and Counter-Revolution", in Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays, p. 79.

Lecky, History of Ireland. Vol. V, p. 329 f.

Levy, ed., Discussion on Repeal, p. 19. "Position Unchanged". p. 25. "A Breach of Trust".

177. Shaw's Irish State Trials, p. 511 f. In the "Glorious Revolution". 70

O'Connell, however, was careful to qualify that the

methods he used to restore the Irish Parliament were

strictly constitutional, as he wished to appeal primarily

to Irish Catholic and British liberal and radical opinions.

He quoted the Attorney-General in 1800, at the trial of

John Magee, to support his opinion:

You may make the Union binding as a law, but you cannot make it obligatory on conscience. It will be obeyed so long as England is strong, but resistance to it will be, in the abstract, a duty; an exhibition of that resistance will be a mere question of prudence. 178.

He believed that, though it was prudent to obey the letter

of the law, no constitution could make "an unjust law binding

on conscience". He thus emphasized the importance of equity

contained within the Constitution, which had, in history,

prevented it from becoming the tyrant of the people. In

this historical tradition he had peacefully and openly pro•

claimed his rights under that Constitution. In his defence

he implied that such could hardly be described as seditious

conspiracy. 7

He was realistic enough to grasp that this defence, which was a summation of his life, and for which he was now on trial, was unlikely to be listened to by those who

178. Shaw's Irish State Trials, p. 512.

179. Ibid., p. 472 f. 71

1 RO branded him as an agitator, or ridiculed him as a 181 buffoon. Therefore, he appealed to a wider audience, and the setting and the procedures of "the grand and start- 182 ling drama of a monster meeting and trial" were an excellent device to reveal the interests that had placed

"Catholic Ireland" in opposition to "Protestant England".

The Attorney-General's evidence confirmed this, both by design and by accident. The Crown Prosecution presented a narrow, legalistic approach, when it attacked the rustic, pictorial humour and pathos of O'Connell's speeches at his mass meetings that "appealed to the instant feelings of a 183 peasant audience". ^ O'Connell's actions at these Repeal meetings were interpreted in a fundamentalist and literal manner in order to obtain a conviction; whereas, O'Connell in his defence at his trial sought to convey their sacra• mental and symbolic nature. 180. Jephson, Notes on Irish Questions, p. 81. The author based this extensive study of the Irish Question on reports of Parliamentary proceedings, and conversations with politicians from 1825 to 1870. "Men followed the politics of the case rather than the evidence". 181. Punch, VI (January-June 1844), p. 48. "The State Trials in Ireland".

Punch. XII (January-June 1847), p. 64. "O'Connell's Objections to the Repeal of the Union".

182. Tait's. XI (February 1844), p. 237 f. "Sketches of the Irish Great Debate".

183. Shaw's Irish State Trials. p. 73-

Justin McCarthy, A History of Our Own Times from the Accession of Queen Victoria to the Berlin Congress. (4 vols.; London: Chatto & Windus,"7o79). Vol. I, p. 287-289. 72

The Attorney-General used O'Connell's behaviour at the monster meetings as evidence of his desire to usurp the prerogatives of the British Anglican Constitutional Monarchy in the name of the ancient independent royal tradition of Ireland.

It appeared that a crown corresponding to the Irish gold crown, preserved in the College Museum, was placed on Mr. O'Connell's head, at Mullaghmast, and there O'Connell had de- clared he "would wear it till his dying day".

The Attorney-General explained that this "was intended to create an impression upon the minds of an immense multitude" that they could defy lawful authority.

The real reason the British government condemned O'Connell was his novel ability to personify the aspirations of Catholic

Ireland, which he so symbolically portrayed in his declaration at the Mullaghmast meeting which the Attorney-General described at the trial. He was, indeed, an embarrassing reminder to the

British government that it had abandoned the responsibilities which he felt compelled to assume. It could be argued that there was some validity in the claim, parodied by the Con• servative press, that he had become "the uncrowned King of

Ireland".

184. Shaw's Irish State Trials, p. 73 f.

Quarterly Review. LXXV (December 1844- March 1845), P- 233- 73

Punch's interpretation of O'Connell's arrival at the trial

in the Lord Mayor of Dublin's coach, cheered by a crowd of beg•

gars, illustrated unwittingly the dual role he personified in

the Anglo-Irish conflict. His enemies described him as "a beggar 185 king of a beggar people", y but to his friends he was the defender 186 of "the poor, oppressed people of Ireland". ^ 48 niNcn, OR THE LONDON CIIARTVAIU. ' ;

187- %\)Z State St1aT$ in XrcTantu

uso of Hie state coach on terms exceedingly moderate, Prisoners \Vr. always thought that the ordinary police van was" tlio proper taken up at their own homes, and surrendered into the custody of vehicle for bunging up accused parties to Uic Court where they are tho Court on very reasonable charges. Every defendant is ullo\fcd to lake their trial. O'Connell, however, was fortunate enough to get to carry one of hia bail as luggage on the coach box, and witnesses tlio Lot J Mayor of Dublin's state coach, rtilh all the U9ual properties, in footmen's liveries accommodated on the step behind, at a very low Including thy mace, which was understood to have been fehuqucred, scale of prices. Prisoners in the habit of being tried repeatedly may lest it elioulJ have been eclipsed by the more ubundant brass of the contract for tho uso of the coach by the job, month or year, and chief traverser. If stale coaches are to he used for the purposo of convicted culprits called for at the Iltaj^eof Coilection on the expir• bringing nlicged delinquents to trial, we should recommend tlio ation of their sentence. No fees to.coaclimen. : Parties of four, if London Coiporatloll to let out the carriage of the Mayor to such included in tho eamo indictment, token at a very reduced rate, and defendants as may bo wealthy enough to pay for the accommodation. acquittals punctually attended to. No extra charge for taking the- We under?.'.and tho Lord Mayor of Dublin has issued, or intends mace ; but if the Lord Mayor attends personally in his gold chain, it> issuing, the following— ia expected that the value of tho chain will lib deposited at Ms Lord' CARD. sliip'ti house previous to starting,. > Tlio Lord Mayai of Dnbh", ever anxious to meet the wishes of tho accused nhd fienSecu'led portion of Iho public, begs leavo to offer tho

THE M ON STE II Till A Li

185- Punch, VIII (January-June, 1845), P- 185-

18§. Broderick, Holy See, p. 167.

187. Punch, VI (January-June, 1844), p. 48. O'Connell is portrayed as borne in the coach of office, but with only beggars running at his heels. 7k

The verdict against O'Connell, in the light of these distinctions between the accused and the prosecution, was a foregone conclusion, altering no positions of parties, except that it aroused sympathy and admiration for O'Connell 188 in Ireland. O'Connell was found guilty of unlawful conspiracy, and by means of intimidation, and by means of the exhibition of great physical force at meetings, of bringing changes and alter• ations in the government ... and of seeking to accomplish a dissolution of the legislative union . QQ now subsisting between Great Britain and Ireland. y*

The Home Secretary, supporting this verdict, stated that

"the Counsel for the 'traversers' (the accused) had admitted the facts of their guilt". He was correct, if speaking against the Union was defined as seditious, and if mass meetings with speeches referring to Ireland's history were

"displays of physical force", and if a political party with a democratic base was defined as usurping the power of 190 "civil government". 7 O'Connell's trial, however, had placed the government in an awkward position. The reversal of the verdict of guilty by the Appellate Tribunal of the House Of Lords further aggravated this, and vindicated O'Connell's faith in the

Constitution to which he had appealed at his trial. 188. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 326. The Roman Catholic bishops unanimously composed a prayer for O'Connell's deliverance so that he could continue to lead and protect the Irish people.

189. Shaw's Irish State Trials, p. 676.

190. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. kOk- 'To Lord Stanley, from Sir James Graham', February k» 1844. 15

graham had the integrity during this appeal to the Lords

to uphold the time-honoured custom that left such a decision 191

to the Law Lords. 7 He did so despite the fact that he had

to defend his position against the High Tory Peers, who

formed the majority in the House of Lords and were "exceed•

ingly indignant" that they were prevented from voting to 192

uphold the verdict. This was also despite his disapproval

of Chief Justice Denman, who, he stated, "loved popularity

to dangerous excess". The House of Lords, Graham explained: would have been ruined by the interposition of a majority avowedly political in a criminal case ... and the Union would have been shaken to its foundations, if, in opposition to the casting vote of the Lord Chief Justice of England, Mr. O'Connell had been kept a prisoner by the voices of English peers, his political adversaries. 194.

191. George John Shaw Lefevre (Baron Eversley), Peel and O'Connell. A. Review of the Irish Policy of Par• liament from the Act of Union to the Death of Sor Robert Peel, (London: Kegan Paul, 1887), p. 227. The author's name is sometimes given as Shaw-Lefevre.

192. Greville, Memoirs. Vol. V, p. 260. (September 14, 1844).

193. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 406. 'To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham', September 2, 1844«

194- Ibid., p. 407. 'To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham', September 4, 1844« 76

Lord Penman, the Chief Justice of England, "whose integrity", according to Justice Whiteside, a Whig friend

of O'Connell, "nobody can question", 7^ in the Appellate

Tribunal of the House of Lords, challenged the procedures

of the whole trial on technicalities on the grounds that

the selection of the jury had been unfair, and that many

of the charges on which the prisoner had been arraigned

were bad in law. He thus concerned himself mainly with the in

correctness of the legal procedures practiced at the trial, 7

and his main criticism was that the government had used legal

procedures for partisan politics. In this sense, O'Connell

was cleared of the charges against him.

Denman's influence was important, as his casting vote

represented the fifth in the Appellate Tribunal. The other 197

four were evenly divided on the question. Jl It was also

significant because the decision he achieved by his casting

vote was applauded by the more radical press as "a triumph 195* Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 327. 'To Daniel O'Connell, from J. Whiteside', September 5, 1844« Whiteside was a subsequent Lord Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench in Ireland.

196. Lefevre, Peel and O'Connell. p. 227.

Great Britain. Parliament. House of Lords. (September 2, 1844), p. 701-703. In the five-member Appellate Tribunal of Law Lords, four were evenly divided on the question—not without some imputation of political bias along Whig and Tory party lines. Lord Denman, the Chief Justice, was in a position more free from such consideration.

197. Loc.. cit. 77 for the cause of political freedom, for public meetings and 198 discussion, and this case could set a precedent".

The acquittal by the House of Lords, according to

Greville, left both the government and O'Connell temporar- 199 ily-at a loss as to tactics. yy In reality, both of these seasoned antagonists had defined their positions more clearly.

The government was compelled to continue its proposals of modest reform which had been set in motion by the Repeal agitation of 1843 that had led to the trial.

These were to include an improved system of national education and increased grants to the Catholic Maynooth

Seminary. Also, new Colleges were proposed to "elevate"

Catholics into government service, and the franchise was to be equalized to include more Catholics. Peel hoped the

Catholic middle class and clergy, who were "inclined to

Repeal because of the discrimination practiced against them", would learn to accept the two great principles, the maintenance of the Union, and the maintenance of the Church Establishment.... Every concession we can make, consistent with these principles, must be made. 200. 198. Tait's. XI (September 1844), p. 677. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of 0'Connell. Vol. II, p. 327. 'To Daniel O'Connell, from James Whiteside', September 5, 1844. 199. Greville, Memoirs. Vol. V, p. 261.

200. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 106. Cabinet Memorandum, February 17, 1844. Hansard. 3d Series, 72 (February 23, 1844), 243-247. "Debate on the State of Ireland". 78

O'Connell emerged from the trial, despite increasing old age, with a sharpened awareness of the necessity of checkmating Peel's endeavours in this direction. He recognized that national unity was to be sought on a more subtle front than simple Repeal or the mass agitation methods that might invite further government coercion.

In particular, he saw how easily the appeal of the

English government to the middle and upper class Catholics might undo his work to make Repeal a truly national move• ment. Here he was quick to recognize "the numbing effect"

that any kind of Mconnection with the government" operated 201 on "the best minds without them perceiving it". His

"Federal" overtures were part of this realization, though

these were criticized by the more nationalistic Young Ire-

landers in his party on the grounds that they were too

precipitous, and therefore, endangered the whole Repeal 202 Movement by weakening its unity.

O'Connell, on the contrary, was concerned with the

importance of enlisting stronger Whig support against the

Conservative government. He had already exasperatedly 201. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 327. 'To P. Fitzpatrick, from Daniel O'Connell', March 25, 1844. His reference to "the best minds" was to "the most excellent man, an exemplary clergyman, our Archbishop Murray" of Dublin. 202. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 602.. 79 written to one of his Whig friends, Hichard Lalor Sheil, who was formerly a Repealer: "What is the Irish section of the

Whigs doing?" Addressing Sheil, he declared:

You are calculating what you owe to the Whigs * for having given you a place, and forgetting the ten hundred claims Ireland has upon you.... The man who does not rally with us against the Attorney-General and the Trial is really against us. 203.

His attempt to form "The '82 Club»20if of Irish gentlemen was part of this desire for an alliance with the Irish

Catholic gentry to revive Irish solidarity against the over•

whelming strength of British officialdom. The radical

Examiner criticized this as "ridiculous", but showed some

glimmerings of understanding when it explained that "O'Connell

clung to such Irish leadership ... because no other hope had 205

been offered the people". y O'Connell's proposal, after the

reversal of the judgement against him, to impeach the Queen's

Bench in Ireland, was consistent with these ends. His attack

was not on the Irish Catholic gentry, but on the English

Castle influence in Ireland. In a sense, this was also part

203. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 323. •To the Right Hon. Sheil, from Daniel O'Connell', June 19, 1844. 202+. "The '82 Club" was to commemorate the legislative independence of Ireland won by Grattan in 1782, without com• mitting its members to the organization of Repeal, in actual• ity. At the same time, it directly reinforced O'Connell's hopes of restoring an Irish Parliament based on the ideals of 1782.

205. Examiner. September 21, 1844- P. 593. 80 of his direct appeal to the Crown on behalf of the aristocracy of the Irish nation against the partisanship of the Irish

Protestant administration under the Union. He had already made this appeal to the Crown as part of his defence at his State trial.206

O'Connell launched his Federal campaign when he wrote to 207 the Repeal Association his "Scheme of Federal Parliament" in October l8Mt« He explained to them that he had never been

"a simple Repealer". As early as 1843, during the height of the Repeal Movement, and before his arrest, in reply to the

Birmingham radical, Mr. Sturge, he had already defined his

Federal Scheme. Then he had elaborated that the administrative function of the Irish Parliament would be to control internal affairs only, and that the royal prerogative in imperial matters must be vested in the British Parliament. Now, in l8Mf> O'Connell's "long letter"20^ on the Federal Scheme,

206. See above, pages 69 to 71, for O'Connell's statement at his State Trial.

207. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 433-447. •To the Secretary of the Loyal National Repeal Association, from Daniel O'Connell', October 12, 1844.

208. McDowell, Public Opinion, p. 236 f.

209. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 433-447. 'To the Secretary of the Loyal National Repeal Association, from Daniel O'Connell', October 12, 1844.

Appendix: "Scheme of Federal Parliament", October 12, 1844. 81 outlining these ideas, was referred to by Peel as:

an appeal to reason and argument. Force and intimidation seem to be abandoned. Now we must combat this new attempt to promote the cause of Repeal, or we shall suffer by for• bearance; and we can only combat it by the weapons which it employs. 210.

Peel thus expressed his fear that the government in

Ireland was not being well supported by the press to counter• act O'Connell. He, therefore, proposed that a talented writer should be found who would explain to the Irish leaders that

O'Connell's proposals, whether for Federalism or for Repeal, were an attack on the Protestant Establishment, and even more dangerous, an attack on property:

Because an Irish Parliament, elected by household suffrage, and with ballot or without it ... engenders the retrocession to barbarism. 211.

A Conservative Irish lawyer, Isaac Butt, was com• missioned by Lord Heytesbury to undertake a series of articles

"to be inserted in the Morning Herald, attacking Mr. O'Connell's pip policy and the newly-invented scheme of Federalism".

(Isaac Butt was to promote Federalism under the Home Rule banner in the 18?0'S.)21^

Despite Peel's efforts to undermine O'Connell and to attack his Federal Scheme, O'Connell had grounds for hope.

210. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 122.

'To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir Robert Peel', October 1?, 1844.

211. Loc. cit.

212. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 123. 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Lord Heytesbury', October 20, 1844. 213. David Thornley, Isaac Butt and Home Rule. (London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1964), P« 83 ff. 82

In 1844 a few of the more radical of the Whig leaders had moved further towards O'Connell's position. Lord Howick, the eldest son of the former Prime Minister, Lord Grey, openly avowed himself "the friend of perfect religious equality". ^ Lord John Russell led the opposition in 21 5 protesting that O'Connell had not had a fair trial. v

O'Connell had further grounds for hope which had been reinforced by his trial. He was then "warmly received by 216 the Liberals (Radicals) and Free Traders". In June 1844, while in prison, O'Connell decided to propose Federalism in recognition of the fact that "Lord John Russell has behaved

exceedingly well respecting these trials", and "the Irish are peaceably waiting to be conciliated". We have opened the door to admit Federalists amongst us, and I never knew any man in pri• vate, who was not a Federalist, at least. 217-

214. Tait's. XI (September 1844), P. 677. "Sketch of the Irish Great Debate".

215. Greville, Memoirs. Vol. V, p. 237. February 25, 1844-

216. The Times (London), March 13, 1844.

O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 549- "Distinguished members of the aristocracy and gentry, and prominent Orangemen were joining the Federalists".

217. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 324. 'To the Right Honourable Richard Lalor Sheil, from Daniel O'Connell', June 19, 1844. Sheil was the Whig lawyer who defended Daniel O'Connell at his trial. 83 In September when the Scheme was proposed to the Repeal

Association, the Irish Whigs became interested in Federalism, P18 as the Young Ireland editor of The Nation pointed out.

However, the real problem with the Federalism tactic was that it was a gamble, only. O'Connell, failing to get a response from the Irish Federalists and the Irish Whigs outside the

Repeal Association, was faced with the disturbing opposition of the more nationalistic Young Irelanders within his own Association, who apposed what they regarded as a break in pi Q their ranks.

The Young Irelanders were much more doctrinaire in their approach to Irish nationalism, and they began to believe the hostile English propaganda about O'Connell. In the l8i+0's they began to interpret O'Connell's pragmatism in the harsh• est light. They saw O'Connell's swing back to Federalism as 218. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 163 f.

219. Ibid., p. 102-116. Elaborates on the need for simple Repeal as an expression of Ireland's nationality. Ibid.. p. 601 f. A harsh criticism of O'Connell's precipitous action on Federalism.

Quarterly Review. LXXV (December 1844), P. 268.

Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 345. 'To W. O'Neill Daunt, from Daniel O'Connell', November 1844. He expressed his fear of opposition to his Federal Scheme. 84 an indication that he had merely used Repeal to extort con- 220 cessions from British politicians. They began to believe, also, that O'Connell's use of the Catholic Church was part of 2 a clerical "plot" against their advocacy of the secular state.

They failed to understand the true nature of the founda• tions O'Connell had so carefully laid throughout his life, and which he had re-affirmed during his trial. They did not under• stand the divisive nature of their doctrinaire middle-class nationalism, which had few roots among the Catholic Irish peasantry and lower middle class, and which, instead,

reinforced the efforts of Peel to separate the Catholic 222

Church and gentry from Repeal nationalism.

O'Connell, unlike them, understood the necessity of

protecting and strengthening the only effective organization

of Irish solidarity that had survived English infiltration

and assimilation—that of a Catholic liberal national

movement in the name of social justice. 220. Lawrence J. McCaffrey, Daniel O'Connell and the Repeal Year. (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1966), p. 207. He cites The Nation. October 21, 1843. 221. McDowell, Public Opinion, p. 243 f»

222. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 106. Cabinet Memorandum, February 17, 1844« Chapter 17.

BRITISH ATTEMPTS TO DIVIDE

CATHOLIC REPEALERS FROM THE CLERGY.

The Charitable Bequests Act. 1844«

Papal Rescript to Irish Clergy. 1844-

It is a step to the complete subjection of the Catholic Church to the State, which, no doubt, is your aim, that you have introduced that fatal Measure of the Bequests Bill.

—Dr. John MacHale,22^ Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam.

O'Connell ... (has guided) the poor, oppressed people of Ireland through such difficulties without the violation of the laws of the land, the peace of society, or the rights of property.

—Pope Gregory XVT.22Zf

223. O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 562. 'To Sir Robert Peel, from John MacHale% January 24, 1845< 224. Broderick, Holy £ee, p. 167- Chapter IV.

BRITISH ATTEMPTS TO DIVIDE

CATHOLIC REPEALERS FROM THE CLERGY.

The Charitable Bequests Act. 1844.

The British government during the trial of O'Connell in

January 1844, and especially after his acquittal in the following September, came to recognize the futility of attempting to discredit him legally. They now sought, among other alternatives, to separate the main bulwark of Catholic leadership in Ireland; namely, the clergy, from Repeal. They hoped, within the framework of the Union and the Protestant

Establishment, to effect a reconciliation between "Roman

Catholics and Protestants ... friendly to the Roman Catholics" in Ireland.

Peel and Graham were responsible for this slight shift towards Catholic conciliation within the Conservative Party.

They knew that the ultra Tories in their own ranks would oppose them over this, but in the initial stage they sought to create a government party within the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland strong enough to counterbalance such loss of sup• port. This was to be aided through the reorganization of

Church Charitable Bequests under a centralized State Board.

225. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 106. Cabinet Memorandum, February 17> 1844* See Chapter III, page 77 also.

226. P. J. Welch, Blomfield and Peel: A Study in Cooperation Between Church and State, 1841-1846". Journal of Ecclesiastical History. XII (1), (April 1961), 81-83- On page 81 Welch also indicates that Peel was a fairly "devout" Anglican. 87

The Board of Bequests should be nominated by the Queen in Council ... a Roman Catholic body would have been formed under the direct authority of the Crown, and by Act of Parliament, which will comprise two Archbishops, a Bishop, and two laymen ... a body which the executive government may communicate with on all questions affecting the , Roman Catholic religion. 227.

Catholic prelates, through the act of serving on the Board, would demonstrate their defiance of the O'Connell party, which, in the Church, ¥/as led by Archbishop John MacHale of

Tuam. Prelates "will hardly bend their authority to the will of Mr. O'Connell on an ecclesiastical question".

The government had to proceed with caution in Ireland as it feared it might arouse opposition there, especially from ultra-Protestant opinion. It believed the Catholics could be ignored more easily as they did not have much influence over the 32ory Party in power, though it was necessary to win their p pQ approval rather than their hostility, if a government control party was to have any effect in Ireland.

The total plan of action was first disclosed confiden•

tially to the Primate of the Protestant Established Church,

the Archbishop of Armagh, so as to feel out opinion

227. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 2+20 f. 'To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham', November 30, 182+2+. (Private and confidential).

Hansard. 3d Series, 73 (June 182+2+), 1087 and 76 (August 182+4) 1511-1513* The objections to the Bill are found in 1527-1530, while 1530-1537 raises the question as to why the Catholic bishops were not consulted.

228. Spectator. February 8, I8k5- p. 125. The Marquis of Normandy on the following February 8, 182+5 said his main objection to the Charitable Bequests Bill was that Roman Catholic bishops were not consulted before. 88 among the Protestant clergy in Ireland. Then the Collegiate

and University Question of state-financed education on a mixed Roman Catholic-Episcopalian Protestant, and Presbyterian

basis was also to be discussed, and presented in a form accept•

able to Protestant Dissenters and the Protestant Establishment.

To quiet religious fears of secular education among both

Catholics and Protestants, the state was to disclaim any power

of interfering with the religious doctrine or discipline of

the proposed colleges. The increased grant to the Roman

Catholic Maynooth Seminary, a potentially unpopular measure

to Protestants, was to be sandwiched into the discussion of

the Collegiate Question so as not to arouse ultra Protestant

hostility.229

O'Connell already suspected, during his imprisonment, tk;

the purpose behind this plan. He prepared a newspaper

article to warn the Catholics of "this first essay of Her

Majesty's ministers to place the Catholic clergy under the

control of the State".2^ He was encouraged in this attempt

to outmaneuver his opponents in the national struggle by the

support he had, as Graham stated, from "a powerful party in

229- Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 421. •To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham', November 30, 1844 (Private and confidential).

230. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 325. "A Catholic Church and State Bill". . 89

231 the Catholic Church represented by Archbishop MacHale".

MacHale closely identified Catholic Church interest with the

Repeal Movement, and he feared that if our hierarchy, so united till now,... will fall asunder,... its unseemly divisions will become in its weakness, helplessness, and deformity, a subject of exultation for our enemies. 232.

MacHale was one of the main leaders among the clergy in this campaign. He embodied the sensitivity that the Catholic bishops felt over the lowly status assigned them by the 233 British government. In particular, he interpreted the Bill as an affront to his "stewardship to care for Christ's 234 poor". He was angered by the replacement of the more direct role of the bishop of the diocese by "hateful Boards of Commissioners, the creatures of the government, no matter whether composed of Protestant or Catholic".He feared also that the impersonal government by a committee at Dublin

Castle would replace the more paternalistic and humanitarian role of the local church leaders.

231. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 423« 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Sir James Graham', December 23, 1844. 232. O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 556. 'To Cardinal Fransoni, from John MacHale', November 25, 1844. Cardinal Fransoni was the Minister of Propaganda for the Pope.

233. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 564. 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Dr. MacHale', January 24, 1845. 234. Ibid.. p. 554 and 557- It should also be noted that MacHale's Archdiocese of Tuam (Connaught) was the most economically destitute and over- populated in Ireland.

235. Ibid., P. 554 f. 90

O'Connell, sharing with MacHale this basic distrust of the Dublin Castle administration under the Union was deter• mined to resist by every constitutional means in his power the "subtle influence of dependency that the long-established

Protestant government exercised over the minds of the Catholic 236 gentry and clergy" alike. - For him this came to include, by the autumn of 1844, the Young Ireland group within Repeal.

Then the Irish press became more actively involved in one of its favourite pastimes—religious controversy. This time it was between the so-called "priest party" of Daniel O'Connell and the "anti-priest party" led by Thomas Davis, the Protestant 237

Young Irelander. The open clash between O'Connell and Davis over the Colleges Bill on May 26, 1845 both symbolized and crystallized these differences which had begun to corrode and divide Repeal.

The Young Ireland movement, despite its claim to Irish nationality above class and creed, unconsciously identified with the class attitudes of the Protestant Ascendancy which it sought to overthrow. It found it difficult, while 236. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 321. •To P. Fitzpatrick, from Daniel O'Connell', March 25, 1844. This is another reference to Archbishop Murray of Dublin (see Chapter III, page 78). 237. Denis Rolleston Gwynn, "Young Ireland", in Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays, p. 187-196. A detailed account of the religious controversy which portrays O'Connell as an impatient, but seasoned, statesman used to hostile criticism, opposed by the young and sensitive Thomas Davis, who cannot recognize his Protestant bias. 91 acknowledging the strength of the Catholic organization of

O'Connell,2^ to stomach the crude robustness of its grass• roots organization which Daniel O'Connell led. One of Young

Ireland's ablest leaders, the Protestant, Smith O'Brien,2^

"shrank with wise forbearance from any contest with O'Connell" and was to prove himself wiser than Thomas Davis in his under• standing of the religion of class and nationality, and of the subordinate role of Catholics in Ireland. He had to remind

Davis, who had not hesitated to support violent critics of

O'Connell's Catholicism,2if1 not to be unduly sensitive to the attacks of some of the popular Catholic press, since "you and

I should remember that we are Protestants, and that the bulk of the Irish nation are Catholics".2*1"2

The religious differences between O'Connell and Young

Ireland revealed the whole tragedy of the Irish national movement, which embodied divergencies over methods and aims which were expressed through these deep-rooted divisions of religion and class between the Irish "Catholic Lower Nation" and the "Protestant Upper Nation". When Daniel O'Connell

238. Duffy, Young Ireland. p. 623.

239. Ibid.. p. 383- A description of Smith O'Brien. 21+0. Ibid., p. 383 and 695.

22+1. Denis R. Gwynn, "Young Ireland", in Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays. p. 187-196.

22+2. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 618. 92 called off the 1843 Clontarf meeting, his actions were inter• preted by Xoung Irelanders as timidity rather than as a necessary caution to protect the Irish Lower Nation. His

subsequent 1844 Federalism, and his general desire to achieve

justice through Whig aid, was seen as the abandonment of

Repeal. His constitutional and-peaceful conception of Irish

protest was beginning to be viewed with impatience by the

Young Irelanders who were beginning to seek more independent

tactics in pursuit of an abstract idea of national independence

The tone of their plea for Irish nationality found sym•

pathetic echoes in the Irish Conservative and Tory press which

was hostile to O'Connell. An illustration of this Protestant

Ascendancy class approach on nationality was revealed in the

Dublin University Magazine• O'Connell, it was suggested,

"pursued a habitual agitation" for personal aggrandizement,

unlike the Young Irelanders who were prepared "to fight like

men and soldiers". Thomas Davis was described as "an ardent

243- Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 687-695- R. Dudley Edwards and T. Desmond Williams, eds., The Great Famine: Studies in Irish History. 1845-52. (Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1956), p. 144. Denis Rolleston Gwynn, Daniel O'Connell: The Irish Liberator (London: Hutchinson, 1929), p. 269 f.

McDowell, Public Opinion, p. 248 f.

Theodore William Moody, Thomas Davis. 1814-1845. (Dublin: Hodges, Figgis, (n. d.), p. 44.

Kevin B. Nowlan, Charles Gavan Duffy and the Repeal Movement. (0'Donne11 Lecture, May 1963). (Dublin: University College, 1963). p. 8 f. 93 lover of Ireland (like themselves) ... and a gentleman".2ifif

Part of the tribute to Thomas Davis was a recognition of his youthful Inspiration and personal qualities which have cap- tured the imagination of contemporaries ^ and historians alike. There was also in this the romantic appeal, like the later r,Sword Speech" declaration of the Young Irelander,

Thomas Meagher, to which O'Connell was vehemently opposed, which spoke of the nation "purchased by the effusion of 247 generous blood". ^ Above all, however, it represented the exasperation of the Conservative Ascendancy class at the level-headed, pragmatic O'Connell's success at evading both legal prosecution and the repression of his movement.

Over the Charitable Bequests controversy the Nation, the prominent newspaper of the Young Irelanders, remained

silent2**"8 and O'Connell, though he recognized the importance

244. Dublin University Magazine. XXIX (February 1847) p. 190 f.

"Our Portrait Gallery—Thomas Davis".

245. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 702-707-

246. Ibid., p. 759. Moody, Thomas Davis, p. 42.

William Butler Yeats, Tribute to Thomas Davis. (Cork: University, 1965), p. 17.

247. Denis Rolleston Gwynn, Thomas Francis Meagher. O'Donnell Lecture. (Dublin: National University of Ireland, 1961), p. 8-14.

248. McDowell, Public Opinion, p. 245. 94 of the measure, agreed to keep the controversy out of the

Repeal Association. ^ At the same time he spoke eloquently against the Bill at meetings of the Catholic clergy, and thus demonstrated his determination to maintain the vital link between the Party of MacHale and his own grass roots organiza- 250 tion of Repeal, against the power of the English government. ^

O'Connell's involvement in the Charitable Bequests con• troversy as the Catholic champion of Ireland was unavoidable.

It was a secular and tactical move to preserve the Catholic

clerical support of Repeal, and inseparable from this was his moral defence of the clergy of the Catholic Church against

social, economic and educational discrimination practiced 251

against them by the Protestant state. ^ McDowell has sug•

gested that O'Connell1 s primary purpose was to make ''a Catholic 252

embarrassed" to accept a seat on the new Board. ^ Consequently,

the Act that had been pushed through a predominantly unsympa•

thetic Protestant Parliament without consulting the Irish

Catholic clergy would have been rendered inoperative by those 249. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 629 f. 'To Thomas Davis, from Daniel O'Connell', Darrynane, October 30, 1844. Illustrates the pains O'Connell took in writing to Davis to clear up religious misunderstanding. Davis had provoked the Catholic Dublin Review critic by praising a book which was deliberately insulting to O'Connell, and he, then, had appealed to O'Connell for protection. 250. Spectator. December 24, 1844- P. 1181. A meeting in Dublin to oppose the Charitable Bequests Act. 251. See Appendix B, pages B-1 to B-5« "Special Privileges of the Protestant Established Church". 252. McDowell, Public Opinion, p. 214 f. 95 same clergy, thus demonstrating the ineffectiveness of Peel's administration in Ireland. However, it would be a gross error to suggest that O'Connell's objections were merely tactical.

There were strong moral objections to the Act, as well.

On the surface it appeared as a progressive measure in that it sought to regularize Catholic charitable donations under a centralized committee on a similar legal basis as that given to Protestants.2-^ However, it left undefined the ambiguous legal position of the regular clergy, who were one of the main dispensers of charity and education among the "middling or poor sort of children", while, according to MacHale, removing 25k them from the legal protection of the bishops. To appre• ciate the importance of these objections from the Irish clergy

(which the government chose to ignore), the previous status of

the Regulars, as last defined under the 1829 Catholic

Emancipation Bill, should be examined.

In 1829 the Duke of Wellington, then Prime Minister,

supported by Peel, had assured a Regular, Dr. John Warren

Doyle, the Bishop of Kildare, that the government would not

enforce the laws that deprived the Regulars of property rights,

under the Catholic Relief Act of 1829, "except by the Attorney-

General in a contingency that" they believed would never take

253. Fraser's Magazine. XXXI (March 1845), P. 373- The "Policy of Minister" Act legalized Roman Catholic property rights.

23k' Loc. cit. 96 place.Since then, as Dr. MacHale pointed out, the Regular

clergy had been protected in their endowments and duties by becoming subject to those who were legally allowed to hold

endowments; that is, the bishop of their diocese, or a 256 superior of their own, resident in Ireland. J

John MacHale felt that the centralized Board removed this

protective authority of the local bishops from the Regulars.

He believed that it would now be the duty of the Board to

carry out the letter of the law, and "to sue for the recovery 257

of property given to the Catholic Regulars". yi These objec•

tions of the Irish clergy, backed up by O'Connell, were also

reinforced by the Whig press. The Spectator recommended that

"the Legislature should restore the Regulars to full civil

rights since they had done nothing to forfeit this position".2^0*

255. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of Dr. Doyle. Vol. II, p. 129.

2%. Ibid.. Vol. II, p. 123 and 126.

257. Ibid.. Vol. II, p. 355. 'fo Archbishop Murray, from Daniel O'Connell', (no date). 258. Spectator. December 28, 1844. P« 1229. 97

The authoritarian attempt of the government to enforce

the Charitable Bequests Act without fully weighing the ob•

jections of the national leaders of the Irish Catholics, led it to seek Papal influence to uphold its authority in Ireland.

It chose to accept the simple view that the clergy would

become more amenable if they were compelled by the Pope to

refrain from Repeal activities. This attack of the govern• ment on the political activities of the clergy compelled the

Repeal Association, including the Young Irelanders, to

discuss Church affairs.2-^

As early as October 1843» at the time of the arrest of

Daniel O'Connell, the Irish Lord Lieutenant had requested

that assistance be sought from the Pope to control the Repeal

activities of the Roman Catholic hierarchy, who, he believed,

"held in subjection seven-eighths of the Irish people".

Peel agreed to comply with this request. The Pope was to be

given a documented case of Irish Catholic disloyalty to the

Crown. The Repeal Movement was to be denounced to the Papal

Court, and the Roman Catholic priests' involvement in it was

to be presented as "not only disgraceful to religion, (but)

dangerous to other thrones as well as to that of England".261

259. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 623.

260. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. Z+02. 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Sir James Graham', October 30, 1843. 261. Loc. cit. •To Sir James Graham, from Sir Robert Peel', November 27, 1843. 98

It was hoped that this would persuade the conservative forces in the ascendancy at the Papal Court to take action against p£Tp the Irish clergy. Pope Gregory XVI was known to be a conservative, and had formed a powerful alliance with Metter- nich against what he believed was the liberal threat to 263 thrones and to established state religion. D The Papal

Secretary of State (1836-184-6), Cardinal Lambruschini, was an appointee of the Austrian Court, and both he and Metternich regarded O'Connell's liberal advocacy of the separation of the

Church from the State as a dangerous revolutionary doctrine.

Thus, Peel had reason to hope that the Papacy might be per• suaded to believe that the Irish Repeal Movement shared common roots with the liberal nationalism it feared.

However, the British relations with the Papal Court, despite a mutual respect for conservative policies, were tenuous. The British government had never regularized its relations with the Papal Court since the reign of Elizabeth I commenced in 155$. The Bill of Rights in 1688, and the Act of

Settlement in 1703 that upheld the Protestant Constitution,

debarred the Crown from having normal diplomatic relations with the Pope, and British public opinion in the 1840's would 262. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 4-02. 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Sir James Graham', November 29, 184-3* 263. Broderick, Holy See, p. 164-. Pope Gregory XVI was compelled to call in Austrian troops to repress armed revolts in the Papal States. 264-. Ross Hoffman, "Whigs and Liberal Pope". Thought. XIV (March 1949), p. 83-98. 99 have been aroused by any attempt at a concordat. Nonetheless,

Britain had been forced to have unofficial dealings with the

Pope because of the extent of the Roman Catholic population in her Empire. Now in 1844 the British government made a more definite move. It sent Mr. Petre, a semi-official agent from

Florence, the nearest British legation, to Rome, to exercise influence on its behalf. Mr. Petre was described by the

Foreign Minister, Lord Aberdeen, as "one so little a Catholik" that he could be trusted by Britain, and yet, "being a

Catholik, his nomination is agreeable to Rome".26It was this action of the government that aroused the alarm of the

Repeal leaders and the Irish Catholic Repeal clergy, since

they feared an agreement contrary to their interests might be 266 arranged between the government and Rome.

The Irish movement, however, had subtle overtones that

forced the Papacy into a more cautious attitude. Though the

Pope did not dare antagonize the political leaders of the

British Empire at Westminster, he could not relinquish one

of his primary duties—that of defending the rights and

265. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 625. In a letter to Dr. Cantrell, Catholic Bishop of Meath, from Daniel O'Connell, he wrote: "Mr. Petre, involved in British double-dealing, might note that the British agent, backed by the Austrian, was almost irresistable with the politicians of the Court of Rome".

266. Ibid.. p. 622-624.

McDowell, Public Opinion. p. 216. 100 temporalities of the Irish Catholics in their protest against an English "heretical state". In a reflective moment, above 267 the sophistries of the papal bureaucracy, ' the Pope ex• pressed admiration for the humanity of the cause which the

Irish Repeal clergy espoused: I express in the kindest way the convictions of Mr. O'Connell's virtues,... and especially of his love for religion, and wisdom in guid• ing the poor, oppressed people of Ireland through such difficulties without the violation of the laws of the land, the peace of society, or the rights of property. 268. Even Metternich, while disapproving of the O'Connell movement 269

"disguised in a religious garb", 7 recommended that drastic

methods of reform in Ireland, such as "restoring to the

Catholic clergy the temporal goods of which they were formerly

despoiled", would help solve the social and political unrest

there.2^0

The Party of MacHale claimed it was these moral and social

responsibilities to relieve "widespread misery and injustice"

that made the support of Repeal "obligatory on the conscience" of the Irish clergy, above the purely political issues of the

271 day. ' It was this strong appeal to conscience that had

267. Broderick, Holy See, p. 168.

268. Ibid., p. 167. A report made by the Rev. Tobias Kirby of conversations with Pope Gregory XVI. 269. Ibid.. p. 165.

270. Ibid.. p. 166.

271. Ibid.., p.151 f. Explains the two main schools of thought on Repeal among the Irish clergy. The "government" party did not openly support Repeal, as they were sceptical of its success, or fearful of its radicalism. 101 strengthened the Repeal movement among the Irish Catholic clergy, and had consequently, weakened Peel's position. This was further aggravated by his defence of the Protestant Estab• lishment, which aroused Catholic hostility and Catholic con• tempt because of its privileged position and its increasingly 272 aggressive evangelical tendencies.

Consequently, only seven of the Catholic bishops had not committed themselves openly to Repeal. Among these was

Dr. Kennedy, Bishop of Killaloe, one of the ablest, and the most powerful orator among the clergy, who openly supported 273 the government against O'Connell. Also, Drs Daniel Murray, Archbishop of Dublin, and Dr. William Crolly, Archbishop of Armagh, were willing to be passive towards the government and 274

Repeal. ^ Many of the bishops had demonstrated their sym• pathy with O'Connell from the time of Catholic Emancipation onwards, and the Catholic priests generally supported him.

This strong Repeal movement reinforced the Irish Catholic lobby headed by Cardinal Paul Cullen, the Rector of the Irish 272. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 120 f. 'To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir Robert Peel', September 5, 1844; and 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Lord Heytesbury', September 17, 1844.

273. Broderick, Holy See, p. 135.

Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vo3L II, p. 378. Describes the Bishop of Killaloe as one of the ablest. 274. Ibid.. Vol. II, p. 321. •To P. Fitzpatrick, from Daniel O'Connell', March 23, 1844. 102

College (later Primate of the Irish Church), at Rome. (^

This was sufficiently active at the international level to arouse the animosity of the English Conservative press.

The Quarterly Review referred to:

' the O'Connellite faction at Rome which has always been thought of by Father Routhan, the General of the Jesuits, as being against all government alike, in Church and State, while assuming the mask of attacking only the supremacy of an heretical church, has gained much support. That O'Connellite faction, we grieve to say, has been taken up by all the English Roman Catholics resident in Rome, and the admirers of Lemennais (a French radical) are talking more composedly ... of throwing off all connections with governments everywhere, and placing themselves at the head of the revolutionists throughout Europe. 276.

It was this Catholic link with the Irish Repeal movement that gave O'Connell an international reputation, and strengthened

the moral basis of his cause on the international level.

William E. Gladstone, the future advocate of Irish indepen•

dence, in 1844, was amazed by the international sympathy that

O'Connell had aroused through his liberal Catholic links with

Europe.2''''' In 1347, a patriotic Italian priest, Father

Ventura, described O'Connell as "the first in the nineteenth

century to revive and to put into practice the principles of

civil independence and true liberty".2''8

275- O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 557-559. Cullen expressed his hostility to the Charitable Bequests Board, and to having an English ambassador at Rome!

276. Quarterly Review. LXXIV (1844), P- 165-

277. Macintyre, The Liberator, p. 297.

278. Broderick, Holy See, p. 219 f. Father Ventura (formerly General of the Congregation of Theatines) in the funeral oration for O'Connell at the Irish College, Rome, 184-7• 103

Cardinal Lambruschini, the Metternich appointee, speaking

on behalf of the Pope, cautiously balanced British imperial influence against the humanitarian appeal of Catholic Repeal

in Ireland, in 1844, when he declared that: "If we were to

come forward in a more public manner ... we would embitter 27Q rather than soften the animosities of parties". Finally, on October 15, 1844 a Papal Rescript was issued by Cardinal 280 Fransoni, Prefect of Propaganda, the ambiguity of which

was guaranteed to satisfy all the parties among the Irish clergy.

In his studies from the Vatican archives, Broderick has

explained the wide degree of interpretation allowed in this

Papal Rescript. It admonished the Irish clergy not to deviate

from the teaching of the Church over the necessity of "sub•

jection to the temporal power in civil affairs". However,

the Repeal political activities of the Irish Catholic laity

received no mention; nor did the Papacy define or pass judge-

ment on the political aspect of the Repeal Movement.

279. Broderick, Holy See, p. 188.

280. Ibid., p. 184.

281. Ibid., p. 189 ff. 104

According to 0'Beill Daunt, a close confidant of Daniel

O'Connell, if the Papacy had condemned Repeal outright, it would have faced a widespread rebellion or evasion among the Catholics who supported the MacHale position. Daunt declared in the Repeal Association that "if a rescript emanated from Rome denouncing the national movement, the pQp

Catholics of Ireland would treat it as so much waste paper".

The immediate reaction of both O'Connell and Gavan Duffy, when the Rescript was issued, was to assume that it had de• manded that the Church refrain from supporting Repeal.2^

O'Connell, therefore, used his favourite legal device to defend his Repeal party; namely, that of using the British

Constitution against the British government. He pointed out that under the Catholic Relief Act of 1829, Papal Rescripts were illegal, since under that Act, Catholics "abjured the temporal and civil jurisdiction of the Pope within the Realm".2^

The (London) Times sarcastically described O'Connell, who: with all the zeal of an Orangeman, is lecturing a Protestant ministry on the obligations of their oaths of supremacy and allegiance ... (while) the popish faction has taken up the cry, "No Popery". 285.

282. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 624.

283- Ibid.. p. 627.

284. Broderick, Holy See, p. 196. He cites the Weekly Freeman's Journal of Dublin, January 18, 1845.

285- The Times (London). January 16, 1845- 105

This, unintentionally expressed the philosophic basis of

O'Connell's desire to separate the Church from the State.

O'Connell had never been an ultra-montane papist, a distinc• tion his enemies refused to recognize in him. His spiritual allegiance, he had always maintained, was to the Church; though in temporal matters, he was a loyal subject of the

Queen.

O'Connell's bold defiance of the Papal Rescript, canoni- cally endorsed by the Irish Church Synod, could not go un• noticed by the Irish Catholic prelates. The Catholic Arch• bishop of Armagh reprimanded him for exceeding the authority pO/; of the clergy in this respect. O'Connell, in his public apology to them, did not shift ground though appearing to do so e admitted that he had misunderstood the nature of the

Rescript. Now, he realized, that it referred to spiritual poo matters only. The ironic flavour of his remarks was lost on the British press; "Mr. O'Connell himself has admitted 286. Broderick, Holy See, p. 195 f. An article published in the Dublin Evening Post (a Whig paper), reprimanding O'Connell.

287. Ibid.. p. 196 f. 'To Dr. Cullen, from Dr. Walsh', Halifax, Nova Scotia, March 10, 1845. Here the Bishop of Halifax mentioned that he had told O'Connell in a conversation how disrespectful he was to the Pope. He added that O'Connell "appeared thoughtful and mortified".

288. Loc. cit. 106 the canonical character of the Pope's Rescript.... Mr. 289

O'Connell said—I am a very bad theologian".

The London Times believed that the Catholic hierarchy was pledged to carry out the spirit of the Rescript in the 290 manner interpreted by the British government. 7 Peel opti• mistically believed that the Rescript had been effective in restraining the clergy, and had led, at last, to the official acceptance by the Catholic Church of the Charitable Bequests

Act of 1844. We have erected a barrier—a line of churchmen— behind which the well-thinking part of the Roman Catholic laity will conscientiously rally.... O'Connell has been defeated ... his allusions to our proceedings at Rome, his reference to the Veto—all mark his deep sense of the advantage we have gained. 291. In reality, the Papal Court had left the interpretation of the Rescript to the Irish clergy, and consequently, the positions of the Catholic parties remained unchanged. Despite the additional concession by the government in officially recognizing the titles of the Catholic bishops for the first 292 time, 7 it failed to win their genuine support.

289. Spectator. January 25, 1845. p. 78.

290. The Times (London), January 13, 1845.

291. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 132. •To Sir Robert Peel, from Lord Heytesbury', December 20, 1844. 292. Spectator. December 18, 1844. P. 1205. 107

Dr. Daniel Murray, Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, who accepted a seat on the Charitable Bequests Board, declared that "every Prelate is to be left at liberty to act accord• ing to the dictates of his own conscience respecting" the 293 Bequests Act. Dr. William Crolly, Catholic Archbishop of Armagh, who was also appointed to the Board, expressed 294 his disapproval in the same vein. 7^ Dr. Kennedy, Bishop of Killaloe, resigned his appointment, and was replaced by 295

Dr. Denvir of Belfast, who accepted only conditionally. 7^

Dr. John MacHale re-affirmed the moral right of his party to protest against the Bequests Act, and to support 296 the Repeal movement, 7 which he believed compatible with the pacific role of the priests, who, "when the influence of armed men and the law had failed ... were sent to calm 297 the despair of the famine-stricken people". 7'

It may be argued that the church leaders' grudging acceptance of the Bequests Act was attributable, not so much

to government pressure, but to the fear that any mass agitatic

293- Spectator. December 28, 1844- P« 1229.

294. Spectator. December 14, 1844. P« 1l8l.

295. O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 580.

296. Ibid.. p. 547. 'To Dr. MacHale, from Dr. Cullen', January 4, 1844. 297. Ibid.. p. 622. 108 against the Act might further excite "the already grievously deranged social conditions" created by poverty and by 298 "grinding oppression".

The imperative needs of encroaching famine were beginn• ing to over-ride the other issues by December 1844- In a meeting of the Repeal Association, O'Connell declared: that famine was increasing -.. and the necessary consequence would be pestilence.... He was ready to support Peel in any good measure he proposed for Ireland, no matter what it was—whether to repeal the Corn Laws, or to cheapen provisions. ... He had no preference for Whig over Tory.... He announced his intention to call together all the Irish members who could assemble in Dublin, in order to agree upon a future line of action. 299.

It was apparent that O'Connell aifc the end of 1844 was

prepared to cooperate with Protestant and Catholic alike to

"agree on a future line of action to save Ireland from the

worst consequences of 'famine' and 'pestilence'". Already,

he had avoided a direct attack on the property of the land•

lord class and the Protestant Church Establishment to achieve

this end.^^ His Federal overtures and his abandonment of 301

mass agitation-^ in the closing months of lakh- were also

part of this same policy.

298. Spectator. March 8, 1845. p. 129.

299. Spectator. December 28, 1844- p. 1229.

300. Levy, ed., Discussion on Repeal, p. 66. O'Connell had demanded additional taxation of the absentee landlord class. 301. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 331 f. 109

At the same time the British government's failure to effect any drastic remedies was to become increasingly evident, especially in the early months of 1845« Disillu• sioned, the Catholic base of the Repeal Movement, as already aligned during the Bequests Act controversy, re-emerged with additional strength in 1845* In May 1845, it was led into the Parliamentary arena by O'Connell when he defended the Catholic objections to the government's proposed Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill. Chapter V.

THE LIMITS OF ANGLO-IRISH COOPERATION.

THE MAYNOOTH GRANT. April-May, 1845.

It is not honourable to Protestantism to see the bad and violent and bigoted passions displayed at this moment. 302 —Queen Victoria.

Peel ... is growing wiser.... Nothing was ever more fair and excellent in all its details than his plan respecting Maynooth.

—Daniel O'Connell.

302. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 176. •To Sir Robert Peel, from Queen Victoria', Buckingham Palace, April 15, 1845.

303. The Times (London), April 11, 1845. P« 4. Chapter V.

THE LIMITS OF ANGLO-IRISH COOPERATION.

The Maynooth Grant. April-May 1845.

The background and controversy over the government's proposal to increase state aid to the Catholic Seminary of

Maynooth in Ireland in the early months of 1845 illustrated clearly and dramatically the limited extent of cooperation between Protestant Britain and Catholic Ireland. It also served to emphasize the extent of the cultural gap between the two countries which was to have such tragic economic implications for Ireland because of the strength of the vested economic and social interests that felt threatened by con• cessions, however slight, to the Irish Catholic Church.

Early in 1845 the increasing economic and social gulf between England and Ireland, that O'Connell so poignantly protested, was explained to the British public. The Spectator admitted the improved economic and social climate of Britain, with "good harvests" and "greater quiet at home and abroad", and the revenue "reflecting the ease and busy commerce of the country".By contrast, in Ireland the Catholic bishops revealed "the grievously deranged social conditions created by 305 poverty and grinding oppression".

504. Spectator. January 11, 1845.* P« 28.

305. Spectator. March 8, 1845- P- 129. 112

The Devon Commission Report published in February 1845 starkly confirmed these near famine conditions of half the population of Ireland.^06 By contrast, the export sector of

Ireland illustrated sharply the unhealthy imbalance of the

Irish economy. Bumper com harvests and the decline in the

Irish domestic markets led in 1845 to a doubling of the export

307 of corn to England as compared with the previous year.

The country (agricultural) interest within the Conserv- tive Party felt threatened nonetheless, since their protected position under the Corn Laws was now being increasingly chal• lenged.-^08 Growing pressure from the manufacturing interests demanded the abolition of the Corn Laws to allow the import of cheap food from abroad. In Ireland the "country" party felt especially threatened by this trend towards free trade.

There, any change in the protected economic status quo in

favour of the Catholic "Lower Nation" would, in addition,

threaten their precarious Ascendancy status. In commenting

306. "Report from Her Majesty's Commission of Inquiry into the State of Law and Practice in Respect to the Occupa• tion of Land in Ireland". H. C. 1845 (605) XIX, p. 1-56.

307. Thorn's Irish Almanac, p. 172 f. "Irish Exports of Corn to Britain". 1844 — 440,153 quarters. 1845 779,113 quarters. The export of cattle and dairy products from Ireland remained steady. 308. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 169-173- 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Mr. Gladstone of the Board of Trade', February 3, 1845* 'To Mr. Croker, from Sir James Graham', February 23, 1845. 113 on their dilemma, Peel said, "The tariff-drought—forty shillings a quarter for wheat, quickens the religious xn Q apprehension of same". 7

Within the government, both Wellington and Graham, who were experienced in Irish affairs, expressed the fears of this Protestant landlord class. Wellington explained that since Catholic Emancipation they felt that they had lost privileges while their responsibilities in local government had continued to increase. They feared that Catholic

demands, despite O'Connell's re-assurances to the contrary,-^1

would lead ultimately to a Catholic Ascendancy, which would

result in: the undoubted and immediate seizure of the landed property of the (Protestant) Church, the seizure of the tithes and their application for fiscal purposes ... the seizure of the property: first, of all the absentees; next, of all opposed to the new order of things; and even of those who have till now been opposed to the Repeal of the Union. *

Graham, the Home Secretary, hoped that such fears of the

Protestant Ascendancy would lead them to place greater

reliance on England, since:

all who possessed property in Ireland, began to be sensible of a danger to themselves of separation from Great Britain ... this whole ,1p question in Ireland is the possession of land. ->^eL'

309. McDowell, Public Opinion, p. 221.

310. Levy, ed., Discussion on Repeal, p. 66.

311. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 418 ff. •To Sir James Graham, from the Duke of Wellington', October 11, 1844.

312. IJOC_. cit. 114

These government attitudes revealed basic contradictions.

Peel and Graham, though willing to use the Protestant control party in Ireland against the Catholic Repeal agitation, vacil• lated between protecting them and partly abandoning them to

Catholic interests. The rapid expansion of imperial trade had convinced Peel that Free Trade was the inevitable trend, but in his endeavour to protect the "country" party, he left

their Corn Law interests untouched in his second "Free Trade

Budget" of February l845-^1it'

At the same time he proposed the Stanley Bill for the

Compensation to Tenants (Ireland) which, however moderate,

was bound to provoke the Country interest. They not only

felt attacked in their "sacred" rights of property, but

deeply resented what they regarded as the laissez-faire

attitude of the government in placing the onus for economic

and social reform in Ireland on them. In a Parliament so

unrepresentative of Irish peasant interests, it was doubtful

if Peel was surprised when the Bill was thrown out in its

313. Spectator. May 24, 1845. P- 481.

Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 171. •To Sir Robert Peel, from Sir James Graham', February 23, 1845.

314. Ibid., p. 169-173. 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Mr. Gladstone of the Board of Trade', February 3, 1845. 'To Mr. Croker, from Sir James Graham',. February 23, 1845. 115 first stages. ' The significance of this rejection of land reform must not have escaped him, for, as Graham had ex• plained, "in Ireland, the whole question is the possession of land".-^ Upon the rejection of this Bill, the Repeal

Association was quick to assert "Tenant Rights" all over

Ireland as part of the programme for a restored Irish Par•

liament. Peel's conclusion was that the whole land question 317 would have to be shelved for the time being.

Graham described the dilemma of these government polici

of reform in Ireland when he summarized the difficulties of

Peel's position in relation to the Country Party, who, he

explained: cannot be more ready to give us the death blow than we are to receive it.... le. have endeav• oured to save them, and they regard us as enemies for so doing. If we have lost the confidence and good will of the Country Party, our official days are numbered. But the time will come when this party will bitterly deplore the fall of Sir Robert Peel. 318.

These problems were compounded, as Greville remarked, by

"the mediocrity in" Peel's Cabinet. He had few men of

ability on whom he could rely. "They have lost Stanley to

315. The Times (London), February 24, 1845.

Hansard. 3d Series, 80 (May 6, 1845) 226 f.; 81 (June 26, 1845) 1195-1199; 82 'August 5, 1845) 1454-1481.

316. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 418 ff. •To Sir James Graham, from the Duke of Wellington', October 11, 1844- 317. Spectator. March 22, 1845- p. 273.

318. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 172. 'To Mr. Croker, from Sir James Graham', March 22, 1845. 116

the House of Lords ... Gladstone resigned ... and the whole weight will fall on Peel and Graham".

Peel was now more determined than ever to conciliate

Catholic leadership more directly, as the "only alternative

to martial law". Shaw-Lefevre contends that, had Peel

shown as "much earnestness and determination" over the land

question as he now was to devote to the religious question,

he might "even at the eleventh hour, have brought peace to 321

Ireland."v Even so, Peel's church reforms, such as May•

nooth, equally revealed the limitations that beset him as

leader of the British government.

Early in 1844 the Irish Catholic bishops explained that

the Maynooth College might have to close down through lack

of funds. Peel became convinced of the expediency of taking

immediate steps to increase the original state grant to the College, introduced in 1795, and guaranteed under the Act of 322

Union. Peel realized that as long as economic discrim•

ination was practiced by the government towards the training

319- Greville, Memoirs. Vol. V, p. 273.

Spectator. February 1, 1845« P« 97. 320. Fraser's Magazine. XXXI (March 1845), p. 371. 321. Lefevre, Peel and O'Connell. p. 241.

322. Edward R. Norman, "The Maynooth Question of 1845". Irish Historical Studies. XV, No. 60 (September 1967) 413. He cites J. Healy, Maynooth College. -Its Centenary History. (Dublin, 1895), p. 408-410. 117

323 of Catholic priests at Maynooth, v in marked contrast to the

Protestant Establishment, their loyalty would remain in question.Indeed, he considered conciliation in the form of the increased grant to the Soman Catholic Maynooth Seminary so Vital that he was prepared to risk the fate of the govern• ment on the issue.

Lefevre argued that it was difficult to believe that

"Peel seriously thought (though he defended his policy on this ground) that the increased grant to Maynooth would have much effect in quietening public opinion in Ireland".

However, Edward R. Norman demonstrated in his study of May• nooth, that Peel was convinced by 1844 of the practical 327 necessity of the measure. ' From this it may be inferred that Peel hoped, because he felt that he had no other choice, the Irish clergy might be persuaded to recognize the sin• cerity of his motives and respond accordingly.

323. Quarterly Review. LXXVI (June-September 184-5) 269 f.

324-. See Appendix B, page B-1.

325. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 173. •To the Queen, from Sir Robert Peel', April 9, 184-5. 326. Lefevre, Peel and O'Connell. p. 24-2 f.

Kevin B. Nowlan, The Politics of Repeal: A Study in the Relations Between Great Britain and Ireland. 184-1-50. (Studies in Irish History. Second Series, Vol. III.) (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965). P« 63.

327. Edward R. Norman, "The Maynooth Question of 184-5". Irish Historical Studies. XV, No. 60 (September 1967) 4-07-4-37. 118

Peel's discreet precautions-^2^ to sandwich the Bill in between other measures indicated his determination to pass it without arousing too much opposition from those hostile to

Catholic interests. The ensuing debate, in particular, dramatically unfolded both the limitations and hopes of

Peel's future policies towards the Irish Catholic Church which his party interests marked out for him. Sir Robert

Inglis, one of the most ardent critics of the Bill within

his own party, raised the whole issue that united strong

public opinion against the Maynooth grant. These represented

both those Protestant Anglicans and Dissenters who objected

to the State endowing "Popery", and those who demanded that 329

no religious denomination should be endowed by the State. 7

Inglis challenged Peel directly to state whether the Bill

would establish the precedent that hostile opinion feared;

namely, future government endowment of the Roman Catholic

priesthood. In reply, Peel denied that the Bill was "part of

a preconcerted scheme", and he cautiously refused to bind 330 future administrations to any such pledge he might make. ^

328. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of Dr. Doyle. Vol. II, p. 129.

329. Spectator. April 12, 1843- P. 349- "Topics of the Day—Maynooth".

330. Edward R. Norman, "The Maynooth Question of 1843". Irish Historical Studies. XV, No. 60 (September 196?) 420 f. 119

Peel's discreet diplomacy was not surprising since the

Bill, introduced in April 1845, aroused such hostility in the country and in debate in Parliament, that it was described by the A,nnual Register^^ as the most momentous debate of the year, and in April the Spectator gave it prominence over all xxx other items of news. The leader of the Illustrated London

Hews on April 19th declared: the whole week was occupied by the debate on May• nooth. Parliament has seemed more like a school of theology ... than the legislature of a great nation and empire ... the fountains of great and deep religious rancour and bitterness ... a deluge of denunciations on the ministers' heads ... each night from 4:30 to 6:00 p. m. are extraordinary scenes ... and scarcely a member without a sheaf of petitions ... some piles ... and others great stacks ... the great influence of Dissenters ... increased anxiety of M. P.'s ... who would otherwise be indifferent. 334.

331. Hansard, 3d Series, 79 (April 3, 1845), 10-18.

William Cooke Taylor, The Life and Times of Sir Robert Peel (4 vols.; London: Peter Jackson, 1851). Vol. Ill, p. 374-410.

The Times (London), April 4, 1845« P« 5«

Spectator. April 5, 12, 19, 26, 1845- These issues give very full reports on the debates.

332. The Annual Register, or A. View of the History and Politics of the Year 1845. (London: Rivington, 1846). Chapter IV, p. 101-140. "Affairs of Ireland—Maynooth Improvement Bill".

333. Spectator. April 5, 12, 19; and May 24, 1845.

334. Illustrated London News. April 19, 1845. p. 242, 246. 120

These same papers reported the activity of a Protestant organization called the Anti-Maynooth Committee. This com• mittee was the coordinating executive of a large network of local Protestant associations. It had previously used the cry of "No Popery" to harass the Melbourne government in its pacific policies towards the Irish Catholics in the late 1820'

Now, in 1845, it turned the emotional force of "No Popery" against Peel over the Maynooth Grant, and split his party one year before he was forced to resign over the repeal of the Corn Laws.^^ This "No Popery" cry had its roots in the popular mythology of the English Protestant Reformation tradition of Britain, reinforced by the historic threat of

Spanish and French Catholic invasion. Its roots lay deep in

British nationalism which viewed the Irish Catholic demands

for recognition and equal rights as part of the same threat.

These English attitudes were reinforced by the fear that loss

of control over Ireland would endanger the unity of the Empire

Peel was caught up in this propaganda movement, which he

had originally utilized against Repeal, on the grounds that

it was seditious. In his attempt to win the Papacy against

Repeal in 1844» be had drawn up a documented case demonstra•

ting the seditious nature of Irish Roman Catholic priestly

335. Gilbert Cahill, "The Protestant Association and the Anti-Maynooth Agitation of 1845". Catholic Historical Review. XLIII (1958) 273-308. 121 activity. J Now the full force of this propaganda of British

Protestant dissent was turned against him—

the majority of English Dissenters, and all the people of Scotland, who are possessed of a peculiar and vulgar terror of the Catholic religion, 337•

—to join forces with the Irish Protestant Establishment's portrayal of Catholicism as a threat to the enlightened

"British Imperial eminence". ^ Their propaganda was an amalgam of Evangelical piety, threatened vested interests, and English patriotism. Its central theme was that the theology of Maynooth preached sedition. y7 The Irish priests

trained there were the vanguard of a plot to overthrow the

Protestant state, and with it, the Union. The evangelically

336. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 402. •To Sir Bobert Peel, from Sir James Graham', November 29, 1843. 337. Tait's XI (April 1844), P. 238. "Politics of the Montj*".

338. Dublin University Magazine. XXVI (October 1845) 506.

339. Hansard. $d Series, 80 (June 2, 1845) Lords, 1189-1194 and 1212, and 1217- Speech in the House of Lords by the Evangelical Reformer, Wilberforce. The Catholics persecuted in the name of religion. Speech of the Duke of Manchester. "Maynooth taught the priests to be ardent Repealers".

Dublin Universit y Magazinef XXVI (July 1845) 78 f. "Ireland—Her Evi^s and Remedies"; and XXVI (October 1845) 506. "Protestants of Ireland and Sir Robert Peel".

Francis B. Head, A. Fortnight in Ireland. (London: John Murray, 1852), p. 259 ff. Referred to Dens Theologia, Vol. VI, "taught in Maynooth College. Head interprets this Roman Catholic theology as investing priests with the power to preach defiance of the laws of the "heretical" state. 122 fervent Ulster Irish landlord, the Earl of Roden, who was also one of the prominent leaders of the Protestant Associa• tion,-^0 and the Protestant Bishop of Cashel, among others, re-echoed these ideas.

Peel, in his defence of the Act of Union, had defended this Protestant Establishment for political reasons. He saw it as "the primary religion of the landowners" who were the 342 mainstay of the Union Constitution. The Protestant

Establishment used similar legalistic arguments to defend its position, and to oppose the Maynooth Grant. The Irish

Protestant Bishop of Cashel presented these arguments in their "doctrinal purity": The formulas of our Church, and all legal enact• ments of our Church and State, all spoke of the Church and State as a Protestant Church and State. The fifth article of the Act of Union declared that the Church was one united Protestant Church. Where would the statesman now be found to un-Protestantize the country? 343'

The missionary zeal that permeated the Anglican Church in

the early nineteenth century gave added emotional drive to

these arguments. It lent credence to the view that the

Catholic peasantry were waiting to be liberated from a

repressive and superstitious Catholic priesthood trained

340. Hansard. 3d Series, 80 (June 2, 1845) 1177-1197.

341. Ibid.. 1227.

342. Ibid., 72 (February 23, 1844) 243 f.

343- Ibid.. 80 (June 2, 1845) 1177-1197- 123 in Maynooth.-54'44' The Bishop of Cashel declared that

among the established churches of our Empire, that of Ireland, in the vital and spiritual sense of the term, is the most prosperous of the three. While its outward man perishes. Its inward man is renewed, day by day. 345•

Such religious debates as these, according to Justin McCarthy, a Catholic Whig who lived through those times, produced a distorted view of Ireland, and consequently, England was deluded into believing that the Protestant minority needed protection because of the supposed

irreconcilable hatred between Protestant and Catholic in Ireland, and consequently success• ive governments, kept up the continuous efforts for the exclusion of the Catholics ... from any share whatever in the making of the laws. 34-6.

The supporters of the Bill, in marked contrast to its opponents, described in vivid terms the "miserable and wretched" destitution of the Maynooth College, as Dean

Horsley, a visitor to the College had declared:

344- Hansard. 3d Series, 80 (June 2, 1845) 1185. Wilberforce here referred to 800 Catholics being converted to Protestantism at Dingle, County Kerry. He also mentioned The Roman Catholic persecution. Asenath Nicholson, Ireland's Welcome to a Stranger; or, Excursions Through Ireland in 1844 and 1845. (London: Gilpin, 1847), p. 297. The story of a New England woman who served in Ireland for the Hibernian Bible Society. She was impressed by her experiences that "charity" belonged to individual clergy among both Catholic and Protestant.

345- Hansard. 3d Series, 80 (May 26, 1845) 834. From a speech in the House of Lords by the Bishop of Cashel. 346. McCarthy, Irish Recollections, p. 71. 124

I blush for the meanness of my countrymen that can dignify the paltry pittance of their govern• ment at present doled out to the institution with the title of an Act of Bounty to the Irish Soman Catholics. 347. Lord Beaumont, a Catholic peer, exposed the deeper economic root of the problem that created an ignorant priest• hood, ground down in the poverty of the "flock that they served"

He protested that the Maynooth Grant was not enough. He recom• mended that the priests should be assisted financially by the

State as

compensation for the arduous duty of his mission, (since) ... he who visits the cabin of the miser• able, braves infection while affording religious comfort to the sick, and whispers hope in the ear of the dying. 348.

Sichard Whately, the Protestant Archbishop of Dublin, was honest enough to agree that the increased grant for Maynooth merely gave the Catholics what the Establishment owed them.-^"^

347. Quarterly Beview. LXXVT (June-September 1845) 269 f-

348. Hansard. 3d Series, 80 (June 2, 1845) 1219-1225.

Lecky, History of Ireland. Vol. I, p. 302 f. Cites Viscount Bichard Molesworth, an Irish Protestant Peer, as having made an outstanding contribution to the history of religious tolerance in the publication in 1723 of his pamphlet called Some Considerations for the Promotion of Agriculture and Employing the Poor in which, among other things, he advocated payment of the priesthood by the State, religious equality, extension of the franchise, and the establishment of public granaries to provide against agricultural famine.

349. Spectator. June 1845- P« 532. Whately was one of a minority of Protestant Episcopalian and Roman Catholic bishops who still supported the idea of "mixed national education" in Ireland. 125

The main hope behind the government advocates of economic reforms was that these would tend to soothe and soften the tone of the College towards the government. Lord Beaumont admitted that the College might have anti-Gallican attitudes, but denied the accusation of the anti-Popery faction that the College taught ultra-montane papist doctrines, or was disloyal to 350 the Crown. ^

The truth was that the College reflected the economic and social problems of the Irish Lower Nation with which

O'Connell was so closely identified. Though these students were enjoined by Propaganda at Rome to give unswerving loyalty to the Crown at all times and places, the internal tension between Irishmen and foreign professors, the insistent poverty, the naievetes and crudities of the poor peasant priests, who must have worn the patience of their teachers—at least once there was student riots—behind which one can feel the patriotic passion of peasant Ireland breaking through the French rigourisffl of the Seminary. 351•

Lefevre, confirming this, writes that "in this small act of

generosity" Peel was doomed "to disappointment". Maynooth,

after the increased grant, continued to "foster a national

spirit among the priests there ... (but) more hostile to the 352 government" than before.-^

350. Hansard. 3d Series, 80 (June 2, 1845) 1219-1225-

351. O'Faolain, The Irish, p. 111. O'Faolain is Roman Catholic, but he is opposed to clerical domination, and the Church's attempt to censor publications.

352. Lefevre, Peel and O'Connell. p. 245. 126

Peel's effort to increase the Maynooth Grant served to illustrate the "odium theologicum" that would be the fate of any Ministry that proposed to state-endow the Irish Catholic

clergy.The Maynooth Grant was merely a modification of

an already-established custom, yet it was passed by Parlia•

ment only with the support of 165 Whigs and Radicals. Peel's

Conservative Party, by a majority of 18, voted against the

Bill, and in so doing, threatened his leadership and sharply

divided therparty, indicating the power that anti-Catholic 354 Irish sentiment could produce to prevent reforms. ^ "Hence•

forth," Lefevre concluded, "there was only one solution of

the religious question in Ireland; namely, that of levelling

down the Protestant Church by disestablishment and disendowment"

In Ireland, outside the small ultra-Tory and Anti-Maynooth

fringe, opinion generally, in marked contrast to English public

sentiments, welcomed Peel's efforts and deplored the hostile

sentiment towards Catholic Ireland that had opposed him. A

general petition from the Protestant enclave of Belfast,

353. Lefevre, Peel and O'Connell. p. 243.

354. The Times (London), April 21, 1845-

Hansard, 3d Series, 79 (April 21, 1845), 1047-1053 and 1089-1092. For the debates on Maynooth, see Hansard. 3d Series, 79 (April 3, 1845) 10, through 79 (June 1845). 355. Lefevre, op_. cit.. p. 245. It should also be noted that in 1871 the Liberal government of William E. Gladstone disestablished the Church of Ireland. 127 signed by leading Whigs and Tories, highly approved the justice of the Grant, and condemned the "clamorous opposition".The Repeal Association in Dublin expressed its "disillusionment" with the English public who had so 357 strongly petitioned and demonstrated against the Bill. ^ 358

O'Connell applauded the good will that Peel^ and Graham had shown. He stated that they had "raised hopes infinitely beyond the Maynooth Grant".

In reality, O'Connell's display of enthusiasm also

expressed his fear of the growing militancy of the Young

Irelanders in his own ranks. They had now begun to believe

that concessions could only be wrung from the government

356. Spectator. April 26, 1845- P- 392.

357. Spectator. April 19, 1845. P- 369.

358. The Times (London), April 11, 1845. P« 4. "Report on O'Connell's Speech in the Repeal Association".

Terence DeVere White, "English Opinion", in Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays, p. 209.

Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters. Vol. I, p. xii f. Peel was present at a discussion on the merits of public men, when O'Connell was dismissed as "a low broguing Irish fellow". Peel said: "I would, if I wanted an eloquent advocate, readily give up all ... for this same broguing Irish fellow".

359. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 9. 'To Mr. Patrick Mahony, from Daniel O'Connell', April 19, 1845 A reference to the Repeal Association Speech of O'Connell when he publicly acknowledged his gratitude. 128

through speeches and acts of bold defiance—as Gavan Duffy

ironically put it, "Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Polk had made the

government uneasy".-^60

Smith O'Brien expressed this attitude of Young Ireland

at its boldest in the Repeal Association meeting of May 3, 1845-

He analyzed the strength of the military forces that would be

arrayed against England—American, French and native Irish.

These together, by destroying the British Empire, would 361 create an Independent Irish nation. O'Connell's non•

violent, appeal came to the opposite conclusion. "To America,

I say, don't dare attack England. They are conciliating

Ireland".

It was regrettable for the immediate future of Ireland

that the forces that separated her from Britain appeared so irreconcilable in May 1845, despite the gestures of Peel

and O'Connell. Even those who had rallied behind Peel over

Maynooth showed no major awareness of the economic and

social disaster that was impending. British Parliamentary

360. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 649- A reference to O'Connell's agitation, and to the Oregon Dispute with the JJ. S. President, James Polk.

361. Spectator. May 3, 1845. P« 414 f.

362. Spectator, April 12, 1845- P. 345- 129 affairs reflected a drift towards a free trade, laissez- faire commercialism. "The world", Greville wrote, "is ab• sorbed by its material Interests and its railroads".

The Spectator saw Peel as "the arch pragmatist, who em• bodied the reflex public mind ... Tory and Whig are names of things gone".-"^ Peel's proposal of the Academical

Institutions (Ireland) Bill immediately following the

Maynooth Grant fully revealed his dilemma, as the rep• resentative of British interests. These compelled him to circumvent the social and economic bases of the Catholic

Repeal Movement, and instead, left him with no alternative but to impose on Ireland a reform which would have been welcomed had it been applied with more tact and concern.

363. Greville, Memoirs. Vol. V, p. 297. April 6, 1845.

364. Spectator. April 19, 1845- p. 373 f. Chapter VI.

THE CATHOLIC REPEALERS AS DEFENDERS

OF IRISH CATHOLIC CULTURE.

The Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill.

May 1845.

You miscalculate much if you imagine that we shall ever suffer the education of the people of Ireland to he planned or conducted by those who seem to have taken upon themselves the exclusive office of the directors of the national mind.

—Dr. John MacHale, Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam.-

If we succeed in carrying the measure into practical operation it will emancipate the rising generations from the thraldom of priestly domination.

—Sir James Graham, Home Secretary.

365. O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 570 f. To Sir Robert Peel, from John MacHale', January 24, 1845. 366. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 12. To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham', May 10, 1845. Chapter VI.

THE CATHOLIC REPEALERS AS DEFENDERS

OF IRISH CATHOLIC CULTURE.

The Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill in May 1845, that followed in the wake of Maynooth, raised issues that were fundamental to the survival of the Catholic culture of

Ireland, and which O'Connell grasped as essential to the success of his movement. He saw the necessity of preserving intact the aristocracy of the Catholic clergy as the most effective leaders who could contain the increasing restless• ness created by famine and aggravated by the more militant and separatist appeal of the Young Irelanders, which he came

to regard as a destructive force within the Repeal movement.

O'Connell thus sought to preserve the non-violent and human•

istic spirit of his movement by retaining its alliance with

the Catholic Church leaders of Ireland.

The British response to this resistance of Catholic

Ireland revealed many of the limitations already evident

in the Charitable Bequests Act of 1844' O'Connell, already

familiar with these, sensed that the Academical Institutions

(Ireland) Bill was a grudging concession which thinly veiled

a scheme to separate the Catholic leadership from the Repeal

Movement. This time, in contrast to the Charitable Bequests

Act, the Catholic laity, rather than the clergy, were to be

persuaded of the government's generous intentions, since 132 one of the prime intentions of the Act was to improve the

Higher Education of the adult laity in Ireland.^

The whole approach of the government towards the Bill was cautious, as already indicated "by Graham in the original

Catholic pacification plan of 1844, when he explained that it was necessary to "overcome the scruples and false im• pressions of the Protestants" while lulling the suspicions of the Roman Catholic prelate, before this College Bill could be proposed.^68 The Bequests Act had not produced as much control over the Roman Catholic bishops as the government had anticipated. Indeed, any acquiescence on their part was largely motivated by a fear that resistance might excite

"the already grievously deranged social conditions created by poverty and grinding oppression".However, May 1845 was thought to be the opportune moment, as the Catholic prelates had graciously accepted the Maynooth Grant of the previous month.

Peel and Graham recognized the limited nature of the concessions they offered to the Irish Catholics. They knew that this proposal for the State endowment of the college education on a secular basis, would arouse the hostility

367. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 177. 'To Mr. H. Bulwer, from Sir,Robert Peel', May 12, 1845. 368. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 421. •To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham', November 30, 1844. 369. Spectator. March 8, 1845- p. 129. 133 of the Roman Catholic clergy, who wanted control of the educa• tion of their own laity. They also knew that these clergy were only asking for the same privileges that the Protestants 370 had always assumed to he their special right.

Graham, though aware of the more subtle social class interests exercised against Catholics in Ireland under the existing system of education, regretted that British prior• ities demanded such a sacrifice of Catholic interests. His justification was that Irish "Catholic loyalty was, at best, precarious,... (and) the concessions which ... would satisfy them ... the Protestants of Ireland would resist to the 371 last extremity". Further, Graham admitted the anti-clerical bias behind the Bill, which was to "emancipate the rising generation from 372 the thraldom of priestly domination". ' This Protestant

370. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 12. •To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham', May 10, 1843.

Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 10$. Cabinet Memorandum, February 17, 1844.

Ibid.. Vol. Ill, p. 183- 'To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir Robert Peel', July 18, 1845. (These last two references illustrate Peel's views.)

371. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 19. 'To Sir Robert Peel, from Sir James Graham', September 30, 1845.

372. Ibid.. Vol. II, p. 12. 'To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham', May 10, 1845. 134

English National attitude towards Catholic Ireland had already been expressed earlier by Peel when he had hoped that the

National Education Scheme would wean the Irish "away from the popular hedge schools sprung from the peeple, and inde•

pendent of our (English) control".pQel confirmed this attitude when he proposed the College Bill without consulting the Catholic clergy of Ireland.-^''724'

This anti-secular approach appeared, on the surface, to be liberal in intent, since it proposed "academical education free from the domination of the clergy of any sect".-^-' The new Colleges' non-sectarian character was to be protected by placing them under the supervision of a Central Board appointed by the government, and under the protection of the Crown.6

However, this did not imply that the religious susceptibil• ities of the students would not be protected as well. Each religious denomination was to be allowed "separate halls for

377 religious instruction".-"' The Roman Catholic bishops, in their demand for more Catholic control of the general curric• ulum of the Catholic students against "pantheism and

373- T. Corcoran, "Popular Education in Protestant England", Thought, VIII (September 1933), p. 181-201.

374• Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters. Vol. II, p. 133.

375. Spectator. May 31, 1845* P. 517.

376. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 110. Cabinet Memorandum, by Sir James Graham, April 12, 1844.

377. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. I, p. 421. 'To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham', November 30, 1844 (Private and confidential). 135 indifferentism, and much else besides", were represented as

opposed to "academic freedom".

This government proposal had already gained the support

of a small group of Catholic and Protestant Whigs in Ireland.

Among these was a Catholic, Sir Thomas Wyse, who had already

been influential in proposing the "mixed" national system of

education in 1834."^9 Also, among the Repealers, some of the

Young Irelanders tended to be sympathetic. Their anti-clerical

attitudes had been reinforced by the attacks made on them by

some of the Irish Catholic press.It might also be argued

that they had been infected by the clever tactics of the

pervasive English government propaganda in the name of

liberalism, especially as they were a predominantly English-

educated (Trinity College, Dublin) or Protestant group.^1

378. E. R. Norman, The Catholic Church and Irish Politics in the Eighteen Sixties• Irish History Series, No. 5« (Dundalk, Ireland: Dundalgan Press, 1965), p. 5.

Henry Bettenson, ed., Documents of the Christian Church. (London: Oxford, 1943), p. 379-381. This refers to the Syllabus of Errors, in 1864, which reaffirmed the Declaration of the Council of Trent, 1545-1563. (See also pages 365-374, especially pages 373 f.)

379. W. Torrens McCullagh, Memoirs of the Right Honourable Richard Laior Sheil. (2 vols.; London: Henry Colburn, Hurst & Blackett, 1855). Vol. II, p. 348.

380. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 610-614. See also page 615 for a letter !To Smith O'Brien, from Thomas Davis', November (no day given), 1844*

381. Dublin University Magazine. XXIX (February, 1847), p. 190 f. This conservative magazine referred to the Young Ireland Protestant, Thomas Davis, as "a gentleman and an Irish patriot, unlike Daniel O'Connell". 136

Apart from this Irish support, the government also obtained a formidable alliance in Parliament of the more moderate English Conservatives and Whigs and Radicals.-^2

It was, therefore, prepared to push the Bill through Parlia• ment,' despite the opposition of the Irish Catholic bishops, hoping to obtain their acquiescence in the fait accompli.

In reality, the subtle overtone of liberality masked the insensitive attitudes of Peel's government towards the traditions and struggles of the Irish Catholics against the invidious and patronizing influence of the "proselytizers" of the English Protestant AscendancyO'Connell, under• standing the divisive nature of the liberal mask, was at first reluctant to attack the scheme openly. Neither did he want "to show a disposition inimical to education, and a determination not to be satisfied with any concessions", since he was "most anxious" that Irish college., education 385 should be improved. x

382. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 177- 'To Mr. Buiwer, from Sir Robert Peel', May 12, 1845.

Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 11. •To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham', May 10, 1845.

383- O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 595-

384. Tait's. X (March 1845), P- 203.

385. Moody, Thomas Davis, p. 42.

Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters. Vol. II, p. 136. 137

Eventually, he felt compelled to protest openly when

Lord Lieutenant Heytesbury on May 23, 1345 ignored the objections of the united voice of the Irish Catholic bishops, presented to him in the form of a Memorial. Their main, request was that the centralized state control in the new colleges should be replaced by:

the bishops of each province who should be members of the Governing Board ... and that specified subjects shall be taught by Soman Catholic professors to their own laity, 386. since, as they put it, state control would be "dangerous to the faith and morals of the Catholic pupils".^8'7

Dr. MacHale saw this new attempt at state control as a continuation of the British policy of cultural assimilation already exercised through the National Schools for Elementary

Education established in Ireland in 1834' Consequently, he had protested against the attitude of the Protestant Arch• bishop of Dublin, Richard Whately, who had attempted to

expunge from the curriculum of the National Schools, not only

Catholic secular teaching, but Irish national traditions

and culture, as well.^88 MacHale, both as a scholar trained

386. O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 591.

387. Ibid., p. 593 f.

388. O'Hegarty, Ireland Under the Union, p. 390-398. On page 395 is illustrated, ironically, how Scott's "Breathes there a man with soul so dead" was expunged; while the following verse remained: "I thank the goodness and the grace Which on my birth has smiled, And made me, in these Christian days, A happy English child." 138 in the Gaelic tradition and as a Catholic cleric opposed to the Protestant Ascendancy in Ireland, advocated a national system of education freed from any religious ascendancy.

His biographer maintained that the Young Irelanders, though eager to publicize their own contribution to the national movement, showed an unwillingness to acknowledge this con• tribution of one of the outstanding leaders of Catholic 389 peasant Ireland.

In this respect the Young Ireland attitude reflected, and was symptomatic of, the whole unequal treatment Britain meted out in higher education to the Irish Catholics. The

government, while professedly "desiring equal fusion and union" had shown its determination to maintain sectarian 390

ascendancy and division. 7 T. W. Moody, in his studies

on the f'Irish University Question", explained that the

Protestants regarded the offices and endowments of the

only existing Irish University up till then—-that of 391 Trinity College, Dublin—as their own special preserve.yj

389. O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 635- He cites Gavan Duffy's books: Young Ireland: A. Fragment of Irish History. 1840-1830; and Four Years of Irish History. 1845-1849.

390. Tait's. XII (May 1845), P- 54-2. "Politics of the Month—Academical Colleges".

391. Theodore William Moody, "The Irish University Question of the Nineteenth Century". History. XLIII (1958), p. 97-100. 139

The radical Tait's interpreted Peel's refusal to allow a

Mr. Osborne to inquire into the revenues of Dublin University as illustrating "the great fault" of the Academical Institu• te;? tions Bill, "placing it in an odious light". 7 It was the superior social attractions of this system, that included the endowment of Protestant entrants to the University through the promotion of Protestant Diocesan Schools, ^ that Dr.

MacHale attacked as a proselytizing influence among Catholics.^

The Catholic bishops in their protest did not demand the emoluments of the Protestant Established Church. Neither did they wish to intrude on the monopolistic privileges already granted to the Protestants in their college at Dublin Univer• sity, though Graham later admitted the desirability and justice of such a demand when he recommended that a Catholic College should be established under the auspices of the older Univer- 395 sity of Dublin. y^ The Catholic bishops requested that the new colleges should place denominational education for Catholics on an equal footing with the Protestant Establishment. 392. Tait's. XII (May 1845), p. 54-2. "Politics of the Month—Academical Colleges".

393. Thorn's Irish Almanac. p. 136.

394- Spectator. July 5, 1845- p. 630.

395. Parker, ed., Graham. Vol. II, p. 15- 'To Lord Heytesbury, from Sir James Graham', August 10, 1845. The original foundation Charter, in 1591, of Trinity College, Dublin had already recommended the establishment of a number of colleges. llfO

Explaining the Catholic bishops' standpoint, O'Connell

emphasized that the safeguards for "separate halls" for

religious instruction was no new departure from the unequal

situation prior to the Bill.^9^ The Catholic Church had

long had to support its own denominational schools and col•

leges from voluntary subscriptions. Each archdiocese had

already founded Roman Catholic colleges through private

endowment for the education of persons professing the Roman 397

Catholic religion.-77i It was willing to continue such volun•

tary support. However, under this Bill, the government had

now added insult to unequal treatment, and had "given dic•

tatorial powers to its visitors, while it did nothing towards 398

the financial support of the attached religious halls'?. Thus

the Irish Catholics were to be compelled to continue to sup•

port the religious education of their college students, but

now, in addition, that education was to be supervised by

State Inspectors. As an added injustice, the economic pov•

erty of the Catholics would reinforce their unequal status

in relation to Protestants in the new colleges, as O'Connell

explained:

396. Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters,. Vol. II, p. 139.

397. Thorn's Irish Almanac. p. 139.

398. Ibid.. p. 126.

Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 358 f. •To P. Fitzpatrick, from Daniel O'Connell', June 27, 1845.

Spectator. July 3, 1845. P. 626. 141

If the religion of the colleges is privately endowed, the wealth of the Protestants would triumph over the poverty of the Catholics. 399.

Richard Sheil, a prominent Irish Whig and Parliamentary

friend of O'Connell, who had formerly abandoned Repeal because

in part, he had despaired of its achievement, sensed the

patronizing tone towards Catholics contained in the Bill. He

feared that the Provincial Colleges could never compete with

Dublin University in prestige. Therefore, he declared that

the admission of Catholics to Trinity College, Dublin on an

equal status with Protestants, would "do more than the found• ing of a dozen new universities".*1"00 The Catholic right to

this old university was, for him, "an Irish Catholic gentle• man's point of honour".*1"01 To this he opposed the English

House of Commons, which he described as:

more intensely susceptible to aristocratic preju• dices than any assembly in the civilized world.... You cannot by any description make a West Indian comprehend the sensation of frost until he has enjoyed it; the sensation for him exists not, nor can he sympathize with those who feel its painful and numbing influence. 4-02.

399. O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 637. Dr. MacHale had translated into Gaelic, Thomas Moore's Melodies and Homer's Iliad.

400. Tait's. X (March 1845), p. 203.

401. Loc. cit.

McCullagh, Memoirs of Sheil. Vol. II, p. 348-350. Sheil was a prominent advocate of humanitarianism.

402. Ibid., p. 305- 142

It was to this sensitivity that O'Connell added his fears

of the Impetuosity of the Young Ireland movement within his

own ranks. On May 3, 1845 Smith O'Brien, one of their leaders,

had boldly asserted that the future independence of Ireland

would be achieved with the aid of foreign intervention.

O'Connell interposed that the cause of Repeal was not served

by "refusing to attend Parliament".4^ O'Connell had already aroused the disapproval of the Young Irelanders when he insisted that Ireland did not need foreign aid from a nation

such as America that condoned the "slavery of 3,200,000" 404 negroes. ^

O'Connell's growing fears that Young Ireland might wreck

the Catholic base of thei.national movement were intensified by the controversy over the proposed new colleges in Ireland.

Already, before the college debate, the lines had been drawn in the Irish press between the so-called "priest party" of

O'Connell and the "anti-priest party" supported by the Young

Irelander, Thomas Davis. Davis had already shown himself unduly sensitive to Catholic criticism, though he had not hesi• tated to support violent critics of O'Connell«s Catholicism.4-0-^

403. Spectator. May 3, 1845- p. 414 f.

404. Spectator. April 12, 1845- p. 344 f.

405. Denis Rolleston Gwynn, "Young Ireland", in Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays, p. 187-196. See also Chapter IV, page 90. 143

Over the College Bill, Davis, while admitting the right of the

Catholic bishops to demand safeguards,1*'06 believed in and sup• ported the professed liberalism of those who advocated the Bill.

O'Connell saw this so-called liberalism, rather, as an attempt to undermine the Irish national movement; he turned, instead, to the Irish Catholic Church organization which he felt was the Irish "Primitive Church's'* defence against every offer of state slavery", *+0'? and the main source of strength still left to protest injustice and contain violence. Thus,

"as a Catholic, and for the Catholics of Ireland, he unhesi• tatingly and entirely, condemned this execrable bill". His angry reactions to Davis1 defence of the College Bill at the memorable Repeal Association meeting of May 3» 1845, in the light of his sentiments and fears, appear understandable and intelligible. i,°8

Tense emotions were aroused by the religious overtones of debate on the College Bill at this meeting. O'Connell interrupted Davis' speech to inquire "if it were a crime to be a Catholic". Later in the debate, O'Connell turned the

406. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 704.

MQ?. O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 572. He cites The Life of Frederick Lucas. Volume I, page 174 f. Lucas was the editor of the Catholic paper, The Tablet. He was an ex-Quaker and a liberal Catholic.

408. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 698. 144 religious issue against the Young Irelanders:

The section of politicians styling themselves the Young Ireland Party, anxious to rule the destinies of this country, start up and support this measure. There is no such party as that styled 'Young Ireland'. There may he a few .individuals who take that denomination among themselves. I am for Old Ireland. 'Tis time that this delusion should be put an end to. Young Irelands may play what pranks they please. I don't envy them the name they rejoice in, I shall stand by Old Ireland. And I have some notion that Old Ireland willlstand by me. 409.

Much was made of this incident afterwards in the Irish and British press. At the Repeal meeting, Davis had broken into "irrepressible tears", and O'Connell had immediately interposed with a warm expression of good will towards him.

Gavan Duffy, the Young Irelander, however, referred to the poisonous seeds of distrust and division that this scene left behind it,4^0 aggravated by the fact that this was almost the last appearance in public of Thomas Davis before his sudden death in the same year.

The London Times ironically recognized the nature of the alignment that had been created within Repeal, and the strength of the Catholic party that O'Connell represented.

Old Ireland has beaten its young rival.... The priests have done it.... The Nation Party has proved not to be the national party. The people follow their pastors; their pastors their prelates; the hierarchy are devoted to O'Connell.... The grand secret of O'Connell's success must be found in the religious accompaniment of his agitation. 411.

409. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 705.

410. Ibid.. p. 704-708.

411. The Times (London), August 13, 1845- p. 338-340.

Spectator. May 31, 1845- p. 513. 145

Tait1s further demonstrated the strength of O'Connell's

Catholic position when it analyzed the organizational weakness

of the Young Ireland movement when separated from the Catholic

"base of O'Connell. Tait's believed that there was a general

exaggeration of the talents and sincerity of the Young Ire•

landers, whose "grand objects" it saw as "futile". Their

claims to possess the will to act were the speculations of

an intelligentsia without much grasp of the reality of the

popular passions of the "Irish Lower Nation". At the same

time, "their literature fomented popular passion, but a civil

war ensuing, would lead, despite them, to the priests taking

over the leadership of the people".^2

While the Young Irelanders refused to attend Parliament,

the aging O'Connell decided to make a special journey to

Parliament to plead the cause of the Catholic leaders and

their starving people.In his subsequent speech he attacked

the patronizing, tactless way the government had ignored the

objections of the Irish Catholic bishops to the Academical

Institutions Bill.^**" Lord John Russell, though supporting

the main lines of the Bill, also declared, with O'Connell,

412. Duffy, Young Ireland, p. 618.

413. Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters. Vol. II, p. 130-137.

414. Ibid., p. 133. 12+6 that the support of "Roman Catholic clergy might not humbly or meanly, but fairly and hoaestly, be sought". y He agreed with O'Connell's additional practical warning that the Catholic bishops should not be treated with indifference, since

six million upwards of the people of Ireland treat their decisions with profound respect. When you come to talk of educating the Catholics you must necessarily pay attention to that which they pay attention—the decision of their bishops. If 16.

The main tenor of the rest of O'Connell's speech was to indicate that "disaffection" in Ireland was not caused by conciliating Catholicism, in fact, the contrary was the case.

He emphasized the distinction between religion and economics which the Conservative government propaganda failed to make.

Looking back in history, his subsequent eloquent warning now appears prophetic:

the cause of disaffection ... is not a religious disaffection, but it is a physical disaffection. You gentlemen of England have no notion of its extent ... and though it may not display itself at this moment sufficient to alarm you or arouse you, still the time may come, after some of us have gone to our graves, when that physical disaffection may have the most frightful consequences. 417*

415. O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 622.

Spectator. June 7, 1845. p. 530. "Debates and Proceedings in Parliament".

416. Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters. Vol. II, p. 133.

417. Ibid., p. 130-137. 147

John. Arthur Roebuck, an English Radical M. P. , comment• ing on this appeal and warning of O'Connell, was to describe him as "pandering to the bad passions of the Irish in order to procure supplies for his urgent necessities". The gulf between the two cultures was apparent. The College Bill was to pass without the bishops' amendments, and the second

Memorial presented by 19 of the 23 bishops on September 15j

1845 was treated by the Lord Lieutenant with the same indiffer- 419

ence as the first of the previous May. -flaThe bishops'

alliance with MacHale and O'Connell, Lord Heytesbury had

described earlier, as "nothing but sheer poltroonery"

O'Connell was thrown back on this Catholic base as a

last resort and refuge to unite Ireland peacefully, in order

to stem the growing tide of despair and demoralization

created by increasing famine. Dr. MacHale, from the most

economically destitute Archdiocese of Tuam, appealed to

Parliament before it adjourned In August 1845 for relief

for "the starving people in Ire land". O'Connell rallied

418. Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters. Vol. II, p. 128-137. Roebuck referred to O'Connell's speech of June 23, 1845 on the Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill.

Spectator. June 21, 1845- P- 577.

419. O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 593 f.

420. Parker, ed., Peel. Vol. Ill, p. 179. •To Sir Robert Peel, from Lord Heytesbury', January 31, 184-5.

421. O'Reilly, op., cit., p. 622 f. 1i+8 leading Irish citizens to a meeting in Dublin on October 28,

184-5 to request government economic assistance.4'22 The

Viceroy hastily bowed out of his presence a deputation of these with the words:

Scientific men have been sent over from England.... They have not yet terminated their enquiries.... To decide ... upon the proper measures to be adopted, would be premature. £f23-

Against such administrative failure, both at the cul• tural and at the economic level, O'Connell and the Irish clergy found it difficult to prevent the alienation of

Catholic Ireland from the British Crown. They also faced what they feared most—the increasing militancy of the Young

Irelanders. Among these, Thomas Meagher, in his famous

"Sword Speech" in the Repeal Association in June 1846,

finally severed Young Ireland's ties with the peaceful and

constitutional movement of O'Connell. On that occasion

Meagher spoke of the nation "purchased by the effusion of

generous blood". The attempts of O'Connell's supporters

to silence Meagher led to the Young Irelanders, (Smith O'Brien,

John Mitchell, P. J. Smith, Devon Reilly and Gavan Duffy),

leaving the Repeal Association, never to return.4'24'

i+22. O'Reilly, John MacHale. Vol. I, p. 623-629- Detailed description of the remedial measures proposed.

1+23. Ibid., p. 630.

i+2if. Gwynn, Thomas Meagher, p. 8-14* 149

Desperately, O'Connell warned them, as he continued to appeal to the British government for economic aid, not to:

make light of this physical force question. • It involves your personal safety, which I am free to admit, is not a paramount consideration in your mind, but it also involves the safety of others engaged in the same object which you have in view. 425•

As he confessed to Dr. Blake, the bishop of his home diocese of Dromore,

There is no practical sacrifice that I would not make for the purpose of reconciliation. ... I would consent that the seceders (that is, the Young Irelanders) should spit in my face, instead of shaking hands, for that purpose. 1+26.

1+25. Fitzpatrick, ed., Correspondence of O'Connell. Vol. II, p. 397. •To William Smith O'Brien, M. P., from Daniel O'Connell', December 17, 181+6. In July 181+8, Smith O'Brien, Thomas Meagher, and other leading members of the Young Ireland party were tried for high treason and sentenced to death—which sentence the court commuted to transportation.

1+26. Cusack, Speeches and Public Letters. Vol. II, p. 543-545- •To Rev. Dr. Blake, Lord Bishop of Dromore, from Daniel O'Connell', November 21, 1846. 150

It was unfortunate for the future of Anglo-Irish relations that the economic disaster in Ireland, and the death of Daniel O'Connell, temporarily disrupted the con• stitutional movement he represented. There was "no commanding figure (after O'Connell) to seize and express

(so) imperatively the country's feelings and demands".

He had no rivals or disciples at the national level equal 427

to him in this respect. It was additionally unfortunate

that during the preceding three years from the trial of

O'Connell in 1844 until his death in 1847 that Sir Robert

Peel was unable to effect the reconciliation between the

two countries that he desired in the end. Instead, he was

bound to a political party that advocated a bankrupt

policy towards Ireland.

427. McDowell, Public Opinion, p. 259. CONCLUSION.

This study has analyzed the reasons the Irish national

Repeal movement under the leadership of O'Connell emerged as the most authentic voice and most successful barrier against

British policies of assimilation and coercion towards Ireland between 1844 and 1846. The policies and tactics employed by the Repeal Party under the direction of O'Connell have been documented, showing that these, more than those of his rivals, fulfilled the most imperative Irish needs.

The first two chapters have explained the historic forces from the Act of Union in 1800 that finally culminated in this most important phase of the British-Irish conflict from 1844 to 1846. Further, these have emphasized how O'Connell's

Repeal Party, just because it understood the extent of both the ends and means that could be used against the British government, had by 1844 established an unrivalled position in the Irish national resistance movement. In emphasizing the realism, consistency and vigour with which O'Connell pursued his objectives, this study has shown that the critics of O'Connell's policies failed to appreciate fully the great• ness of his achievement within the limited resources at his disposal. The remaining chapters show how, under O'Connell's direction and because of it, the Repeal Party, between 1844 and 1846, remained the main focus of Irish national aspirations. 152

O'Connell perceived during these years that the core of the Irish people was the Lower Nation led by the leaders of their national church. His revolutionary view was a demand for these a more equitable land and social system controlled by a more impartial administration, whose prime responsibility was to the Irish people, rather than, as was then the case,

to the commercial interests of England. He thus conceived his mission within immediate practical terms of Irish survival.

His means had a direct bearing on his ends. His

revolutionary tactics, including his view of Irish nationality,

were strictly limited by the realistic conviction that

physical force could not achieve the ends he sought. The

almost total military control exercised over Ireland by the

British government, which this study documents, added to

Ireland's geographical isolation from foreign aid, convinced

him that any military resistance would only hasten the

destruction of the people he was committed to defend. Nor

was he convinced that foreign aid, even if successful, would

do anything more than exchange one alien maladministration

for another.

Indeed, he had reason to hope that he could preserve

the unity and discipline of the Irish movement by identifying

with the only effective underground organization available at

the national level which could achieve these ends. The Irish

Catholic Church, alone, had both the organization to act as

a barrier against British policies of assimilation and the

moral influence to contain violence in Ireland and demand

social justice for the Irish people. 153

Daniel O'Connell's policies and tactics were clearly

put to the test in 1844" The British government, by placing him on trial on charges of sedition, created a model in

miniature of the British-Irish conflict, showing that the

accused (in a political sense) was also the accuser.

O'Connell's acquittal was a moral refutation of British

policies towards Ireland. Furthermore, it and the subsequent

repercussions created an ideological schism within the ruling

British Conservative Party. This ideological split came at

a most crucial time for the British Conservatives since it

added to their growing dissensions, and eventually, to the

bankruptcy of their Irish policies.

From this point the policy of the British government

towards the Irish Repeal Party took a more devious turn, and

never again directly challenged O'Connell. Rather, it

attempted to divide the Irish nation by coercion and bribery,

which demonstrated the weakening of its efforts at ideological

assimilation. This was a tacit admission of failure, and of

its recognition of the strength of the national movement

that O'Connell led. Chapters IV, V and VI have illustrated

both this policy of coercion and bribery, and O'Connell's

response to it. 154

In. 1844 the British government failed to persuade the

Papacy to compel the Irish Church leaders to abandon Catholic

Repeal. Instead, they only succeeded in strengthening the bonds between Catholicism and the national movement of

O'Connell, which, in the Catholic context of Europe, had become a "cause celebre".

By 1845 British policy had shifted from one of coercion

and persecution of the Irish national church to one of

belated recognition and attempted conciliation. However,

this conciliation failed to win the friendship of the Irish

church leaders since it was only half-hearted in implementa•

tion, and double-edged in purpose. The increased Maynooth

Grant of 1845 was a prime example of an isolated and limited

gesture. The goodwill engendered by this was counteracted

by the strength of the anti-Catholic opposition to the Bill.

In addition, the immediate subsequent introduction of the

Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill, without consulting

the Irish Church leaders, and with its implied threat to

Catholic influence, further reduced the favourable impression

that the British government had created among the Irish

Catholic leaders by the Maynooth Grant.

Much of this ideological strife thus created between the

British government and the Irish nationalists during those

last years centered itself around the persons of Sir Robert

Peel and Daniel O'Connell, who were ultimately to be sacri•

ficed, and their plans and causes temporarily betrayed by the 155 lesser men who surrounded and succeeded them. Overwhelmed by the impending tragedy of famine, these two leaders by

1845 gradually began their first tentative efforts to undo the tragic errors of the past and to build a bridge towards future reconciliation. Sir Robert Peel, a man of talent and sensitivity, attempted conciliation, however slight, towards

Ireland at the risk of political suicide. The tragedy for him lay in that he was politically bound to a party that represented a bankrupt policy of economic laissez-faire and political coercion against the Irish, which hampered his policies and, eventually, was to bring him down.

Daniel OlGonnell, the leader of Catholic Repeal, won the day only to lose the fight because of his unworthy successors, both among his own Catholic supporters and among the Young

Ireland militants within Repeal. It is, nonetheless, a commentary on the greatness of spirit and the innate gener• osity of O'Connell, and not his failure of leadership, as his critics have supposed, that in the last years of his life, at the height of his victory, he was able to recognize the con• ciliatory moves of Peel and tried to steer his party to receive them. But, as in the case of the famine, these were too little and too late, and the tragedy was to be compounded by the abortive Young Ireland rebellion in 1848, that O'Connell, before his death in 1847, had foreseen as doomed to failure and futility, since it was against the most powerful industrial nation of the time. It was this long and arduous fight of the Irish for recognition, and for their national Church, in particular, as expressed through the Catholic Party of O'Connell, that this inquiry has endeavoured to document. Daniel O'Connell was the agent and catalyst of the movement. He won his case as jbhe Irish national leader, both figuratively and literally, since he evaded defeat at his personal peril, and forced the

Peel government to veer to a policy of reconciliation. The success of the Catholic Repeal Party, in immediate terms, may be measured by the failure of the British attempt to convert the Irish and to understand the Irish outlook as encompassed by the philosophy and theology of their church.

Its more permanent contribution was to give the Irish

Catholic Church a more unified and active political role within the national movement, and thus provide a base from which the

Irish constitutional national movement in the late nineteenth century could be launched. One of its most direct links with the future, in this respect, was the National Association of

Ireland, founded by the Church leaders in 1864, to demonstrate that massive support existed in Ireland for a programme of land, church, and education reform. Further, the 1880's witnessed the alliance of Catholic Repeal as expressed through the Home Rule Party with the more conciliatory aspects of the Peelite tradition as personified in William E. Glad• stone's leadership of the British Liberal Party.

428. Macintyre, The Liberator, p. 297. In 1889, Gladstone, supporting Home Rule, praised Daniel O'Connell as a statesman who "never for a moment changed his end (and) never hesitated to change his means". Gladstone, as a Peelite, ranked Daniel O'Connell as one of the greatest national leaders, above Kossuth and Mazzini. EPILOGUE

The greatness and success of Daniel O'Connell, and the validity of his movement for the twentieth century, lay in his determination to preserve an authentic tradition and culture that has survived to this day. This tradition remains the most permanent and practical aspect of Irish

Repeal to survive the I8if0's. O'Connell also strove to realize the more practical aspect of the Irish nationality that sought to co-exist peacefully within the framework of

Britain and Europe. His hopes were almost fulfilled in the

Home Rule movement of the late nineteenth century that might have prevented the partition of Ireland. The success of the more militant republican tradition in the twentieth century, and the subsequent partition problem, was as much the con• sequence of the physical and moral support of the United

States of America as the result of the declining British colonial empire. The trends of the 1960's have already indicated that the European consciousness of the O'Connell movement of the 184-O's, and its desire for reconciliation, may yet triumph over the divisive legacy of bitterness left by colonial blindness and narrow separatism. ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. BOOKS.

A. CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.

Benson, Arthur Christopher, and Viscount Esher. The Letters of Queen Victoria. 3 vols. London: John Murray, 1907. Vol. II. A selection from Her Majesty's correspondence between the years 1837 and 1861. Bowring, John, ed. The Works of Jeremy Bentham. published under the superintendence of his executor, John Bowring. 11 vols. Edinburgh: William Tait, 1838-1843- Vol. II, The Book of Fallacies. This is Bentham's handbook of political fallacies. Carleton, William. Traits and Stories of Irish Peasantry• 7th ed. 2 vols. London: William Tegg, 1867- A classic in this field.

Cusack, M. F. Speeches and Public Letters of the Liberator. 2 vols. Dublin: McGlashin & Gill, To75- Vol. II. A compilation that indicated the wide and deep range of O'Connell's political philosophy. Daunt, William J. O'Neill. Personal Recollections of O'Connell. London: Chapman & Hall, 184^. Daunt was a loyal supporter and close friend of O'Connell. Doheny, Michael. The Felon's Track; or. History of the Attempted Outbreaks in Ireland Embracing the Leading Events in the Irish Struggle from the Year 1845 to the Close of TH48. Dublin: Gill & Son, 1951- Personal memoirs of a Young Irelander, giving the rationale for the use of physical force.

Doubleday, Thomas. Political Life of the Right Honourable* Sir Robert Peel, Bart.; An Analytical Biography. 2 vols. London: Smith, Elder, 1836. Vol. II.

Duffy, Charles Gavan. The League of the North and South: An Episode in Irish History. 1850-1854? London: Chapman & Hall, 1886- A sequel to the author's Young Ireland. 157

Duffy, Charles Gavan. Young Ireland; A Fragment of Irish History. 1840-1850. 2 vols. London: Cassell, Petter & Galpin, 1880. The author was editor of the notable newspaper, The Nation, that embodied the opinions of the Young Irelanders within the Repeal Movement.

Fitzpatrick, William John, ed. Correspondence of Daniel O'Connell. the Liberator. 2 vols. London: John Murray, 1888. Vol. II. Fitzpatrick was the personal aide of Daniel O'Connell.

Fitzpatrick, William John. The Life. Times. and Corres• pondence of the Right Reverend Dr. Doyle. Bishop of Kildare. New ed. 2 vols. Dublin: J. Duffy, 1880. Vol. II.

Fogarty, L., ed. James Fintan Lalor, Patriot and Political Essayist. Collected writings with a Biographical Note. Rev. ed. Dublin: Talbot, 1918, 1947• Lalor was an advocate of land reform, and joined the Young Irelanders.

Froude, James Anthony. The English in Ireland in the Eighteenth Century. 3 vols. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1881. Vol. III. A noted historian from the Protestant Unionist standpoint.

Fulford, Roger, ed. The Greville Memoirs. 1821-1860. Rev. ed. London: Batsford, 1963-

Gooch, G. P., ed. The Later Correspondence of Lord John Russell. TB40-1878. 2 vols. London: Longmans, 1925. Vol. I.

Greville, Charles Cavendish Fulke. The Greville Memoirs of George IV. William IV. and Queen Victoria. 5 vols. London: Longmans, 1903. Vols. II, V. Greville was a Whig, closely involved in Parliamentary circles. 158

Head, Francis B. A Fortnight in Ireland. London: John Murray, 1852. A cursory glance at the social customs of the Irish, and the "beneficial influence of English Protestant civilization". Interesting insights into the English public view of Ireland.

Jephson, Henry L. Notes on Irish Questions. Dublin: McGee; London: Longman, Green, 1870. Very extensive, well-documented and sympathetic report on Ireland's problems.

Jephson, Maurice Denham. An Anglo-Irish Miscellany; Some Records of the Jephsons of Mallow. Dublin: A. Figgis, 1964- Contemporary sketches of Smith O'Brien, the Young Irelander, and others.

Lecky, William Edward Hartpole. A History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century. 5 vols. London: Longmans, Green, 1909- The outstanding historian of the period. Combines literary style with much detailed information.

Lecky, William Edward Hartpole. Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland. 2 vols. London: Longmans, Green, 1912. Vol. II is Life of Daniel O'Connell. Literary style. 159

Lefevre, George John Shaw (Baron Eversley). Peel and O'Connell. A Review of the Irish Policy of Parliament from the Act of Union to the Death of Sir Robert Peel. London: Kegan Paul, 1887. The name is sometimes given as Shaw-Lefevre. He was the younger brother of Charles Shaw-Lefevre, Vis• count Eversley. He was one of the commissioners of the new Poor-law Amendment Act.

Levy, John, ed. A. Full and Revised Report on the Three Days' Discussion in the Corporation of Dublin on the Repeal of the Union. Dublin: James Duffy, 1843- The full report of the three-day debate, O'Connell's speech, and Isaac Butt's rebuttal. Most noteworthy. (Isaac Butt later became a Home Ruler).

Maynooth: The Crown and the Country. London: Rivington, 1845' An anonymous pamphlet attacking the "evils of endowing Popery in Ireland". McCarthy, Justin. A History of Our Own Times from the Accession of Queen Victoria to the Berlin Congress, if vols. London: Chatto & Windus, 1879- Vol. I. A sympathetic study of O'Connell by an Irish M. P. patriot, showing his regret of English misunderstanding of Ireland. He analysed Irish nationality, not as anti-English, but as a consequence of the maladmini• stration of Ireland.

McCarthy, Justin. Irish Recollections. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1911. McCullagh, W. Torrens. Memoirs of the Right Honourable Richard Lalor Sheil. 2 vols. London: Henry Colburn, 1855. Vol. II. A sympathetic biography documented with verbatim reports of Shell's speeches. Nicholson, Asenath. Ireland's Welcome to the Stranger; or, Excursions Through Ireland in 1844 and 18457 London: Gilpin, 18^-7. A Methodist colporteur from New England, amazed at both the poverty and the hospitality of the Irish Catholic poor and their priests. O'Brien, R. Barry. Dublin Castle and the Irish People. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1909* A documented analysis of alien administration in Ireland. 160

O'Callaghan, John Cornelius. History of the Irish Brigades in the Service of France, from the Revolution in Great Britain and Ireland under James II, to the Revolution in France under Louis XVI. Glasgow: Cameron & Ferguson, 1870. A study of the Irish Brigades in France, commanded by the uncle of Daniel O'Connell.

O'Connell, Daniel. A. Memoir of Ireland. Native and Saxon, 1172-1660. Dublin: James Duffy, 1854. 3d ed. Vol. I. The only published history by Daniel O'Connell. He planned to make this a work of several volumes, but only one volume was completed and published. It demonstrated the "oppression" of British rule in Ireland.

O'Connell, John. An Argument for Ireland. Dublin: Browne, 1844. John was the favourite son of Daniel O'Connell.

O'Connell, John, ed. Select Speeches of Daniel O'Connell. H> P. 2 vols. Dublin: James Duffy, 1862.

O'Connell, Mrs. Morgan John. The Last Colonel of the Irish Brigade• 2 vols. London: Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1892. Biography of Daniel O'Connell's uncle, Count Daniel O'Connell, commander of the Irish Brigades in France.

O'Reilly, Bernard. John MacHale. Archbishop of Tuam: His Life, Times, and Correspondence. 2 vols. New York, 1890. John MacHale is represented as the greatest Church advocate of social justice and of Repeal.

Barker, Charles Stuart, ed. Life and Letters of Sir James Graham. Second Baronet of Netherby. 2 vols. London: John Murray, 1907. Vol. I. Correspondence in detail of Sir James Graham on Ireland when he was Home Secretary.

Parker, Charles Stuart, ed. Sir Robert Peel from his Private Correspondence (Vol. I); From his Private Papers (Vols. II, III). 3 vols. London: John Murray, 1881, 1889- 2d ed. Vol. III. A primary source of correspondence of Sir Robert Peel.

Peel, Sir Robert. Memoirs of the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel. Published by the trustees of his papers—Lord Mahon, now Earl Stanhope; and the Right Honourable Edward Cardwell. 2 vols. London: John Murray, 1856. Contains a sympathetic biography of Sir Robert Peel, and verbatim reports of some of his speeches.

Senior, Nassau W. Journals, Conversations and Essays Relating to Ireland. 2 vols. London: Longman, Green, 1868. Vol. I. 161

Shaw's Authenticated Report of the Irish State Trials, 1844- Dublin: Henry Shaw, 1844* Verbatim report of the trial of O'Connell and his fellow "conspirators" in 1844. Taylor, William Cooke. The Life and Times of Sir Robert Peel. % vols. London: Peter Jackson, 1851. Vol. III. (Volume IV is by Charles Mackay). A useful chronicle of events.

Tocqueville, Alexis de. Journeys to England and Ireland. Translation by S. Lawrence and J. P. Mayer. Edited by J. P. Mayer. Harvard: 1958. Describes with great objectivity the double standard treatment of Protestant and Catholic in Ireland. The journeys were in 1835«

Walpole, Spencer. The Life of Lord John Russell. 2 vols. London: Longman, TH89- Prints some of the letters of Lord John Russell. 162 I. BOOKS.

B. SECONDARY SOURCES.

Bagehot, Walter. The English Constitution and other Political Essays. New York: D. Appleton, 1930. Of special use are the "other political essays": "The Character of Sir Robert Peel" (48 pages), and "The Character of Lord Brougham" (55 pages). Bartlett, Christopher John. Great Britain and Sea Power. 1815-1853. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963. Naval power to defend Britain against recurrent threat of French invasion.

Beckett, James Camlin. The Making of Modern Ireland. 1605-1925. London: Faber & Faber, 196*6. The author is Professor of Irish History in the Queen's University of Belfast.

Beckett, James Camlin. A Short History of Ireland. 3d ed. London: Hutchinson (University Library History Series), 1966. Bettenson, Henry, ed. Documents of the Christian Church. London: Oxford, 1943. Especially useful in Part II: Sections VII-XII, for understanding of Roman Catholic Church relations both to England and Ireland from 596 to date. Black, R. D. Collinson. Economic Thought and the Irish Question. 1817-1870. Cambridge: University Press, I960. Describes economic theories. Indicates that British economic failure in Ireland was partly because they failed to understand that the Irish model was different from that of England. An authoritative, scholarly study, complete with an exhaustive 44-page bibliography.

Bolton, G. C. The Passing of the Irish Act of Union; A Study in Parliamentary Politics. Oxford: University Press, 1966. Emphasizes the social, political and commercial pressures of the ruling interests that promoted the Union. Broderick, John F. Holy See and the Irish Movement for the Repeal of the Union with England. 1829-1%47. Romae: Universitatis Gregorianae, 1951. Research from the Papal Archives, used impartially, to illustrate that the Papacy and the Catholic clergy did not hinder the Repeal Movement, as it was peaceful and constitutional in its methods. 163

Carty, James, ed. Ireland from Grattan's Parliament to the Great Famine. 1783-1850. A Documentary Record. 2d ed. Dublin: C. J. Fallon, 1952.

Clark, George Kitson. Peel and the Conservative Party; A Study in Party Politics. 1832-1841T" 2d ed. London: Frank Cass, 1964. A major historical study by the Professor of Constitutional History and Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. The author also acknowledges the recent work on this subject by Professors Aspinall and Norman Gash. Cornish, F. W. History of the English Church in the Nineteenth Century. Part I. London: Macmillan, 1910.

Costigan, Giovanni. Makers of Modern England; Forces of Individual Genius. New York: Macmillan, 196*7- Literary historical studies of nine persons, ranging from Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill, through Benjamin Disraeli and William Gladstone to Winston Churchill, by a Professor of History at the University of Washington.

Costigan, Giovanni. Telecourse Viewer's Guide to History of Ireland. Seattle: University of Washington, 1967- Excellent literary style of writing.

Curtis, Edmund. A History of Ireland to 1922. London: Methuen, 1936; University Paperbacks, No. 23; 1966. An impartial standard political summary—one of the best of its kind, by the Lecky Professor of Modern History, Trinity College, Dublin from 1939 until his death on March 25, 1943-

Curtis, Edmund and McDowell, Robert Brendan, eds. Irish Historical Documents. 1172-1922. London: Methuen, 1943- Davis, Henry William Carless. The Age of Grey and Peel. The Ford Lectures for 1926, with an introduction by George Macaulay Trevelyan. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1929- Lectures by the late Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford dealing with the statesmen who, from 1750-1850, ruled England, and brought Into being the modern state. 164 Day, E. B. Mr. Justice Day of Kerry, 1745-1841- Exeter: Pollard, 1938. A study of a member of the Catholic gentry living in Daniel O'Connell1s home county.

Dicey, A. V. Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution. New York: Macmillan, 1959* Helpful in showing the flexibility of the British Constitution. Dowling, Patrick John. The Hedge Schools of Ireland. Cork: Mercier Press, 1968. A paperback reprint of this standard work, originally published by Longmans in 1935-

Early Victorian England. 1830-1865. 2 vols. London: Oxford University Press, 1935* Social history, with chapters by individual contributors on London, town life, new towns, the press, emigration, and other topics. Edwards, R. Dudley and Williams, T. Desmond, eds. The Great Famine: Studies in Irish History. 1845-52. Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1956. Professors Edwards (Modern Irish History) and Williams (Modern History) of University College, Dublin have collected these studies by a group of specialists in this period of Irish history. Out• standing among the contributors are R. B. McDowell of Trinity College, Dublin and Kevin B. Nowlan of University College, Dublin.

Fawcett (Mrs.) Life of the Right Honourable Sir William Molesworth. London: Macmillan, 1901. This colonial reformer and radical in the 1830's had Parliamentary associations with Daniel O'Connell.

Fitzpatrick, Paul Joseph and Dirksen, Cletus F. Bibliography of Economic Books and Pamphlets by. Catholic Authors. 1891-1941. Freeman, Thomas Walter. Pre-Famine Ireland: A. Study in Historical Geography. Manchester: University Press, 1956- A social and economic geography that avoids a political interpretation of the situation.

Gallagher, Sister Anthony Marie. Education in Ireland. Washington, D. C: Catholic University of America Press, 1948. This thesis is an apology for Catholic education in Ireland. 165

Gash, Norman. Politics in the Age of Peel; A Study in the Technique of Parliamentary Representation, 1850-1850• London: Longmans, Green, 1953* Professor of History at the University of St. Andrews here analyzes the electoral systems in Britain and Ireland (chapter 2). He is also the author of two later hooks—Mr. Secretary Peel (1961) and The Age of Peel"Tl968). Gwynn, Denis Rolleston. Daniel O'Connell: The Irish Liberator. London: Hutchinson, 1929. The leading Irish historian in this field; sympathetic to Daniel O'Connell. He is the son of the late Stephen Gwynn, and has received many honours, as well as being the author of many publications. He was editor of Dublin Review (1933-1939), and of the Cork University Press, 1954-1963. Gwynn, Denis Rolleston. O'Connell, Davis, and the Colleges Bill. Cork: University Press; Oxford: Blackwell, 1948. Gwynn is also a great grandson of Smith O'Brien, the Young Irelander. Gwynn feels that another Young Irelander, Gavan Duffy, has tended to treat O'Connell's role in these events with scant justice.

Gwynn, Denis Rolleston. Thomas Francis Meagher. (O'Donnell Lecture). Dublin: National University of Ireland, 1961 - Meagher was a Young Ireland revolutionary.

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius. Henry Grattan and His Times. London: George G. Harrap, 1939• Author is famous father of Denis R. Gwynn.

Hammond, John Lawrence LeBreton. Gladstone and the Irish Nation. London: Longmans, Green, 1938. A standard, scholarly study.

Harvey, John Hooper. Dublin; A Study in Environment. (In "The British Cities" series'!". London: Batsford, 1949. An illustrated tourist guide which includes historical information. Hovell, Mark. The Chartist Movement. 3d ed. Manchester: University Press, 1966. Ireland and the Commonwealth. Prepared for the (second) British Commonwealth Relations Conference. Sidney: 1938. Preface by Donal O'Sullivan, with articles by Michael Tierney and others. 166

Macintyre, Angus D. The Liberator; Daniel O'Connell and the Irish Party, 1850-1847. London; Hamish Hamilton, 1965- A lucid and scholarly treatment of O'Connell and his movement by a Fellow in Modern History at Magdalen College, Oxford. Excellent 29-page bibliography, which includes many manuscript sources.

Mansergh, Nicholas. Britain and Ireland. London: Longmans, Green, 1942. One of Longman's pamphlet series on "The British Commonwealth". No. 4« The author is a Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, and an Honorary Fellow of Pembroke College, Oxford. Until 1957 he taught Irish History at the National University of Ireland. Mansergh, Nicholas. The Irish Question. 1840-1921• A. Commentary on Anglo-Irish Relations and on Social and Political Forces in Ireland in The Age of Re form and Revolution. New and rev. ed. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1965. An enlarged and complete revision of the author's Ireland in the Age of Reform and Revolution (1940). A valuable study of contemporary Continental opinion of early nineteenth century Ireland.

* Maxwell, Constantia. Country and Town in Ireland Under the Georges. Dundalk: Dundalgan Press, 1949* Gives much insight into local social customs, especially the relationship between the Irish Protestant gentry and the Catholic priests and peasantry with many anecdotes. * Maxwell, Constantia. The Stranger in Ireland; From the Reign of Elizabeth 1 to the Great Famine• London: George G. Harrap, 1954- The author is a specialist in eighteenth century British and Irish social history. She was the late Lecky Professor of Modern History at Trinity College, Dublin, succeeding Edmund Curtis in that honour upon his death in March 1943 till her own death in 1964.

McCaffrey, Lawrence J. Daniel 0'Connell and the Repeal Year. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1966. A "chronicle", using limited source material. Includes an interesting description of Daniel O'Connell's opinion of American democracy and slavery.

McCaffrey, Lawrence J. The Irish Question, 1800-1922. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1966.

* The present writer studied under this Professor at Trinity College, Dublin. 167

* McDowell, Robert Brendan. The Irish Administration, 1801-1914. (Studies in Irish History, Second Series, Vol. II.1 London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964- An authoritative anatomy of the government by a noted specialist in early nineteenth century Irish History. He succeeded Constantia Maxwell in 1964 as Lecky Professor of Modern History at Trinity College, Dublin. * McDowell, Robert Brendan. Public Opinion and Government Policy in Ireland. l801-l84bTLondon: Faber, 1952. A well-documented and impartial study of Peel, O'Connell, and the Young Irelanders. (Studies in Irish History, First Series, Vol. V.) * Moody, Theodore William. Thomas Davis. 1814-45. Dublin: Hodges, Figgis, 1945* A short sympathetic biography of an exponent of Young Ireland nationalism by the noted Professor of Modern History (since 1939) at Trinity College, Dublin. He has been joint editor of Irish Historical Studies since 1937, and editor of Studies in Irish History. He has had many honours, and in 1965 was a member of the School of Historical Studies, Institute for Advance Study, Princeton.

Moody, Theodore William, and Beckett, James Camlin, eds. Ulster Since 1800. A Social Survey. Second Series. London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1954. Twelve talks broadcast on BBC from October 6 to December 22, 1954. Moody, Theodore William, and Martin, F. X., eds. The Course of Irish History. Cork: Mercier Press, 1967.

Norman, Edward R. Th£ Catholic Church and Irish Politics in the Eighteen Sixties. (Irish History Series, No. 5«) Dundalk, Ireland: Dundalgan Press, 1965- Describes the survival of Daniel O'Connell's influence in the Catholic Church.

Norman, Edward R. Catholic Church and Ireland in the Age of Rebellion. 1859-1875. London: Longmans, 1965- Well-documented and scholarly.

* The present writer studied under this Professor at Trinity College, Dublin. 168

Nowlan, Kevin B. Charles Gavan Duffy and the Repeal Movement. (O'Donnell Lecture). Dublin: National University of Ireland, 1963- Author has been Professor of History at University College, Dublin since 1953- He explains the impact of Duffy as one of the historians of the Repeal Movement.

Nowlan, Kevin B. The Politics of Repeal; A Study in the Relations Between Great Britain and Ireland. 1841-50. (Studies in Irish History, Second Series, Vol. IIlTT London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965. Political approach, cholarly, and with excellent 10-page bibliography, including many manuscript and printed source materials, and Parliamentary papers.

O'Connor, James. 4. History of Ireland. 1798-1824. 2 vols. London: Butler & Tanner, 1925- Detailed, with chronicle approach. O'Faolain, Sean. King of the Beggars: A. Life of Daniel O'Connell. the Irish Liberator, in a Study of the Rise of the Modern Irish Democracy Ti775-1847). London: Thomas Nelson & Sons, 1938. Literary approach.

O'Faolain, Sean. The Irish. Middlesex: Penguin, 1947. Interesting study of the historical facets of the national character. O'Hegarty, Patrick Sarsfield. A History of Ireland Under the Union. 1801-1922. London: Methuen, 1952. A sympathetic study of modern Irish nationalism, with an epilogue carrying the story down to the acceptance in 1927 by de Valera of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921.

Senior, Hereward. Orangeism in Ireland and Britain. 1795-1836. (Studies in Irish History, Second Series, Vol. IV.; London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966. Well-documented, with the latest material on the subject. Shaw, George Bernard. The Matter with Ireland. Edited with an introduction by David H. Greene and Dan H. Laurence. London: Rupert Hart-Davis, 1962.

Strauss, Eric. Irish Nationalism and British Democracy. London: Methuen, 1951- Especially helpful in the economic aspects of the era.

Thompson, Edward Palmer. The Making of the English Working Class, Middlesex: Penguin, 1968; London: Gollancz, 1963 * Devotes a section to the influence of Irish emigrants to England. 169

Thornley, David. Isaac Butt and Home Rule. London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1964- Interesting study of a Conservative Irish patriot of the 1840*s who later became the leader of the Home Rule Movement. The author is a political scientist, and lecturer at Trinity College, Dublin. Tierney, Michael, ed. Daniel O'Connell; Nine Centenary Essays. Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1948. An extensive compilation of essays by nine specialists in the field of O'Connell's life and achievements. These include Gerard Murphy and Thomas Wall of University College, Dublin and Denis Gwynn and Kennedy F. Roche of University College, Cork. The editor was President of University College, Dublin from 1947 to 1964- He has also been a member of the Dail Eireann (for North Mayo, 1925-1927; for the National University, 1927-1932).

Turberville, Arthur Stanley. The House of Lords in the Age of Reform. 178k-TE%7. London: Faber, 1958. Has an epilogue on "Aristocracy and the Advent of Democracy, 1837-1867". Ward, Bernard. The Sequel to Catholic Emancipation. Vol. I, 1830-1840; Vol. II, 1840-1850. London: Longmans, Green, 1915.

Woodham-Smith, Cecil. The Great Hunger: Ireland. 1845-49• London: Hamish Hamilton, 1962. Literary study of social conditions.

Yeats, William Butler. Tribute to Thomas Davis. Cork: University Press, 1965* Rhetorical eulogy on Thomas Davis. 170

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

II. Articles, Essays in Learned Journals. etc.

Blackhall, Sir Henry and Whyte, John H. "Correspondence on O'Connell and the Repeal Party." Irish Historical Studies. XII, No. 46, (September 1960), 139-143.

Broeker, G. "Robert Peel and Peace Preservation Force." Journal of Modern History, XXXIII, No. 4, (1961), 363-373- Brose, Olive J. "The Irish Precedent for English Church Reform: Church Temporalities Act of 1833." Journal of Ecclesiastical History, VII, No. 2, (1936), 204-225. Brown, T. N. "Nationalism and the Irish Peasant, 1800-1848." Review of Politics, XV (October 1953), 403-445-

Cahill, Gilbert A. "Irish Catholicism and English Toryism." Review of Politics. XIX (1957), 62-76.

Cahill, Gilbert A. "The Protestant Association and the Anti-Maynooth Agitation of 1845." Catholic Historical Review, XLIII, No. 3 (1957/8), 273-308.

Clarke, George Kitson. "The Repeal of Corn Laws and the Politics of the Forties." Economic History Review. Second Series; IV, No. 1. Clarke, Randall. "The Relations Between O'Connell and the Young Irelanders." Irish Historical Studies, III, No. 9 (March 1942), 18-30.

Condon, M. D. "Irish Church and the Reform Ministries." Journal of British Studies. Ill (May 1964), 120-142. Connell, K. H. "Some Unsettled Problems in English and Irish Population History, 1750-1841." Irish Historical Studies, VII, No. 28 (September 1951), 225-234-

Corcoran, T. "Popular Education in Protestant England." Thought, VIII (September 1933), 181-201.

Easton, D. "An Approach to the Analysis of Political Systems." World Politics, IX, (1957), 383-400.

Ferguson, H. "The Birmingham Political Union and the Government, 1831-1832." Victorian Studies, III, No. 3 (I960), 261-276^ 171

Graham, A. H. "The Lichfield House Compact, 1835." Irish Historical Studies, XII, No. 1+7, (March 1961), 209-225.

Gwynn, Denis Rolleston. "Young Ireland." (In Tierney, Michael, ed., Daniel O'Connell; Nine Centenary Essays. Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1948), 171-205.

Hennig, John. "Continental Opinion." (In Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays), 235-269-

Hoffman, Ross. "Whigs and Liberal Pope, 1846-1850." Thought. XXIV, No. 92 (March 1949), 83-98. Horgan, John J. "O'Connell: The Man." (In Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays). 270-302.

Inglis, Brian. "O'Connell and the Irish Press, 1800-1842." Irish Historical Studies, VIII, No. 29, (March 1952), 1-27.

Jackson, J. A. "The Irish in Britain." Sociological Review, X, (1962), 5-16. James, Francis G. "Irish Smuggling in the Eighteenth Century. Irish Historical Studies, XII, No. 48, (September 1961), 299-31?- Kennedy, David. "Education and the People." (In McDowell, Robert Brendan, ed., Social Life in Ireland, 1800-45- Dublin: 195771

Kerr, B. "Irish Seasonal Migration to Great Britain, 1800-1838." Irish Historical Studies. Ill, (September 1943), 365-380.

Large, David. "The House of Lords and Ireland in the Age of Peel, 1832-50." Irish Historical Studies. IX, No. 36 (September 1955), 367-399-

Larkin, Emmet. "Church and State in Ireland in the Nineteenth Century." Church History. XXXI, No. 3 (1962), 294-306. Lewis, C. J. "Disintegration of Tory-Anglican Alliance in the Struggle for Catholic Emancipation." Church History, XXIX (1960).

MacDonagh, Oliver. "The Irish Catholic Clergy and Emigration During the Great Famine." Irish Historical Studies. V (1946-47), 287-302. 172 MacDonagh, Oliver. "Irish Emigration to the United States of America and the British Colonies During the Famine." (In Edwards, R. Dudley and Williams, T. Desmond, eds., The Great Famine: Studies in Irish History. 1545-52. Dublin: Browne & Nolan, 1956), 317-3887

MacDonagh, Oliver. "The Regulation of the Emigrant Traffic From the United Kingdom, 1842-55." Irish Historical Studies. IX, No. 34 (1954), 162-189-

McDowell, Robert Brendan. "Ireland on the Eve of the Famine." (In Edwards,and Williams, eds., The Great Famine), 3-86. McDowell, Robert Brendan. The Irish Courts of Law, 1801-1914. Irish Historical Studies, X, No. 40, (September 1957), 363-391 - McDowell, Robert Brendan. "The Irish Executive in the Nineteenth Century." Irish Historical Studies, IX, No. 35, (March 1955), 264-280- Mermagen, R. P. H. "The Established Church in England and Ireland: Principles of Church Reform." Journal of British Studies. Ill (May 1966), 143-147-

Moody, Theodore William. "The Irish University Question of the Nineteenth Century." History, XLIII, (1958), 90-100. Murphy, G. "The Gaelic Background." (In Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays). 1-24-

Norman, Edward R. "The Maynooth Question of 1845." Irish Historical Studies. XV, No. 60, (September 1967), 407-437- Nowlan, Kevin B. "The Meaning of Repeal in Irish History." Irish Historical Studies. XIII (1963), 1-17-

Nowlan, Kevin B. "The Political Background." (In Edwards and Williams, eds., The Great Famine), 131-206.

O'Higgins, Rachel. "Irish Trade Unions and Politics, 1830- 50." The Historical Review. IV, No. 2 (1961T7"208-217. O'Raifeartaigh, T. "Mixed Education and the Synod of Ulster, 1831- 40." Irish Historical Studies, IX, No. 35, (March 1955), 281-299- Oswald, J. "William Cobbett and the Corn Laws." The Historian, XXIX, No. 2 (February 1967), TSb"-199- 173 Read, D. "Feargus O'Connor: Irishman and Chartist." History Today. II (1961), 165-174-

Roche, Kennedy F. "Relations of the Catholic Church and the State in England and Ireland, 1800-1852." Irish Historical Studies. XII (1961), 19-24-

Roche, Kennedy F. "Revolution and Counter-Revolution." (In Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays). 51-114.

Rogers, Patrick. "Catholic Emancipation." (In Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays). 115-150.

Rommen, Hans. "Church and State." Review of Politics. XII, (1950), 321-340.

St. J. Stevens, Norman. "Catholicism and Religious Toleration." Wiseman Review. (1961), 487-490.

Spearman, Diana. "The Pre-Reform Constitution." History Today. V, No. 11 (1955), 768-776.

Tierney, Michael. "Repeal of the Union." (In Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays), 151-170.

Turberville, A. S. "Aristocracy and Revolution: British Peerage, 1789-1832." History, XXV, (1940/41), 240-263-

Wall, Maureen. "The Rise of a Catholic Middle Class in Eighteenth Century Ireland." Irish Historical Studies. XI, No. 42 (September 1958), 91-115-

Wall, Thomas. "Louvain, St. Omer and Douai." (In Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays). 25-50.

Welch, P. J. "Blomfield and Peel: A Study in Cooperation Between Church and State, 1841-1846." Journal of Ecclesiastical History. XII, No. 1 (April 1961), 81-83-

White, R. J. "Lower Classes in Regency England." History Today. IV (1963), 594-604-

White, Terence deVere. "English Opinion." (In Tierney, ed., Nine Centenary Essays). 206-234-

Whyte, John H. "Appointment of Catholic Bishops in Nineteenth Century Ireland." Catholic Historical Review. XLVIII (1962/63), 32. Whyte, John H. "Daniel O'Connell and the Repeal Party. Irish Historical Studies, XI, No. i|i+, (September 1959), 297-316.

Whyte, John H. "The Influence of the Catholic Clergy on Elections in Nineteenth Century Ireland." English Historical Review. LXXV, No. 295, (April 1960), 239-259.

Whyte, John H. "Landlord Influence at Elections in Ireland, 1760-1885." English Historical Review. LXXX (1965), 74-0-760.

Whyte, John H. "Newman in Dublin." Wiseman Review, (1961), 31-39- 175

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

III. PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.

A. PARLIAMENT.

The Annual Register, or A View of the History and Politics of the Year 1845 (-1847)• London: Rivington, TS44T-TH45).

1844 — Chapters III and IV (p. 54-106) on "Irish Affairs".

1845 -- Chapter III (p. 63-100) on "Corn Laws". Chapter IV (p. 101-140) on "Affairs of Ireland—Maynooth Im• provement Bill".

Chapter V (p. 141-165) on "Academical Education in Ireland".

1846 — Chapter I (p. 1-29) on "Dissolution of Peel's Government".

Chapter V (p. 123-160) on "Ireland- Bill for Protection of Life in Ireland".

Great Britain. Parliament. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates. Third Series, Volumes 72-83 (1844-1846). Cited as: Hansard•

(In King-Hall, Stephen and Dewar, Ann, comps., History in Hansard, 1805-1900. London: Constable, 1952) The Volumes of Hansard are divided into five series:

1st Series, 1803-1820. 2nd " , 1820-1830. 3rd " , 1830-1891. 4th " , 1892-1908. 5th » , 1909- 176

III. PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.

A. PARLIAMENT.

Hansard, Third Series, Volumes 72-83 (1844-184-6). The following volumes are cited:

Vol. 72.. February 1-21, 1844. 73. February 22 - April 2, 1844- 75- May 30 - June 26, 1844. 76. June 27 - September 5, 1844. 79. April 3-30, 1845. 80. May 1 - June 3, 1845- 81. June 4 - July 3, 1845- 82. July 4 - August 9, 1845- 83« January 22 - February 23, 184-6.

B. REPORTS OF SELECT COMMITTEES AND COMMISSIONS.

1837 (69), LI; 1837-38 (104, 126), XXXVIII. First, Second, and Third Reports of George Nicholls, Esq. on Poor Laws (Ireland).

1845 (605), XIX; 1845 (606), XIX; (616), XX; (657), XXI; (672 and 673), XXII. Report from H. M. Commis• sioners of Inquiry into the State of the Law and Practice in Respect to the Occupation of Land in Ireland. Minutes of Evidence taken before the same, with Appendices and Index.

1846 (694), XI. Report from the Select Committee of the House of Lords on the Laws Relating to the Destitute Poor and the Operation of Medical Charities in Ireland, with the Minutes of Evidence.

1846 (735), XXXVII. Correspondence Explanatory of the Measures Adopted by H. M. Government for the Relief of Distress Arising from the Failure of the Potato Crop in Ireland. 177

BIBLIOGRAPHY. IV. GENERAL REFERENCE WORKS.

A. ALMANACS, DIRECTORIES.

Thorn's Irish Almanac and Official Directory ... for the Year 1849- (Dublin: Alexander Thorn, 1849).

B. ARTICLES in ENCYCLOPAEDIAS, Etc.

Cooper, Thompson, "Crolly, William", Dictionary Of National Biography, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917). V,135. William Crolly (1780-1849) was educated in a grammar school operated by Unitarians and a Cath• olic priest. As a parish priest in Belfast, he had over 1,000 converts to Roman Catholicism. He began the building of the cathedral at Armagh while he was Bishop of Armagh from 1835 till his death in 1849- Creighton, Mandell, "Graham, James Robert George (Sir)", Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917), VIII, 328-332. Sir James Graham (1792-1861) was Home Secretary in the administration of Sir Robert Peel from September 1841 to June 1846. D'Alton, E. A., "O'Connell, Daniel", Catholic Encyclopedia, (New York: Appleton, 1911), XI, 202-205. The author is from Athenry, Ireland; and his article is the most sympathetic of the available encyclopedia articles.

Dunlop, Robert, "O'Connell, Daniel", Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 191'7T> XIV, 816-834- This extensive (19-page) article includes an excellent bibliography, especially for the more nearly contemporary sources. Special mention is made of articles in the Dublin Review for 1844.

Edwards, R. Dudley, "O'Connell, Daniel", New Catholic • Encyclopedia, (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), X, 632-634- Gives a Catholic interpretation of his movement, and a brief statement of his signif• icance, as well as an up-to-date bibliography. The author is Professor of Modern Irish History at University College, Dublin.- 178

Gilbert, John Thomas, "Murray, Daniel", Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917), XIII, 1249. Daniel Murray (1768-1852) was Archbishop of Dublin (1823-1852) and an active supporter of the Catholic Association, though he served on the Charitable Bequests Board in 1844-45 despite Daniel O'Connell's opposition. Lyons, F. S. L., "History—The Famine to the Treaty", Encyclopaedia of Ireland. (Dublin: Allen Figgis, 1968), 93-99.

MacDonagh, Michael, "Slattery, Michael", Dictionary of National Biography. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917), XVIII, 371. Michael slattery (1785-1857) was the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Cashel.

Moore, Norman, "MacHale, John", Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917), XII, 550-552. John MacHale (1791-1881) was the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam from 1834, and was one of O'Connell's strongest supporters.

Morris, W. O'Connor, "O'Connell, Daniel", Encyclopaedia Britannica. 9th ed., XVII, 720-722. A more sympathetic article than in the current (14th) edition, although less so than the article in the Catholic Encyclopedia. No bibliography is given.

Nowlan, Kevin B., "History—1782-1847", Encyclopaedia of Ireland, (Dublin: Allen Figgis, 1968), 91-93. The author has been Professor of History at University College, Dublin since 1953«

Nowlan, Kevin B., "Murray, Daniel", New Catholic Ency• clopedia, (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), X, 86.

Smith, Goldwin and Parker, Charles Stuart, "Peel, Sir Robert", Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed., XVIII, 452-457. Sir Robert Peel (1788-1850) was twice Prime Minister of Britain, and for many years the leading statesman of England. 179

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

V. PERIODICAL SOURCES.

A. CONTEMPORARY NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS.

Blackwood Magazine (Edinburgh), XL, XLvT.(l&f1t 1844).

Dublin Review (London), XVII (1844).

Dublin University Magazine, XXVI-XXIX (1844-1847).

Examiner (London), (a Sunday newspaper).

January 13 and September 21, 1844.

Fraser's Magazine. XXXI (1845).

Illustrated London News (a weekly paper). August 26 and October 14, 1843- Punch (London), VT (Jan.-June 1844), VIII (Jan.-June 1845), XII (Jan.-June 1847). Quarterly Review. LXXIV-LXXVI (1843-1845).

Spectator (London), (a Saturday newspaper). November 1843; January and December 1844; January - May 1845.

Tait's Edinburgh Magazine. X-XIII (1843-1846).

The Times (London), (a daily newspaper). March 13; October 16, 30, 1843; January 13, 16, 1845: April 4, 1845; August 13, 1846. 180

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

V. PERIODICAL SOURCES.

B. SECONDARY PERIODICALS AND LEARNED JOURNALS.

Catholic Historical Review. XLIII (1957/8), XLVIII (1962/3).

Church History. XIX (1950), XXIX (I960), XXXI (1962).

Economic History Review. IV (1930).

English Historical Review. LXXV (1960), LXXX (1965).

The Historian. XXIX (1966/7).

Historical Review. IV (1961). History. XXV (194O/I), XXVI (1941/2), XLIII (1958/9).

History Today. II (1961), IV (1963), V (1964), IX (1968).

Irish Historical Studies. Ill-XV (1942-1967). (2 years/volume)

Journal of British Studies. Ill (1964/66).

Journal of Ecclesiastical History. VII (1956), XII (1961).

Journal of Modern History. XXXIII (1961).

Review of Politics. XII (1950), XV (1953), XIX (1957).

Sociological Review. X (1962).

Thought. VIII (1933), XIV (1939), XXIV (1949).

Victorian Studies. Ill (196O).

Wiseman Review (1961)'. (replaced the Dublin Review).

World Politics. IX (1957). 181 A-1 .

APPENDIX A. EXPORT DEPENDENCE OF IRELAND.

Ireland was made almost totally dependent on the market in Britain, and her economic surplus was almost exclusively sent to feed Britain. Furthermore, Ireland was forced to bear a heavy burden through taxation, most of which consisted in being charged with a portion of the British public debt. Also Ireland' manufacturing industries had to compete with the technologically advanced British Industries, so that whatever small industrial centres did arise in Ireland could scarcely maintain themselves against the technologically superior British industry. Almost the only source of wealth or sustenance in Ireland, thus, was the land—-which, in turn, was increasingly being devoted to production for export. Ireland had been reduced to an agri• cultural estate for the benefit of an absentee landlord class and a distant unresponsive government. In this situation, with the population growth, some disaster was inevitable. Ireland's fortunes were also tied to the fortunes of British agriculture which suffered considerably when the Corn Laws were repealed, and in 184-6 Ireland (as any other agricultural estate) was obviously over-dependent on an artificial market. 1 82 A-2.

The land and tenancy questions were particularly crucial ones to the peasant, since land was the only source of sustenance he had, and the only source of livelihood he could imagine as existing, so that many of Ireland's problems were seen in terms, of land. A few men, such as Daniel O'Connell, saw the export of capital via taxes, and the rents paid to absentee landlords, as an extra heavy burden..

The statistics are eloquent in documenting the case of

Ireland's unhappy state. There are many sources available, but for the purposes of this thesis, these few statistics

should be sufficient to demonstrate both the economic unbalance

created by the Act of Union, and the market forces created by

the Corn Laws.

Thorn's .Irish Almanac* gives the Land Usage Table from

McCulloch's Commercial Dictionary, which shows two million

acres under potato cultivation, which was where the critical

failure of Irish agriculture occurred. It is easy to deduce

that when approximately one-third of agricultural produce is

blighted by disease, a very desperate situation Is created.

Furthermore, the nature of the cultivation of the potato

indicates that much of this crop came from individual small farms.

This, then, is clearly the immediate cause of the famine.

* Page 172. .183 A-3.

However, to understand fully what other factors contributed

to the desperate situation, it is well to refer to the fact that

export figures (to Britain) shown for 1845 are 3,251,901 quarters,

one of the highest exports of foodstuffs since 1800.

,These figures are indicative of the extent that the export

sector of the economy had become unresponsive to local needs,

and responsive only to British needs. Thus,.even in the midst

of famine in Ireland, there was a peak in the export of foodstuffs

to Britain. This v/as the dramatic culmination of a long term

trend that had been fostered by the British government and the

Irish absentee landlords.

A further examination of this same export table reveals that

from 1800 to 1845 the total exports of wheat, barley, oats, rye, peas, beans, and malt had increased from 3,238 quarters to

3,251,901 quarters—a dramatic Increase of more than one thousand times in only 4-5 years.

A more representative figure would be from 1802 (4-61,371 quarters) to 1845 (3,251,901 quarters), showing approximately an eight-fold increase in exports, which is a very respectable increase for a period of 43 years (about 20% increase per year).

When this fact is coupled with the fact that the Irish population had increased during this period from approximate four and one-half million to eight million, the pressure on land usage may be sensed. 173 STATISTICS OF IRELAND.

Mr. M *Woost <*f U product;, the amount of seed, the produce under deduction from seed, and the total value of such prod

Prodarc Total Seed ( l-Glh of Produce under Crops. Acrei In Crop. JKr Acre. Produce, Produce.) deduction of Seed. Price per 0.rs, ejrs. Qn Qr, <£r. \Fbcat, IOOJ v,^. . 450,000 3 1,350,000 225,000 1,125,000 40*. Ijarlej, . 400,000 SJ 1,400,000 2.'i:!,333 1,160.007 2Cs. tt.56I.luo Oats, . 2,500.000 5' 12,500,000 2,083,333 10,416,007 20J. Potatoes 5,000,000 £0 per acre. 10,11 C f,.; Fallow, . 300,000 Ffax, . 100,000 £15 per acre. Gardens, is,ooo £12 per acre. Total, 6,765,000 15,250,000 12,703,334 *2S,2O0,7M Captain LARCOM'S return gives the extent of land under crops, and the total quantity of produce in l'.j- e have affixed an estimate of the price and total value, at present rates. » L^

Crops. Quantity of Produce. Estimated Price. ToUl V«lue. 2,920,7.33 qrs. Wheat, 46s. per qr. £6,731,480 1,053,045 „ Hurley and Bcre, 2SJ. ,, 2,314,263 11,521,600 „ Oats, . 20J. „ 11,52),60S Kve, . 03,094 „ 2Ss. „ 88,331 Beans, 84,456 „ 25*. ,, 105,570 Potatoes, . 2,04.3,195 tons. £4 per ton 8,192,780 Turnips, 5,760,616 „ 12s. ,, 3,450,3i;9 2dangel Wurzel 247,269 „ m. „ 148,361 Otlicr Green Crops 729,064 ,, £12 per acre 714,144 Flax, 349,872 cwts. £15 „ 874,680 Hav, . 2,190,317 tons. 40j-. per ton 4,330,634

6,238,575 Total Estimated Value, . 38,528,224

The following Table gives the quantities of grain and malt imported into England from Ireland sine; 1'.' Oats and oatmeal are by much the largest articles of export; then wheat and wheat iiour barley mi {-' keans, and malt; the quantities of rye and peas are inconsiderable. * "

TYncat Barley, arid Wheat Including Flour. Here or Bigg. Total.

Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. 1800 749 78 2,411 3,239 1801 150 375 525 1802 108,751 7,116 341,151 282 113 1,655 461,371 1803 61,267 12.879 200,359 753 611 1,653 343,517 1804 70,071 2.521 240,022 206 1,078 3,000 310,958 1805 84,087 15,656 203,302 235 1,634 2,010 306,924 1806 102,276 3,237 357,077 330 1,389 2,361 466,760 44.900 23,048 389,649 1807 431 1,390 3,777 463,195 43,497 30,586 579,974 1808 573 75 2,005 656,770 66,911 16,619 845,783 1809 425 38 2,669 932,478 I2G,3SS 8,321 492,741 1810 20 216 3,541 631,227 147,245 2,713 275,757 1811 21 50 4,081 429,867 158,352 43,138 390,029 1812 178 51 5,008 597,356 217,154 63,560 691,498 1813 420 77 4,455 977,161 225,478 16,779 564,010 J814 4 460 5,731 812,462 189,544 27,108 597,537 1615 207 425 6,371 821,192 121,631 62,254 683,714 1816 43 239 5,984 873,865 55,481 26,706 611,117 1817 12 2,275 695,651 105,179 25,387 1,069,385 1818 4 10 4,768 1,204,733 153,850 20,211 789,613 1819 2 3,904 967,680 403,407 87,095 916,251 1820 131 439 8,396 1,415,722 569,700 82,831 1,162,249 1821 550 2,474 4,959 1,822,816 463,004 22,532 569,237 IS22 353 728 • 7,235 1,063.089 400,008 19,274 1,102,487 198 586 5,540 1,628,153 1823 356,381 41,099 1,225,085 1824 112 756 5.791 1,631,090 336,018 154,2.36 1,629.856 173 1825 220 1,431 11,355 ! 2,203,962 314,851 04,885 1,303,734 10',82, 6 1826 77 1,452 7,190 1,093,392 405,255 67,791 1,313,267 ,203 1827 256 1,282 10,037 I 1,823.460 652,584 84,204 2,075,031 572 1828 1,424 4,826 7,008 ] 2,826.599 519.017 07,140 1,673,028 853 1829 568 4,435 10,445 ! 2,307.211 529,717 189,745 1,471.2,2 2,011 1830 414 2,520 19,053 2,215,521 557.493 185.409 1,655,701 2,620 1831 515 4,142 15,029 2.429.1S2 790.293 123,039 2,051.867 10,889 1832 294 1,915 14,530 2,990.767 841,211 101,707 1,762,520 8,229 1833 166 2,646 19,114 2,737.111 779,505 217,855 1,769.503 7,017 1834 983 2,176 18,771 2,792.663 601,776 156,242 1,822,707 3.8G5 1835 614 3,447 24,235 2,679.433 598,757 184,156 2,132,138 10,357 J636 483 2,920 17,604 2.958.272 534,46.5 187,473 2,274,075 22,214 1837 2,860 25.630 3,030.293 642,583 156,407 2,742,807 1,016 4,174 1838 6,232 21,584 3,474.302 258,331 61,676 1,904,933 628 i.OOl 1839 1,484 11,535 2.243,151 174,439 95.951 2,037.835 2,331 2,861 1810 1,403 14,673 2,327,783 218,703 75,563 2,539,380 122 3,455 1811 855 15,007 2,855,525 201,998 50,280 2,261,434 172 4,935 1842 1,550 19,831 2,538.221 413,466 110,449 ! 2,644,033 76 3,046 1813 1,192 24,329 3,206,183 440,153 90,0.5 2,242,300 371 8,613 1844 1,091 18.580 2,801,19* 779,113 93,095 2,353,985 264 8,153 1815 1,644 H.745 3,251,901 180,730 92,853 1,310,853 165 11,151 2,227 14,668 1,018,000 1846 11,329

I AgittcuLTinuL] STATISTICS OF IRELAND. 173

^NuilEEE. of CATTLE exported from Ireland to Great Britain in 1046- Oxen, Bulb, and Cows, Cnlve*. Sheep end Lambs. Swine.

Year ending 1st Januarjr 1817, . . 130,433 6,363 259,257 480,827

Tho number and value of stock in 1841 were, estimated by the Census Commissioners as follows ;—

- STOCK. Lcinsier. Slunster. Ulster. Connaugfc*. Ireland.

NU.MTIERS. Horses and Malta, . 179,002 107,200 160,172 69,732 576,115 AsSCS, 24,613 24,730 13,451 29,486 92.365 Horned Cattle, 400,927 535,520 625,536 293,877 1,863,110 S*ccp, . 053,501 693,970 213,212 631,603 2,100,189 Pigs, 336,754 5(0,077 303,126 176,856 1,412,813 Poultry, . 2,249,835 2,334,502 1,915,382 5,408,718 8,458,517 £ £ £ £ £ Horses & Mules it £6 1,432,016 1,337,072 1,231,370 657,856 4,608,920 Asses at £1, . . 24,013 24,7>SO 13,451 29,436 92,365 Cattle at £0 10*., . 3,230,020 3,480,010 3,401,800 1,937,498 12,110,250 Sheep at £1 2.T., 725,45.5 70S,867 234,531 637,953 2,316,806 Pigs at £ 1 5.-., 483,139 032,590 378,006 221,071 1,766,012 Poultry at ed., 60,213 72,113 47,833 35,216 211,455

Total value, £5,0.31,827 £0,300,047 £5,417,956 £3,309,078 ' £21,105,803

The number ol slioeji and horned cattle offered for sale at the great attle fair of Ballinasloc, with the numbers sold, and their average prices "were, for the following years—

6HF.EP. Average Trice of IV adders. Average Price of Ewes.

Years. Sold. Unsold. Total. 1st Class. 2nd Class. 3rJ Class. 4th Class. 1st Class. 2nd Class. 3rd Class. ith Class.

£ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ 1. d. £ *. d. 1842, . 6M6.1 12,950 70,815 2 11 0 2 2 0 1 13 0 1 7 0 2 0 0 1 9 0 1 1 0 0 10 0 1843, . 09,238 • 1,998 C5.2S0 2 5 0 1 18 0 1 11 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 1 10 0 1 1 0 0 16 0 1844, . 02,033 8,545 '70,578 2 0 2 0 0 13 0 8 0 2 2 0 1 12 0 1 0 0 18 0 7 1 1 — 3 1845, . 00,061 2,922 69,583 2 12 0 2 6 0 1 18 0 2 6 0 1 18 0 1 10 0 1 6 6 —. 18)6, . 65,424 10,530 76,010 2 15 0 2 7 6 2 2 0 2 10 0 2 0 0 — . , 1817, . 63,095 27,424 80,519 2 14 0 2 2 0 2 0 0 2 7 0 2 0 0 • 1848, . 57,287 9,758 07,045 2 14 0 2 4 0 2 2 0 1 13 0 2 8 0 1 15 0 1 C 0 1 1 0 KOBNED CATTLE. Average Price of Oxen. Average Price &f Heifers.

1842, . 8,074 0,290 14,361 15 10 0 14 10 0 12 10 0 7 10 0 15 6 0 13 0 0 8 10 0 6 0 ~0 1843, . 8,767 1.041 9,103 16 10 0 15 10 0 13 10 0 8 10 0 16 0 0 14 0 0 9 10 0 7 0 0 1844, . T,l 44 3,727 10,871 15 5 0 14 5 0 12 5- 0 7 6 0 15 11 0 13 5 0 8 15 0 C 5 0 1845, . 8,423 1,214 9,637 16 16 0 ;15 0 0 12 12 0 9 9 0 12 12 0 11 10 0 10 10 0 9 0 0 — — 1810, . 8,573 2,976 11,552 10 10 0 15 0 0 16 15 0 12 12 0 11 10 0 0 0 0 — 1847. . 7,698 2,750 10,454 15 0 0 13 15 0 12 10 0 16 0 0 14 7 6 110 0 18 10 0 1818, . 7,297 805 8,162 16 0 0 14 10 0 13 10 0 — 16 10 0 15 5 0 12 0 0 9 10 0

The principal dairy produce of Ireland is buttor, -which forms an important item of export to Great Britain ; eggs are likewise sent thither in large quantities. The state of agriculture has been considerably improved through the exertions of the societies formed for its promotion, or for objects connected with it. Tho principal of these arc the Royal Agricultural Improvement Society, which has 150 local associations throughout the country connected with it, the Royal Horticultural Society, and tho Practical Floral and Horticultural Society.

Flax. The crop of flax in Ireland in Ifilfl has turned out a luxuriant one, the quality and strength being very satisfactory The produce per acre is estimated at one-fourth more than last year, and the Flax Society calculate tho amount at IS.tiBU tons against 17,49-1 tons in 1847. The decreased breadth sown is attributed partly to the immense additional culture of potatoes, and partly to the depression of trade, causing the fibre to bring low prices. The Society ha< continued to extend its operations to the soutli and west, chielly in the counties of Mayo, Cork, Limerick Clare, and Tipperary. The Commissary-General placed at its disposal, for distribution among tho poorer class »( fanners, BK6 bushels of Dutch flax seed, which were distributed, at a very reduced price, in tho comities of (Vk, Limerick, Clare, and (.alway. The flax grown in the south and west, has enabled tho growers to nay rent and taxes, ami to reserve as food for their families and their live-stock the grain and roots grown on the firm so that its general introduction in such localities is likely to aid materially in bringing about the use of a grain diet Tho hand-scutching of flax has been introduced into some of the workhouses of the county of Cork, as a'means of employing the paupers, without interference with free labour without the walls, and tin: crop lias been grown on land'attached to the workhouses. Shipments of flax have been made during the year to France and America although the scarcity of the home grown article has caused the import of twelve cargoes from the Baltic into Belfa-t A mode of steeping flax in vats filled with water heated by steam, an American invention, nod patented for Ireland, is in operation at Newport, Mayo. It is highly spoken of by the Secretary of tho Flax Society in a report made to the Committee, as possessing many advantages over tho common system, and it is likely "to be extensively adopted. His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, in recognition of the great importance of flax culture in Ireland, as well in an agricultural as a manufacturing point of view, placed the sum of £1,000 it the Society's disposal, in aid of its operations. Increased attention IS now excited throughout Ireland to what is admitted on all hands'to be one of the greatest industrial resources of the country.

We are ipdebted to Mr. IH'CuM-OCIl's Commercial Diclwmin/ for the following important tables, showing the quantities, and value of articles of Irish agricultural produce imported into the port of Liverpool during each Df the ck'ht Year, ending December, 1845. Mr. M--CUI.I.OC11 slates, that "about £.'00,0011 a-vc.-.r may he .aided to the total sums In the tabic, for the years HOT, IH.'W, 1HI0, 11)11, 111-12, RIMHHIS ; and ,£7011,(100 for tho years Kilo arid l'l-l-l, for cottons and linen-, egga. salmon, ffcc, of which no accurate account can be had. In 1844 Iheio values arc believed to have been nearly as follows : viz,., cottons and linens, £400,000; eggs and poultry, 186 A-6.

IMPORT DEPENDENCE OF IRELAND.

Tables in flhom/s Irish, A.lma.nac_*, especially the first- table on page 190 of the Almanac, show clearly how the increase of imports from Britain to Ireland between the years 1790 and 1&?6 rose from £2,14-29,176 to £6,102,975-

By contrast, for 1' o same period , imports from other countries rose on"' about 2?^ from £,1,106,412 to

L1 ,388,915; indie; .'.ng how predominantly Britain had become the source of imports into Ireland.

Again, the table on the bottom of page 191 of the

Almanac reveals that there was also a disproportionately high increase in the tonnage of shipping that entered

Ireland from Great Britain. In 1800, 544,732 tons entered

Ireland from Great Britain, while 97,754 tons entered from

"foreign ports". In 1845 shipping from Great Britain had more than tripled, to 1,861,621 tons; while it had only little more than doubled, to 207,441 tons from all other- countries. Thus, in 1800 the foreign import tonnage was

15.2%, while in 1845 it was reduced to approximately 10/o.

An examination of the tables demonstrates that this decline had been taking place steadily, so that by 184-3 approximately

90% of all tonnage entering Ireland originated in Great Britain.

* Pages 190 f. 290 STATISTICS OF IRELAND. [COMMERCE.

COMMERCE AND SIIII'PIXG. The exportation of the agricultural produce of the country has always rSeen the principal commercial business carried on in Ireland, During the revolutionary war, this country furnished a large share of the provisions for the army and navy, and it still sends supplies to the colonial markets. But Great Britain is by far the beat and most extensive market fur all sorts of Iri.-h produce. By much the greater j'art of the export trade is carried on by the cross channel navigation, chiefly to Liverpool, Bristol, and Glasgow, the staple articles being black cattle, sheep, swine, salted provisions, grain, Hour, butter, c-'^s, and linen. The trade with the colonies and with foreign parts is comparatively inconsiderable. The ine

•while that of the latter was £"24/H)7,*i->7; and in the triennial periods ending January 5, Ib'-l-l, the tonnage of vessels from foreign parts was but onc-ttnth of the total tonnage of vessels inwards ; those from Groat Britain forming the oilier nine-tenths. 'The cessation of the collection of the duties on the cross-channel trade, which took place in ]b'2.>, has taken away the means of estimating the amounts of imports and exports to and from Great Britain since that period. .

VNTAL MOUNT MTORTS .\D, A. AvrnAon A of (ho I and KxnORTS. of lr,ri,A for the Triefini.il Periods ending 25th March, 1750 snd 1800, and 5th January, 1810, 1820, I82G, and 1830 ; Tor the Biennial Periods ending on 5th January, IS32 and 1S31 ; for the Triennial Periods ending on 5th January, 18-10 and 181-1; and for each of the Years ending 5th January, 18i5 and )816: distinguishing the Trade with Great Britain from the Trade with Foreign Parts. .

Imports Into Ireland, from E sports from Ireland, to

PERIODS. Foreign Great Foreign Great Total. Total. Britain. Tarts. Britain. Parti.

Throe Yearn ended, £ £ £ £ £ £ 25lh March, 1700, . 2,42.1,170 1,100,412 3,535,588 3,112,817 1,012,516 4,125,333 1800, . 3,411,101 853,392 4,299,403 3,487,805 528,111 4,015,076 5th January, 1810, . 5,100,324 1,374,144 0,535,008 4,710,713 559,758 5,270,471 „ 1820, . 4,988,008 1,019.005 0,008,273 5,511,135 747,140 6,291,275 8,454,813 1820, . . . C,102,U75 1,3X8,915 7,491,690 7,751,907 703,011 1830, . 1,573,545 839,014 Two years ended, 5lh January, 16.12, . . . 1,491,030 635,909 „ ' 1834, . 1,380,045 410,715 Three years ended, 5tli January, 1810, . 1,518,001 359,480 „ 1841, . 1,650,390 358,612 Years ended, 6th January, 1815, . . . 1,893,707 207,977 „ 1810, , 1,951,349 273,421

KoO>.~-Tho trade with Great Britain since the year 18:25 being governed by coasting regulations, there are no official documents recording tin Interchange ofgoods between the two eouutiies, except in so far as tha article of corn is concerned.

STATKMCNT, showing the Annual Average Quantities of Wine, Spirits, Foreign and Home made, Tobacco, Tea, Coffee, Sugar, FJax Seed, Cotton Yarn, Cotton Wool, Woollen and Worsted Yarn, Silk, Paw and Thrown, Iron Unwrought, Timber, Deals, and Coals, retained for Home Consumption in Ireland, in the Triennial Periods ending 25th March, l/i'O and 1S00, and 5th January, 1810, 1820, 1S2C, and 1 S30 ; the lliennial Periods ending 5th January, 1832 and 1834, respectively; tho Triennial Periods ending 5th January, 18

SPIRITS. SUGAR. Wine Tea. Toial Flu. So-J. PERIODS. of all «orti. Forilfn of ||[qmcn)aJ(.. Tobacco. Coffee. Eaw. Raw. Imp. Cats. hup. (laU. IM. Us. Lbs. Cicts. Cirfjt. S years ending 25th Mutch, 17P°, • 1,120,071! 2,507 ,fi1!> 1,732/174 44.X. 0 P,IU3 210,106 S^,745 1H(>0, . 155,00:1 2,773,070 2J(j,fl34 211,224 327,K;ll 5th Janunrv, IBlo, . 1*127/200 57 2/'.40 3,.v»i,um OKI,(>S(i 3O,05fi +M,763 ..* 1(1:20, . W> l.u lfj at, 1:11 a^!M!i'l!!IJl 4,110,451 3/u<;,:t2l 4u:.',uV; 2:1,431 8I7,K30 .. 1820, . 673,7C'J S2,!)61 £<;y4fiit i 406,789 4a',U43 3,1113,C.JU 3,51!l,2!tt 277,4';.) ($,043,270 301,1103 .. 18.W, . 600,079 32, R ill 4, n(5:\077 5 Jan. IX.'S 570,2i>(i 168,45? 4,1 1 321,199 757,527 S*i,5i'4. 0,137,015 5: V "-' BJ(ll,:Vi3 342,701 1,M KI.Hl 5, a:«),442 ,'UM! a years ending 5th January, 18-10, . > I,i)3:i 34*1, U3 8»,1 14 .'i,77(1li^ 5,;'.7ii,-'ai { - } 6,!Ul,5lt Sfi!i,7t-0 .. Ui-l-l, . fiiHl, I'-I KI.7IT (!,-ISI,i:.7 4, Wil,14l! !>•>!, s S-i-'l.'^O Yfan ending 5th January, Htl5, • 5,15(1,239 21 4t4,!'!»a «i2,!P4 .. UMf> . fiuvni | TlmW, 1 *JI, Woolen .n.l! Pilk, Htw Iron eiKht • T'mbpr nctl F PBHtODS, Cotton TurnCotto n Wool SH.TI or *.uu. Thru w 11. Cnwroucht-juman- nuJ | f=j,liu si-at. ™<* Citrus C<*Ut Ri.IIl-ll Lhl. ] ,:V>IM.J Lh.t. Lbs. Tf»i).t. Loml.u Lotuls. Loa.ls. ITuHt{re, . 6J;,7LM l.lGlf.l'llf t.HtiO 71),t:i!«) 10,241 «,N7M>3 12,024 3*;j,4!W 5tH January, lulu, . l,n.|:i,(U7 :i,;u:!,i!.H 77,rats i..,::.s 15,: J 8,720 4jit,a;4 1,270/174 2,»;a,i«;d 0011,45:2 7a,'Kis I4,s(;t{ 7.0in 675,910 .. lHv">, , 032,750 6 .V> 75 0,417 7U,fi;6 1H2«, . E,510,3U3 2,47iyJU3 £3,U'W t);i 1^,071 .. llWO, , 8 jeart ending oth Jntiuriry, Ijta?, , ?,4.V>,l5n 3, lye 67 a Cl\202 n,n;o WI.4-M i>32,M4 654 7^,52-J 8 jrnrl ending Mil Jrttmrtry, 111]", . 1,202 343 15,500 ea,if.v! 15, FTrv;..u, to .. um,;. C*\+J5 B,,V>7 «i)4 1*r*vt.»u.\o 10 OH. Id 12. Ycnri ending 5th Jnm.nrY. im.*.. . 6!>3 S to u<*i. 67.554 IHl'i, . 01,aw 3 4,",lfc>0 107,^1 127,5.^ ia,9U 6-2 * Kar-lTn "f U>. I)MI/ on Tr» r*n W f..r IM-. [MTIM, D. T.-« IW r,^nmPrl^ In Trflan.l * *< rl,.rp-.l - En, Puty In flm! Hrlt.In r-i^tlo11m3 to Id iUIU.ry fr, B tlx >ir~h«u«*4. T Tl.- «nru.l U- ,a,U.I!,.|, Ih.-(V..-.inp !>UI. Ih.il trliv-l* 1 fcvlr.tl ^,t. dl-cmttnUfJ

* ?0W.r.«.,l lo VHI- P. l-l-T. I*-!?. II" rt) «11 titv t-lilitpd for hrmt «.ni

A-8. comiEKd—sitiprixc] STATISTICS OF IRELAND. 191

The view v/hifh the above statement affords of the consumption of imported commodities in Ireland, is to a certain extent (It-farlive, inasmuch as the coasting regulations, by which the cross-channel trade has been governed since the year Hl'25, ]ire\ent the keeping of anv record of goods imported duty free from Great Britain, cither in tlic case of British productions or of foreign merchandise upon which duty lias already been paid in a British port. Of the articles included in this account, those for which the comparison with earlier years is most affected by this ci re ii instance are, rclined sugar, llax-sced, cotton wool, cotton yarn, woollen yarn, raw and thrown silk, and iron un-.vrou^ht.

STATEMENT, shoYrms; the ADDunl Average Quantities of Oxen, Sheep, Swine, Horses, Bacon and Hams, Beef and Pork, Butter, Win at and Wheat Flour, Oats and Oatmeal, Imh Spirit, Linen Manufacture.*, Linen Vnni, and Cotton Manu- ' fact tires exerted from Ireland in tlie Tiienmnl Periods ending 2-ith March, 1790 and 1800, and 5 th January, 1310, 1320, an.) Is.10 ; tin* Biennial IVriodx ending oth January, and 1 S3 J ; the Triennial Periods ending 5th January, ]t* tO aud and in each of the years ending. 5th January, 18 15 and 1S-1G: distinguishing the Exports to Great Britain from these to Feaeign Countries.

l Bacon and Hams.

A~umber. tYionbcr Xitmbcr. A'uiiibcrl Xuwbcr. Cures. Three year* coding 25th March, 17.00, 19,311) 2,0

Wheat and Wheat Irish Beefand Port. Butter. Oats and Oatmeal. Flour. Spirits. PERIODS. To Great To Croat To Foreign To Great To Foreign To G rent To Forr-Ipn To Great Britain. T°rJiru!"'1 Britain. Parts. Britain. Tarn. Britain. Parts. Britain.

Barrel*. Barrels. CieU. Cut;. Quart-rs Quarters. Qunrtos. Imj}, Ga7S. Three years ending 25th Jlarch, 1790, 88,583 138,-081 198,149 121,000 41,616 70,640 285,015 ^ 27,078 8 .. 1(300, ,179 229 41),807 215,100 65,5-1.0 24,077 1,-V3 320,4/0 3,550 291 5th January, lfilo, 211,402 6(>,R24 309,1/0 40,123 6i,o<(7 1.4U5 673,805 3,5-13 821,fW3 .. 18-'0, 170.362 54,858 378,303 G.i.553 113,110 3,337 870,179 35,463 ,. Ifl2f>, 143,725 46,2irff 441,22(3 51,

COTTON XAXVTACTWREi, Irish Linen Manufactures. Spirits. Linen Yarn. Entered by the Entered otherwise PEBIODS, Yard. than by the Yard,

To Foreign To Grtat To Foreign To Or-at To Foreign To Grvat Tarts. Britain. FarU. Britain. Parts. Britain. 1 Value, 1 Value. Imp.Oali. Yards. Yards. CirtJ. CivU. Yards. Tarda. 1 £ a.d. £ s. 4S«i 110 a 3 20,203 0 2 182o, 60,570 43,330 4,0;!4,K47 10,000 103,713 314,679 4,907 6 1 11,523 15 5 11I2.J, 24,7t!S 49,031,073 2,01b',340 3,101 6 5,097,918 1,705.1*55 14,887 1 7 8,525 6 0 .... lwao. 10 ,420 3,205,233 4,163,212] ~ 3,2118 16 2 ,065 Two years tndlng flth January, 18.12, . 10 2,884,302 1 2,013,54!) — 1,870 0 0 •• •• io,ias 1,873.854 6 ],P,60,4HH — 1,127 Id 3 Three years ending 6th January, 1010, 14,70-4 729,353 28,320 •ItJll, 153 104 0 0 „ .. 1H41, 0.507 6\n,sm 25,215 244,fii»7, — 156 0 0 Years ending fith January, i:<45, 37,055 30._i,rti:o 6,043 224,850 ~ 413 0 0 .. lU-MJ, 2,505 359,45tf 8,454 95,003 ~ 101 0 0

AN.vt'Ai. Arecvoe NrMBKn am! IOSMOE of VESSELS entered iinvnrrts in the Pout* of IKEI.AMD, in tlic Triennial PerirxJ? tlKlinp Otli January, 17B0, 1800, 1SI0, 1820, 1H30, 1831, 1840, and 181-1; and in each oflho Years ending 5th January )8J5 • nd 1840: distinguishing tho Trade with Great Britain from the Trade with Foreign Parts.

clgn Tarts. From al! Tarts.

dumber. | Tonnage. Tonnage. j Tonnage. Three ) earg ended J Tho entries inwards from Great llritain and 6lli January, 1700, Korean Parts arc not distinguished in 1,243 022,013 the Customs records of this jteriod. „ 1800, 6,523 514,723 6.80 97,754 7.209 012.477 1910,» 7,711 674,425 653 90,233 8,397 164,058 ,, 1820, 10,018 82.1,307 937 138.577 10,955 901,881 1*30, 12,320 1,15S,!I.'17 1,008 160,142 13,337 1,325.079 1831, 14,245 1,3 18,1190 941 171,202 15,189 1,523,291 „ IHJO, 16,4118 1,630,111 1,007 180,500 17,475 1.816,61! 17,071 1,710,080 S!H „ 1811, 180,038 18,002 1,899,118 Years ended fith January, 181.-,, 17.714 1,861,621 1,071 207,141 18,785 2,009,002 „ 1848, 10,081 2,010,202 1,239 274,780 20,320 2,320,082

TMi Is an aicrage for two years only, T!Z., 1803 and 1S09, the hooks for the year 1807 being defective. A-9. 189

FISCAL DEPENDENCE OF ISELAND,

Tables from Thorn's Irish Almanac* are quite revealing, since they show that taxation in Ireland was based primarily on the turn-over type of taxes, such as the sales tax, which bear most heavily on the poorer segments of the population.

(There is no mention of "Income Tax" in Table No. 1).

Table No. 2 shows that Ireland paid a large portion of her taxes towards the maintenance of a British army on her soil, and thus paid the heavy expenses of the coercion policies of the British government that were practiced.

Table No. 3 shows that in taxation and disbursement policies, any surplus that was available was applied to debt service, so that Ireland was not only paying her own internal debt, but was also paying a portion of debts incurred by Britain. This Is revealed in Table No. k which demonstrates the rapid increase in debt from 1797 to 1817• This was the period of the

Napoleonic Wars, and Ireland was doubtless made to pay her

portion of these war debts. Table No. 3 shows that this debt

service- was a considerable burden to Ireland, and consumed all

her surplus. Again, in this manner, Ireland had lost control of

any opportunity to accumulate emergency funds.

The picture that emerges is one of a country being taxed

and ruled by a government both unresponsive and distant. This

government was also bent upon many international policies, for

which the Irish had to pay, although these policies were alien

to their interests.

* Pages 182 f. A-10.

182 STATISTICS OF IRELAND. [REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE

• REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE OF IRELAND. The gross amount of tlie ordinary revenue and expenditure of Ireland, for various periods to the latest Pariia mertiary returns published, is given in the following tables :— TOTAL INCOME and EXPENDITURE of Ireland in end] year from the 5th January, 1792, to 5th January, ISO], (exclusive o sums applied to the Hcduetien of Debt.? Year. Income. Expenditure. Year, Income. Expenditure. Year. Income. EipcndUur; 1792, . £1,102,539 £1,107,836 1705, , .£1,787,413 £2,707,032 170S, . .£2,215.955 £5,515,02' 1793, 995.031 1,371,827 1790, . . 1,801,-179 3,179,51)7 1799, . . 3,131,833 5,810.29 1794, . 1,199,190 2,253,190 1TJ1, . . 1,670,325 3,495,751 1800, . . 2,015,730 6,853,56

REVENUE AND ExpENDj'rer.E SINCE 1S47.—[ House of Commons Pap'r, Ko. 192, 18)7.] No. 1.—AN ACCOUNT of the NET PRODUCE of the REVENUE of IRELAND, paid into the Exchequer there, from 1817 to 1S10 distinguished umler the different heads of Revenue.

Keray- Imprest mentsof I and other J Advances ] al onevs. for Public Works. £ £ £ £ £ £ 1817 1,431,400 1,683,912 413,314 520,206 57,231 9,928 ! 110,791 09,944 4,334,816 1818 1,035,470 1,835,309 342,831 509,039 40,154 9,801 j 97,092 101,530 4,577,286 1819 1,51 1,259 1.707,151 230,607 432,470 53,538 10,550 j 101,778 100,016 4,250,980 1820 1,202,379 1,565,129 265,101 407,401 59,077 9,205 i 20.147 71,003 3,605,416 1821 1,137,053 1,631,636 3'H,223 400.827 65,533 9,924 7,894 133.228 3,099,924 1822 1,200.503 1.535,908 221,836 423,994 69,231 7,870 30,225 132,310 3.690,973 1823 1,092,325 1,356,369 13,056 439,330 75,092 10,209 35,824 141,332 3,199,128 1824 1,037,990 1.651,757 490,945 70,615 9.748 187,750 1S2.275 3.690,090 1825 1,317,207 1,479,855 450,090 78,402 11,529 .24,155 232,8-10 3,024,800 18215 1,513,943 1,422,716 425,330 74.000 9,595 1S.588 158,331 3,622,593 1827 1,502,560 1,409,142 430,086 78,000 9,890 13,603 | 172,984 3,032,312 1823 1,110,2*1 2,059,310 441,585 108,000 9.353 20,865 212,031 3,961.433 1829 1,187,979 1,790,289 450,009 105,000 8,887 105,786 2U,9s6 3,860,595 1830 1,19G,761 1,748,610 452,830 108,000 9,096 15.455 I 223,231 3,753,933 1831 1,179,556 1,972,150 446,920 139,200 4,53.) 17,474 ! 220,120 3,979,953 1832 1,235,109 1,953,810 436,499 133,000 3,780 27,141 248,075 4,0(2,429 1833 1,201,950 1,702,749 429,623 127,800 3,030 9,739 279,(00 3,S14,(01 1834 1,405,831 1,725,960 434,492 129,400 3,993 7.9S6 ; 311.355 4,079,034 1835 1,743,742 1,703,806 430,915 122,300 3,712 8,5(33 i 327,267 4,310,350 1830 1,709,832 1,810,219 441,66s 132,700 2,870 8,621 j 3(9,662 4,515,572 1837 1,711,019 1,624,931 437,037 123,811 1,477 17,395 j 304.823 4,226,151 6,336 4,394,495 1838 1,091,515 1,763,057 437,655 131,994 15,822 313,060 9,124 4,210,130 1830 1,743,784 1,557,333 430,520 107,298 6,843 355,231 5,531 ' 4.013,100 1810 2,030,159 1,177,407 432,7 22 0,061 6,929 353,633 5,635 3,909,633 1841 1,999,257 1,097,918 425,771 1,411 j 413,4 11 1,91.9,831 491,851 2,210 371,878 3,934,309 1842 1,110,342 3,000 5,243 1,960,498 521,981 1,677 384,791 3,959,731 1843 1,082,722 3,000 5,059 i 2,120,149 5(5,898 2.6S3 420,470 4,265.730 1841 1,147,940 16,000 0,590 2,091,651 55S.569 9,816 381,938 4,478,792 1845 1,408,471 22,000 6,317 2,258,043 573,767 6,8SS 352,042 4,092,463 1810 1,467,060 29,000 6,063

No. 2.—AN ACCOUNT of the EXPENDITURE of IRELAND in each Year,'from 1817 to I84G, both inclusive.

Charges on Advances for Irish Treasury Year. Army. Ordnance. Miscellaneous. Consolidated Civil List. TOTAL. Fund. Public Works. Bills paid off. £ £ £ £ £ £ 1 £ £ 1817 1,753,529 152,087 563,022 198,010 207,092 195,9S5 1,133,001 4.209.016 1818 1,528,277 92.308 375,172 193.652 207,092 130,553 1,080,553 3,604,207 1819 1,377,259 129,219 374,943 202,981 207,692 153,433 2,200,000 4,047.577 1820 1,484,348 117,151 399,360 182,999 213,979 198,504 2,109,000 4,690,347 1821 1,424.890 114,755 318 552 183.367 207,000 213,972 1,605,131 4,102,723 1822 1,393.772 88,613 532,721 243,253 207.000 333,734 1,000,000 3,854,096 1823 1,029 123 168,820 433,841 305,258 207,000 304,514 . 2,453.592 1824 1,047,906 292.902 426,320 301,034 207,000 533,258 — 2,808,530 1825 1,019,279 231/785 436,713 300,102 207,000 327,411 .— 2,525,290 132G 1,005,554 104,630 450,940 301,427 207,000 5(6,922 — 2.730.535 1827 1,020.820 367,323 303,200 207.000 437,754 2,342,103 1828 1,03>'349 362,228 300,959 207,000 424,691 .— 2,330,227 1829 980,209 360,871 377,969 207,000 330,317 .— 2,318,866 1830 869,006 „ s 345,714 300,311 03,382 395.702 .— 2,015,205 1831 933,620 45 4,279 293,077 423,750 2,109,432 1832 1,051,770 320,152 = ^ r — 2,379,901 307.577 634,(02 .— 18.13 1,055,915 344.122 319.331 521,433 .— 2,280,800 1834 912,046 409,395 302.023 519,003 .— . 2,202,533 1835 990,100 £ - ^2. 414,147 333.687 lis? 433.704 — 2,237,693 IK30 939,355 H 5c 3V>,229 394.377 521,955 — 2.211,(10 1K.17 639,128 87.300 3.33,200 691,803 *2§S 415.120 — 2,119,G11 1K33 l.OVV'3", 138,600 332,553 G(7,350 ! c ~ ^ ° 454.014 2,673,502 1339 98-,,000 113,330 342,870 590.525 301,225 .— 2.340,050 1 ^"i-C — IKK) 897.500 122.155 351,539 533.969 329,509 — 2,289.072 1811 910.000 110,420 331,739 675,932 ^ v> * 300,359 — 2.264,500 1K42 937.500 97,1)50 398.501 580,909 370.322 . .— . 3,390,281 1813 994.5110 81.870 332.033 561,329 350.304 2.32(,18'1 18(1 1,183.731) 93.100 375.527 58.'..350 "4 (3,330 2,081,917 1X4) 1,121..'.V, 90.050 3M.512 001,002 392,347 2,523,426 2 . 1840 1,143,980 105,000 472,404 H < - 1 790,214 3,414,454 902,856 j. '— A-11 183 RSTEXUEAND EXPENDITCHE.] STATISTICS OF IRELAND.

Ko. 3.—An Accoast of the Prni.rc IxroirB and EXPENDITURE of IRELAND, from 1S17 to 1846, showing the Excess or Dcfi- ficner of Incomi-, after providing for tin: Exi>riiditurc, exclusive of the Charge of the Funded Debt, tho Annual Charge of tho Funded D^ht, and the Deficiency of Income to meet that Charge.

Deficiency of Expenditure Income pal-I Tvseess or Pef eicney of \r,nual Charg, Ineoii'T paid In Irelmd.ere into the Im-ou^, after defraying the of Interest cn into the cluske ofthe Exchequer in Charges in preceding Column. the Funded Excin^iut-r in charge of re'.aml, to meet] Dcbtof Ireland] Ireland the Funded tbe annual (as per las per Account,] Debt (as eleirge 1 Account,c(o.5}. Ko. I). per Account, of Interest oa the Debt.

£ £ £ £ 5,856.311 1817, . 4,331,810 4,209,016 175.800 6,032,111 5,116,093 1SI8, . 4,577,230 3,664.207 913,079 6.029,172 6,309,769 1810,. 4,250,930 4,645,577 394,597 6,005,172 6,999.933 7,090.339 1820, . 3 005,410 4,690,317 1,090,901 6,000.950 6,103,749 1821, . 3.999,921 4,102,723 102,799 4,539.G54 4,702,777 1822, . 3,090.973 3,854.090 163,123 4,539,562 3,794.02ii 1823, . 3,199,128 2.453,592 745,536 4,505,842 3,624.2-SS 1324, . 3,G90,090 2,803,536 831,551 4,505,842 3,406,332 1825,. 3,024,800 2,525.2.90 1,099.510 4,505,845 3,619,787 1820, . 3.622,593 2,736,535 836,053 3.682,312 2.3(2.103 1,340,239 4.453,845 8,113,606 1827, . 3,901,433 2.330,227 1.6.31,200 4,345.S15 2,714,633 1828, . 3,806,595 2.31S.866 1,547.729 4,345,845 2,793,116 1829, . 3.753,983 2,015,205 1.733,778 4,281,803 2,543.030 1830,, 3,979,959 2.109.432 1,870.527 4,281.803 9.411,281 1831,. 4,012,420 2,379,901 1,602.519 4,281,593 2,619,07-1 1332,. 3,314,401 2,230,806 1,533,595 4,281,593 2,747,99* 1833,. 4.079,031 2,202.553 1,876,501 4,231,693 2,405.0St3 1834,. 4,310,370 2,237,698 2,102.672 4,231,593 2,173.92* 1835, . 4,515,572 2,211,416 2,30-1,150 4,281,593 1,977.437 183G, . 4,226,151 2,119,611 2,106,540 4,281,593 2,175,053 1837,. 4,394,495 2,073,502 1,720,993 4,281,593 2,560,'"«'3 1638, . 4,210,186 2,340,950 1,869.236 4.281,593 2,412,357 1839, . 4,013,100 2,289,672 1,723,418 4,231,593 2,553,165 1840,. 3,969,633 2,261,500 1,705,133 4,2GO,595 2,555,462 1841,. 3,934 369 2,390,285 1,5(4,08! 4,260,595 2,715.511 1842, . • 3,959,731 2,324,136 1,635,545 4,200,595 2,625-fiS* 1843,. 4,267,730 2,631,947 1,585,783 4,176,458 2,590.6775 1844, . 4.473.702 2.593,420 1,885,360 4,176,458 2,291,032 1845, . 4,602,463 3,414,454 1,278,009 4,170,458 2,89S,M9 1810, .

So. {.—An Account of rite TOTAL CAPITAL of the DEBT of IRELAND FUNDED in GREAT BRITAIN, and the DEBT of IRELAND rr\DED in IHEIAND, as it stood on the 25th .March, 1st February, or 6th January, in each year, from the 1 ear 1786, to (lie 5th January, 1817, inclusive ; distinpuisMng (he Amount Redeemed and Unredeemed, and (ho Total Charge of tho said l)cU, including Annuities for Lives or Years ; and also distinguishing tho proportion of tho said Chaige paid to tho Com• missioners for the Reduction of the National Deht.

Ctitrgu In reject Charge iu Of UtrevdcenW respect of Re• Dctit; Including TOTAL- DEBT. Annuiti^f* for deemed Debt, TOTAL CHAS-:CK. Including *nil Jlfltiagctntnt. Sinking Fund. £ £ £ £ £ — 105,7721 25th March/ 1786, 1,402,052 1,462,052 105,721 — 1787, 1,632,221 1,632,221 112,604 112.304 — 1738, 1.686,067 1,580,067 110,658 110,fSS — I05,4»6 1789, 1,586,067 1,586.067 105,490 1,586,007 105.496 — I05.4S0 1790, 1.586,007 1,586.067 105,496 — 10S,(fSG 1791, 1.580,067 1.536.007 105,496 — 105,4(90 1792, 1,586,007 1.025,298 1,025,298 107,066 107,906 1793, 1,969,975 1,969.975 124,084 - 124.ffl34 1791, 2,940,913 2,940,913 181,930 —_ I812S30 1795. 4.469,406 4,469.400 274 432 — 2741,432 1796, 6,370,975 5,376,976 341,277 — 341^77 1797, 1st Foh, and 1 1798, 9,275,890 73,870 9,319,760 607,030 108,246 615,320 25lli March, t ) 1799, 14,920,247 318,636 15,233,8S.1 717.933 178,061 895,904 1800, 21,7*7,38.) 687,305 22,347,190 959,098 259,877 1,215,575 1st Feb. and | 1801, 951,756 1,157,004 327,834 1,484»S48 till Jan.* 390.230 1802, 1,444.281 32.226.312 1,274.277 1,064.S07 ,316 452.122 1,34(1) 4!'GS 1803, 1,907.810 36,499.023 1,338 1804, 2,051.932 39,710,1(6 1,467,674 609,661 1.977.J335 2.J8C.JS9 1805, 3,413,451 49,190,037 1,752,286 633.863 1806, 4,467,151 53.856,637 1,941.901 721.650 2,(163.(617 1807, 5.032,1)77 59,742.790 2,094,831 813.190 2.913.021 1803, 0,929, (99 65,213.333 2,229,015 913,278 3.142,1293 70 1809, 8,283,150 ,250,175 2.390.551 1,000.502 3,39t-B!53 1810, 9,765,522 75,240,790 2.523,102 1,113,181 3,636.230 1811, 1 1,396,385 82.820.762 2,1)70,025 1,271.926 3.941,»).5I 1812, 13. .-143.301 R5.59il.915 2.697,201 1,309.031 4,0Sl»,232 1813, 15,537,396 94.920.454 2,920,921 1,550.420 4,477,347 1814, 13,119,542 107.311,839 3,201,143 1,763.819 5,02t,5)G7 1815, 20,723.112 1 18,029.292 3.552,231 1 952 211 5,501.-842 ,077 1810, 23.806.1 131,590 3.9113,288 2,217,323 134,692.709 c.isoyrai 1817, 27,222,01 I 3 839,231 2.199,027 G,03cUil 1

Thfl /\nmiftl account* of flic IVM of In-hii id funded in I refund, aro madn up prior to tho Frilmi. to the 25tF» March, und In* Cni.-n, l„ tin- 5t»i January In carl, y< -tr. f Tlio nnnm,l accounts of tlio Dobt of Ircla&d, funded in '"*t liriuin, commencing lu \1'.>7, aro m.-uluon to tlm lit Feb. in each je.ir. B-1. 192

APPENDIX B.

SPECIAL PRIVILEGES OF THE PROTESTANT ESTABLISHED CHURCH--1849•

Appendix B, page 1 indicates that the Protestant Established

Church represented only 852,064 members, whereas the Roman

Catholic Church had 6,427,712 members.

Appendix B, page 3 indicates that the whole of the Roman

Catholic clergy were "supported by voluntary contributions

from their flock;" while the Protestant Established Church was supported from State endowments, having an aggregate income of El,639,403.

In Thomas Irish Almanac, pages 258 to 274, under:

"Colleges: Schools of Medicine and Surgery" indicates the

privileged educational position of the Protestant Establishment

Colleges compared with the Roman Catholic Colleges. B- 119 ESTABLISHED CHVilCIT.] STATISTICS OF IRELAND. .KSixsnCAL Krrr DIVISION-?.— The arrangements adopted by the Established Church, the Itoman Catholics, Frcsbytcrbass, and other Dissenters, are. given under the head ECCLESIASTICAL DIIU-XTORY. The numbers in. the principal religious denomination?, as ascertained by the Commissioners of Public Instruction In }'>>'ri) were—• Numlvt. rrvjv.rlVn f 10L',OOJ. I Niimr-r. Pfvp^rtim Vi ieC',000. F,etaWtsho(l Church, 852,OGi 10.7*5 I'resbvtrrbns, . G42,3oC S,0S0 Komau Catholics, . G,427,Ti2 80,913 | Other'Dbicnters . 21,SOS 0,276

K^TMU-isar.n Cipjlttii.—Previously to the Church Temporalities Act, 3 & 4 "Wm. IV., cap. 37, the country was divided tor I'>cIe>tu>tic;U purposes into Four ArehhMinprio, nearly identical with tlie Four Civil Province?, bnt taking their names from the city which was the seat oi' the See. By that Act the Archhishoprics of Cashel and Tuam irerc- reduced to Bishopries, and the, whole of Ireland divided into Two Province?, hy a line drawn from the no-rib, of Dublin couutv to the ?outb of Gahvav bav, and the Bishoprics were reduced to Ten ; the altera• tion being to he mnde progressively un the demise of the Bishops whose Sees were to be united to those allowed to remain. The Bishoprics, with their incomes, were classed thus, according to the former arrangement:-—

ULSTER. LEINSTER. Cork and Ross, . . • £4,346 £17 GTO ^'d'lin and Ghmdelagh, . £fi.321 Clnvne, . . . • 5.009 Armagh,. KiMn.ro, . 0,452 Kiflaloc and Kilfeiiora, . . 4,041 Jlnlh and Cfeasmacnoi.se, 5,220 Ossory, .... 3,850 C0NXAU6HT. Cfcghcr, in,»7i. crn3 au . 6,550 Tuam and Ardagh, . . 8,206* I>.->*yn and Comvjr, * 5 890 ^" d Leighlin, . . iKlphin, ... * 7,034: Berry, . 14,103 MUNSTER. 7 -ir.'Cloiifert & Kiimacduagh, . 3,261 Kaplvje, , 5,787 Cashel and Emly, 5\m Killala and A enemy, . . 4,082 Kihnore, 7,-178 Limerick, Ardt'ert, and Aghadue, 4,323 | Total Income, Dromore, . 4,813 Water font and LUmore, £150,635

According to the provisions of the Church Temporalities Act, the Dioceses and their Incomes will be thus

regulated:— NORTHERN" PROVINCE. ! • SOUTHERN* PROVINCE. Armagh \.-'iih Clobber, , £12,0'37,Buh]tn, Olandtlagli, and Kihkre, . . , £7,786 Mcath and Cfonmaenolsc, 4,008 Ossory, Leighlin, and Kerns, .... 4,200 Berry and Rsphoc, 8.000'Cashel, Fhnjy, Watn lord, and Lisinorc, . . 6,000 Down and C«nm>r, and Dromore,. . 4,201 Cork. Cloync, and Boss, . . . « 2,408 Kdmore, Ankgh, and Klphin, , 6,253'KiHaloc, KiH'enora, Clonfert, and Kiimacduagh, ; 3,870 j Tuam, Kittib, and Aclionry, 4,600 Limerick, Ardiert, and Aghadoo, . . , 4,973

£30,212! £28,327

The totalincomc of the two archbishops, and of their ten suffragan bishops/ will then be £67,53.9, being an

average of £5,0*28 to each. The revenues of the suppressed bishoprics, together with those of suspended dignities and benefices, and disap• propriated tidies, have been vested hy the Church Temporalities Act in the board of Ecclesiastical Commissioners to be applied by them to the erection and repairs of churches, to the providing fur the church expenses which had been defrayed by vestry rates, and to other ecclesiastical purposes. The revenues of the bees already suppressed, were, in the years ending 1st August, 1845, 10-16, and 1847—

18 IS. 18*0. 18-17. 1 1845. 1846. 1847. t 0 4,«73 0 5,254 13 0{ Ardaih, .... £2,MH 8 2 £2,1-31 7 1(4 £2 9W H Killala and Achonry, . S,9PS 5 H 6,C4!) 11 5,041 11 0 etmfert and XBaiacdaa^h 3,'il<> 7 7 l,x23 11) nj 1, VM 3 9 O^irv, .... 2,218 1 3 15 e 6,10!) 18 8,324 !o 1 C^rk anJ KUSJJ ... 4,0-1-; 4,' ID 1 4,.*)3 0 10 " " Wuterlord and Lisraore, 7 2 3,377 12 5 6,180 1 10 7,163 10 ni 4,'X 17 r Kadarev^BaaistTy of Chris tCh. 2,006 1.1 JO I Total, £-10,160 11 1 £42,770 15 113 £32,038 5

By the death of the Lord Bishop of Kildare, in August, 18-16, that diocese was united to the Archbishopric of Dublin, and the temporalities, estimated at £6,156 %. llrf. per annum, annexed to the revenues of the Eccle• siastical Commissioners. On the demise of the present bishop of Coghcr the revenues of that see, estimated &t £10,000 per annum, will fall into the hands of the Commissioners ; and 011 the next voidancc of ihe sees of Armagh and Derry, a further income will be derived of £4,501) from the former, and £fy0Q per annum from the latter sec. The Ecclesiastical Commissioners' receipt and expenditure for the years ending 1st August, 1846 aud 1847, 'were—

RFCFIPT.-. 1BJ6. B»Tftnc« of Go'ral and Perpetuity Pur- I* eliase Fund, £0,4-n 15 P M,'7& 14 Hi . £2*vV>8 13 r27,o-i3 6 n Sdpf.res^il -«**:a.tes .... 4^,770 15 11 lU'qui^us for dh ine s 35,017 S ar.,030 a 10 : Bo*r*iKlpd d%n^it3 and benefice!', and l'a\ incuts to bi bop* of Cork and Kil- "tMappTopriai-il tHlle*, .... 20,7C.T 13 2\ 11,Wl 1 10 | 2^38 0 11 2,288 0 10 stipends to incumbents, curatns, vlcara F«!csof pcrj-rtoitti^, .... S,44i} 10 rboi'at, and dioec^an srlioiilTaa^ter'', Prn^tvilty n«*t,Ag«*s j.fild o(T, . . . P,CtM 4 7,233 13 2 6/>20 Id 11 alari^s to cotmiilisluiiers, treasurer, (ban^ on Tkn;-Ttee, ..... 2,"(to o lax on bi.-diojurtea:,™! ttctieficea, . - £>,-l'':t 17 7,-^41 14 7 I ckrl.s, Ac, ^JVIf-houic Wvi n-pa) intnti . . . 4,»l'.i 12 e,:tli 11 Po)k'itt>rs and cleric, ..... li.t-irstoiiewr^ol^A pfrpcimtj mort^atfes, 3,1 71 4 4,070 I Intorrst on balant-e of £ICO,000 to Board of PuUu- Woiks 2,400 o 0 ^aio <>r COTISOK ...... 7,;o,i o Fv] a>un nt ' TI ner-ount ofloan to ditto, . lO.O.ifl f> 0 10,000 0 0 IMsatc suV.sl(hln dittt, fair,\c.t 237 18 83 10 10 cliase fund, ...... «,779 14 U J hKidenUil KwrifU, .

Total, £llstC74 13 I £10:<,474 Total, £118,674 15 1 £10^,474 0 4J

The receipt? of Primate Boulter and Robinson's funds were, for the year 18-17, £6.656 )4$. fid., exclusive of ft balance from 18-16 of £1,783 7*. 1M.; expenditure in stir ends in auginentation of small benefices, £4,2Gl 6s, ; puichasc of Sj stock, £1^61 Us. SV.; leaving a balance in band of £'i,717 5jf. It/. Ihe aunml expenses of church repairs since the establishment of the Ecclesiastical Commission, is—

Ordinary. Extraordinary. E.\tr:.or Jiri.u-y.

1831, . f 1,152 0 ,1 1842, . . £25,157 1(1 8 £2,505 12 4 WM, . 8 C 477 10 8 1813, . . 23.437 15 1 1,491 19 0 IHV,, . . 62.SIU 1 10 am 11 3 1641, . . 11,7114 1 2 435 10 11 1S.17, . 15 3 1)70 17 7 1845, . . 14.018 7 4 320 8 5 18.H, . . 61,200 10 0 1,131 0 0 184C, . . 15,402 0 8 830 1 4 1B39. . . 41..122 C 3 6,040 2 0 1817, . . 17,100 6 5 031 3 11 . »7,(i'Jl 1 7,N« 14 1 1841, . . 21,778 VI 4 2,047 10 8 £39.1,"tS5 7 7 £27,037 1 11 B-3. J20 STATISTICS OF IRELAND. [ESTABLISHED CHUECU.

The aggregate income at the disposal of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and their annual expenditure from their establishment in 11)33 to 1817, has been as follows :— Tears. Receipts. Disbursement Years. Receipts. Disbursemen ts. 1834, £68,728 10 8 £51.012 17 9 1842, . . £52 906 18 3 £96.330 6 0 1835, 163,027 8 10 120.252 17 6 184.1, . . 110,916 2 4 90,630 11 1 1836, 1 131,015 3 1 168.292 9 5 1S44, . . 105,913 0 119,721 12 2 1837, 103.221 0 7 103,359 12 5 1845, . . 116,104 11 2 125,248 3 10 1833, 100.497 0 0 114.255 17 9 1816, . . 112,195 19 4J 111,894 0 )i 1839, 1-33.100 9 2 119,827 6 1 1847, . . 96,094 11 5 97,658 7 10 1819, 139.263 14 10 110,426 19 4 1811, 115,723 9 9 103,331 19 8 £1,639,403 0 «f £1,633,870 1 51 The amount of tlio expenses of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners and their official establishment, for ten year* to 1st August, 18-17, is given in their returns to Pa-rliamcnt as follows: — i Years. Amount. [Years. Amount. 5"ears. Amount. Years: Amotmt. 1833, . £1 1,034 10 101:1S41, . £15.217 11 101 ' 1341, £8.023 1 1846, £8,010 13 3 1839, . 13,040 2 10 '1342, . 13.272 15 0 1645, 7,723 19 1847, 8,184 4 0 1840, . 14,205 0 OS, IS 13, . 13,587 17 3f| The sales already made of perpetuities of church estates vested in tlio Commissioners have produced upwards of £575,9o 1 ICJ., including jt'rt'2,681 lis. Id. in\ested in mortgagees ; the value of the whole perpetuities, if sold, is estimated at £1,200,OOU. The following arc the amounts received from sales in each year ended 31st July 1834 to 18-17, and to 31st May, 1818:— Years. Amount [ Years. Amount Years Amount. Tears. Amount. 1831, . . £2,365 d 2 |1838, . . £51.514 18 10 IS 12, . £20,084 1 IS4G, . , £11,373 li 10 1835, . . 89,552 19 10.1 |1S39, . . 65,697 4 1 1843, . 31,187 19 1847, . . 14,913 17 3£ 1836, . . 88,480 11 5 1840, . . 30,927 5 4 1844, . 18,227 3 184S(to31 May}, 8,711 1 1 1837, . . 61,443 11 0 1841, . . 33,139 10 11 1845, . 16,022 18 According to returns made to Parliament in the last ; ession, the number of applications made since 1836 for the enlargement of cburehes^too small for the congregation, the re-building of those decayed, and the erection of new churches, together with the manner in which these applications have been disposed of up to the present timers as in the following sta'ement, which specifies the numbers acceded to, postponed for want of funds, and negatived, as not being approved by the Commissioners :—

Acceded to. Postponed. Total. Enlargements, , 49 £-13 292 Rc-buildinga, ...... 118 35 161 Additional Churches, gg 98—551 Of 24 churches in progress of re-building during last year, 11 have been completed; these, "with the name? of their respective dioceses are :—Dromore, Clogher ; Ardkeen, Dotvn ; Kehawley, JJromore ; Bally cuslane, A rdferl; Camew Ferns; Kilcommon, Killala ; Shanrahan, Llsmore ; Kilmurry, Cork; Tynagh, Clonfcrl; Kilmacrenan, Raphoc ; and Dmrmnully, Clogher. The sums contributed by private subscriptions in aid ofthe expense ofthe erections of some of these were, Dromore, £400; Carnew, £500; Shanrahan, £300; Kilmurry, £'274; the Puke of Devonshire, one of the subscribers towards the erection of the last-named church, has also provided an endowment for the incumbent. Clonsillagli Church, Dublin, has been re-built chiefly by a contribution of £1,700 from private sources. The EUTQ appropriated to church works for the last year has been appropriated as follows :—

Completion or commencement of re-buildings, , , t . t £5,3-31 External painting, 2,000 Enclosing church fences, . 1,000 Erection of stoves and hells provided by the parishioners, -. 180 Necessary repairs, : 13",377—£21,888' The following churches have been erected solely by private contributions;—Sallaghy, Clogher; Altedesert, Drumnakilly, and Carlingford, Armagh. Tho fund'for augmentation purposes has been increased, 1st, by a bonus of £1,935 on the Bank of Ireland Stock, standing to the credit of Primate Boulter's bequest; "2nd, by the interest of £480, being the amount of Turnpike Debentures lately paid off: and 3rd, by £500, accruing from tithes disappropriated and transferred to the Commissioners, by order ofthe Lord Lieutenant and council. Tho present state of the loan from the Board of Public. Works stands Urns Paid off, £60,000 principal, and £37,107 interest; total paid, £97,107, amounting together to nearly the whole ofthe original loan ; and there still remains due £40,000 of principal, together villi an accumulation of interest proportionate to the period at the cWe of -which the debt will be cleared off. By tho returns of promotions and otherwise, it appears.that 14 dignities, 13 prebends, and Gl parochial benefices have become vacant during the year, of which '20 are liable to tax. 'Hie appointment of clerks has been suspended as to Clonmammse deanery, Afr-ifh, annual value, £74, and Laekeen prebend, Ctogne, £"23. The cases of the archdeaconries of Killala and Cloul'ert, to neither of winch the cure of souls appears to have been annexed, have been referred tn tho Lord Lieutenant and council. KitleneHek prebend, ICnilij, having become vacant, Ballin- ftrry rectory and Ballinloudry rectory and vicarage have been disappropriated from it, and formed into a separate fenefice, value £400, to be named Ballinloudry parish ; Galbarry vicarage alone, value £475, is to form the coTps of the prebend of Killeiielick. Glanore, or C-Jianworth prebend being vacant, the parishes of Derrivillone, Ktlgidlane, ami Ballindehmghy, annual value £'2.'5. have been disappropriated from it, leaving (tlanworth parish alone, \alup £(i00, to constitute the corps of the prebend; the occasional duties of the disappropriated parishes to bo committed to the incumbent of the adjoining parish at a modern to stipend. The proceedings respecting Chvhmore prebend, Lisntorc, annual uiluc £.'W, have been suspended, and a reference niadc to the diocesan m consequence of doubts ft* to its vacanc•yy . Th'•e" "revenue- s ~or f,i th. e precento^hii p of Klphm have Von disappropriated; the rectories of Shankhill, Kilma'-urnsisoy , and ( reeve, annual value £ 104, annexed to their respective vicarages • the residue of the emolument*, tramfcrreerreud uto> thmee r.cciesia^ueaKcclesiavtieail v_Commwionersomui!turners., amandi thee appointment off a r-WclerVk authorized, subject to the severance of it* emoluments. Capilanc, or Whitechurch rectory, Utsori/, being vacant, its case has- been referred to tbe Lord Lieutenant and council, whose determination has not yet been announced. Divine service not hnvitnr boon celebrated for tin- three years preceding February, 1033, in Kilbrodcran parish, JJmrrick, art. "ii value £17-', the appointment of a clerk has been suspended, and ihc occasional duties committed to the curate of the adjoining parish. B

R. CJISH. & WIESBYTEIIIAXCII-JIICIIES.] STATISTICS OF IRELAND. 123

_Jt:o?j,iN_CATUOLic CHURCH.—The Roman Catholic Hierarchy consists of four Archbishops, 'whoso Sees are ia Armagh, Dublin, Cashef^ud Tuam, and 23 Bishops; the present See of {-Jalway having been, until lately, au exempt jurisdiction under a Warden. The Bishops are nominated by the Pope, generally out of a list of names submitted t" him by the Bithops of the Province and the Clergy of the vacant Diocese. In case of expected incafcfecily from age or infirmity, the IJiahop names a coadjutor, who is usually confivmed by the Pope. Every Diocese has a Dean and an Archdeacon, the former appointed by the Cardinal Protector at Rome, tha latter by the Bishop ; hut those dignities are without jurisdiction or emolument. .The^yhole of the Clergy aro 5JiC£^t^^L^iLe'y by the voluntary contributions of their flocks. The Episcopal emoluments arise from the parish ii, «riiich~Ihe Bishop o(1Iaate?7Troin m am age 1 i c ences7 andTro in the cathedmtteum, an annual sum varying from £'2 to £.10, paid hy each lucumheut in tho Diocese. Tlic parochial Clergy, whose number in 184) was 2,145, are ttsuninated exclusively by tlic Bishop. Their incomes arise from fees on marriages, baptisms, and deaths, on Easier and Christmas dues, and from incidental voluntary contributions! either in money or labour. All the places of public wm.-hip are built bv subscriptions. There are numerous monasteries and convents; the latter arc supported partly by sum?, usually from £3U0 to £500, paid by those who take the vows in them, and partly by the ices for the education of the daughters of respectable Roman Catholics. The Friars and Nuns also devote themselves to the gratuitous education of the children of the poor. The candidates for clerical ordina• tion were formerlv under the necessity of obtaining their education in continental colleges and seminaries, but are now educated at fiome ; the principal clerical colleges are those of St. Patrick, Maynuoth, supported by grants of public money and by pensions from the students, and Carlow and St. Jarlath's, Tinini, by voluntary contributions. PBSSBYTEKIAN CHURCH.—The Presbyterians, who are found chiefly in Ulster, are formed into Congregations, each of which is under the ecclesiastical government of a court called a Session, consisting of the Minister and Elders of the Congregation. A.n iudeliiiite number of the Ministers of these Congregations, with a Lay Elder for fcach, constitutes a Presbytery, -which has the charge of the Congregations represented in it. Delegates from each of these Presbyteries, consisting of all the Ministers, with a Lay Elder for each, constitute the General Assembly, which is presided over by a Moderator chosen annually, and regulates the Ecclesiastical concerns of the Body. The first Presbytery in Ireland was formed at Carrickfcrgus in "1642, and gave rise to the Synod of Uisicr. The Presbyterian Synod of Afuns/cr was formed about 16U0. The Presbytery of Antrim separated fromi the Synod of Ulster in 1727, and the Jian oust rant Synod in 1820. A number of Seceders formed them• selves into the Secession Synod of Ireland about 1780. Previously to 1840 tbe number of Presbyteries and - Congregations in each of these Bodies was— Presb. Congreg. PreEb. Congrcg. Goaecal Synod of Ulster, , . 2-1 275 Presbyterian Synod of Munstcr, 2 15 Presbytery of Antrim, . X 13 Secession Synod, . . « .10 132 Remonstrant Synod, . ' . . 4 27 Is* 1840 the General and Secession Synods having united, assumed the name of the General Assembly of the Pre&*ftcrian Church hi Ireland^ comprising 433 Congregations, which were arranged under 'do Presbyteries. Another body, unconnected with the union, is the Uefonned Presbyterian Synod of Ireland, consisting in 1841 of 4 Presbyteries and 25 Congregations. The total number of Presbyterians in 1834 was 642,356. The Ministers are supported by voluntary contributions, the rents of seats or pews, and the Pefum Donum, or Royal Gift, first granS-ed in 167- by Charles II., who gave £600 of " secret service money" to be distributed in equal portions aruwBg them annually. The grant was discontinued towards the close of his reign and during that of James II., but was renewed by "William III., who augmented it to £1,200 a year. In 1784 the amount was increased to £2,£!(d0; in 17^2 to £5,000; and in 1803 a classification was made according to the number of families in each Congregation and the amount of the Minister's voluntary stipend, by which those of the 1st class received £100 animal ly; of the 2nd, £75; and of the 3rd, £50. In 1831 the system of classification was altered, and 62 mittfeters now receive £100 each, and 423 £75 each per annum, late Irish currency. As the 62 ministers in the £I®0 class die, their successors will only receive £75 each. The total grant for non-conforming and other mmisiers in Ireland, for the year ending 31st March, 1848, was £36,837. Mttemonstrant Synod of Ulster.—This Presbyterian Synod was formed in May, 1830, in consequence of tho sepssiation of seventeen Ministers, with their Congregations, from the General Synod of Ulster, on the ground tltaf,-contrary to its usages and code of discipline, it required from its members in 1827 and 1028, submission to certain doctrinal tests and overtures of human invention. Since the formation of the Remonstrant Synod, twelve congregations have been added to its numbers. United Prcsbyt'-ry or Synod of A/m/s/rr.—This Body was formed in the year 1809 by tiie junction of tbe Socrttlit-rn Presbytery of Dublin with the Presbytery of Minister, and is one of the three non-subscribing Pres- byterta.ri Bodies*of Ireland, the other two being tbe Pre;>b\tery of Antrim and tho Remonstrant Synod of Ulster. A few years ago these three Bodies united to form tho u General Non-Subscribing Presbyterian Association of Titland,'" for the promotion of their common principles, the right of private judgment, and non-sub$cription to anze&s and confessions of faith. The General Association meets triennially for these objects, while the three BCKECS of which it is composed retain their respective names and independent existence, being governed by their own rules and regulations. Tbe nortlum Presbyterians are descendants of the Scotch settlers in Ulster, while the two Presbyteries now merged in the Synod of Minister derive their origin from English Presbyterians who Bottled in Dublin and the south* of Ireland during the Protectorate of Cromwell. METHODIST CHURCH.—The Methodist body was founded by the Rev. John Wesley, in 1/39. The ministers are itinerant, three years being the longest period they can remain in one place. Two are generally appointed to a Citxuity which comprises several Congregations; and they are assisted by lay preachers, leaders, and prayer leaser?. Out of these is formed the leaders1* meeting, at which the ministers attend, one of them, called tho Supi-rintniJaitf, presiding; and this board, which meets weekly, manages the afhurs of tho circuit. A number of circuits forms & J)i/trict. The (,'o/fvrrnce, composed exclusively of ministers, meets annually, and is tha supreme court; but all financial matters are arranged by committees, one-half of each being .laymen. A Theo• logical Institution, having brandies at Richmond and Didsbury, in England, has lately been established for tho cdKoition of candidates for tho ministry, a proportionate number being admitted from Ireland. The Weslcyau hody in the United Kingdom forms one connexion, the President of the British Conference being also President

rBBsainder.—» Tho Marquw of Downshiro (exclusive of his mil^mptioii tn ihe general fund) contributes £10 : the trustees of rtw- Earl r>f .Annoslry, £10 ; Lord CKnwilluun, IT); Rubert Unit, esq.. £-">; Hon. Uencntl Mcadc, £2 10*. ; tlic Incumbent f itttributr* tlic i cmaiml'or' The im-uiuhoiit pa) N thr remainder (.('the stipend.—h The trustee.! of Evans" Fund hive hitherto eontriliiitnl ilTi In addition, ami tho incumbent I'10.—1 The inaimhrnt of Kilentheerin contributes £'2ft; of Kon mare, £."5; am! Jlrchdearou Foster, £5 a \ear.—k The bishop of Clnpher appropriates £'25 of hjs subscription; tho Hoard of Trinity CoBe.gr subscribes £20 ; stud the Karl of Emu £5, to cum pie to tho salary—1 £^0 added by tho Board of Trinity College 124 . STATISTICS OF IRELAND. [JUDICIAL DIVISIONS. of the Irish one. Total number of ministers, including superannuated and supernumerary ministers, in Irc-Und is 16*2; total number of members, 27,546. The number of ministers in Great Britain is 1,171; of men.d<-rs' 341,460. The number of ministers"dn foreign stations, 16*2, members, 100,050 ; making a total, under tbc care of the British and Irish Conferences, of 46^064. BAPTIST CHURCH-.—Baptist congregations were founded in Dublin and Some other parts bf the country about the years 1650-3. But as they gradually declined in influence and in active exertion, a society was fohni-'d ia London in 1814, tcto emp'loy itinerants in Ireland, to establish schools, aiid to distribute Bibles and trau< gratuitously, or at reduced prices." As the result of its labours, many of the churches mentioned in the List ij the ECCLESIASTICAL DIRECTORY, have been founded, and several thousands of children have been educated. AS present, upwards of 2,000 children are on its school rolls. The following Parliamentary Return gives the amount of the grants of public money for the support of all religious denominations in the United Kingdom, and for the building and repairing of churches and chapels, fur each year from 1830 to 1844, inclusive :—

6s. IN J tb or Amount re- ASTS Expenses of UuilOlQEr and Repairing of «tved t>y Amount or Arrraji W Tkh«, Kai Cburchc3 tad Chapels, Including Church Building1 Dmv.-baci of Duty <>u Materials uMtL under Titlit 112- Tear*. Commissioners -.k TVntfstaiit Protectant lion.tnd ci'W Church 'of Churcl- of Dlsicnlers, Di.-icnleM, Acts furiht r.tjjf England. Scctlniid. Engl And. Ireland. of Iht Ckrjy IP Englned. j Scotland, j Ireland. tfcc loimlicd.

£ tt. £ £ t. d. £ *. d. £ S. d. £ t. d. £ i. d. £ t. £ 1. •A. 1. s 3 2$~,400 7 d. / l.d. 1830, 230 9 0 24;365 1 8,928 1J783 14 0 20,931 6 10 15,526 0 2 6,960 O 2 1831, 230 8 0 22,290 6 9 8,028 1,783 14 0 21,793 13 1 1 16,903 14 10 3,762 0 0 — 4,965 8 0 1832, 135 14 0 22,939 15 11 8,928 1,783 14 b 2-f ,:'90 7 3 18,103 4 6 — 3,190 15 5 _ 1,859 11 U 9 1833, 135 14 0 23;432 19 10 8,923 ],7«3 14 0 24,025 18 2 PJ502 9 1 1,599 14 9 877 7 8 4,266 7 J- 33,493 13 1 2 2 4 lH34( 133 14 0 22, .95 17 2 8,023 1,783 1-1 0 24,653 8 13,113 14 3,804 3 f) 4,960 12 657,fC9 13 10 1835, 439 18 0 23,'!75 n 11 8,9-'a 1,913 2 9 25,223 13 10 7,299 17 0 2,390 I! 10 — 3,484 11 6 6,412 13 0 2 22 I a 1836, 208 8 ,453 0 8,928 1,7«3 3 e 25,527 6 6 7,347 9 1 2,674 16 3 ,— 3,540 18 1 312 o f 1837, 203 19 0 23,594 15 1 11,100 l,H-;2 0 25,-180 16 3 10,130 5 2 4,823 19 3 4,141 5 6 0 1 7 1838, 2"8 19 0 23;GI8 12 4 8,923 1,8'"2 9 6 29,521 13 2,537 5 96 6,410 5 — 3,809" 14 5 — 9 2 9 1X39, "OO 14 0 23,050 0 7 8,928 1,»02 0 31,552 2 1 15,2; 18 7 6,733 7 — 4,311 1 10 170,22—5 H J }2 2 1 1340, 208 4 3 23,908 18 e 8,928 l/li 9 0 30,71:0 12 D5

INDEX.

Aberdeen, Earl of (British Foreign Secretary), 59 (n.142), 99 (n.265) Abolitionists — see Slavery. Absentees (see also Landlord class), 17 (n.26), 28 (n.52). Academic freedom, 135 (n.378). Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill, 109, 130-143, 147 (n.iflS), 154- Acquittal of O'Connell, 74-76. Act of Settlement (1703), 98. Act of Union (1800), 1, 16, 31, 36f. (n.78), 45, 52(n. 120, 121), 122 (n. 343), 151, 182. Administrative failure (British) in Ireland, 17 (n. 25, 26), 60, 64, 94f-, 147 f. (*. 422, 423). Administrative reform, 37-39, 152. Agriculture, 181-185* See also Corn Laws, Exports, Imports, Land, Potato crop, Tenants. Promotion of, 124(n.348). Almanac - see Thorn1s Irish Almanac. Anglican Church - see Established Church. Annual Register. 119 (n.332). Anti-Gallican teaching, 125 (n»350). Anti-Jacobinism, 8. Anti-Maynooth Committee, 120, 126. Anti-Popery, 46 (n.103), 104 (n.285), 118 (n.329), 120 (n.335), 125 (n.350). "Anti-Priest" party, 90 (n.237), 142 (n.405). Appellate Tribunal (House of Lords), 74-76. Archbishops (Catholic or Protestant) — see Armagh, Cashel, Dublin, Tuam. Aristocracy (Irish), 44, 82 (n.216), 131. See also Gentry. Armagh, Catholic archbishop of - see Crolly, William. Armagh, Protestant archbishop of, 87*" Arms Act (Ireland), 1843, 30. Ascendancy (Protestant) in Ireland, 16, 25, 27, 31, 90f. (n.238), 92f. (n.244), 112 (n.309), 113 (n.312), 136 (n.384), 138. Assimilation, cultural, 137 (n.388), 143 (n.407), 151-153. Attorney General (in 1800), quoted by O'Connell, 70 (n.178). Attorney General (in 1844), 58 (n. 140), 59 (n. 142), 72 (n.184). See also T. B. C. Smith. Austrian Court, 98 (n.264). Austrian troops, 98 (n.263).

Bartlett, Christopher John, Great Britain and Sea Power. cited, 3 (n.2), 6 (n.7, 8). Beaumont, Lord, 124f. (n. 348, 350). Belfast, 107 (n.295), 126f. (n.356). Belgian revolutionaries, 55 (n. 131). Belgium, King of (letter from Queen Victoria), 56 (n.135). 198 INDEX. Benson, Arthur, ed., Letters of Queen Victoria, cited, 54 (n.127), 56f. (n. 135-138). Bentham, Jeremy, 38 (n.82), 39 (n. 84). Benthamites, 36. Bequests Act (and Board) - see Charitable Bequests Act. Bessborough (Lord), John William Ponsonby, Viceroy in Ireland, 56 (n.136), 59 (n.142). Bettenson, Henry, ed., Documents of the Christian Church. citied, 135 (n.378). Bill of Rights (1688), 98f. Bills - see Academical Institutions, Charitable Bequests, Maynooth Grant. Birmingham Political Union, 48 (n.108). Bishops, Catholic - see Belfast; Dromore; Halifax, Nova Scotia; Kildare; Killaloej ^eath. Bishops, nomination of, 42 (n. 90-92). Black, R. D. Collinson, fironomic Thought and the Irish Question, cited, 15 (n.22). Blackwood Magazine (Edinburgh), cited, 46 (n.103). Blake, Dr. (Bishop of Dromore), letter from O'Connell, 149 (n. 426). Boards - see Bequests, Congested Districts; Colleges; Education, National; Higher Education; Maynooth; Trade. Bowring, John, ed., Works of Bentham. cited, 39 (n.84). Bribery, 153* Broderick, John F., Holy See, cited, 54 (n.126), 73 (n.186), 85 (n.224), 98 (n.263), 100f. (n.267-271, 273), 102f. (n.278-281), 104f. (n. 284, 286-288). Brougham, Lord (Lord Chancellor of England), 64 (n.158). Buckingham Palace, 56 (n.136), 110 (n.302). Bulwer, Mr. (letter from Peel), 132 (n.367), 136 (n.382). Burke, Edmund, 45 (n.101). Butt, Isaac, 81 (n.212, 213). Byron, Lord, quoted, xi.

Cabinet (Peel's), mediocrity of, 115f. (n. 318). Canning, George, 45 (n.101). Cantrell, Dr., Bishop of Meath, (letter from O'Connell), 99 (n.265) Cardinals - see Cullen; Fransoni. Cartoon of O'Connell in State Coach, 73 (n.187). Cashel, Catholic Archbishop of - see Slattery, Michael. Cashel, Protestant Bishop of, 122 (n.341, 343). Castle Administration (Dublin), 23f., 25f. (n.43, 45), 59 (n.142), 65, 79, 90 (n.236). Catholic Association (Irish) of 1828, 48. Catholic Church (Irish), 7, 40 (n.87), 41f., 44 (n. 97, 98), 62 (n.152), 84 (n.221, 22E), 89 (n.231-235), 152, 194-196 Catholic Historical Review, cited, 42 (n.90). 199

INDEX.

Catholic Pacification Plan (1844), 132. Catholic Party (of O'Connell), 1, 84 (n.221, 222). See also MacHale, Party of; Repeal Party. Catholic Question - see Question, Catholic. Catholic Relief Act (1829), 95*. (n.255), 104 (n.284). Catholic Repeal Party - see Repeal Party. Catholics, English, 102 (n.276). Charitable Bequests Act (1844), 85-96, 97, 131. Charitable Bequests Board, 87, 102 (n.275), 107 (n.293, 294). Chartism, Chartists, 5, 49 (n.110, 111). Chesham Place, 56 (n.137). Chief Secretaries to Ireland - see Bessborough (John William Ponsonby); Eliot; Heytesbury; Peel; Stanley. Church History, cited, 41 (n.89)• Church of England - see Established Church. Church of Ireland - see Established Church. Civil disobedience, 51 (n.117). Clarendon, Earl of (letter to Lord deGrey), 57 (n.138). Clergy, Catholic - (see also Bishops), 63 (n.155), 28, 85-109; divided on Repeal, 100 (n.271); 123f. (n.344, 348), 131, 133, 146 (n.416), 166. Clontarf meeting (1843), 92. Coach of Lord Mayor of Dublin, 73 (n.185-187). Cobbett, William, I8f. (n.31). Coercion, (policy), 60f., 151, 153. Colleges Bill - see Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill. Collegiate Question, 88 (n.229). (see also Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill. Colonial Secretary - see Stanley, Lord. Commerce -(see also Exports, Imports), 181-188. Commercialism - see Laissez-faire. Committees on the Irish Poor, 12 (n.19). Conciliation - see also Maynooth Grant, 128 (n.362); see also Young Ireland, 149 (n.426), 154. Congested Districts Boards, 27. Connaught (Province in Ireland), 43, 89 (n.234). Conservative Catholic opinion in Ireland, 61 f. Conservative Party - see Tory Party. Conspiracy - see Treasonable conspiracy. Constabulary, Irish, 4« Constitution, 37 (n.81), 40 (n.86), 51 f. (n.121), 69 (n.175), 70, 98f. Cooper, Thompson, cited, 43 (n.95)« Corcoran, T., cited, 134 (n.373)• Cork (harbour), 5 (n.5). Corn Laws, 10, 19,(n.3i), 108 (n.299), 112f.(n.307-309), 114 (n.314), 181. See also, - Foster. Cornwallis, Lord, quoted, xi. Corporation of Dublin - see Dublin. Costigan, Giovanni, Makers of Modern England, cited, 38 (n.82). 200 INDEX.

"Country" party, 112 (n.308, 309), 114 (n.314), 115 (n.318). See also - Plantations. Crime, 30 (n.62). Croker, (Mr.), letter from Graham, 112 (n.308), 114 (n.314), 115 (n.318). Crolly, William (Catholic Archbishop of Armagh), 43 (n.95), 44, 101 (n.274), 105 (n.286), 10? (n,294). Crown - see Queen. Cullen, Paul (Cardinal), 101f. (n.275); letter from Dr. Walsh, 105 (n.287); letter from Dr. MacHale, 107 (n.296). Curtis, Edmund, History of Tr-elflnd. cited, 10 (n.17), 20 (n.34), 53 (n.123). Cusack, M. F.. Speeches and Public Letters, cited, 23 (n.40), 28 (n.52), 30 (n.61), 31 (n.64), 127 (n.358), 134 (n.374), 136 (n.385), 140 (n.396), 145 (n. 413, 414), 146f^n.4l6-4l8), 149 (n.426).

Darrynane, County Kerry, 33f. (n.71), 94 (n.249). Daunt, W. O'Neill (letter from O'Connell), 83 (n.219), 104 (n.282). Davis, Thomas, 90 (n.237), 91-93 (n.244), 94 (n.249), 135 (n.380, 381), 142-144 (n.405-411). Defence of Britain, 2-6. See also - Invasion threats; French navy. Denman, Lord (Chief Justice), 75 (n.193), 76f. (n.195-198). Denvir (Dr.), Bishop of Belfast, 107 (n.295). DeValera, Eamon, 168. Devon, Lord, 30. Devon Report of 1845, 21. Dictionary o£ National Biography (DNB), cited, 42 (n.92), 43 (n.95). Dingle, County Kerry, 123 (n.344). Dissenters, 118 (n.329), 119 (n.334), 121 (n.337), 195f. Donegal, County, 43 (n.93). Douai (college), 35 (n.74). Doubleday, Thomas, Political Life of Sir Robert Peel. cited, 59 (n.142). Doyle, (J. K. L.) John Warren, Bishop of Kildare, 11, 95 (n.255). Dromore, Bishop of - see Blake. Drummond, Thomas, 24. Dublin, 37 (n.79), 49 (n.111), 53 (n.135), 94 (n.250), 4 (n.4), 104 (n.284). Dublin Castle - see Castle Administration. Dublin, Catholic Archbishop of, - see Murray, Daniel. Dublin, Protestant Archbishop of, - see Whately, Richard. Dublin Evening Post, cited, 54 (n.130), 105 (n.286). Dublin Review, cited, 49 (n.111, 112), 94 (n.249). 201 INDEX.

Dublin University - see Trinity College, Dublin. Dublin University Magazine, cited, 32 (n.66), 45 (n.101, 102), 47(n.104), 92f.(n.244), 135 (n.381). Duchess of Kent - see Kent, Duchess of. Duffy, Charles Gavan, editor of The Nation; Young Ireland, cited, 62 (n.152, 153), 65 (n.160), 67 (n.167), 68 (n.170, 171), 78 (n.202), 83 (n.218, 219), 91-94 (n.238-240, 242-246), 94(n.2492, 97 (n.259), 99 (n.265, 266), 104 (n.282, 283), 128 (n.360), 135 (n.380), 143-145 (n. 406, 408-410, 412), 148 (.424).

Easton, D., cited, 51 (n.117). \ Economic trends in Ireland, 9-16 (n.16-24), 181-196. See also Corn Laws, Exports, Fiscal policies, Free Trade, Labour, Laissez-faire, Land reform, Imports, Mercantilism, Migration, Taxation, Tenants, Trade. Edinburgh (Scotland) periodicals - see Blackwood: Tait's. Education, Board of National, 27. Education, Higher - see Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill; Maynooth Grant. Education, National System of (1831), 27, 137 (n.388). Edwards, R. Dudley, ed., The Great Famine, cited, §2 (n.243). Electoral statistics, 21 f. (n.39)» Electoral system - see Franchise. Eliot, Lord (Irish Chief Secretary), 24, 59 (n.142). Letters: from Sir James Graham, 29 (n.57), 60 (N.145), 63 (n.155); to Graham, 67 (n.168); from Sir Robert Peel, 25 (n.44). Elizabeth I, (Queen 1558), 98. Ellenborough, Lord (President of Board of Control), 59 (n.142). Ely, Lord, 17. Emancipation, Catholic (1829), 45, 47 (n.104), 95, 101. Empire, 2. (•82 Club), 79f. (n.204, 205). English Historical Review, cited, 42 (n.91)« Equity in English law, 65, 68, 70. Established Church, 22, 25 (n.43), 39 (n.84), 40 (n.87, 88), 41 87 (n.228), 94 (n.25D, 107 (n.300), 110 (n.302), 118 (n.329), 139 (n.395), 192-196. Eversley (Baron) - see Lefevre, George John Shaw. Eviction of peasants, 15. Examiner (London), cited, 67 (n.166), 79 (n.205). Exports to Britain, 112f.(n.307-309), 181-185. 202 INDEX.

Famine, % (n.137), 57 (n.138), 107-109 (n.297-301), 124 (n.348), 145f.(n.413, 417), 147f.(n.422, 423), 155- Federal Parliament Scheme, 78 (n.202), 80-83 (n.207-213, 217), 108 (n.301). Ferguson, H., cited, 48 (n.108). Fiscal policies, 51 (n.118), 189-191. Fitzpatrick, P. (letters from O'Connell), 54 (n.128), 78 (n.201), 90 (n.236), 101 (n.274), 140 (n.398). Fitzpatrick, William John, ed., Correspondence of Daniel O'Connell. the Liberator, cited, 7 (n.10), 51 (n.119), 54 (n.128-130), 61 (n. 147), 66 (n.164), 74 (n.188), 76 (n.195), 77 (n. 198), 78f. (n.201, 203), 80 (n.208, 209), 82f. (n.217, 219). 88 (n.230), 90 (n.236), 101 (n.273, 274), 108 (n.301), 140 (n.398), 149 (n.425). , Correspondence of Dr. Doyle. cited, 11 (n.18), 96 (n.255-257), 118 (n.328). Florence, Italy—British legation at, 99 (n.265, 266). Foreign Secretary (British) - see Aberdeen, Earl of. Foster, John, 17(n.25). Foster's Corn Laws (1784), 10, 17(n.25). Franchise, 20f. (n.34-36). See also - Electoral system. 124 (n.348). Fransoni (Cardinal), letter from MacHale, 89 (n.232), 103 (n.280). Fraser's Magazine, cited, 95 (n.253, 254), 116 (n.319). Free Trade, 82 (n.216), 114 (n.313), 129 (n.363)• Freemantle, T. (Chief Secretary to Ireland from 1845), 59 (n.142). French army, Irishmen in, 62. French, Arthur (Secretary of Repeal Association), letters from O'Connell, 54 (n. 129), 80 (n.208, 209). French military aid, 62. French navy, 6 (n.7), 62. French Revolution, 34. Gaelic Catholic aristocracy, x. Gaelic tradition, 138. Gaelic translations (by MacHale), 141 (n.399). Gentry (Irish), 46 (n.102), 64, 82 (n.216), 166. See also - Aristocracy. Gibraltar, 2. Gilbert, John Thomas, cited, 43 (n.95). Gladstone, William Ewart (Vice-President of Board of Trade), 57 (n.139), 59 (n.142); resigned over Maynooth Grant, 116 (n.319); 102 (n.277), letter to Peel, 112 (n.308), 114 (n.314); assessment of O'Connell, 155f- (n. 148); a Peelite, 155f. "Glorious Revolution"of 1688 - see Revolution. "Government" party in Catholic clergy, 100 (n.271). Graham, A. H., cited, 51 (n.119). 203 INDEX.

Graham, Sir James (British Home Secretary), 7 (n.11), 24, 59 (n.142), 116 (n.319); upholds acquittal of Daniel O'Connell, 75 (n.191). Letters: to Mr. Croker, 112 (n.308), 114 (n.314), 115 (n.318); to Lord DeGrey, 3 (n.2); from Lord Eliot, 67 (n.168); to Lord Eliot, 29 (n.57), 60 (n.145), 63 (n.155); to Lord Heytesbury, 67 (n.167), 75 (n.193, 194), 87f. (n.227, 229), 130 (n.366), 132 (n.368), 133 (n.370, 372), 134 (n.377), 136 (n.382), 139 (n.395); from Sir Robert Peel, 25 (n.44), 63 (n.156), 97 (n.261); to Sir Robert Peel, 41 (n.89), 60f. (n.146, 15D, 89 (n.231), 97f. (n.260, 262), 114 (n.313), 121 (n.336), 133 (n.371); to Lord Stanley, 4f. (n. 4, 6), 6 (n.9), 29 (n.57, 30 (n.60), 74 (n. 190); from Duke of Wellington, 7 (n. 11), 113 (n.311, 312), 115 (n.316); to Duke of Wellington, 29 (n.58), 63 (n.154). Grattan, Henry, 32, 79 (n.204). Greville, Charles F., Greville Memoirs, cited, 24 (n.41), 26 (n.45), 31 (n.63), 42 (n.9D, 65f. (n.162, 163), 68 (n.17D, 75 (n.192), 77 (n.199), 82 (n.215), 116 (n.319), 129 (n.363). Grey, George - see DeGrey, Lord. Greene, Richard Wilson (Solicitor General, 59 (n.142). Guizot, Francois (French Premier), 3. Gwynn, Denis R., cited, 90 (n.237), 91 (n.24D, 142(n.405). , Daniel O'Connell. the Irish Liberator, cited, vii, 92 (n.243). , Thomas Francis Meagher, cited, 93 (n.237), 148 (n.424). Halifax, Nova Scotia (Bishop of), 105 (n.287). Hammond, John Lawrence LeBreton, Gladstone and the Irish Nation, cited, 57 (n.139). Hansard• (British Parliamentary Debates), cited, 6f. (n.7, 12), 26 (n.46), 29 (n.59), 47 (n.105, 106), 49 (n.110), 60 (n.143), 77 (n.200), 87 (n.227), 115 (n.315), 119 (n.331), 121 (n.339), 122f. (n.340-345), 124f. (n.348, 350), 126 (n.354). Healy, J., Maynooth College; Its Centenary History, cited, 116 (n.322). Heytesbury, Lord (Lord Lieutenant to Ireland, 1844-1846), 3, 24, 59 (n.142), 137 (n.386, 387). Letters: from Sir James Graham, 67 (n.167), 75 (n.193, 194), 87f. (n.227, 229), 130 (n. 355), 132-134 (n.368, 370, 372, 377), 136 (n.382), 139 (395). Hibernian Bible Society, 122f. (n.344). Higher Education, - see Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill; Maynooth Grant. 204 INDEX.

The Historian, cited, 19 (n.31). History, cited, 138 (n.391). Hoffman, Ross, cited, 98 (n.264). Home Rale party, 155*., 159, 169. Home Rule tradition, 57 (ft'<139). Home Secretary - see Graham, Sir James. Homer, Iliad. Gaelic translation, 141 (n.399)• Horsley, Dean, 123f. (n.347). House of Lords - Lords, House of. Howick, Lord, 82 (n.214). Howitt, William (journalist), 34 (n.71). Humanitarianism, 141 (n.401).

Illiteracy, 28 (n.51). Illustrated London News, cited, 47 (n.107), 50 (n.116), 119 (n.334). Imports from Britain, 186-188. Industrial Revolution, 9-11. Indu stry, Briti sh, 181. Inglis, Robert, 118 (n.329). Insurrection Acts, 66. Invasion threats, French, 36, 120. Invasion threats, Spanish, 120. Irish Brigade in France, 34• Irish Chief Secretary - see Eliot, Lord. Irish College, Rome, 102 (n.2?8).

Irish Historical Studies, cited, 22 (n.37), 51 (n.119).

Jacobins, 36. See also - Anti-Jacobinism. Jephson, Henry L., Notes on Irish Questions, cited, 12 (n.19), 27f. (n.47, 49-5D, 30 (n.62), 64 (n.158), 71 (n.180) Jesuits, 106 (n.276). Journal of Ecclesiastical History, cited, 85 (n.226). Jury (at O'Connell«s trial), 66 (n.162, 163). "Justice for Ireland", 50 (n.113, 114), 64, 152. Kennedy (Dr.), Bishop of Killaloe), 101 (n.273), 107 (n.295). Kent, Duchess of (Mother of Queen Victoria), 54 (n.130). Kildare, Catholic Bishop of - see Doyle, (J. K. L.) John Warren Killaloe, Catholic Bishop of - see Kennedy. Kirby, Tobias (Rev.), 100 (n.268). Kossuth, Lajos (Hungarian patriot), 155f- (n.428).

Labour, 14, 49 (n.110-112). See also - Working Class, English. Laissez-faire, 13, 129 (n.363). Lalor, James Fintan, 157. Lambruschini (Cardinal), Papal Secretary of State (1836-1846), 98 (n.264), 103 (n.279). 205 INDEX.

Land reform question, 116 (n.321), 152, 157, 181-184; Land Occupation in Ireland (Commission Report), 112 (n.306); land usage table, 182, 184; Landlord class (Protestant), 13f. (n.21), 21 (n.37), 28 (n.52), 113 (n.310-312), 122 (n.340-342). Large, D., cited, 22 (n.37). Larkin, E., cited, 41 (n.89). Lecky, William Edward, History of Ireland in the 18th Century. cited, xi (n. 1), 17 (n.25-28), 22 (n.38), 24 (n.42), 32 (n.65), 36 (n.76), 37 (n.77, 80), 69 (n.176), 124 (n.348). Lefevre, George John Shaw, Peel and 0'Connell. cited, viii, 75f. (n.191, 196), 1l6f. (n.321, 326), 125f. (n.352, 353, 355); as a Poor Law Commissioner, 159. Legislature, Irish - see Parliament of Ireland. Leinster (Province in Ireland), 43 (n.93)« Lemennais (French radical), 102 (n.276). Levy, John, ed., Discussion on Repeal ... in Dublin, cited, viii, 12 (n.20), 33 (n.67), 37 (n.81), 39f. (n.85-88), 51 (n.118), 69 (n.176), 108 (n.300), 113 (n.310). Liberal Party administration of Gladstone (1880-1885), 57 (n.139), 155f. (n.428). Lichfield House Compact, 51 (n.119). Lincoln's Inn (London), 36. Liverpool, 4 (n.4). Locke, John, 52 (n.121), 69 (n.175). London periodicals - see Illustrated London Times. London Examiner. Punch. The Times. Lord Chancellor of England - see Brougham, Lord; Lyndhurst, Lord. Lord High Chancellor of Ireland - see Redesdale, Lord. Sugden, Edward. Lord Lieutenant - see DeGrey, Earl; Hentesbury, Lord. Lords, House of, 21f. (n.37), 40 (n.86), 74-76 (n.196), 116 (n.319). Louis Philippe (King of France), 56 (n.135), 62 (n.153). Louvain (College), 35 (n.74). Lower Nation (Irish), vii f., 1, 16, 43f. (n.93), 91f. (n.243), 112 (n.309), 125 (n.350), 145, 152. Lucas, Frederick, editor of The Tablet. 143 (n.407). Lyndhurst, Lord (Lord Chancellor), 59 (n.142); hard-line policies, 60. 206 INDEX.

MacHale, John (Catholic Archbishop of Tuam), 42 (n.91, 92); 85 (n.223), 96 (n.256-258), 137 (n.388). Catholic Party of MacHale, 43 (n.94), 44 (n.97, 98), 87, 100 (n.271). Letters: from Cardinal Paul Cullen, 107 (n.296); to Cardinal Fransoni, 89 (n.232); to Sir Robert Peel, 89 (n.233), 130 (n.365). Macintyre, Angus D., The Liberator: Daniel O'Connell and the Irish Party, cited, vii, 21 (n.36), 22 (n.39), kk (n.97), 102 (n.277), 155f. (n.428). McCaffrey, Lawrence J., Daniel O'Connell and the Repeal Year. cited, 8k (n.220). McCarthy, Justin, A History of Our Own Times, cited, 71 (n.183). , Irish Recollections, cited, k (n.3), 0 (n.14, 15), 123 (n.346). McCullagh, W. Torrens, Memoirs of Sheil. cited, 66 (n.165), 135 (n.379), 141 (n./f01, 402). Mcculloch's Commercial Dictionary. 182, 184. McDowell, Robert Brendan, Public Opinion and Government Policy in Ireland, cited, vii, 45 (n.100), k7 (n.105, 106), 51 (n.117), 8k (n.221), 92 (n.243), 93 (n.248), 9k (n.252), 99 (n.266), 113 (n.309), 150 (n,427).

Magee, John (trial in 1800), 70 (n.178). Mahony, Patrick, letter from O'Connell, 127 (n.359). Manufacturing, 181. Maxwell, Constantia, Country and Town in Ireland. cited, 8 (n.15). Maynooth, Catholic Seminary at, 88, 111. Maynooth Grant (April-May, 1845), 59 (n.142), 63 (n. 155), 88, 110-129, 131f-, 154. Mazzini, Giuseppe, (Italian patriot), 155f- (n.428). Meagher, Thomas (Young Irelander)—"Sword Speech", 93 (n.247), 148f. (n. 42§, 425). Meath, Catholic Bishop of, - see Cantrell. Mercantilism (protectionism), 13* Methodist Church, 195. Metternich (Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1809-1848), 98 (n.264), 100 (n.269, 270), 103 (n.279). Middle class, 50. Migration (Ireland to Britain), 14, 168. Military aid, French - see French Military Aid. Mitchell, John (Young Irelander), 148 (n.424). "Mixed" education, 135 (n.379). Molesworth, Viscount Richard, (1723), 124 (n.348). Monarchy, British constitutional, 72. "Monster" meetings, 43 (n.94), 47, 71 (n.182). Moody, Theodore W., "The Irish University Question", cited, vii, 138 (n.391). , Thomas Davis, cited, vii, 92 (n.243), 93 (n.246), 138 (n.385). 207 INDEX.

Moore, Norman, cited, 42 (n.92). Moore, Thomas, Melodies. 1 if! (n.399) • Morning Herald. 81. Mullaghmast meeting, 12 (n.184)• Municipal Reform Act (1840), 27- Munster (Province in Ireland), 43* Murphy, G., cited, 34 (n.69). Murray, Daniel (Catholic Archbishop of Dublin), 43 (n.95), 90 (n.236); letters from O'Connell, 96 (n.257), 101 (n.274), 107 (n.293).

Napoleonic Wars, 189. The Nation. (Young Irelander newspaper, edited by Charles Gavan Duffy), cited, 51 (n.117), 62 (n.153), 83f. (n. 218, 220), 93 (n. 248), 157- Nation party, 144 (n.411). National Association of Ireland (founded 1864), 155f« National Schools for Elementary Education, 137 (n.388). National System of Education - see Education, National System. Naval power - see Defence. Navy, French - see French navy. New Catholic Encyclopedia, cited, 43 (n.95). New England, 123 (n.344). Nicholls, (Mr.), of Board of Trade), 29. Nicholson, Asenath, Ireland's Welcome to & Stranger. cited, 34 (n.?0), 123 (n.344). Norman, Edward R., The Catholic Church and Irish Politics in the 1860's. cited, 135 (n.378). f nrphe Maynooth Question of 1845", cited, 116 (n.322), 117 (n.327), 118 (n.330). Normandy, Marquis of, 87 (n.228). North (Mr.), Anglo-Irish M. P., 46 (n.101). Nowlan, Kevin B., cited, 43 (n.95), , Charles Gavan Duffy and the Repeal Moyeseni, cited, 92 (n.243). , The Politics of Repeal, cited, vii, 117 (n.326).

O'Brien, R. Barry, Dublin Castle and the Irish People. cited, 11 (n.18), 24f. (n.41-43), 26 (n.45), 27-29 (n.48-51, 53-55). O'Brien, William Smith (Young Irelander), 91 (n.239), 128 (n.361); Letters: from Thomas Davis, 135 (n.380), from Daniel O'Connell, 149 (n.425); opposes O'Connell over foreign intervention, 142 (n.403, 404), 148f. (n.424, 425); 158. O'Connell, Count Daniel (uncle), 34. 208 INDEX.

O'Connell, Daniel (1775-1847), 1, 4-6, 20, 23, 31-57; on Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill,0or Colleges Bill, 109, 130-145. opposes Thomas Davis on Bill, 142-144 (n.405-411); 145 (n.413); acquittal of, 74-76; on administrative reform, 37-39; called agitator and "buffoon, 71 (n.180, 181); arrest of, 56 (n.135); assessments of: by Gladstone, 154ff. (n.428); by McDowell, 150 (n.427); by Peel, 1.2? (n.358); by Pope Gregory XVI, 100 (n.268); by Father Ventura, 102 (n.278); Attorney General of 1800 quoted, 70 (n.178); bishops his supporters, 42 (n. 91, 92); on bishops, 146 (n.416); Catholic equality, demand for, 38f.; Catholic Repeal Party leader - see Repeal Party; Coach cartoon in Punch. 73 (n.187); consistency in his principles, 37 (n.79), 40 (n.88); on Corn Law repeal, 108 (n.299); "crown" at Mullaghmast, 72 (n.184); Davis (Thomas) opposed on Academical Institutions Bill, 142-144 (n.405-411); death of (1847), 102 (n.278), 155; on education - see Academical Institutions; his education, 35 (n.74); the '82 Clubs, 79 (n.204); European fame, 57 (n.139), 154ff. (n.428); European world, appeal to, 69 (n.174); faction at Rome, 102 (n.276); famine speech at Repeal meeting (Dec. 1844), 108 (n.299); famine relief appeal to Parliament, 145f. (n.413, 417); on foreign inter• vention (opposes Smith O'Brien), 142 (n.403, 404); funeral oration (1847) by Father Ventura, 102 (n.278); on Grattan, 32; Federal Parliamentary Scheme, 78 (n.202), 80-83 (n.207-213, 217); History of Ireland dedicated to Queen, 55 (n.133, 134); on landlords, absentee, 182; Memoir on Ireland. 55 (n.133), 160; on Maynooth, 110 (n.303); 127 (n.358, 359); "Monster" meetings, 43 (n.94); "Old Ireland" speech, 144 (n.411); Poor Law (Ireland) Speech, 28 (n.52); Pope, "dis• respectful to", 105 (n.287); Pope's admiration of, 100 (n.267, 268); Papal Rescript, reaction to, 104-106 (n.283-289); press, use of, 44 (n.97); "priest" party, 90 (n.237), 142 (n.405); Queen Victoria, 54 (n.128-130); reconciliation attempts: towards Britain, 128 (n.362), 154; towards Young Irelanders, 149 (n.425, 426); Repeal of the Union speeches, 12, 37 (n.79); on slavery in United States, 68f. (n.173), 142 (n.404), 166; on taxation, 182; trial, Jan. 1844, 26, 58-84; speech at trial, 58 (n.14D, 68 (n.171, 172), 69 (n.174, 177); uncle of, 34, 160; Young Ireland (his attempts to conciliate), 149 (n.425, 426). For index of letters - see next page.

i 209 INDEX.

O'Connell, Daniel (1775-1847), Letters: from Justice James Whiteside, 76f. (n.195, 198); to Dr. Blake, Bishop of Dromore, 149 (n.426); to Dr. Cantrell, 99 (n.265); to W. O'Neill Daunt, 83 (n.219); to Thomas Davis, 94 (n.249); to P. Fitzpatrick, 5k (n.128), 78 (n.201), 90 (n.236), 101 (n.274), ^kO (n.398); to Arthur French., Secretary of Repeal Association, 5k (n.129)» 80 (n.208, 209); to Patrick Mahony, 127 (n.359); to Archbishop Daniel Murray, 96 (n.257); to William Smith O'Brien, 149 (n.425); to Richard Lalor Sheil, 79 (n.203), 82 (n.217). O'Faolain, Sean, The Irish, cited, 35 (n*72, 73), kk (n.96), 125 (n.35D. O'Hegarty, Patrick S., History of Ireland under the Union. cited, 8 (n.13), 137 (n.388). Operatives (in Dublin), 49 (n.111, 112). Orangemen, 82 (n.216), 104 (n.285). Oregon border dispute, 69 (n.173), 128 (n.360). O'Reilly, Andrew, 61 (n«147). O'Reilly, Bernard, John MacHale. cited, viii, 42 (n.91), k3 (n.94), 82 (n.216), 85 (n.223), 89 (n.232-235), 102 (n.275), 107 (n.295-297), 130 (n.365), 136 (11.583), 137f. (n.386, 387, 389), 141 (n.399), 143 (n.407), 146 (n.415), 147f. (n.419, 421-423). Osborne, Mr., 139 (n.392). Oswald, J., cited, 19 (n.31).

Palmerston, Lord, 5* Pantheism, 134f. (n.378). Papacy, 42, 154* Papal Court, 89 (n.232), 103 (n.280); relations with Britain, 98f. Papal Rescript, to Irish clergy, 97-109. Parker, Charles Stuart, Graham Letters, cited, 3 (n.2), 4f. (n.4, 6), 6f. (n.9, 11), 29f. (n.57, 58, 60), 60 (n.145), 61 (n.15D, 63 (n.154-157), 67 (n.167, 168), 74f. (n.190, 193, 194), 87ff. (n.227, 229, 231), 97f. (n.260-262), 112 (n-311, 312), 115 (n.316), 117 (n.325), 121 (n.336), 127 (n.359), 130 (n.366), 132f. (n.368, 370-372), 134 (n.377), 136 (n.382), 139 (n.395). , Peel Papers, cited, 3 (n.2), 7 (n.12), 24f. (n.41, 44), 26f. (n.45, k7), 29 (n.56, 59), 41 (n.89), 60 (n.143, 146), 64 (n.159), 77 (n.200), 81 (n.210-212), 84 (n.222), 86 (n.225), 101 (n.272), 106 (n.291), 110 (n.302), 112 (n.308), 114f. (n.313, 314, 318), 132 f. (n.367, 370), 134 (n.376), 136(n.382), 147 (n.420).

i 210 INDEX.

Parliament, British, 12, 18, 20, 23f•, 52 (n.120), 80 (n.208), 94*., 119 (n.334), 141 (n.402). , Irish representation in, 20, 22 (n.39), 41, 45 (n.100), 47 (n.104). Parliament, Iri^h, 9, 17, 36, 40 (n.86), 52£(n. 122,123), 79 (n.204). See also - Federal Scheme. Parliamentary Debates - see Hansard. Parliamentary Reform Movement (1831), 48 (n.108). Parnell, Henry, 45*. (n.101). Party of MacHale - see MacHale, John, Catholic Party of. Peasantry, 28, 55, 166. Peel, Sir Robert (British Prime Minister, 1841-1846), 4 (n.4), 6f., 29, 59 (n.142), 65f. (n.162), 95*. (n.255), 116 (n.319). Assessment of, 154f.; Cabinet list, 59 (n.142); on O'Connell, 127 (n.358); speech, 47 (n.105). Letters: to Mr. Buiwer, 132 (n.367), 136 (n.382); to Lord DeGrey, 24 (n.4D, 26 (n.45); to Lord Eliot, 25 (n.44); from William E. Glad• stone, 112 (n.308, 114 (n.314); from Sir James Graham, 41 (n.89), 60f. (n.146, 15D, 63 (n.157), 89 (n.231), 97f. (n.260, 262), 114 (n.313), 121 (n.33&), 133 (n.271); to Sir James Graham, 25 (n.44), 63 (n.156), 97 (n.261); from Lord Heytesbury, 81 (n.212), 101 (n.272), 106 (n.29D, 147 (n.420); to Lord Heytesbury, 64 (n.159), 81 (n.210), 101 (n.272), 133 (n.370); from John MacHale, 89 (n.233), 130 (n.365); from Queen Victoria, 110 (n.302); to Queen Victoria, 117 (n.325); to Sie Edward Sugden, 26f. (n»47). Peelite tradition, 155*. (n.428). Peerage, 21 (n.37), 40 (n.86); opposes O'Connell's acquittal, 75 (n.192, 194). Penal Laws, days of, 41 *« Pennefather, Richard (Under Secretary to Ireland, 59 (n.142). Petre, Mr. (British consul at Florence, Italy), 99 (n.265, 266). Pilot. The. (Catholic newspaper), 44 (n.98). Plantations, (Tudor) in Ireland, 9, 17, 36, 40 (n.86), 52f. (n.122, 123). Plunkett, William C. (Baron), 45*. (n.101). Polk, James (President of U. S.), 69 (n.173), 128 (n.360). Ponsonby, John William (Earl of Bessborough), 56 (n.136), 59 (n.142). Poor Law Amendment Act, 159- Poor Law (Ireland) (1837), 28. Portugal, 2. Pope Gregory XVI, 53*. (n.126), 63 (n.156), 89 (n.232), 98 (n.263), appraisal of O'Connell, 85 (n.224), 100 (n.267, 268). Potato crop, 15, 56 (n.137). Prefect of Propaganda - see Cardinal Fransoni. INDEX.

Presbyterian Church., 195. Press, 44 (n.97), 50 (n.115), 92, 102 (n.276), 105 (n.286). See also - Radical press, 18; Tory press; Whig press. "Priest" party, 90 (n.237), 142 (n.l+05). Prime Ministers (British) - see Gladstone; Peel; Russell. Prosecution, Crown (at Trial of O'Connell), 71 (n.183). Protection of Life (Ireland) Bill, April 1846, 23. Protectionism - see Mercantilism. Protestant Ascendancy - see Ascendancy. Protestant Association, 122 (n.340). Protestant Diocesan Schools, 139 (n.393)• Protestant Established Church - see Established Church. Provincial Colleges, 141 (n.400-402). Punch, cited, 71 (n.181), 73 (n.185, 187).

Quarterly Review (Edinburgh), cited, 26 (n.46), 41 (n.89), 65 (n.161), 72 (n.184), 83 (n.219), 102 (n.276), 117 (n.323), 124 (n.347). Queen Victoria, 4(n.4), 24 (n.4D, 52f. (n.122-125), 54 (n.127-129), 55 (n.132, 133), 110 (n.302); mother of Queen (Duchess of Kent), 54 (n.130); visit to Ireland, 56 (n.136), 57 (n.138, 139). Letters: to King of Belgium, 56 (n.135); to Sir Robert Peel, 110 (n.302); from Sir Robert Peel, 117 (n.325); to Lord John Russell, 56 (n.136); from Lord John Russell, 56 (n.137). Question, Catholic, 40 (n.88), 47 (n.105), 116 (n.321). Question, Collegiate - see Academical Institutions (Ireland) Bill; Collegiate Question; Maynooth Grant. Question, Irish, 71 (n.180). see also Jephson, Notes on ... Question, Land - see Land Reform Question.

Radical press (England), 18. Radicalism (England), 48f., 70, 82 (n.216), 126 (n.354), 147 (n.418). Railroads, 129 (n.363). Rebecca Riots (in South Wales), 5. Rebellion of 1798, 36 (n.76). Rebellion (184-8) of Young Ireland, 149f. (n.425), 155- Recorder (State Trial, Jan. 1844) - see Shaw, Henry. Redesdale, Lord (Lord Chancellor of Ireland), 64 . Redington, T. N. (Under Secretary to Ireland, 184-6), 59 (n.142) Reform Act of 1832, 20. Reform Clubs, 48 (n.108). Reformation, 41, 120. Reilly, Devon (Young Irelander), 148 (n.424). Reminiscences of an Immigrant Milesian. 61 (n.147). Rent - see Land Reform Question; Tenants. "Rent, Catholic" (also "Repeal Rent"), 45. 212 INDEX.

Repeal Arbitration Court®, 50 (n.1l6). Repeal Association (secretary, Arthur French), 54 (n.129, 130), 80 (n.207, 209), 9k (n.249). Repeal discussion (meeting of Dec. 1844), 108 (n.299). See also - Levy, John, ed., Discussion on Repeal. Repeal Magistrates, 50 (n.116). Repeal Movement (and Party), viii, 5, 9, 19, 21, 25f., 33, 42 (n.91, 92), 43f- (n.99), 46f. (n.103-105), 48f., 51f. (n.120-122), 53f. (n.126), 57, 59 (n.142); attempt to divide from Irish people, 62f.; 83 (n.219); attempt to divide from Irish clergy, 85-109; 89 (n.231-235), 131, loung Ireland split, 148 (n.424)» 151; permanent contribution, 155f • Repeal "rent", 45. Repeal of the Union speeches by O'Connell: in Corporation of Dublin in 1843, 12 (n.20), 37 (n.79); at his Trial in Dublin (Jan. 1844), 68 (n.171); at Repeal Association meeting in Dublin (Dec. 1844), 108 (n.299) Rescript - see Papal Rescript. Revolts in Papal States, 98 (n.263)• Revolution, French, 34* Revolution, "Glorious", of 1688, 52 (n.122), 69 (n.175). Ribandism, 30 (n.62). Roche, Kennedy F., cited, 34 (n.68), 36 (n.75), 37 (n.78, 79), 38 (n.83), 69 (n.176). Roden, Earl of, 122 (n.340). Roebuck, John Arthur, quoted, 147 (n.418). Rome, 99 (n.265), 102f. (n.275-281). See also - Papal Court. Routhan, Father (Jesuit General), 102 (n.276). Russell, Lord John (British Prime Minister in 1846), letters: from Queen Victoria, 56 (n.136); to Queen Victoria, 56 (n.137); 66 (n.164, 165), 82 (n.215), 145f. (n.415, 416).

St. Omer (College), 35 (n.74). St. Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, 36. Scotland's Established Church, 40 (n.87), 195f. Scott, Sir Walter, quoted, 137 (n.388). Sea power - see Defence. Select Committees, 11. Senior, Nassau, Journals ... Relating to Ireland, cited, 43 (n.93). 'Shadow government", 50 (n.116). Shannon, 5 (n.5)« 213 INDEX.

Siiaw, Henry (Recorder at State Trial), 20 (n.35), 39 (n.142), 65f. (n.162). Shaw's Irish State Trials, cited, 20 (n.33), 48f. (n.108, 110), 55 (n.132), 58 (n.140, 141), 61 (n.148), 68f. (n.171-175, 177), 70 (n.178, 179), 71f. (n.183, 184), 74 (n.189). Shaw-Lefevre (Baron Eversley) - see Lefevre, George John Shaw. Shell, Richard Lalor, 66 (n.165), 79 (n.203), 82 (n.217). Shipping - see Exports, Imports. Slattery, Michael (Catholic Archbishop of Cashel), 42 (n.91). Slavery, abolition of, 68f. (n.173), 142 (n.404). Smith, P. J. (Young Irelander), 148 (n.424). Smith, T. B. C. (Attorney General at Trial), 59 (n.142). "Social contract" theory (of John Locke), 52 (n.119), 69 (n.175). Solicitor General - see Richard Wilson Greene. Spectator (a London weekly), cited, 53 (n.124, 125), 55 (n.131), 61 (n.150), 87 (n.228), 94 (n.250), 96 (n.258), 106f. (n.289, 292-294), 108 (n.298, 299), 111 (n.304, 305), 114 (n.313), 115 (n.317), 116 (n. 319), 118 (n.329), 119 (n.331, 333), 124 (n.349), 127 (n.356, 357), 128 (n.361, 362), 129 (n.364), 132 (n.369), 134 (n.375), 139f. (n.394, 398), 142 (n.403, 404), 144 (n.411), 146 (n.415), 147 (n.418). Stanley Bill (Compensation for Tenants (Ireland)), 114 (n.315, 316). Stanley, Lord (Chief Secretary to Ireland, 1830-1833; Colonial Secretary to 1844 (then moved to House of Lords), 115 (n.319)t letters from Sir James Graham, 4 (n.4), 5 (n.6), 6 (n.9), 29f. (n.57, 60), 74 (n.190). Stapleton (Dr.), of St. Omer, 35 (n.74). Sugden, Sir Edward (Irish Lord High Chancellor), 24, letter from Sir Robert Peel, 26 (n.47); 59 (n.142). Swift, Dean Jonathan, 8 (n.13). "Sword speech" of Thomas Meagher, 93 (n.247), 148 (n.424). Syllabus of Errors. 135 (n.378).

The Tablet (Catholic paper), 143 (n.407). Tait's Edinburgh Magazine, cited, viii, 19f. (n.32-34), 34 (n.71), 43 (n.93), 48 (n.109), 50 (n.113-115), 60 (n.144), 71 (n.182), 77 (n.198), 82 (n.214), 121 (n.337), 136 (n.384), 138 (n.390), 139 (n.392), 141 (n.400, 401), 145. Taxation, 181, 189-191. Taylor, William Cooke, The Life and Times of Sir Robert Peel. cited, 119 (n.33D. Tenants (Ireland) Bill, Compensation to, 11 iff. (n.315, 316). Tenants' Rights (in Repeal movement), 115 (n.317). Theatines, Congregation of, 102 (n.278). Thompson, E. P., The Making of the English Working Class, cited, 49 (n.110). 214 INDEX.

Thorn's Irish Almanac. 1849. cited, ix, 9 (n.16), 16 (n.24), 22 (n.37, 39), 28 (n.5D, 30 (n.62), 112 (n.30?), 139 (n.393), 140 (n.397, 398), 181-196. Thornley, David, Isaac Butt and Home Rule, cited, 81 (n.213). Thought, cited, 98 (n.264), 134 (n.373). Tierney, Michael, Daniel O'Connell: Nine Centenary Essays. cited, 18 (n.30), 34 (n.68, 69), 35f. (n.74, 75), 37 (n.78, 79), 38 (n.83), 69 (n.176), 90f. (n.237, 241), 127 (n.358), 142 (n.405). The Times. (London), cited, 4f. (n.4, 5), 18 (n.29), 34 (n.70), 61 (n.149), 82 (n.216), 104 (n.285), 106 (n.290), 110 (n.303), 115 (n.315), 119 (n.33D, 126f. (n.354, 358), 144 (n.411). Tory administration (of Peel), 59 (n.142), 65£(n.l62, 163). Tory (Conservative) Party, 19, 26, 86f. (n.228), 126 (n.354), 129 (n.364). Tory press, 50 (n.115), 92, 102 (n.276). See also - Quarterly Review. Trade, Board of, 29, 59 (n.142), 112 (n.308). Trade policies, 51 (n.118). Treason, high, 61. Treasonable conspiracy, 59, 68. Treaty, Anglo-Irish (1921), 168. Trent, Council of (1545-1563), 135 (n.378). Trial of O'Connell and other Repeal leaders (Jan. 1844), 26, 58-84, 71 (n.182), 153. Trim, County Meath, 8 (n.13). Trinity College, Dublin, 135 (n.381), 139 (n.395), 141 (n.400-402). Tuam Archdiocese, 89 (n.234), 147 (n.421). Tuam Cathedral, 54 (n.130). Tuam, Catholic Archbishop of - see MacHale, John. Tullamore, meeting at, 55 (n.133).

g*i3l>ftr, U3. (n.93), 122 (n.340). Under Secretary for Ireland, 24, 59 (n.142). See also - Pennefather, Richard; Redington, T. N. Union, The, 40 (n.87), 51 (n.118, 119), 121f. (340, 341). Union, Act of - see Act of Union. United States of America: Oregon border dispute, 128 (n.360); slavery, 69 (n.173), 142 (n.404)• Upper Nation (Protestant), viii, 43 (n.95), 91f. (n.243).

Vatican archives, 103 (n.281). Ventura, Father, 102 (n.278). Viceregal Lodge (Dublin), 57 (n.138). Viceroy to Ireland (Lord Lieutenant), 56 (n.136). See also - Lord Bessborough; Earl DeGray; Lord Heytesbury. Victoria, Queen - see Queen Victoria. 24 (n.§1). Victorian Studies, cited, 48 (n.108). 215 INDEX.

Wall, Thomas, cited, 35 (n.74). Walsh (Dr.), Bishop of Halifax, Nova Scotia; letter from Cardinal Cullen, 105 (n.287). Weekly Freeman's Journal (of Dublin), 104 (n.284). Welch, P. J., cited, 86 (n.226). Wellington, Duke of, (Leader of Tory Party-ia House of Lords), 4 (n.4), 6f., 8 (n.13), 59 (n.142); advocated a hard-line policy, 60; as Prime Minister in 1829, 95*. (n.255); Letters: from Sir James Graham, 29 (n.58), 63 (n.154); to Sir James Graham, 7 (n«11), 113 (n.311, 312), 115 (n.316). Westminster, 24f., 37 (n.80), 99f. See also Administrative failure; Parliament, British; Tory administration. Whately, Richard (Protestant Archbishop of Dublin), 124 (n.349), 137 (n.388). Whig administration (1835-36), 24, 27. Whig gentry (Irish Catholic), 64, 66, 83 (n.218), 135 (n.379). Whig Party, 19, 64, 78f. (n.203), 98 (n.264), 126 (n.354), 129 (n.364). Whig press, 50 (n.115), 105 (n.286). White Boys, 30 (n.62). White, Terence DeVere, cited, 18 (n.30), 127 (n.358). Whiteside, James (Lord Chief Justice in Ireland), letter to O'Connell, 76 (n.195), 77 (n.198). Whyte, JohnH., cited, 42 (n.90, 91). Wilberforce, Samuel, 122f. (n.344). Williams, T. Desmond, ed., The Great Famine. cited, 92 (n.243). Windsor Castle, 56 (n.135)« Woolwich arsenal, 6. Working class (English), 49f• (n.110), 50 (n.115). World Politics, cited, 51 (n.117). Wyse, Thomas, 135 (n.378). Yeats, William Butler, Tribute to Thomas Davis, cited, 93 (n.246). Young Ireland (group within the Repeal movement), 36, 62 (n.152), 83 (n.219), 90 (n.237), 91-94, 127f. (n.360, 361), 131> 138 (n.389, 390), 142-145; "Sword speech" of Thomas Meagher, 148 (n.424); sentences, after Rebellion of 1848, 149 (n.425); Rebellion of 1848, 155; 157. See also - Thomas Davis; Charles Gavan Duffy; Thomas Meagher; James Fintan Lalor; John Mitchell; The Nation: William Smith O'Brien; Devon Reilly; P. J. Smith.