Towards a Sustainable Anti-Xenophobic Rural-Based University Campus in South Africa

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Towards a Sustainable Anti-Xenophobic Rural-Based University Campus in South Africa TOWARDS A SUSTAINABLE ANTI-XENOPHOBIC RURAL-BASED UNIVERSITY CAMPUS IN SOUTH AFRICA O. S. Obadire* J. Francis** e-mail: [email protected] **Institute for Rural Development C. C. A. Hagenmeier* University of Venda Thohoyandou, South Africa *Directorate of International Relations University of Venda Thohoyandou, South Africa ABSTRACT Xenophobic attacks can have devastating effects at universities if efforts are not made to prevent their occurrence or to effectively manage them when experienced. All this can affect the process of internationalisation at higher education institutions in South Africa. In an effort to build a deep understanding of the nature, character and extent of “xenophobia” at the University of Venda (UNIVEN), a multidisciplinary team carried out a study. It sought to obtain the perspectives of both South African citizens and non-nationals in order to use the results to develop a well-informed anti-xenophobia programme. This was part of a broader strategy for appreciating and promoting diversity and social cohesion within the framework of the university’s transformation thrust. A mixed methods approach was used, taking into account critical discourse analysis and infusing elements of participant observation. A semi-structured interview guide was used during five focus group discussions held to collect data from 28 members of the University community. Three groups comprised of non-South Africans. The remaining two consisted of South African citizens. All the groups confirmed that they had observed or experienced non-violent manifestations of xenophobia, in particular in lecture halls, residential areas, sport fields and the University library. Both local and international focus groups (71.4%) confirmed that separate social and academic groups existed on campus. This study confirmed that there were pockets of xenophobic tendencies among both staff and students. Thus, introduction of an anti-xenophobia programme was necessary because it was likely to positively contribute to the university’s efforts geared towards creating an enabling working and learning environment. Keywords: xenophobia, discrimination, internationalisation of higher education, non-nationals, South Africa INTRODUCTION In 2001, South Africa hosted the “United Nations World Conference against Racism and Xenophobia”. The declaration of that conference drew inspiration from the struggle of the people of South Africa against apartheid and set out a programme of action to combat racism South African Journal of Higher Education https://dx.doi.org/10.20853/32-4-1507 Volume 32 | Number 4 | 2018 | pages 186‒198 eISSN 1753-5913 186 Obadire Towards a sustainable anti-xenophobic rural-based university campus and xenophobia (United Nations 2008). In spite of genuine efforts to implement the programme of action in South Africa, in May and June 2008 horrendous, violent xenophobic attacks virtually shattered the country (Ndifonka 2008). A new wave of xenophobic violence unsettled the country in 2015 (Mbovu 2015). Given the worsening socio-political conditions in the country, it is possible that similar xenophobic attacks will resurface in the future. The Oxford English Dictionary (2010) defines xenophobia as “a deep antipathy or morbid fear of foreigners”. According to Harris (2002, 169‒184), it also denotes “hatred, fear and dislike of strangers or foreigners”. In general, xenophobia is a feeling or perception based on socially constructed images and ideas, and not on rational or objective facts (Williams 2008). Consequently, this perception reduces complex social and cultural phenomena to simplistic “we” (the locals) and “them” (makwerekwere). The latter is a common derogatory term used in South Africa to refer to foreigners. In the South African context, “xenophobia” refers to violent actions against foreigners as well as negative social representations of immigrants, refugees and migrants (Harris 2001; De la Hunt 2002). Foreign nationals include, in broad terms, all non- South African residents within the country (Centre for Human Rights (CHR) 2009). In this study, xenophobia should be understood in the wider sense, to include non-violent discrimination against non-South African nationals. Xenophobia infringes basic human rights and threatens internationalisation of South African higher education (Algotsson 2000; Williams 2008). In recent years, the issue in the international dimension of higher education has become more prominent on the agenda of many governments, tertiary institutions, student organizations and accreditation agencies. This has created a huge impact on the core business of the higher education institutions and many misconceptions still exist among students and sometimes, staff about the presence of foreigner nationals in the society. South Africans’ negative attitudes towards non-nationals are largely oriented towards other “Black” Africans (hence the often used label, Afrophobia), although there are increasing reports of discrimination towards new arrivals from the Indian sub-continent (Landau, Ramjathan-Keogh and Singh 2005). Migrants in communities that are characterized by high levels of tension often live in fear for their lives. This often results in the migrants moving from one informal settlement to another in search of what they consider a more stable environment. Disturbingly. it is also believed that officials in various government departments or institutions perpetuate xenophobia. This usually happens through the officials denying non-nationals access to services. The officials’ actions originate from the conviction that non-nationals are taking resources meant for South Africans. At times, the xenophobia manifests in the form of government officials making derogatory statements towards the non-South Africans (Williams 2008). 187 Obadire Towards a sustainable anti-xenophobic rural-based university campus It is crucial to foreground the wave of xenophobic violence that swept across many parts of South Africa in 2008. The xenophobic attacks took place over a few days in early May 2008. They resulted in the death of more than 60 people and left more than 48 000 people injured, including both non-citizens and citizens. Hundreds of thousands of people were displaced and there was considerable loss of revenue, which amounted to millions of Rands. Consequently, thousands of non-nationals decided to return to the hardships they initially fled from in their home countries, instead of dying in a foreign land (Jost et al. 2012). This decision confirmed that xenophobia was real and needed to be addressed as a matter of urgency. Because South Africa is a regional economic and political powerhouse, it has continued to offer opportunities for other nationals who increasingly immigrated over the years (Jaynes 2008). Moreover, the growing demand for skilled labour and entrepreneurs heightens the country’s reliance on people born and educated outside the country. Although most foreign nationals, refugees and asylum seekers enter the country lawfully, they also face hostilities from South Africans (Bhamjee and Klaaren 2004). Xenophobia must also be understood in relation to the high levels of violence that persist within contemporary South Africa. Although it represents a new manifestation of violence, xenophobia also reflects continuities with other forms, targets and perpetrators of violence in the society (Williams 2008). Jaynes (2008, 8) described the 2008 xenophobic attacks in the following way, “like a boxer that has received an almighty blow to the head, South Africans have been stumbling around, punch-drunk, to make sense of something that caught the country by complete surprise”. The fact that xenophobic tendencies are a world-wide phenomenon cannot be questioned. Increasingly, resentful feeling of labour immigrants by the citizens, in particular, is worsening in many parts of the world. Campbell (2003) argued that this attitude emanated from a combination of nationalism and economic factors. Taking into account a comparative study of ten countries, Hjerm (2010) concluded that levels of nationalist sentiment and xenophobia decreased with increasing levels of education. This was the case despite substantial differences among educational systems in the countries. Licata and Klein (2002) contended that the European Union’s creation of the status of “Citizen of the Union” was a major factor that helped meet certain conditions, which increased intolerance towards resident foreigners. Xenophobic beliefs may arise out of erroneous inductive inferences and stereotyped classification methods. Through a study of history and contemporary expressions of xenophobia in the United States, Yakushko (2009) explained this phenomenon as a concept that described a socially observable negative phenomenon. At both national and international levels, xenophobia was commonly explained as a result of the conviction that non-nationals threatened citizens’ access to employment, grants, and social services (Mattes et al. 2002). However, no type of competition for opportunities can justify use of violence. 188 Obadire Towards a sustainable anti-xenophobic rural-based university campus In South Africa, the Immigration Act 13 of 2002 and the Refugees Act 130 of 1998 established the legal regime applicable to migrant communities (Palmary 2002). Temporary residents (including workers, students and tourists), were classified as those who entered and legally stayed in the country for specific, limited periods of time (Fynn 2010). The Bill of Rights, which
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