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A Reconnaissance of Saskatchewan's State

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A Reconnaissance of Saskatchewan's State Care Regardless of The Ability to Pay: A Reconnaissance of Saskatchewan’s State Hospital and Medical League By Aaron William Goss A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of the University of Manitoba in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of History Joint-Masters Program University of Manitoba/University of Winnipeg Winnipeg, Manitoba Copyright © 2013 by Aaron William Goss ABSTRACT The State Hospital and Medical League was a broadly based organization founded in 1936 and dedicated to achieving State Medicine, a fully funded holistic preventative and curative system, for Saskatchewan. Its study allows us to fill in gaps in what has been a primarily policy level historiography of Canadian medicare. Using Ian McKay's reconnaissance model, we also look at it as a locus for challenges to the entrenched, liberal and individualistic political social and professional hegemony. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to first of all thank my advisor, Esyllt Jones. Without her, I would not have embarked upon this research, and her suggestions have, from the beginning pushed me along a most satisfying and unexpected course of research. I also must thank her for the patience and understanding she has shown as this project has developed, sometimes haltingly. To my committee members, Barry Ferguson, James Hanley and Andrea Rounce, thank you for your thoughtful and thought-provoking insights, questions and criticisms. To my editors, Jill McConkey, Kathryn Patanaude and Danny Stevens, heartfelt thanks for all of your time, effort and for helping me to make this paper better than I ever could have on my own. Morton and Emily Goss, my parents, have provided support, patience and great encouragement. Finally, I must give the largest thanks of all to my partner, Brandi Martens, for the patience you have shown me during the creation of this thesis, and for always being there to listen and give feedback. I could not have done this without your support. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 1 Chapter One: Scholarly Approaches to the Development 7 Of Canadian Medicare Chapter Two: An Overview of the State Hospital 37 And Medical League Chapter Three: Gender and the SHML 63 Chapter Four: The SHML, the Personal and the Political 82 Chapter Five: Conclusion 92 Bibliography 101 1 Canada’s system of state-funded medical care is so accepted as a significant feature of our national self-image that it is easy to forget that its creation was the result of a struggle. While Tommy Douglas and the social democratic Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) government of Saskatchewan he headed are today enmeshed within a national mythology, which lauds the ‘father of Medicare’, in its early days, the struggle to democratize access to health care was deeply contested territory. This raised fundamental questions about the role of the state in society, the battle between individualism and collectivism and the ability to struggle against entrenched political, social and cultural orders. And the players were not just the elected politicians of Saskatchewan; a fight of this scale, with stakes so high for so many, necessarily drew the interest and efforts of a broad swath of those interested in challenging the way things were, in addressing what they saw as the inequities and injustices inherent in a system in which health care was seen as a privilege rather than a right. The State Hospital and Medical League (SHML) was a broadly based, non- partisan lobbying group dedicated to the introduction of socialized medical care in Saskatchewan as part of a more broadly conceived world view, one which challenged the entrenched social and political order. It was founded in 1936, eight years prior to the election of the Douglas government that introduced the series of reforms that form the basis of Canada’s current, single-payer, government-funded healthcare system. Though active for only a short time, the SHML was a powerful voice in shaping the unfolding debate on the constitution of Saskatchewan’s health care provision, the inadequacies and inequities of which had been made increasingly obvious by the hardships of the Great Depression. The SHML stood as a vigorous advocate for a holistic system of fully 2 government-funded preventative, diagnostic, and curative care, with a strong emphasis on public health campaigns. It rejected as partial or inadequate more limited, publicly funded insurance schemes, including those championed by the medical profession. Instead the SHML advocated for government and civilian board authority over the medical system and its funding bodies, which entailed not only lay and governmental oversight but also the necessary switch to a salaried medical system rather than the existing fee-for-service model that was strongly favoured by the medical profession, and which eventually prevailed. While the totality of their ambitious plans was never fully realized, the SHML nevertheless was an important voice in the articulation of a vision that challenged the existing order in fundamental ways, ways that extended beyond the confines of health care. Advocacy with and for the SHML allowed individuals to rally around not only a critique of the shortcomings of the existing system, but also around a clearly articulated, rigorously planned and vigorously promoted vision in which health care reform could help to usher in a more egalitarian, rational and just society. This study will utilize analytical tools developed by Ian McKay, who poses the history of Canadian leftism as a series of challenges to Canada’s dominant, normative liberal order. Key to understanding this model is McKay’s definition of Canada as an essentially liberal project; based on Enlightenment tenets of man’s rights and “a belief in the epistemological and ontological primacy of the category ‘individual’,” that term denoting not an individual being but rather, “an abstract principle of the entity each one of them might… aspire to become.” 1 Thus a liberal order could exclude, historically, women or non-property holders from “individualhood”, and serve instead to buttress and 1 Ian McKay, “The Liberal Order Framework: A Prospectus for a Reconnaissance of Canadian History,” Canadian Historical Review 81:4 (2000), 623-24. 3 normalize the political primacy of capitalism and its ruling classes. In function, the liberal order is the hegemonic representation of the dominant political and cultural norms, both an extension of and foundation for the extant ruling order. This definition is somewhat controversial, as some see it is reductive or dismissive of more communitarian strains of liberalism2, or claim that it ignores competing political and social strains in Canadian history3, but for our context, the most important element of this discussion is the unquestioned acceptance of individualism and property rights in the formal Canadian state and the political, cultural and social institutions this acceptance promulgated. In the context of the SHML’s struggle, the liberal order represented the opposition of both the medical establishment itself and the larger-scope social, cultural and political resistance to the socialization of what had been primarily a concern of private individual interests and responsibilities, based in the market. In their promotion of State Medicine the SHML, and the activists who comprised it, challenged contemporary notions of the role of the state in the lives of its citizens and the nature of true democracy and equality in the framework of the Canadian state. McKay has developed a framework for analyzing resistance to the liberal order, which he has dubbed reconnaissance,4 an analysis which at its core seeks to create a 2 See, for example, Jeffrey L. McNairn, “Intellectual History, Liberalism and the Liberal Order Framework,” in Liberalism and Hegemony: Debating the Canadian Liberal Revolution, ed. Jean-Francois Constant and Michael Ducharme, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), 64-97. 3 Bruce Curtis, “After ‘Canada’: Liberalisms, Social Theory, and Historical Analysis,” in Liberalism and Hegemony: Debating the Canadian Liberal Revolution, ed. Jean-Francois Constant and Michael Ducharme, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), 176-200. 4 This framework is most explicitly articulated in McKay’s historiographical, Rebels, Reds, Radicals: Rethinking Canada’s Left History (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2005), which itself draws on two earlier articles, “the Liberal Order Framework: A Prospectus for a Recconnaisance of Canadian History,” which looks at the definition of Canada as a 4 history of Canadian politics, particularly of the self-identified left, which eschews both sectarianism and historicism. This approach unifies Canadian leftisms in their resistance to elements of a hegemonic, liberal order. In this analysis, while resistance was articulated in a language and mode of action specific to their own milieu and orientation, leftisms nonetheless embodied commonalities of struggle that overwhelmingly marked their adherents as participants in a struggle to “live otherwise,” to conceive of a different society that saw the limits to democracy and freedom built into the institutions and culture of the Canadian state not as endemic and essential, but rather as focal points for challenge and change. While McKay’s underplaying of differences among leftists could be seen as glossing over often substantive differences of both opinion and method, in a study of a broadly composed, single-issue organization like the SHML,
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