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Regional Environmental Technical Assistance 5771 Poverty Reduction & Environmental Management in Remote Greater Mekong Subregion Watersheds Project (Phase I)

RRA Report on

MAE GOK WATERSHED IN CHIANG MAI AND CHIANG RAI PROVINCES

Watershed Profile

By

Mr Colin McQuistan

1.0 Introduction: The Mae Gok Watershed.

The introductory data focuses upon secondary sources collected from provincial departments of various government agencies. This provides an introduction to the present situation in the watershed area as a whole.

1.1 Project area and target of study

The Mae Gok watershed is located in southeastern Myanmar and northern Thailand and covers a total area of 10,870 km 2. The river Mae Gok originates in Myanmar and covers an area of approximately 2,980 km 2 in Shan State of Myanmar. The River Mae Gok enters Thailand at the village of Ban Tha Don, in Mae Ai district of Chiang Mai province. The watershed in Thailand covers an area of approximately 7,990 km 2.

In Thailand, the Mae Gok watershed covers 8 separate districts and 2 minor districts of Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces. This area encompasses a total of 63 sub-districts with 677 villages as registered by the Department of Local Administration (DOLA) of the Interior Ministry. The watershed in Thailand constitutes the Mae Gok river and three principle tributaries, these are the Fang river, Lao river and Suai river. The basic physical attributes of the entire watershed are as follows;

1.1.1 Hydrology

The basal stream flow as measured at the 25 principle water monitoring stations on the Mae Gok river indicate an average flow of 5,280 Million m 3 /year. Of this total, an average of 330 Million m 3/year is diverted or stored within the watershed. This results in the average stream flow of 4,950 Million m 3/year entering the Mekong River.

Table 1.1: The stream flow of the three major tributaries

Tributary Stream flow

1 Fang River 860 m 3/year

2 Lao River 930 m 3/year

2 Suai River 195 m 3/year

Total stream flow 1,985 m 3/year

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1.1.2 Irrigation Development projects.

In 1992 there were almost 240 separate water development projects of various Thai government agencies in the Mae Gok watershed. These ranged in size from farm ponds to village weirs and small scale dams. These projects have a combined irrigation benefit to almost 90,370 hectares. The majority of these projects belong to either the Department of Local Administration or the Royal Irrigation Department.

1.1.3 Water power electricity project.

At present there are 3 water power electricity projects under construction in the Mae Gok watershed. Two of these projects are from the Department of Energy Development and Promotion and the third from the Provincial Electricity Generating Authority. These hydropower projects have a combined power production of 8,675 kilowatts or approximately 29.4 million units.

1.1.4 Water demand status.

The water from the Mae Gok watershed is utilised for numerous purposes. The majority demand is for agricultural irrigation, which accounts for almost 96%, with only 4% used for consumption, tourism, and industry. This water demand is predicted to increase but the overall proportion in each activity remains the same.

1.1.5 Analysis of predicted water supply.

A study of reservoir simulation utilising the HEC-3 model to predict water supply and demand indicates that overall the water supply situation for the Mae Gok watershed is adequate up to the year 2006, if no major changes in the hydrologic system occur. Although the model predicts shortages in some areas for agriculture especially in the Mae Sao and Mae Lao project areas and for potable water in the Chai Prakan and Fang district. Although the model predicts shortages in the short term they do not appear serious whereas the long term predictions suggest serious problems if the supply and demand situation does not change.

1.1.6 Proposed project for the Mae Gok watershed.

The current physical situation in the Mae Gok watershed suggests the following priority projects for the sustainable development of this watershed.

Long-term developed plan (before 2006).

These are the Mae Suai reservoir project in Mae Suai district and the Ban Mae Na Wang reservoir in the Mae Fang watershed.

High potential developed plan.

The Mae Poon Luang reservoir project in the Mae Lao watershed

1.2 Land utilisation

1.2.1 Forest area and agriculture

Chiang Mai and Chiang Mai are the two most northerly provinces in Thailand both with their northern borders joining Myanmar. Both provinces have a long history of human occupation with Chinag Mai once being the centre of the Lanna kingdom. Both provinces have a wealth of natural resources with large areas of natural forest, agricultural lowland and upland areas inhabited with ethnic hilltribes. This mosaic of land use types, developed to a great extent by the various resident population results in a very diverse landscape. Table 1.2 indicates the land utilisation for the two provinces in terms of agricultural land, Forest land and land used for other purposes.

Table 1.2: Land utilization in Chiang Rai and Chiang Mai : 1985-1993

Area (Rai) Chiang Rai Chiang Mai

Year Total land Farm land Forest land Others Total land Farm land Forest land Others

1985 7,298,981 2,267,487 2,861,250 2,170,244 12,566,911 1,443,100 10,131,250 992,561 Page 3 of 33

1986 7,298,981 2,316,966 2,811,731 2,170284 12,566,911 1,472,692 10,030,777 1,063,442

1987 7,298,981 2,346,927 2,763,066 2,188,988 12,566,911 1,443,458 9,707,501 1,415,942

1988 7,298,981 2,331,516 2,715,250 2,252,215 12,566,911 1,459,503 9,502,344 1,605,064

1989 7,298,981 2,332,448 2,694,375 2,272,158 12,566,911 1,453,754 9,481,250 1,631,907

1990 7,298,981 2,295,998 2,630,891 2,372,092 12,566,911 1,344,914 9,346,226 1,875,771

1991 7,298,981 2,285,192 2,568,906 2,471,883 12,566,911 1,354,550 9,213,125 1,999,236

1992 7,298,981 2,205,809 2,527,828 2,565,344 12,566,911 1,312,817 9,102,781 2,151,313

1993 7,298,981 2,194,713 2,494,219 2,610,049 12,566,911 1,300,385 9,012,500 2,254,026

1.3 Public health facilities

1.3.1 Medical and public health staff

Chiang Mai is a center of high education for northern Thailand with excellent further and higher education facilities. This situation results in the proportion of medical and public health staff to the resident population being higher than in neighbouring provinces. Although this situation occurs in the provincial centres, in the remote districts such as in the Mae Gok watershed the medical provision is poor. Thus if figures for the province as a whole are examined the supply of medical facilities appears adequate.

Table 1.3: The provision of medical staff Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces

Proportion to Population Chiang Mai Chiang Rai Doctor 1:2,245 1:9,757 Dentist 1:9,277 1:47,285 Pharmacist 1:9,750 1:38,419 Medical nurse 1:728 1:2,750 Technical nurse 1:4,769 1:5,718 Beds 1:332 1:798

If medical staff in the remote districts are examined it is found that the staff supplies reported above are focussed upon the district centres. Thus the provision of medical staff in the Mae Gok watershed itself is poor.

1.3.2 Public health service facilities.

The provision of public health service facilities ranging from large hospitals to small clinics in the two provinces is indicated in table 1.4. As with medical staff these facilities are focussed upon the district centres. The supply of medical facilities to rural areas is often very poor with a total absence of medical facilities for the people living in the mountain regions.

Table 1.4: Medical facilities in Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces

Facility Chiang Mai Chiang Rai Hospital size 90 beds 0 1 Hospital size 60 beds 3 1 Hospital size 30 beds 5 4 Hospital size 10 beds 12 4 Health center 215 143 Page 4 of 33

Public health center 86 65 Other 7 0

1.4 Social and economic situation

In 1998 the average income for the entire population of the northern region of Thailand was $621 per year. The population of Chiang Mai province reported the highest income for the region with an average of $798. By comparison the average income for Chiang Rai province was $557 which is significantly lower than the average income for the northern region. These figures compare to the national average income of $1,053 per year.

1.4.1 Employment

A survey of single household employment in the Mae Gok watershed in 1992 by Chiang Mai university found that single household employment figures are highly contradictory when compared between the two provinces. For example the data for Chiang Rai province ranks occupations in the following order; Farming, Service sector, Arable crops, and Trade followed by a minority in other groups. Whereas, for Chiang Mai province the Service sector is number one followed by other agriculture with rice farming ranked only as number four. This discrepancy is caused by numerous factors, but fundamental to this is the excessively small sample size. Single occupation households constitute only 5% of the registered population and even less when the unregistered hilltribes population is included. Even though this data is highly questionable one important point is indicated. The figures for the service sector in the two provinces are comparable. Thus service sector individuals receive adequate returns and perhaps have insufficient time to undertake additional occupations.

Table 1.5: The number of single occupation households for specific activities in the Mae Gok watershed

District Rice Arable Livestock Fishing Other Trade Industry Service Other farming crops Agriculture Chiang Rai

Chiang Rai 6,946 686 97 13 311 1,054 43 5,368 340 Chiang San 29 42 0 0 0 13 1 108 1 Mae Chan 1,185 825 20 0 53 56 3 459 5 Mae Suai 465 699 12 0 7 78 0 948 2 Wiang Papao 3,074 1,438 61 0 132 416 13 1,786 13 Wiang Chai 1,868 636 23 4 0 129 4 1,025 99 Sub total Chiang Mai

Fang 321 78 4 0 280 479 33 4,734 75 Mae Ai 427 820 62 1 188 210 12 1,755 85 Chai Prakan 139 1 5 0 838 169 0 2,229 2 Sub total

Total 14,454 5,225 284 18 1,809 2,604 109 18,412 622

1.4.2 Land tenure

The situation regarding land tenure in the Mae Gok watershed indicates that approximately 50% of the land area is converted to permanent agriculture. A total area of 876,011 Rai is covered by forest of which 855,941% is National Forest Reserve (See section 1.4, page 8). Land is also set aside as community forest land with a total area of 55,221 Rai designated. Of this community forest area only 10,035 Rai has been replanted or 18.2%. For the distribution of land use types see table 1.6. Page 5 of 33

Table 1.6: Land Tenure status

District Total Area Agricultural area Area set aside for Community forest Forest area (Registered) Community area established Forestry Chiang Rai

Chiang Rai 463,632 257,426 6,959 2,921 196,326 Chiang San 43,077 26,610 893 160 15,414 Mae Chan 114,383 81,714 3,082 424 29,163 Mae Suai 281,936 94,357 20,096 1,796 165,687 Wiang Papao 260,993 110,646 9,981 2,328 138,038 Wiang Chai 230,672 139,923 2,917 691 87,141 Sub total Chiang Mai

Fang 201,852 104,457 1,924 592 94,879 Mae Ai 210,156 96,387 7,720 1,068 104,981 Chai Prakan 56,875 30,859 1,649 55 24,312 Sub total

Total 1,863,576 942,379 55,221 10,035 855,941

The second largest land category in the Mae Gok watershed which covers 45.9% of the area or 855,941 Rai is national reserved forest. This large proportion of land, most of which is situated over 500m, above mean sea level is regarded as forest area and is managed by the Royal Forest Department as conservation areas, protected either as national parks, wildlife sanctuaries or class A, protected watersheds.

Table 1.7: Arable agricultural statistics for the Mae Gok watershed

District Paddy rice Upland rice Normal Sticky Normal Sticky

Chiang Rai Muang 55,957 212,067 1,870 1,030 Chiang San 19,910 69,370 300 420 Mae Chan 10,488 199,390 1,435 722 Mae Suai 2,216 31,946 8,966 1,624 Wiang Papao 4,124 58,813 240 876 Wiang Chai 25,148 58,354 70 - Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 2,240 43,040 530 1,377 Mae Ai 4,582 62,024 1,370 1,186 Chai Prakan 205 11,260 0 0 Sub total

Total 124,870 745,964 14,781 753,227

Table 1.8: Livestock raising in the Mae Gok watershed

District Livestock Fisheries Page 6 of 33

Cattle Buffalo Fowl Swine Ponds Area Production

Chiang Rai Muang 14,849 2,402 762,592 51,058 1,864 1,961.5 418,000 Chiang San 2,972 1,033 101,500 5,200 549 667.2 155,350 Mae Chan 3,303 1,842 116,074 10,492 388 411.5 123,300 Mae Suai 2,845 748 92,910 7,405 607 245.9 75,200 Wiang Papao 5,091 1,397 118,428 4,374 261 103.2 24,450 Wiang Chai 4,132 297 42,272 5,201 1,079 1,105.1 288,000 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 2,714 1,963 14,364 8,673 430 321.56 298,620 Mae Ai 2,985 2,180 86,052 8,058 331 872.00 70,969 Chai Prakan 2,690 3,299 106,716 5,689 82 51.83 9,800 Sub total

Total 41,581 15,161 1,440,908 106,150 5,591 5,739 1,463,689

The distribution of the 1,843,576 Rai of agricultural land which has land documents, in terms of farm size is as follows.

Table 1.9: Farm size distribution

District <1 Rai 1-5 Rai 6-10 Rai 11-20 Rai 21-50 Rai >50 Rai Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 172 5,442 9,039 5,436 1,453 62 Chiang San 147 227 390 334 57 0 Mae Chan 21 1,024 2,080 720 41 48 Mae Suai 117 3,419 1,487 461 45 1 Wiang Papao 161 2,720 1,948 506 103 9 Wiang Chai 106 2,217 3,901 3,136 986 117 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 135 3,518 3,148 672 53 4 Mae Ai 132 2,936 2,247 844 156 10 Chai Prakan 124 2,432 1,083 120 1 0 Sub total

Total 1,115 23,935 25,323 12,229 2,895 251

1.4.3 Industry

Most industry in the Mae Gok watershed concerns small scale primary agricultural processing. For example rice milling and tobacco drying are the two principle industries. Subsidiary industries present especially located around urban areas include, tea processing and food canning. The majority of these industries are located in Fang district, Chiang Mai province and in the urban area of Chiang Rai.

1.4.4 Natural water sources Page 7 of 33

The principle water sources in the Mae Gok watershed are ponds, streams, rivers, small reservoirs, water-well, and bore holes. The principle river of the Mae Gok watershed is the Mae Gok which flows for approximately 147 kilometers from the Myanmar border in the west to the Mekong river in the east. Flowing into the Mae Gok are three principle tributaries the Fang, Lao, and Suai rivers.

Table 1.10: Dendrology of the tributaries of the Mae Gok river

Tributaries Principle tributaries Province/

Stream River District

Mae Gok river Mae Kao Mae Peua, Mae Sakin, Mae Chiang Mai Khang, Mae Gok - Mae Ai

Chiang Rai

-Chiang Rai -Chiang San -Mae Chan Fang river Bong Talobluang, Mae Chai, Mae Ngon Chiang Mai Noi, Mae Nawang, Sontabonge, Mae Mao,Mae Kimluang, Mae -Fang Raeng, Mai Ai, MaeFang -MaeAi -ChaiPrakan Lao river Mae Sad, San, Mae Min, Mae Mong, Mae Tachang, Mae Chiang Rai Pongsalam, Mae Tum, Mae Lao, Mae Koh, Mae Kamkaeng, Sangkum ,Mae Suai -Chiang Rai Yangmin, Mae Hang, Mae -Wieng Papao Tamaew -Mae Suai -Wieng Chai Mae Chedee, Saikao, Mae Paen, Pongmain, Dindum

1.4.5 Water supply

Data collected in 1992 1 indicated that on average each village registered by the Department of Local Administration (DOLA) in the Mae Gok watershed has 1 community bore hole, 13 private bore holes, 2 community water-wells, and 104 private water-wells.

Table 1.11: Water supply in the Mae Gok watershed

District Bore holes Water well Communal Private Communal Private Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 207 6,713 518 21,795 Chiang San 46 83 24 503 Mae Chan 62 57 114 3,820 Mae Suai 41 26 182 5,288 Wiang Papao 50 300 112 7,000 Wiang Chai 95 636 409 9,690 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 82 575 66 10,669 Mae Ai 61 583 85 5,216 Page 8 of 33

Chai Prakan 37 56 57 6,107 Sub total

Total 681 9,029 1,567 70,088

In the Mae Gok watershed there is a problem with drinking water supply. About 45% of households do not have adequate year round supply of clean water as the figures in table 1.12 indicate. In total approximately 53,735 household suffer from a drinking water shortage during the dry season. Traditionally villagers collect rainfall during the rainy season and this is stored for drinking purposes in the dry season. If in previous times this rainwater supply was adequate, then either the amount of rainfall has reduced, the consumptive demand has increased or alternative "stop gap" supplies have disappeared?

Table 1.12: Potable water supply in the Mae Gok watershed

Drinking water (households)

District Sufficient Shortage Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 21,212 17,227 Chiang San 1,259 844 Mae Chan 3,475 2,537 Mae Suai 4,632 5,521 Wiang Papao 7,024 5,758 Wiang Chai 4,567 7,919 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 11,342 7,074 Mae Ai 6,753 4,026 Chai Prakan 5,376 2,829 Sub total

Total 64,640 53,735

1.4.6 Agricultural irrigation supply

Due to the high agricultural prices that can be achieved for production of crops in the dry season many farmers in the Mae Gok watershed attempt to cultivate crops during this period. To be able to produce crops during this time the farmer must have an alternative source of water, this supply source ranges from wells, bore holes to ponds and other Rainwater storage devices. At present, for off season production 76% of the irrigation supply comes from shallow source wells for example surface ponds or shallow wells a smaller majority utlise deep water bore holes while others rely upon infrequent and unpredictable Rainfall. In most years, this alternative supply is inadequate for the majority of farmers in the Mae Gok watershed.

Table 1.13: Irrigation supplies in the Mae Gok watershed

Number of villages with the following irrigation sources

District Water Well Bore Hole Rain Water Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 82 16 22 Chiang San 4 0 5 Mae Chan 12 1 0 Page 9 of 33

Mae Suai 32 4 0 Wiang Papao 29 11 1 Wiang Chai 14 3 1 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 63 5 3 Mae Ai 36 3 7 Chai Prakan 6 0 3 Sub total

Total 278 43 42

This shortage results in inefficient land use. In 1992, 394 villages or 58% of all villages in the Mae Gok watershed reported problems concerning insufficient irrigation for agriculture. The farmers from each village are asked to classify their village in terms of; insufficient, adequate or plentiful concerning dry season water supply. This classification is undertaken for a variety of crops from high water demand agriculture such as a second rice crop, through short-term crops, long-term crops, vegetables to fruit which are lower water demanding crop systems. It is found that the majority of villagers suffer water shortage as indicated in table 1.14.

Table 1.14: Water supply sources in the Mae Gok watershed

District Number of villages ( - = Insufficient, ok = Adequate, + = Plenty)

2nd rice crop Short term crop Long term crop Vegetables Fruit

- ok + - ok + - ok + - ok + - ok + Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 141 7 89 134 66 36 134 21 81 93 45 98 132 21 84 Chiang San 6 0 9 6 7 2 6 0 9 7 5 3 9 2 4 Mae Chan 19 0 19 26 9 3 33 3 2 12 2 24 28 0 10 Mae Suai 56 1 18 60 9 7 53 0 22 42 10 24 48 2 26 Wiang Papao 39 3 24 51 8 7 43 5 17 44 10 12 12 4 17 Wiang Chai 20 8 48 21 9 45 19 6 51 21 10 45 21 2 53 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 3 0 74 30 23 24 29 7 41 63 12 2 65 9 3 Mae Ai 23 10 19 18 31 3 15 4 33 17 23 12 26 21 5 Chai Prakan 7 1 29 19 12 6 17 11 9 12 7 18 17 5 15 Sub total

Total 314 30 329 365 174 133 349 57 265 311 124 238 358 66 217

When the problems related to water use are translated into land use efficiency then the following trends emerge. Villages reporting severe water shortage totals 289 villages, thus 43% indicate serious land inefficiency. An additional 313 villages or 47% indicate a moderate problem. Only 69 villages report adequate water supply, enabling high capacity land use. This suggests that only 10% of the land in the Mae Gok watershed is being used efficiently.

Table 1.15: Number of villages that report a water problem in the Mae Gok watershed

District Water status

Low Chiang Rai Page 10 of 33

Chiang Rai 22 136 79 Chiang San 1 11 3 Mae Chan 3 12 23 Mae Suai 1 25 48 Wiang Papao 7 26 33 Wiang Chai 1 32 42 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 6 50 21 Mae Ai 8 17 27 Chai Prakan 20 4 13 Sub total

Total 69 313 289

1.4.7 Agricultural problems

The Mae Gok watershed’s principle factor resulting in poor land use efficiency is the lack of irrigation supply during the dry season. A total of 60.4% of farmers reported that insufficient irrigation supply was their principle agricultural problem. Additional problems faced by farmers in the watershed include financial restrictions and associated problems. Interestingly a lot of the farmers in the watershed are contract farmers. They borrow money in advance to produce a specific crop, such as Tobacco or vegetables. The farmer enters into a contract to produce a specific amount, at a certain quality. But often the farmers find that due to poor rainfall or other problems the contract crop is of poor quality and they cannot thus pay off their debt. This debt is then calculated at very high rates with the farmer becoming tied to a particular company and their crop in a recurring debt cycle.

Interestingly, traditional agricultural problems such as land infertility, flooding, knowledge and labour shortages are not reported in this watershed (see table 1.16).

Table 1.16: Specific agricultural problems reported in the Mae Gok Watershed

District Number of villagers reporting specific agricultural problems Soil fertility Labour Financial Insufficient Inadequate Flooding Other shortage restrictions knowledge irrigation Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 8 4 43 11 135 2 20 Chiang San 0 1 2 1 4 0 6 Mae Chan 2 2 7 5 21 2 0 Mae Suai 1 0 10 0 53 0 7 Wiang Papao 9 4 18 1 29 0 2 Wiang Chai 1 0 11 1 53 0 8 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 4 1 9 2 52 1 7 Mae Ai 0 0 8 6 31 0 7 Chai Prakan 4 6 1 0 16 1 7 Sub total

Total 29 18 109 27 394 6 64 Page 11 of 33

1.5 Forest

Within the Mae Gok watershed in Chiang Mai province there are 23 different National Reserved Forest Areas, 3 of which have been classified as conservation forests. The total area of forest in this province covers 1,012,031 Rai. In Chiang Rai province the total National Reserved Forest area covers 2,169,354 Rai. Thus this area contains a total area of 3,181,385 Rai or 69% is classified as conservation forest. The list of the different forest blocks is shown in table 1.17.

These forests provide many important functions including watershed regulation, biodiversity conservation, primary production and also additional regulatory functions such as climate regulation and carbon sequestration.

The forests of the Mae Gok watershed are of three principle types, which are zoned in terms of altitude. In the valleys and lower elevations mixed deciduous forest dominate, as altitude increases this forest type changes to hill evergreen forest, above 800 meters the dominant species are the two native pine species. Over 1800 meters Oaks and Sycamores species become mixed with the pine species. Thus the forest at the summits become very similar to temperate forests.

The forests in the valleys and lower elevations are of a mixed deciduous type, often with Teak ( Tectona grandis ) as the dominant species. This forest type is categorised by deciduous species and includes; Xylia xylocarpa , Pterocarpus macrocarpus, Lagerstroemia sp., Adina cordifolia, Terminalia sp. and Spondias pinnata . The undergrowth of this forest is dominated by many herbaceous species most notable being, Bambusa sp. And Dendrocalamus sp.

At higher elevations this forest type gradually changes to become more evergreen and thus hill evergreen forest becomes the dominant forest type. This forest is found in the more humid upper elevations and is dominated by trees that retain their leaves year round. Most notable families present include; Dipterocarpaceae, Sterculiaceae, Leguminosae, Fagaceae and Lauraceae .

On the uppermost slopes of the mountains and on the summits pine forest dominates especially above 800 meters. There are only two pine species, Pinus merkusii and P. kesiya native to Thailand. Above 1,800 meters this forest is often merged with evergreen species especially Oaks. Not only are these forests rich in tree species they are also a refuge for numerous animal species. These forests also provide a valuable source of numerous forest products including; honey beeswax, bark, leaves, herb, charcoal, fuel wood and orchids.

The Forest Planning Division of the Royal Forest Department undertook a large scale national survey of forest area between the years 1982 to 1985 and found a total forest area of 320,696,885 Rai covering the entire country. Since this time the forest area has been reduced to 93,158,274 Rai or 29.05% of country area. The average rate of deforestation since 1982 averages 1,572,242 Rai per year. When deforestation statistics for the regions of Thailand are compared the frontier for forest destruction is the north of Thailand where forest reduction is now 0.71% per year, whereas the central region reports 0.64%, the southern region 0.45%, the northeastern region 0.33% and the eastern region only 0.01%.

Table 1.17: Conserved forest areas in the Mae Gok watershed

National conserved forest District Area (Rai)

Chiang Mai

1. Mae Fang Fang 1,000,000 2. Mae Lakmuen Fang 8,125 3. Mae Soon Fang 3,906

Sub-total 1,012,031

Chiang Rai

1. Pong Salee Muang 668 2. Mae Khaotom, Huai Lug Muang-Mae Chan 15,362 3. Huai sak, Mae Gok (right side) Muang-Wieng Chai 191,250 4. Mae Lao (left side) Mae Suai 710,937 5. Mae Lao (right side) Wieng Papao 124,375 6. Doi Boh Muang-Mae Chan 149,185 7. Sobgok (right side) Mae Chan-Chiang Saen 265,725 8. Mae Lao (right side) Mae Suai 169,437 Page 12 of 33

9. Mae Lao (left side), Mae Gok (right side) Muang 203,125 10. Doi Pui Muang 91,875 11. Namma, Sobruak Chiang Saen 12,028 12. Mae Poonnoi, Mai Poonluang, Huai Pong men WiengPapao 398,750 13. Nam Mae Khum, Nam Mae Salong, Nam Mae Chan Mae Chan 353,750 (left side) 132,100 14. Doi Nanglae, Doi Yao, Doi Prabat Muang 38,475 Doi Tam Phatong, Doi Sanpatong, Nam Ngam

Sub-total 2,857,042

Total

2.0 Rapid Rural Assessment (RRA) of the Mae Gok Watershed

2.1 The Northern Thailand Situation

Data collection for the baseline assessment of the northern region including the Mae Gok watershed was collected from numerous sources including Chiang Mai University, Provincial, district and sub-district level, local government offices and interviews with people working in the field. Additionally reference materials were consulted concerning at various points.

2.1.1 Location and population

The Mae Gok watershed in Thailand covers a total area of approximately 7,990km 2 in Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces of northern Thailand. This area includes two provinces, 7 districts, 2 minor districts, 75 sub-districts with 793 villages as registered with the DOLA.

Table 2.1: Area, distance from district to provincial capital, number of sub-districts, number of villages in the Mae Gok watershed (1994)

District Area (m 2) Distance from Number of sub- Number of Number of province districts villages dwellings Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 1,284.67 0 17 188 67,029 Chiang San 554.00 60 6 56 15,345 Mae Chan 1,015.97 28 14 150 41,684 Mae Suai 1,428.61 62 8 83 29,379 Wiang Papao 1,219.00 91 7 69 20,140 Wiang Chai 348.69 12 5 54 14,099 Sub total 5,851

Chiang Mai Fang 888.16 154 8 85 29,992 Mae Ai 737.70 170 6 71 20,413 Chai Prakan 512.85 130 4 37 12,894 Sub total 2,139

Total 7,990 707 75 793 250,975

This registered population must be supplemented by the informal population of hilltribes who as their name suggests are the principle population occurring in the mountains above 500m. Therefore the estimated total number of villages and resident population living in this area should be updated as indicated in table 2.2.

Table 2.2: The registered and unregistered population of the Mae Gok watershed Page 13 of 33

District Sub-districts Villages Population Hill tribe Population Unregistered villages Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 17 188 219,659 93 19,667 4,850 Chiang San 6 56 55,363 9 5,259 1,500 Mae Chan 14 150 149,385 39 11,711 2,450 Mae Suai 8 83 75,626 109 29,613 7,100 Wiang Papao 7 69 70,850 37 8,082 1,600 Wiang Chai 5 54 47,094 28 5,848 1,200 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 8 85 102,235 52 9,562 1,850 Mae Ai 6 71 73,704 78 17,305 4,150 Chai Prakan 4 37 45,490 11 2,645 850 Sub total

Total 758 793 839,406 456 109,692 25,550

2.1.2 The hilltribe population

Thailand is home to numerous groups of ethnic minorities who inhabit the mountainous regions between Vietnam, Laos, Southern China, Myanmar and Thailand. These groups are referred collectively in Thailand as the hill tribes, although this group is actually made up of a diverse set of ethnic groups. The tribes live in small communities of between 50-400 people and are sparsely distributed in northern Thailand. The tradition of establishing their villages in mountainous areas means that until recently they have been fairly isolated from lowland populations. However there is quite a long tradition of trade and bartering between the two groups.

Today this highland population is scattered over a total of 75 districts in 20 provinces. Total population figures have been collected by the Tribal Research Institute since the middle of the 1970,s, and in the year 1995, the total was 694,720. The Karen are the largest group, and the Khamu are the smallest. This total figure excludes the "Palong" and the "Mlabri" and all unregistered hilltribe people. The Palong are an ethnic group that has only recently migrated into Chiang Mai Province in Thailand. There are presently 4 villages with a total of 90 households and 485 persons. The Mlabri, are hunter/gathers, and are estimated to consist of no more than 182 persons. They live in Phrae Province and Sa and Na Noi district of Nan province. In the Mae Gok watershed area there are five ethnic minorities present these are; Karen, Akha, Lisu, Lahu and Hmong, although other groups could also be present.

2.1.3 Hilltribe diversity

Apart from linguistic classification based upon linguistic origin (see appendix II), many researchers classify the hill tribes in respect to the type of agriculture they practice. All hilltribes traditionally practice a form of swidden agriculture, although there are numerous variations for this particular land use, which reflect the diversity of the hilltribes themselves. The following describes the hilltribes in respect to their specific swidden farming strategy, into two types of swiddeners;

The hill swiddeners or pioneer swiddeners who also have tended to be labeled the highland dwelling opium poppy growing peoples. These ethnic groups prefer to live at higher altitudes which incidentally is better suited to growing the opium poppy, which being a subtropical plant only grows well above 1,000 meters. Included in this group are the Hmong, Yao, Lahu, Lisu, and Akha, most of who migrated into Thailand (from Myanmar and Laos) within this century.

The forest swiddeners consist of the Karen, Lawa, Khamu and H’tin ethnic groups. These peoples occupy the intermediate altitudes between 700-1,000 meters and practice an ecologically informed mode of cyclical shifting cultivation. The Lawa and the Karen prefer, where feasible, to grow wet rice which is considered to be indigenous to Thailand and the adjoining areas of Myanmar and Laos. This practice which grows rice in traditional paddy fields is more environmentally sustainable. The field’s fertility is restored by inundation of the paddy field this recycles nutrients from the floodwater. This practice means that these groups have tended to be more sedentary than the higher mountain groups. Page 14 of 33

2.1.4 Government policy

In Thailand the term "hill tribes" designates ethnic minorities, most of whom live in the remote highland areas of the north and south western parts of the country. These people first attracted the serious attention of the Thai Government in 1959 when the National Committee for the Hill Tribes was set up. There are many governmental and non-governmental agencies working with the hill tribes. These included military and civilian organisations, a few specialized United Nations agencies, and private voluntary organizations such as, and most important of all, the Royal Development Project for the Hill Tribes. The present policy of the Thai Government towards the hill tribes is based on the Cabinet’s decision of July 6,1976, which states the government’s intention to integrate these people into the Thai state and give them full rights to practice their religions and maintain their cultures. The principal objective of this policy is clear. It is stated quite precisely that the Thai Government wishes to enable the hill tribes to be self-reliant Thai citizens.

There are many hill tribe problems as identified by Thai authorities. Most of these problems relate to some aspects of the hill tribes way of life which are considered to be inappropriate to the present socio-economic and political situation of the country. It is widely believed that the type of shifting cultivation (swiddening) practiced by most the hill tribes causes deforestation and the deterioration of highland watersheds. Some tribes engage in opium production, and opium addiction is also a problem. The hill tribes also have less access to educational services, suffer poorer health and earn lower incomes when compared with other sectors of the national population. Moreover, as tribal groups live in relative isolation it is much easier for cultural misunderstandings to occur and to be labeled as political infiltration and insurgency.

2.2 Socio-economic status

2.2.1 Economic system

The highland groups can be divided into three groups depending upon their cultivation practices: upland dry rice cultivators, wet or irrigated rice cultivators, and a combination of these two. These groups display three principal forms of land use.

1. Pioneer or primary swiddening, shifting cultivation where the village moves into a virgin area of forest and initiates agriculture. The village then stays at this location until the harvests begin to fall and the village then relocates to a new virgin location.

2. Land rotation of cultivable fields, sometimes called cyclical bush fallow. This system is based on permanent residence and can be said to be a stable or permanent form of agriculture.

3. Wet rice cultivation.

Pioneer swiddening appears to be closely correlated with opium cultivation. Opium poppy growing has for many years been an important economic crop and is well suited to the hilltribes way of life. Additionally this crop only grows well at higher altitudes where the pioneer swidden farmers live. The second type of land use, the rotational farming system, is practiced by the Karen, Lawa, H’tin and Khamu, who do not traditionally grow opium. This rotation system does not exhaust soil fertility if practiced within limits. Also this system operates within fixed village boundaries and therefore offers less possibility to encroach further afield. The Karen and the Lawa also construct wet rice terraces in the lowlands, upland and on valley sides infact wherever there is sufficient water for irrigation. In all these systems the majority of farmers grow mainly rice, supplemented with a few other crops, primarily for home consumption with a little surplus for sale. All groups also utilise forest products. Additional income comes from short-term labour especially for rice planting and harvesting and also fruit picking on lowland farms.

2.2.2 Social system

In traditional highland society, two corporate structures form the most important social institutions. The largest institution is the village, made up of houses mainly of the same ethnic group. However, in the village of the opium poppy-growing groups, there may be one or more houses of traders who are "Haw" or Yunnanese Chinese, Shan, Lue or Northern Thai. There are also other ethnic persons who do seasonal work as wage earners for opium producing households. These migrant workers are often paid in opium and are usually addicts who have chosen to take up residence in that village.

Villages of the same ethnic group are widely scattered and may be surrounded by villages of other ethnic groups. Normally there is a main settlement with one or more small hamlets located in the general vicinity. Such hamlets form because there may be limited space in the original village, some people want to live closer to cultivable land, or some wish to live in a group consisting of only their own relatives. Page 15 of 33

Hill tribe villages are reported to be unstable and often break up. The reasons for this are many, including: shortage of good cropland, dissatisfaction with village leaders, intra-village disputes, disputes with neighbouring villages, frequent harassment by bandits, many deaths in quick succession of either villagers or their livestock, expulsion of new religious converts by the traditional group, and, in recent years, fear of terrorism by political insurgents. Dispersion is more frequent among the opium-poppy growing communities.

Highland villages, except those of the Lisu, are led by a headman with one or more assistants. This structure is most likely if a village is formed by many households coming together from different locations. In general, the headman is responsible for maintaining the peace, settling disputes, hosting visitors to the village, and also acts as the village liaison with government authorities. In a mature village, there is usually an informal council of elders whose advice is sought on important issues by the headman. This council participates in the making of all important decisions which affect the village. Typical issues include whether the village should be moved to a new site or not, whether outsiders should be allowed to cut swiddens on village land, or whether a particular household should be expelled.

In tribal culture there is no supra-village organization. This also means that there is no higher leader or chieftain of each tribe who can extend his power over a number of villages belonging to his group.

Most highlanders are animists and mostly pantheists who believe in spirits of all kinds: heavenly spirits, natural spirits, ancestral spirits, house spirits and spirits in certain things. These spirits, either benevolent or malevolent, usually require propitiation and sacrifice; and for some tribes, their highest and most respected spirits are godlike. Many cases of sickness are believed to be caused by offended spirits, especially the evil ones. These spirits are considered to have cast bad fortune on the individual or group concerned by taking away their souls, causing sickness, and harming their livestock. Either the shaman or the religious leader must diagnose the cause of sickness. The benevolent spirits are requested to come and are provided with offerings, in return they force the evil spirits to return the soul to the sick person. However, many spirits can be either benevolent or malevolent depending on whether or not they are treated properly.

In some tribes, the religious leaders also perform village wide rituals and pray for the welfare and prosperity of the whole village or individual households. These people are therefore very important local leaders in highland society, and in some tribes, like the Pwo Karen, the shaman may also be the village headman. In traditional groups, with the exception of the Lawa, most of whom are well integrated into lowland society, there are no social classes. The only group which might be defined as exclusive is that of the village elders who are widely respected beyond their own households. In other words, highland society is egalitarian.

The second important corporate structure in tribal village is the household. The household is the basic socio- economic unit charged with the responsibility of providing food, shelter, welfare, education, religious training, and socialization. Hill tribe households consist either of the extended or the nuclear family. The nuclear family household consists of just two generations, a husband and his wife and their children. Extended family households are more common among the Meo and the Yao, and these groups are often polygamous. While the Lahu, Lisu, Akha, Karen, Lawa, H’tin and Khamu are usually monogamous.

2.3 The Hilltribe problem?

The problems blamed upon the large population of hilltribes in northern Thailand as stated in the national policy on the hill tribe during the past 30 years are:

1. Depletion of natural resources and environment

2. Opium cultivation

3. Security problems

4. Low standard of living

During the past 3 decades, the government, NGO’s, and some voluntary organisations , especially the Royal Project, have attempted to solve these problems. Today the situation is much improved. However, new problems have arisen unexpectedly. Such problems resulted from people’s ignorance, selfishness, and social changes.

2.3.1 Deforestation in the highlands

Deforestation continues although it has reduced from previous years. The Land Sat 5 picture showed that in 1985 there was 49.59% forest cover in the northern part of Thailand where the hill tribe people mostly live. The highland development projects have been encouraging the tribal people to practice conservation farming while the people themselves are turning to sustainable farming (rice fields and fruit trees). Although often this new this development Page 16 of 33

created additional problems. For example through the increase in tourism and tourism promotion lowlanders became interested in buying land in the hills. Another problem is the overuse of pesticides in the hills this is a serious health danger to mountain dwellers and lowlanders alike.

2.3.2 Opium cultivation

The Thai Government was successful in reducing the amount of opium produced in Thailand from 145 toms in 1967 to 24 tons in 1988. However, when less opium is available, it is imported from other countries and sold to these tribal people who are addicted. Besides, other kinds of drugs, such as heroin and stimulants are now found in tribal villages.

2.3.3 National security

In 1967, the communist party was quite strong in some parts of Thailand. However, the government was able to control the situation by 1983 and was successful in turning the tribal activists into "cooperators with national development ". Nevertheless, this matter of security is something we have to keep a watchful eye on so as to prevent the conflict with the minority.

2.3.4 Low standard of living among the hill tribes

Many positive changes are happening among the hill tribes i.e. more hill tribe students are graduating from universities, hill tribe people are more familiar with modern medications, health care, and family planning; hill tribe people now earn more and grow more kinds of crops ; and more hill tribe people are working outside their farms. However, new problems are also developing. More educated hill tribe people are unemployed; malnutrition occurs among some tribal children; and venereal disease and AIDS are increasingly found among the tribal people. Social changed and poverty are forcing people to come down to towns where they become labourers, beggars or prostitutes. Tribal people are discarding their customs and traditional practices out of ignorance and a feeling that the old ways are not worth preserving. (for instance, the dances and herbal medications are disappearing) The migration of members of their ethnic groups from neighbouring countries is another problem that is not yet solved.

2.4 Hilltribe policy

2.4.1 Government policy related to the hilltribes

There are 3 different approaches that can be taken in response to ethnic minorities: separation (segregation), assimilation or integration. The Thai government approach is to promote integration of hill tribe culture into mainstream Thai culture. For example the Ministry of Interior Policy (1995) does not use the word "hill tribe" but refers to the "remote people" (Welfare for Remote People Policy).

The first specific legislation for the hilltribes was enacted on June 3 rd 1959, which led to the establishment of the Hill Tribe Welfare Committee. This was when a national policy in respect to the hilltribe communities began. In this year the Department of Public Welfare was appointed to take responsibility for working with the hill tribes together with the provincial hill tribe welfare committees. The provincial Governor chaired these committees. The policy resulting from these provincial committees was aimed to deal with all hilltribe problems and was not concentrated on any particular issue. In 1982, then Prime Minister Prem Tinsulanond was aware of inefficiencies of official work regarding the problems faced by hill tribes and especially opium cultivation, so he appointed a second committee to review security and opium issues. The 1982 National Policy on the Hill tribes (the security and opium issues) consisted of 3 aspects:

Administration

Opium and addiction

Social and economic development

This work was to be undertaken at 3 different levels:

1. The National Level: composed of the National Security Committee on the Hill tribes and opium growing. The Deputy Prime Minister as Chairman and the National Security Council Secretariat as a committee member and Secretary.

2. The Ministerial Level: composed of a central committee with the Ministry of Interior as Chairman and the Director General of Department of Public Welfare as Secretary. Page 17 of 33

3. The Provincial Level: Provincial Hill tribe Committee.

In 1987 the Third Army stepped in and worked on the hill tribe problem as another regional organization working in cooperation with the national and provincial organizations. The Third Army has been appointed to work on specific missions such as hill tribe censuses, land use and housing. In 1989 the government began the development of a National Policy on the hill tribes this was completed and enacted in 1995. This policy covers three aspects:

1.0) Political and administrative aspect

i. Censuses to be undertaken and Thai nationality be considered or granted to those who meet the qualifications. For those who are not granted Thai nationality, their certain legal status must be stated in accordance with the regulation. ii. Administration and management within hill tribe communities to be organized in accordance with the law, and suitable development plan prepared. For communities in which systematic administration is not yet possible, suitable management procedures have to be developed so as to prepare the people for future democratic administration. iii. Land and permanent residences to be provided to the hill tribes. Although, certain matters must taken into account, namely, local factors, socio-economic development, security and natural resource conservation.

iv. Official national law and regulations be effective in every area, with strict punishment for those who break the law. Propaganda and appropriate pressure be used to encourage the target people to obey the law.

v. The hill tribes should have a correct understanding of Thai society, of their rights and duties as Thai citizens under Thai law. This is to be achieved through public relations.

vi. Persistent action must be taken to prevent more immigrants from entering Thailand and to repatriate recent immigrants. Measures to be set out to pressure those who support immigrants, give them shelter or facilitate hill tribe immigration.

vii. The influence of subversive groups, including the Communist Party of Thailand to be reduced by improving official staff protection and providing security for the hill tribes. The hill tribes should be able to protect themselves and become self-reliant to some degree.

2.0) Economic and Social Development.

2.1) Promoting quality of life and income levels.

i. Economic and social development of tribal society should be undertaken, stressing self-sufficiency and natural resource preservation. Development should be done with regard to the local situation. Availability of land and natural resources in the highlands should be the primary consideration when permanent settlement is proposed for the people.

ii. The hill tribes should be encouraged to stop growing opium and identify alternative income sources sufficient to make their living. Focus should be upon self- sufficiency. Develop improvements to their farming techniques, farm products, marketing system and the promotion of other professions to increase their income. NGOs should be encouraged to assist with hill tribe development.

iii. Health-care service should be provided to as many communities as possible. Basic health care should be improved and treatment for drug addiction promoted.

iv. Family planning must be adopted to control the highland population birth rate. This will keep the balance between population numbers and natural resource availability.

v. Both formal and non-formal primary education should be provided so as to form the foundation for future communications, socio-economic development, political administration and natural resource conservation.

vi. Buddhism to be promoted among the tribal societies so as to build up national unity. Missionaries of other religions to be supervised to ensure that they do not create conflicts among the people which could affect national development.

2.2) Opium growing and use

i. The people should be taught of the dangers of opium growing and smoking, through propaganda and other psychological approaches. Page 18 of 33

ii. Legal action to be taken especially in the area which have been officially recognized and developed.

iii. Aid should be requested from foreign organisations to develop alternative solutions to the drug problems in the highlands and also to help Thai addicts.

3.0) Natural resource: usage, conservation and development

i. Land use plans should be made in order to help conserve and develop natural resources in the highlands. The plan is to be strictly followed under close control.

ii. Legal restrictions and laws regarding natural resources are to be taken seriously.

The work in response to the 1995 National Policy on the hilltribes is delegated at the national, regional, provincial and district levels. The organisations responsible for hill tribe work are:

1. National level: the National Security Committee on the hill tribes and opium affairs.

2. Regional level: The Third Army (the committee of hill tribe affairs and the eradication of opium growing).

3. Provincial level: the provincial committee of hill tribe affairs.

4. District level: the district committee of hill tribe affairs.

Thailand, unlike other countries with minorities, does not have a specific Ministry or department, which works directly with the minorities. However, the government is considering establishing one department to work specifically on hill tribe affairs.

2.4.2 Department of Public Welfare’s work

Since 1959, the Department of Public Welfare (DPW) has been working in accordance with the National Policy on Hilltribes as follows:

1. Acting as a committee member and secretary to the Central Hill tribe Committee 1959-1982.

2. Making plans and undertaking welfare work for the hill tribes:

Setting up 4 self-help resettlement projects which started in1960.

Setting up mobile units for hill tribe welfare work in key and satellite villages working under the Provincial Hill Tribe Welfare Center.

Proposal of "Integration Policy" in 1976 so as to make the hill tribes become good and self-sufficient Thai citizens through the zonal integrated development project.

3. Setting up the Hill Tribe Welfare Division in 1963.

4. Research and survey work.

First survey of socio-economic status in 1961-1963.

Founding of the Tribal Research Centre in 1965 in cooperation with Chiang Mai University. This centre which became the Tribal Research Institute in 1984 acts as the advisory division to the DPW with information and data from various researchers to help with the planning of hill tribe work.

Cooperation with Australian experts and the Faculty of Agriculture, Chiang Mai University, to study regeneration of old swidden farmland, which has been deserted by the hill tribes due to low soil fertility and problems. Attempting to find ways to restore the land for future use (either for cultivation, livestock or forestry).

5. Building up relationships with the hill tribes.

Promotion of Dhammajarik Project in 1965 (Buddhism promotion).

Cooperation with volunteer groups from different universities and NGOs. Page 19 of 33

6. Providing aid to other projects such as the Royal Project, the Substitution Cropping project (UN), the Non-formal Education Project, the Addiction Healing Project and other training projects. The Tribal Research Institute has been approved as a cartographic and socio-economic survey database.

7. Act as the contact organisation for foreign organisations which work in the highlands in cooperation with the Thai Government, such as the Thai-Australian Project, the Thai-Norway Highland Development Project (which is supported by Norwegian Church Aid) and Thai-German Highland Development Project.

8. Working on the eradication of opium growing, on healing addiction and on reforestation in hill tribe villages.

9. Working on hill tribe censuses for future application of Thai nationality for the hill tribe peoples.

2.5 The Mae Gok watershed

Data collection for the socio-economic and environmental situation in the Mae Gok watershed took place between 21 st March until the 3 rd April 1999. Data was collected from numerous sources including local universities, provincial, district and sub-district level, local government offices and informal structured interviews with people in the field. Additionally reference materials and local people were consulted concerning various points. The total number of villages from which data was collected totals 149 communities, 80 of which were located in Chiang Mai province section of the Mae Gok watershed and 69 in the Chiang Rai provincial section.

2.5.1 Ethnicity

The diversity of hilltribes encountered during the RRA visit was as indicated in table 2.2 below. Overall out of 149 villages the make up of ethnic communities was as follows, 43% Lahu, 27% Northern Thai, 12% Akha, 9% Karen 7% Lisu and 4% Hmong. The total figure 164 is greater than the number of villages visited as some communities had more than one ethnic minority present.

Table 2.3: The distribution of ethnic minorities in the communities visited

District Lahu Lisu Karen Thai Akha Hmong Total Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 0 0 0 0 0 0 Chiang San 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mae Chan 8 1 1 0 9 1 Mae Suai 5 1 1 5 2 1 Wiang Papao 6 3 8 16 1 3

Wiang Chai 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 1 3 1 2 0 0 Mae Ai 50 3 3 21 7 1 Chai Prakan 0 0 0 0 0 0 Sub total

Total 70 11 14 44 19 6 164

Only the Lahu and the Karen appeared not to mix whereas the Lisu, Northern Thai, Akha and Hmong often live in mixed communities. The total population of hilltribes was 27,033 people, with 7,670 in 69 villages in Chiang Rai province and 19,363 in 80 villages in Chiang Mai province. See table 2.3 for the ethnic distribution of these people.

Table 2.4: The resident populations of hilltribes encountered

Lahu Lisu Karen Thai Akha Hmong Total Page 20 of 33

District Chiang Rai 1,724 478 1,410 3,473 216 369 Chiang Mai 10,465 597 1,226 5,675 1,342 58 Total

2.5.2 Village location

The villages were located at various altitudes with the lowest altitude being a Thai community in Mae Ai district of Chiang Mai province and the highest being a Lahu community also in Mae Ai at 1,340 meters above sea level. The mean village altitude recorded for Chinag Rai province was 892 meters above mean sea level whereas Chiang Mai recorded only 581 meters. This difference may in some way reflect the geography with the highest areas in Chiang Mai province being along the border with Myanmar, which at the time of the survey mission was dangerous with foreign nationals warned from travelling into this area.

Table 2.5: Village locations in terms of altitude

District Lahu Lisu Karen Thai Akha Hmong Mean Chiang Rai Max 1,300 1,175 1,000 1,315 1,310 1,100 1,200 Mean 812 926 749 876 1,094 900 892 Min 550 530 500 500 972 700 625 Chiang Mai Max 1,340 540 550 1,080 900 - 882

Mean 658 500 488 625 636 440 581 2

Min 430 450 450 430 430 - 438 2

The majority of villages located above 500 meters are on land regarded as reserved forest. The table below (2.5) indicates the scale of the problem. 28.4% of the registered villages located in Chiang Rai province are located in reserved forest, with 30.7% in Chiang Mai. These figures do not include the majority of hill tribe villages that are not registered with the Department of Local Administration, of the Ministry of the Interior. Therefore the actual problem of poorly located villages, in unplanned locations is much greater than the figures above indicate. Estimates that over 50% of the villages in the Mae Gok watershed are located in areas sensitive to environmental degradation

Table 2.6 Distribution of villages located in reserved forest.

District District Villages Villages located in Reserved Forest areas Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 18 234 71 Chiang San 6 52 10 Mae Chan 13 148 19 Mae Suai 7 80 38 Wiang Papao 7 68 26 Wiang Chai 8 86 26 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 8 77 23 Mae Ai 6 52 21 Page 21 of 33

Chai Prakan 4 37 7 Sub total

Total 77 834 241

Upon further investigation the situation regarding reserved forests and communities rights to live in these areas is very complicated and a cursory mention of current figures will highlight this situation. In the latest edition of the Royal Forest Department annual report of forestry statistics, for the year 1996, the forestry information for Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces are as follows;

Table 2.7 Forestry and land tenure situation (in Rai)

Chiang Mai Chiang Rai

Total area 20,107 100% 11,678 100% Reserved Forest Area 19,555 97.3% 10,433 89.3% Remaining Forest Area 14,232 70.8% 3,866 33.1% Agricultural area 1,300 6.4% 2,195 18.8% Habitation and others 2,254 11.2% 2,610 22.3%

Of particular interest in this data is the fact that the areas designated as reserved forest and the actual reported forest areas are disparate. The Royal Forest Department is responsible for forest management of the reserved forest areas; therefore they have to care for over 19,555 km 2, a considerable responsibility. Secondly large parts of these reserved forest areas have been degraded, encroached and converted to agriculture. Thus this estimate for forest area remaining today is overly optimistic, especially when the current status of encroachment, deforestation and illegal logging is taken into consideration.

2.5.3 Infrastructure

In general the villages are located in very inaccessible locations except for 8 of the 149 villages which were adjacent to major roads. The distance from the district centre was recorded for each village with the distance on tarmac and dirt trails recorded separately. The average distance from the hilltribe villages to the district centre was 31 kilometers with 14 kilometers on tarmac roads and 17 kilometers on tracks. In most villages it was reported that such tracks are inaccessible in the rainy season unless approach is made with a four-wheel drive vehicle with chains attached to the tyres. The most isolated village visited was 62 kilometers from the district centre with 15 kilometers on tarmac road and 47 kilometers on tracks.

The government statistics for educational provision in the two provinces is very high with a total of 519 schools providing compulsory education through to age twelve years to 843 registered villages. This is a school to village ratio of 0.62 schools per village or 62% have a school.

Table 2.8: Educational statistics

District School Classrooms Teachers Students Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 113 1,461 2,083 42,938 Chiang San 43 430 498 8,980 Mae Chan 91 883 955 18,750 Mae Suai 58 552 600 12,521 Wiang Papao 48 483 545 10,717 Wiang Chai 30 278 391 6,575 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 62 778 921 17,841 Mae Ai 46 421 776 8,044 Page 22 of 33

Chai Prakan 28 293 336 6,489 Sub total

Total 519 5,579 7,105 132,855

But when the situation in the hilltribe communities was examined, only 42% of the villages in Chiang Rai and 48.8% in Chiang Mai province had a school, with only villages that had a school building within the boundary of the village were counted. Although these figures appear quite high when the isolation of the villages is considered, the level of education offered was fundamental with few of these village schools providing compulsory education up to the age of twelve. In most cases the school lacked adequate financial resources to provide more than a single teacher and textbooks and other school resources were absent. The types of schools present varied upon the villages, 40% and 41% in Chiang Rai and Chiang Mai respectively had no school. In the slightly more accessible villages especially those in districts that join the border with Myanmar, for example Mae Ai, Fang and Chai Prakan in Chiang Mai province and Mae Jan district in Chiang Rai province schools are provided by the border patrol police (BPP). These schools were operated by the police who supplied the teachers and all resources. These schools provide a very basic education. Slightly more accessible villages or villages which had been established longer and have a more permanent population tended to have education department schools with classes for children from 6 to 9 years of age. A very few villages had primary schools, which provided education for children from the age of 6 to 12 years. The distribution of the various education establishments is indicated in table 2.5. For comparison of the relevant provincial statistic please see table

Table 2.9: Schools, actual number and as percent of total villages

District No School BPP B1 B3 B6 Total Schools Chiang Rai Schools 40 (58.0%) 4 (5.8%) 16 (23.1%) 5 (7.3%) 4 (5.8%) (42.0%) Chiang Mai Schools 41 (50.0%) 12 (15.0%) 22 (17.6%) 3 (2.4%) 2 (1.6%) (48.8%) Total 81 16 38 8 6

The provision of primary health care was poor although the location of health centres and permanent staff at these centers resulted in primary health care being more accessible than education for some hilltribe communities. The establishment of district health centres in Mae Ai district, Fang district in Chiang Mai and in Wiang Papao, Mae Suai and Mae Chan districts of Chiang Rai meant that for basic health treatment the villagers did not need to enter the district centre. The provision of health services is as indicated in table 2.8.

Table 2.10: Health care services

District Hospitals Health centres Clinics Total Chiang Rai Chiang Rai 4 25 96 Chiang San 1 11 7 Mae Chan 1 16 21 Mae Suai 1 9 9 Wiang Papao 1 8 18 Wiang Chai 1 9 11 Sub total

Chiang Mai Fang 1 13 13 Mae Ai 1 8 2 Chai Prakan 1 7 4 Sub total Page 23 of 33

Total 12 108 181 299

2.5.4 Agriculture

The average area under cultivation for the hill tribe communities in the Mae Gok watershed was 618 Rai. The minimum area cultivated was 26 Rai being cultivated by 51 northern Thai people and the largest area encountered was 3,850 Rai being cultivated by 330 Lahu people. The largest and smallest areas were both located in Wiang Papao district of Chiang Rai province. A total of eleven major crops were planted, the only crop found in every village visited was upland rice. This indicates the staple nature of this crop with most if not all planted for home consumption. The other crops grown included; Upland Rice, Paddy rice, Maize, Sesame, Chilly peppers, Garlic, Vegetables, Soft fruit, Ginger, Tea, Coffee and Opium. Virtually all of these crops were grown for cash cropping, only rice, maize, sesame and some vegetable were produced for consumption. There appeared to be no cultural link between the production of any crop and ethnicity although a few conclusions could be drawn. Opium was grown predominantly in the most inaccessible villages and was thus well correlated to altitude. As already mentioned certain tribes live at certain altitudes, therefore perhaps opium production was cultural. Although the dissuading factor was mostly likely to be police, army and border patrol police presence in the area and the threats this posed to the crop.

Table 2.11: Agricultural crops grown, percentage of villages reporting cultivation

Rice Maize Sesame Chillies Garlic Vegetable Soft fruit Ginger Tea Opium

Lahu 100% 36% 72% 36% 0 0 9% 0 0 27% Lisu 100% 71% 42% 0 0 22% 28% 0 0 66% Karen 100% 55% 11% 0 0 24% 10% 14% 28% 0 Thai 68% 40% 12% 7% 9% 28% 28% 0 40% 8% Akha 100% 70% 65% 0 0 20% 70% 0 20% 80% Hmong 100% 75% 0 0 15% 22% 28% 0 0 74% Number 6 6 5 2 2 5 6 1 3 5

This agricultural data indicates a some interesting trends. All hilltribe villages except the Northern Thai villages grow rice. This rice is for subsistence consumption. This lack of rice cultivation in 32% of the Northern Thai village communities suggest that these communities may be pioneer opportunists who have recently moved to the hills to prospect in the growing of ginger, coffee or tea. In fact a number of northern Thai communities visited grew either tea or ginger and very little else besides. The situation appears that a group of people who were living in impoverished conditions at some other location, moved and establish a new communities in the forested hills to the north of Chiang Mai or Chiang Rai. These communities has immigrated to the area in search of new land, and occupied land in reserved forest areas. This land may have previously been cleared for shifting cultivation by a hilltribe, and therefore was in a secondary stage of regeneration and thus easily cleared. The villagers then plant ginger, tea or coffee as a monoculture cash crop. Out of ten villages growing tea only one was also growing rice and other crops. This practice appeared to be spreading to other communities. Three Karen villages and one Akha village were growing tea, and one Karen village was also growing Ginger. Recently a lot of concern has been voiced about the spread of ginger cultivation and the resulting deforestation caused.

The incidence of opium cultivation appears high in terms of percentage but when area is examined it is negligible. The largest reported plot was approximately two Rai whereas most were actually small plots in gardens. Therefore the opium eradication programme of the Royal Thai government has achieved its initial aims with the few areas remaining under cultivation being small and only for local consumption. Although the opium problem appears to have been reduced a number of other problems have replaced heroin addiction. Of particular concern was the importation and transport of amphetamines. Many of the former heroin trafficking villages had shifted the commodity from heroin to amphetamines which were now being moved across the border from Myanmar and then taken to traders in villages in the lowlands. The hilltribes being familiar both with the Burmese groups producing the drugs and also the trade route for transportation had adopted this occupation for income generation.

2.5.5 Alternative occupations

Apart from agriculture and certain illegal activities the hill tribes reported a lack of alternative occupations. Although some undertook traditional tasks such as weaving, making handicrafts and collecting forest products to sell in hill tribe markets. Unfortunately this activity was secondary with few of the villagers interviewed interested in promotion of this activity. This unwillingness on the part of many hilltribe people interviewed resulted from a lack of power in Page 24 of 33

relations with lowland people. In the 149 villages visited it was estimated nearly 100,000 hilltribe people lived. Of this number it was estimated that 18,700 people had no identification papers and were unregistered, these people therefore had alien status and could be forcibly deported back across the border at any time. Approximately 25,000 people were registered and had Thai citizenship. Therefore the remaining 50,000 plus, people were registered with the department of social welfare and had a hilltribe identification card and thor ror 13 residential papers.

Only people with Thai citizenship had equal rights under the law. The people with hilltribe registration had basic rights and those unregistered have no rights. This inequality meant that many hilltribe people had to rely upon illegal activities to support their families. The hilltribe registration permitted the holder to abode in their registered village, but banned the holder from seeking work outside the province in which they were registered. Therefore hilltribe people were often breaking the law when they went to market. This inequality allowed unscrupulous people to employ hilltribe workers at salaries much lower than the national minimum wage. This inequality was the main reason why many of the hilltribe women employed in the night bazaar in Chiang Mai, as tourist attractions to aid the shopkeeper sell products complained that they were unfairly treated but could do nothing about it. A more serious problem resulting from the inequality was the temptation of hilltribe people to become involved in illegal activities. Many villages visited were devoid of younger men and women reportedly because many were working in prostitution in the nearby tourist cities of Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai. Additionally the implications this inequality has for underage prostitution must be great.

Additional barriers to the development of local markets included a lack of diversity and poor quality of products. A popular hilltribe market visited on the border between Chiang Mai and Chinag Rai provinces in Wiang Papao district had a total of twenty nine stalls of three basic types.

Hilltribe handicrafts and products (24)

Food and refreshments (2)

Herbal products (3)

The herbal products and food and refreshments stalls were operated and managed by lowland Thai people. Of the remaining twenty four stalls the handicraft items for sale were virtually identical. The quality of most products examined was also poor. Many of the stalls also displayed products collected from the forest for sale. This included rattan, bamboo shoots, forest flowers and especially orchids, large seedpods and decorative vines. The sale of these products appeared popular but many people at the market appeared unaware of where these products were collected. A group of foreign tourists actually boycotted viewing handicrafts for sale if the owner also had forest products on show.

Local business people undertook the development and promotion of these markets. They were established as tourist locations and in the Mae Gok watershed a total of four other markets of comparable size were also found. The stall holders approached were happy selling products this way although all those who were interviewed were hired to sell the products and were not the actual stall holders themselves. The management of the stalls therefore did not benefit the hilltribe people. At a large hilltribe market at Chiang Mai city all stall holders were lowland Thai people who purchased their handicrafts from hilltribe villagers, the profit margin on such transactions is probably very high, especially when selling to foreign tourists.

2.5.6 Amphetamine trade

The watershed of the Mae Gok river has boundaries with both Myanmar and Laos PDR. It is thus historically closely associated with the "golden triangle" and the heroin trade. Since the turn of the century until the 1980’s the growth of opium poppies on the hills surrounding this watershed was a principle source of income for the villagers. Since the early 1970’s with the assistance of numerous international drug suppression programmes this cultivation has all but ceased. In many cases villagers were involved in project where alternative incomes were developed so that the villagers had an adequate livelihood after they ceased growing opium. But for numerous other villagers the removal of opium was by rigid enforcement and no alternatives were provided. For these communities the attraction of illegal activities was great and the area of the Mae Gok watershed is threatened by a new problems the trade of amphetamines. This problem escalated in March 1999 when 9 Thai villagers from Fang district of Chiang Mai province were found murdered and are believed to have been killed by a drugs warlord.

This slaughter of Thai villagers occurred in the forests on the border between Myanmar and Thailand. This was believed to be the work of drug traders working for the United Wa State Army (UWSA). The UWSA is believed to be the largest drug trafficking organisation in the golden triangle. The UWSA is currently in the process of establishing a new headquarters in Mong Yawn, which is located on the Mae Gok river only a few kilometers across the border from Thailand. This centre at present employs some 6,000 Thai construction workers and some Chinese engineers who are building a dam, roads, electricity supplies, fuel storage, a military school, a hospital houses and also developing fruit orchards and experimental rice fields. Such development is calculated to one billion Baht and requires at least one million Baht a day for wages and fuel. Such a large scale investment suggests long term plans for this centre. The funding for this operation is suspected to be from Amphetamine trading. The village from which the nine villagers came is reported to be a drug trading centre full of addicts. The villagers rounded up in the village Page 25 of 33

by about 60 armed soldiers of the UWSA and where led off into the forest and murdered. The third Thai army estimates that on the Myanmar side of the Thai border there are 300-500 well armed UWSA soldiers who have total control of the Myanmar side.

The UWSA is accused by Thai authorities and by US anti narcotic agencies of being the biggest drug trafficker in the golden triangle. Official’s estimate that the drugs released into the Thai market are huge with several recent seizures in the area in excess of one million tablets. The majority of which are destined for demand in Thailand. Efforts to halt this trade are difficult due to the remote nature of the border and poor access. The budget problems of the Thai army mean that it does not have the necessary resources to seal this border. Therefore an urgent assessment of the root causes of drug trafficking in the golden triangle is required as well as the development of an innovative approach to resolve them.

3.0 Conclusions

3.1 Sustainable development

Working definition of sustainability as provided by ecologists, environmentalists, and economists is the ability of a system to maintain a certain well-defined level of performance or output over time, and to enhance the same if required (Jodha, 1990). In the context of the northern Thai agroecosystems, the dynamic nature of sustainability would be able to respond to changing requirements without damaging the ecological integrity of the system. In essence, sustainability is an outcome of interaction between characteristics of the resource base and the patterns and methods of its utilization. For practical purposes, one can treat sustainability in relation to agriculture in a hierarchical level, so that appropriate issues could be address could be addressed which would lead to practical outcomes. An example of issues and implications at each level of system hierarchy is shown in Table 3.1.

Table 3.1 Sustainable agriculture concept, issues and implications

Level Issue Implication Field Nutrient balance replenishment Improved fallow, use of soil improving legumes Farm Food security Food crop emphasis, Income stability Integrated farming, Livelihood system Use of biodiversity Village Equity Local organization, Autonomy Access control to local resource Watershed Water quality/quantity Resource management at watershed level

3.2 The highland agroecosystems

The highland agroecosystem of northern Thailand has experienced resource degradation and social problems due to socio-economic pressure both from within and outside the system boundary. There are some sustainable farming practices that are unresponsive to the changing requirements. These include shifting cultivation and the managed fallow system, integrated farming systems, and conservation farming.

3.2.1 Shifting cultivation

Shifting cultivation, an age-old method of resource exploitation is still commonly seen on the steep slopes of northern Thailand. Shifting cultivation is where the fields themselves are rotated this is quite different from crop rotation, where the fields are relatively permanent, but the crops are rotated between them.

Shifting cultivation has been practiced by nomadic communities for many centuries. Traditionally when the community arrives in a new area, which is suitable, they would establish fields, by felling the forests and burning to clear the land. These fields are then used for growing crops, until the soil fertility drops and the people move on to a new location and repeat the cycle. As land scarcity has resulted from increased populations living in this mountain zone the ability to move to new virgin areas has disappeared. Therefore these villages become semi-permanent with the community relying upon a designated area for their shifting cultivation. Under this reduced shifting system, the replenishment of soil nutrients is achieved by introducing a fallow period which with the pressures on land and the desire to increase production is now restricted to only 2 to 4 years in most of northern Thailand. Page 26 of 33

Yield estimation of upland rice grown on 7 year fallow plot in Mae Chan watershed, Chiang Mai Province in 1993 season did not show any evidence of sustained yield. In fact there is no area in the highlands of northern Thailand where annual crops are being grown extensively and continuously without external nutrient addition. This clearly indicates the soil fertility difficulties that must be overcome to enable sustainable production in these highland areas. Some researchers suggest economically managed fallow systems although the supporting research is limited. Such a system would rely upon growing a selection of soil improving legumes together with upland rice. One system being investigated is by sowing the legume Stylodsanthes species with the rice crop. Its slow growth during the rice- growing season apparently provides no competition. After rice harvest, the species, by virtue of its deep root system survives, thus providing rapid establishment of fallow, which is suitable for grazing livestock. This rapid regeneration rapidly provides soil cover thus greatly reducing post harvest soil erosion problems.

3.2.2 Integrated farming with fruit trees

Integrated farming practices have been promoted by various development agencies as an alternative production system that not only diversifies and increases income but also provides protective measures against risk and uncertainly in the highlands. The emphasis is primarily on food security and efficient use of farm resources. Seasonal cash income would be derived from fruit trees. It is observed that banana which used be regarded as a "pioneer crop" when forest land was first encroached, is now becoming an important component crop.

The highland environment with its lower temperatures offers a specific niche or comparative advantage for certain crops. For example, sub-temperate fruit trees such as lychee, plum, pear, persimmon etc and off-season vegetable crops and flowers. In fact the integration of fruit tree species into their land use system is the most preferable agroforestry practice adopted by farmers who are aiming to develop permanent land use. This difference in preference is a conflict of approach between farmers and forestry officials when it comes to land rehabilitation. Farmers desire to plant tree crops that provide income whereas forestry officials focus upon planting commercial forest species.

3.2.3 Conservation farming

The introduction of conservation into farming systems in the highlands is a response to overcome soil loss and erosion control on the steep slopes. The most publicized practice is planting leucaena hedgerows along the slope contour, which is then intercropped with annuals or fruit trees. Leucaena leucocephala is the dominant species used by the Land Development Department and some non-government organizations for promoting conservation farming practices in the highlands. Other species used are Gliricidia sepium and Cajanus cajan whose main function are soil erosion control and providing wind breaks. Their role in soil fertility improvement as often claimed has not been supported by many experiments on the basis of biological productivity (Rao et al., 1991, Amaruekachoke, 1992)

As all experiments on alley cropping of leucaena hedgerows in the highlands have shown beneficial effects in terms of soil and water conservation the species is now being widely promoted. It is found to be more acceptable by hill farmers than grass strip cropping whose function is to provide erosion protective measures and livestock feed.

In conclusion, the highlands of northern Thailand now face a tremendous challenge to sustain its ecological integrity so that better land use that integrates long term sustainability at various levels can be implemented. The recent years have witnessed changing patterns of land use in response to environmental concerns. Several alternatives to slash and burn agriculture are being utilised by farmers, among which integrated agroforestry appears to provide secure food supply and environmental benefits. Unfortunately the rate of uptake of such practices is very slow. The reasons behind this lack of action, results from numerous sources and is primarily linked to the extension methods use, local unsuitability and a lack of long term support for interested practitioners.

The promotion of alternative crops to promote environmental conservation should learn from the history of opium production before "parachuting in" any novel schemes. The crops produced if of high enough value may actually act as the stimulus to over produce. For example many Hmong communities living in the highest areas have recently switched from opium production to growing vegetables. This switch has been developed and supported by external agencies whose principle concern is the eradication of Opium, not the development of these communities. Therefore the introduction of activities that are not appropriate to the local conditions has occurred. The growing of vegetable on upland slopes is environmentally degrading because most vegetable fields are bare and prone to soil erosion for a greater part of the year than traditional shifting cultivation agriculture. It is interesting to note that to produce vegetables with a high market price the villagers are heavily reliant upon pesticides to ensure the vegetable produced are clean looking. These vegetables produced are then purchased by traders who market the crop in cities and some who actually transport these vegetables over 800 kilometers to Bangkok for sale. The villagers themselves will not eat these crops knowing the degree of pesticide used. For their own consumption they cultivate small plots near the village to grow pesticide free vegetables. Therefore development projects which focus too heavily upon income generation must be wary of this pitfall.

3.3 Recommendations Page 27 of 33

The main features of sustainable agriculture are ecological integration and resource dynamics with an emphasis on long-term productivity and environmental compatibility. The benefits of alternative agriculture result from the environmental focus as opposed to the economic focus of intensive farming. Thus as integrated systems are developed they become more diverse and therefore environmental benefits increase. The development of integrated farming in the highlands is becoming more diverse and therefore some farms systems start to mimic key characteristics of the natural ecosystems, especially as they become more complex and well integrated. To develop sustainable agriculture a key focus would be the diversification of crops and reduction in external inputs especially energy and chemicals.

For sustainable agricultural development the farmer must view the farm system as a whole. The requirements and products of each part of the system should be integrated with other parts of the system to ensure maximum benefit. This integration comes from and influences the farmers’ goals and objectives. As the objectives move from food subsistence, income generation, resource use efficiency and sustainable land use, the land use systems also change from rice-based sequential cropping to fruit tree-crop intercropping and to more complex and integrated agroforestry practice. But this development requires more informed management than is required for simple monocultural production systems.

3.3.1 Infrastructure development

The construction of local infrastructure is required before many development activities can be implemented. Infrastructure requirements include; improved access roads to facilitate better transportation, schools and services in the villages themselves and adoption of appropriate small scale irrigation schemes.

The poor access to mountain villages means that at present if suitable employment was being offered in the valleys few upland people would be able to take advantage of these opportunities without moving their households to the valleys themselves. Such a move would exacerbate problems of housing in the already inhabited lowland areas. Therefore improved access to the villages should be planned but this must be undertaken with concerns for forest conservation. Planned roads, which would provide access to illegal logging activities should be carefully planned to avoid opening up new areas.

The provision of adequate schools and other local services in villages should be improved. The current education access for hilltribe peoples is very poor with most people spoken to not completing compulsory education to twelve years. This introduces barriers to trade with lowland Thai people especially in respect to communication, and illiteracy encourages extortion and coercion.

The development of small scale irrigation sources should be implemented, with small ponds dug on the farmers own land, probably being the most appropriate method. For the introduction of integrated farming and other alternative agricultural practices the provision of adequate and reliable water supply must be provided. Often a lack of water prevents farmers from adopting more conservation orientated cropping systems. The provision of irrigation should be small scale to ensure that each farmer is responsible for his own pond and thus manages the water supply sensibly. Large scale and poorly managed projects that provide benefits to a few and create problems for many should be avoided.

3.3.2 Sustainable agriculture and rural development

Considering the real economic value contributed by sustainable agriculture in the rural sector, at least two crucial conclusions can be made. First, agriculture has long served the country not just as a source of food but also provides employment and additional economic benefits. Second, once all economic contributions are identified the additional environmental and social benefits or costs of agriculture can be identified. These cost or benefits include; soil erosion or protection, deforestation or tree planting, seasonal labour or full time employment, recognized, agriculture is found playing many additional roles in the country.

From this realisation the direct benefits from sustainable practices can be evaluated. Economically speaking, benefits from sustainable agriculture have been underestimated, and thus there is an urgent need to calculate these benefits and revise the economic value. Since agriculture is the principle activity in the Mae Gok watershed then development of this sector will include rural development.

The agricultural development of the Mae Gok watershed should focus upon sustainable practices that include soil conservation, environmental restoration and remove environmental and social costs. The fragile nature of the upland areas means that sustainable farming of an integrated nature is the most suitable with the usual development paradigm of intensification being unsuitable, with the economic focus of intensification being opposed to the sustainable nature required in this fragile habitat. But for the development of a suitable model which promotes sustainable agriculture and rural development a number of factors must be considered.

1. The importance of Agriculture Page 28 of 33

Due to the provision of food, various products, employment and other resources the development of the agricultural sector should be a priority. This development should be via the promotion of sustainable practices to ensure that environmental benefits as well as traditional agricultural production benefits ensue.

2. Focus for Economic Development

The basic reason for agricultural development is to promote food security. This focus should initially be upon self sufficiency, secondly upon strengthening local markets and then upon the economic benefits and wider aspects of agricultural trade. Thus self reliance is the initial focus.

3. Natural Resources and Environmental Planning

Since natural resources and the environment are limited within each system, planning for the agricultural development should be made concurrently with other sectors. Scarcity of natural resources and environmental concerns have raised awareness of their economic importance. Utilization of land and water for agriculture has impacts upon the remaining sectors in terms of competitive use of resources and the various environmental effects created. Thus mismanagement of agricultural resources and the environment reduces social well being.

4. Linkage of Agriculture to community development.

The importance of agriculture in rural communities cannot be doubted. But the integration of agriculture into the community is often overlooked. this role often shortsightedly ignores numerous benefits developed within the community. For example to promote sustainable agricultural development in the community the community requires organisational capacity to utilise the benefits derived from the system

5. Direction and Concept of Development Policy

Agricultural development must be considered as a integrated system and part of rural life and not merely as a technique to produce food. In fact, the single most important factor to affect the sustainability relationship between agriculture and the rural development process is the direction of economic development policy itself. Policy bias such as the promotion of subsidies can be in favor of some particular economic sectors and thus create an imbalance among development of other economic sectors. The success of sustainable agriculture must start with the good will of the farmers but policy intervention can also yield either positive or negative effects in reality.

3.3.3 Social development

Although Thailand has an excellent new constitution (1998) which includes local responsibility for environmental protection and equality in development processes, until the majority of the hill tribe people living in the Mae Gok watershed receive equal status the new constitution will have little impact upon their daily lives. The biggest barrier to sustainable and long-term development is the divisive nature of the relationship between hilltribe and lowland peoples. A recent demonstration in Chiang Mai by hilltribe people, who were requesting citizenship, was dispersed by over four hundred policemen and forestry officials. The excessive use of manpower in what was a peaceful demonstration perhaps indicates the distrust present on the part of some government department when dealing with hilltribe people. The use of hill tribe people as scapegoats for problems

1.0 Karen

The Karen, are the largest highland group in Thailand. In 1995, the Karen population was estimated at 321,900 people which equaled 46.34% of the total hill tribe population of the country. Karen communities are located mainly in the mountainous areas of the western provinces along the Thai-Burmese border (Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai, Mae Hong Son, Tak, Kanchanaburi and Phrachuap Khiri Khan) and are scattered in some provinces in north and central Thailand (Lampang, Lamphun, Sukhothai, Phrae, Kamphaeng Phet, Phetchaburi, Uthai Thani, Suphanburi and Ratchaburi). Over the past 200 years they have tended to move eastward from Myanmar to Thailand because of political turmoil

The Karen belong to the Sino-Tibetan linguistic family. They are divided into four major sub groups:

1. The Shaw Karen or White Karen who also call themselves and other subgroups Pga-gan-Taw. 2. The Pwo Karen or Phong who are also known as the White Karen, but sometimes they are wrongly called Page 29 of 33

Red Karen. 3. The Pa-O or Taungthu who are also known as the Black Karen. 4. The Bwe or Kayah or Red Karen.

Karen settlements tend to be of lower altitude compared with those of other tribes. Most are located in valleys or mountain saddles at an average height of 500 meters above sea level. Karen villages are sedentary and some villages have been established for more than a hundred years. Unlike other tribes, they have clearly recognized gardens and village boundaries. Each village maintains its own sense of sovereignty and people from outside are not allowed to cultivate land within its territory unless they have rights over paddy fields gained either through purchase or inheritance.

Although many Karen construct terraced fields for wet rice, nearly all are also engaged in swidden cultivation. The shifting cultivation method of the Karen is called land rotation or cyclical bush fallow. Rice and vegetables are their major crops. Today some Karen may still grow opium although it is not a traditional crop.

The Karen also raise various kinds of domestic animals including pigs, chickens, water buffaloes, cattle and elephants. Some animals, mostly chickens, are killed for ceremonial offering and feasts, and others are used as beasts of burden. The Karen derive cash income from the sale of cattle and local produce, from wage labour, and by hiring out their elephants.

Karen kinship and marriage customs are different from those of other highlanders. Kinship is traced through the maternal line and residence is matrilocal. The Karen practice monogamy, and most households are nuclear. In all cases, the family represents the most important basic cooperative unit in all domestic affairs.

In Thailand, the Karen mostly practice Buddhism and Animism with a few converted to Christianity. Their New Year celebration takes place in January of February.

2.0 Hmong

The Hmong belong to the Meo-Yao branch of the Austro-Thao linguistic family. The Hmong are one of the most spread out of the minority groups. They are scattered throughout South China in Kweichow, Hunan, Szwchwan, Kwangxi, and Yunnan provinces. There are also Hmong communities in North Vietnam, Laos, Thailand and even a few in Myanmar. In Thailand, the Hmong population in 1995 was approximately 124,211 people. This represents the second largest group after the Karen and make up 17.88 percent of all tribespeople in the country. The Hmong villages are concentrated in thirteen provinces: Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Nan, Phrae, Tak, Lampang, Phyao, Phetchabun, Kamphaeng Phet, Mae Hong Son, Sukhothai, Pitsanuloke and Loei. Three subgroups of Hmong are found in Thailand:

1. The Blue Hmong (Mong Njua), who are also known as the black Meo, Flowery Meo or Striped Meo in Thai. Women in the subgroup wear the distinctive indigo-dyed pleated skirt or kilt with a batik design.

2. The White Hmong (Hmong Daw). White Hmong women wear a white pleated skirt only on ceremonial occasions, but when engaged in everyday work, they put on indigo-dyed trousers.

3. The last subgroup is known as the Gua M’ba Meo (Hmong Gua M’ba) which literary means Armband Hmong. This group only recently entered Thailand from Laos. They are actually a subgroup of the White Hmong. Most are confined to refugee camps.

The extended Hmong family is patrilineal, and polygamy is allowed. The family is the most important basic unit of social organization. Beyond the family level, the clan serves as the center for all activities that mark the uniqueness and unity of the Hmong people. The available information indicates that there are eleven clans in Thailand. The names and origins of these clans are recited in Hmong legends.

Hmong religion is a combination of pantheism and shamanism with the emphasis on ancestor-worship. The Chinese influence is obvious in beliefs and practices.

The Hmong prefer to locate their villages at high altitudes (1,000-1,200 m.). They are pioneer or primary – shifting cultivators. Rice and corn are the main subsistence crops, and opium is the principal cash crop. The Hmong are more heavily engaged in opium production than any other highlanders in Thailand.

The New Year celebration which normally takes place in December is the most important festivity.

Page 30 of 33

3.0 Lahu

The Lahu, or Musur as the Shan and the Thai call them, also belong to the Tibeto-Myanmarn branch of the Sino- Tibetan linguistic family. It is believed that they originated in the Tibetan Plateau and over the centuries migrated to China, Myanmar, Laos and Thailand. In Thailand, the Lahu are found in five provinces: Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai, Mae Hong Son, Tak, and Kanphaeng Phet. In 1995 there were approximately 73,252 people, which equaled 10.54 percent of the total hill tribe population.

The Lahu are divided into several ethnic subgroups of which only six are present in Thailand. These are:

1. Lahu Nyi or Musur Daeng 2. Lahu Na or Musur Dam 3. Lahu shehleh or Musur Na Muey 4. Lahu Laba 5. Lahu Phu 6. Lahu Shi

Lahu villages are usually located high in the mountains at about 1,000 meters. When they establish their communities at some distance from a source of water they build a series of bamboo pipes to bring water in the village.

Lahu society is cognatic and monogamous. The nuclear family forms the common domestic unit and plays the most important part in the social and political organization of the village. When a Lahu man marries a woman from another village, he is expected to live with his parents-in-law (uxorilocally) for a certain time to provide bride-service. In such cases, the household becomes extended but usually for not more than 5-6 years. Kinship ties are not particularly important in the Lahu society. However, it is possible for political leaders to gain high acceptance and respect.

The Lahu base their economy primarily on swidden agriculture. Like other pioneer swiddeners, the Lahu clear fields in the forest by slash and burn. A plot of land is used for as long as the yields are good, and after the soil becomes exhausted, the owner looks for new fields for cultivation.

Today, the Lahu staple crops are dry rice and corn. Many varieties of cash crops are also grown e.g. melons, peppers, beans, yams, millet, and vegetables. In some villages, opium remains an important cash crop. Animal husbandry is also important, and every household raises pigs, fowl, cattle and horses for various purposes such as for feasts, and ceremonial offerings and for transport.

The Lahu are theistic animists ruled by one god named Geusha. Like their highland neighbours, they also worship their ancestors. In Myanmar, the Lahu have been extensively converted to Buddhism or Christianity. A large number become Christian during Thailand follow their old beliefs. Religious practitioners remain prominent in Lahu society. The New Year ceremony (Kho Cha Lor), the most important event, is held for five days between January and March to thank their god Geusha.

4.0 Akha

The Akha are historically linked with the ancient Lolo tribes that inhabit South Yunnan. The Akha belong to the Tibet- Myanmar branch of the Sino-Tibetan linguistic family.

It is generally believed that the Akha originated in the Tibetan Highlands. Over the years they left their homeland and migrated south to Yunnan, North Myanmar, Laos, and North Thailand.

It is not known when the first Akha settlement was established on Thai soil, but it is thought that this took place in the 1800’s. The majority of Akha communities in Thailand prefer to live along mountain ridges at an altitude of approximately 1,000 m. In the past, their settlements were limited mainly to the northern bank of the Mae Gok river, and they rarely moved south. In more recent times, as a result of population pressure, the Akha began to spread out of the Mae Gok basin in search of better land. Today, Akha are found in six provinces: Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai, Tak, Kamphang Phet, Lampang and Phrae. Due to the lack of data, the exact number of Akha living in Thailand is not known. However it is thought to exceed 48,468 spread over 258 villages. Newcomers from Myanmar are constantly arriving.

The salient social unit is the extended family. Patrilineal clans mediate all relationships concerning kinship ties, marriage, residential patterns, and rights of succession. The Akha are customarily monogamous. In practice, however, there is no rule that prohibits an Akha man from having more than one wife. After marriage, Akha men live patrilocally. Page 31 of 33

The Akha are shifting cultivators. They cultivate dry rice for consumption and grow corn, millet, peppers, beans, garlic, sesame and other varieties of vegetable as additional subsistence crops. Crop production is often inadequate to meet their needs. Domestic animals, including fowl, pigs and water buffaloes are also raised by the Akha for special feasts and sacrifices.

The Akha are pantheists who place special emphasis upon ancestor-worship and spirit offerings. The four day Swinging ceremony, the most enjoyable ceremonial event, is held during mid-August to mid-September. The Akha celebrate their New Year in December for four days. Many sociologists view the strong rituals as a barrier to assimilation with lowland Thai communities. Akha society is currently under extreme pressure to change and partly as a consequence of this, the incidence of opium addiction is high.

5.0 Lisu

The Lisu, inhabit the mountainous hinterland of North Thailand. According to the 1995 survey, the number of Lisu in Thailand was 27,899 people or 4.02 percent of the total hill tribe population. Today Lisu are found living scattered throughout the nine northern provinces: Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai, Phayao, Mae Hong Son, Tak, Kamphang Phet, Lampang, Sukhothai, and Phetchabun.

The Lisu are believed to have originated in southern China and first appeared in Chiang Rai province about 80 years ago. The Lisu belong to the Tibet-Myanmar branch of the Sino-Tibetan linguistic family. They are divided into two ethic subgroups:

1. The Flowery or Hua Lisu. Most of the Lisu in Thailand are Flowery Lisu. 2. The Black or He Lisu.

Lisu settlements are located in the highlands at an average altitude of about 1,000 meters. Like most hill people, the Lisu are heavily engaged in agriculture. They grow rice, corn and vegetables as subsistence crops and grow opium for sale. They draw additional income from the sale of domesticated animals such as pigs and cattle.

The Lisu tribe is made up of several patrilineal clans. The clan is important because it stands as the chief determinant of kinship relations and marriage rules. Monogamy and clan exogamy are the ideal practices which, when followed, strengthen family ties and provide a cohesive force in Lisu society. Kinship relations are centred on the family and extended in increasingly wider circles to the tribe as a whole. Lisu solidarity, despite the lack of a political secular leader at village level, depends on this in a way that differentiates them from other tribes.

Culturally speaking, the Lisu have adopted much which is Chinese. For example, they celebrate their New Year on the dame day as the Chinese, they are, however, principally animists and ancestor worshipers and their reputation as individualists makes them quite distinct.

Linguistic classification of Hill Page 32 of 33

6.0 Bibliography

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9. Rerkasem, R and Rerkasem B (1994) Shifting Cultivation in Thailand, its current situation and dynamics in the context of highland development. Faculty of Agriculture, Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai, Thailand.

10. Chiang Mai Provincial Statistical Office (1995), Statistical Reports of Changwat, Chiang Mai, National Statistical Office, Office of the Prime Minister.

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