SINGING WOMEN’S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS

1. Introduction

Ironically, two phenomena that were basic to Christian experience, even taken for granted, are neglected in modern scholarship. The first concerns what Christians, from Clement of Alexandria through Gertrude of Helfta and long after, understood themselves to be doing when they participated in the liturgy and sacraments. «Sacramental mimesis» proves to be a fitting term to describe the liturgical imita- tion that was described and experienced by Christians as bringing them into likeness with Christ and the saints, and examining such sacramental mimesis enlarges the modern understanding of the patristic, medieval and Byzantine Church. The second phenomenon is the Christian belief in the spiritual equality of the sexes, a belief evident in the Bible, in patristic and medieval sermons and exegesis, and in the decoration of churches. Complementing this evidence are the liturgical prayers and hymns, both Eastern and Western, that are expressed in the words of women of the Bible. Women’s words prove to be instrumental in the common Christian experience of sacramen- tal mimesis. This is dynamic evidence, not just of what the congrega- tion heard in sermons and saw on the church walls, but of what the congregation actively affirmed. For just as all Christians, male and female, cleric and lay, prayed and sang in the words of men, so too every Christian in virtually every liturgy took part by praying and singing women’s words. In Judaeo-Christian tradition one prays in the words of the right- eous who have gone before1. This dynamic use of holy speech is part

1. For the use of prayers recorded in Scripture for Jewish liturgy, see, e.g., A.Z. IDEL- SOHN, Jewish Liturgy and Its Development, New York 1932 (reprint 1967), p. xi et passim; on the influence of Jewish liturgy on Christian, see pp. 301-8; A. BAUMSTARK, Compara- tive Liturgy, rev. B. BOTTE, O.S.B., trans. F.L. CROSS, Westminster, Md. 1958, esp. pp. 43-51. Of the East, Topping observes, «The liturgical acts of song and drama re-enact the actions of the angels in heaven, and the acts of sacred persons in the past»;

© RTPM (2003) 275-328 276 C.B. TKACZ of what may be called sacramental mimesis, a phrase derived from (315-87), who terms mímjsiv ‘imitation’ of the Passion of Christ2. Sacramental mimesis is the imitation of the actions of Christ and of the saints with the intention of opening one- self thereby to grace. Liturgically re-enacting the physical actions of Christ has received significant attention3. Uttering the words of the saints, however, making their speech acts one’s own, is a complemen- tary aspect of the Christian experience yet to be examined. Praying in the words of the righteous is evident within Scripture itself. The prophets frequently conveyed their message in the words

E.C. TOPPING, «A Byzantine Song for Simeon: The Fourth Kontakion of St. Romanos», in: Traditio 24 (1968), pp. 409-20, at p. 413. Professor Ruth Steiner has my cordial thanks for invaluable advice regarding Gregorian chant, the breviary, and resources for their study, and for reviewing the discussion of «Susanna’s Words in Gregorian Chant». Jeffrey Burton Russell graciously critiqued two full versions of this essay, and its presentation has been much strengthened through his astute advice. 2. CYRIL OF JERUSALEM, Mystagogia prote pros tous neophotistous 2.5-6, esp. 2.5.5-6 and 2.6.6, 12-13, see Catéchèses mystagogiques, ed. A. PIÉDAGNET, Paris 1966 (Sources Chrétiennes 126), pp. 114-6. Discussed by R. BORNET, Les commentaires byzantins de la divine liturgie du VIIe au XV e siècle, Paris 1966, pp. 73-76; and R.F. TAFT, S.J., «The Lit- urgy of the : An Initial Synthesis of the Structure and Interpretation on the Eve of Iconoclasm», in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers 34-35 (1980-1), pp. 45-75, at pp. 62- 63. Sacramental mimesis, a term introduced in this essay and discussed below, corre- sponds roughly to the sensus moralis of patristic analysis, particularly as it pertains to the Christian reception of the sacraments. On typology see J. DANIÉLOU, From Shadows to Reality: Studies in the Biblical Typology of the Fathers, trans. W. HIBBERD, London 1960; A.C. CHARITY, Events and Their Afterlife: The Dialectics of Christian Typology in the Bible and Dante, Cambridge 1966; and C.B. TKACZ, «Typology», Chapter Two, in: The Key to the Brescia Casket: Typology and the Early Christian Imagination, Turnhout – Notre Dame 2001 (Collection des Études Augustiniennes, Série «Antiquité», 165 = Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity Series 15). 3. E. MALE discusses the as «endless symbolism», citing liturgists from Amalarius of Metz (ninth century) to Gulielmus Durandus (Rationale divinorum officiorum, written 1286); The Gothic Image: Religious Art in France of the Thirteenth Cen- tury, New York 1958, pp. 15-20. Significantly, medieval interpretations of typological as- pects of the liturgy, both vigil and daily , match the sources of the late fourth century (see at n. 35 below). From fourth-century instructions explaining the symbolism of the liturgy for catechumens arose mystagogic treatises on the by, e.g. Theodore of Mopsuestia and pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite; R.F. TAFT, S.J., «Com- mentaries», in: A.P. KAZHDAN (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium (hereafter ODB), 3 vols., Oxford 1991, s.v., and TAFT, «Liturgy of the Great Church», p. 63. Simi- larly the Jewish prayer the Qedushshah, widespread by the second century A.D., «origi- nated in circles of mystics, who probably considered it a means of raising themselves up into the Heavens»; J. HEINEMANN, «The Structure and Contents of Jewish Liturgy», in: H. KÜNG et al. (edd.), Christians and Jews, New York 1974-5, pp. 33-39, at p. 38. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 277 of the Psalms4, for instance, and from the Cross uttered Psalm 225. Jewish worship from its inception expressed the community’s faith by reciting the Shema, composed of professions from the To- rah6. The early Christian Church continued the Jewish custom of singing Psalms, and this developed into the Liturgy of the Hours; likewise the early Church continued to sing uttered first by the righteous in response to miracle7. The praises sung after the crossing of the Red Sea and the of the Three Young Men were sung at on Holy Saturday, when the liturgy recalls those miracles as prefigurations of Christ’s redemption of mankind8. Pray- ing in the very words used by the righteous in ages past is part of the «iconic nature of liturgy»9. As Cassian (ca. 360-ca. 435) observes in Conferences 10.11.16, through prayerful, meditative repetition the Psalms become the believer’s own words and prayer10. Similarly St.

4. For instance, cf. Isa. 33:15 and Pss. 14:2, 5, 118:37; Jer. 39:18 and Ps. 36:40; Lam. 5:19-20 and Pss. 9:81, 12:1; Dan. 13:35b and Ps. 111.7; Ezek. 19:10 and Ps. 127:3. 5. Also, all four Gospels and the Letter to the Hebrews allude to Psalm 22; E.M. MENN, «No Ordinary Lament: Relecture and Identity of the Distressed in Psalm 22», in: Harvard Theological Review 93.4 (Oct. 2000), pp. 301-41, at n. 118. 6. Deut. 6:4-9, 11:12-21, and Num. 15:37-21; IDELSOHN, Jewish Liturgy, p. xvi; BAUMSTARK, Comparative Liturgy, p. 51; and HEINEMANN, «Structure and Contents of Jewish Liturgy». 7. See, e.g., A.A.R. BASTIAENSEN, «Psalmi, hymni and cantica in Early Jewish-Chris- tian Tradition», in: Studia Patristica 21, ed. E.A. LIVINGSTONE, Louvain 1989, pp. 15-26. On the development of Christian praying and singing psalms at regular hours, see R.F. TAFT, S.J., The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West: The Origins of the Divine Office and Its Meaning for Today, 2nd ed. rev., Collegeville, Minn. 1993; and ID., «Select Bibliog- raphy on the Byzantine Liturgy of the Hours», appendix to «The Byzantine Office in the Prayerbook of New Skete», in: Orientalia Christiana Periodica 48 (1982), pp. 358-70. 8. See J. BAUDOT, O.S.B., The : Its Sources and History, trans. A. CATOR, London 1910, p. 47; J. MEARNS, The Canticles of the Christian Church, Eastern and West- ern, in Early and Medieval Times, Cambridge 1914, pp. 18-24; H. SCHNEIDER, «Die biblischen Oden im Mittelalter», in: Biblica 30 (1949), pp. 26-65, 239-72, 433-52, 479- 500; R. STEINER, «The Canticle of the Three Children as a Chant of the Roman Mass», in: Schweizer Jahrbuch für Musikwissenschaft, N.S. 2 (1982), pp. 81-90. For Coptic, see Y. ˆABD AL-MASIH, «The Hymn of the Three Children in the Furnace», in: Bulletin de la Société d’Archéologie Copte 12 (1946), pp. 1-15. 9. R.F. TAFT, S.J., «The Liturgy in the Life of the Church», in: Eastern Churches Journal 7.2 (Summer 2000), pp. 65-106, at p. 70. Typology is also made explicit in the liturgical prayers and in the proper hymns; e.g. R.J. REICHMUTH, Typology in the Genuine Kontakia of Romanos the Melodist, Ph.D. diss., University of Minnesota, 1975. 10. JOHN CASSIAN, Conlationes XXIIII, ed. M. PETSCHENIG, CSEL 13.2.303-6 esp. at 304.16-20: «… psalmorum adfectus in se recipiens ita incipiet decantare, ut eos non tamquam a propheta conpositos, sed uelut a se editos quasi orationem propriam 278 C.B. TKACZ

Gertrude the Great of Helfta (1256-1301/2) describes singing the responsorium «Vidi Dominum facie ad faciem, etc.» during the cel- ebration of the Transfiguration: As she sang the words the man Jacob uttered after he had wrestled with God (Gen. 32:30), she made them her own and experienced a vision «in luce divinae revelationis»11. Notably, both sexes are quoted in liturgical prayer and hymnody. Because the context identifies the original speakers, the congregation obviously knew it was singing the words of both women and men. Patently, it was understood to be appropriate for men and women to find example in each other. For instance, Byzantine monks sought inspiration in reading the lives of female saints, Heinrich Suso lik- ened himself to Susanna, and the merchant Richard Hill and Jean de Mauléon both prayed to her; while St. Gertrude prayed in the words of Jacob, and Sts. Juliana, Agape, Chrysonia, and Irene are described in hagiography as unharmed by fire just as were the three youths in the Babylonian furnace12. The prominence of women’s words in liturgical prayer and song is a consequence of Christian be- lief in the spiritual equality of the sexes, a belief basic to the teachings of Christ: In his preaching as recorded in the Gospels, Jesus repeat- edly provides male and female examples in parables and prophecy, and in his ministry he interacts with men and with women so that profunda cordis conpunctione depromat…». Cited by M. FORMAN, O.S.B., «Ex deificis oculis tuis sensi: Spiritual Sense of Wisdom in Gertrude’s Legatus», at the 36th Interna- tional Congress on Medieval Studies, Western Michigan University, Saturday, May 5, 2001. Writing both historically and from experience, Archimandrite Robert Taft observes of the Liturgy of the Hours, «In the psalms we answer God in his very own prayer»; TAFT, Liturgy of the Hours in East and West, pp. 368-70. 11. GERTRUDE OF HELFTA, Legatus divinae pietatis 2.21, in: Œuvres spirituelles, 5 vols., Paris 1967-86 (Sources Chrétiennes 127, 139, 143, 255, 331), vol. 2, p. 322. Discussed by FORMAN, «Gertrude’s Legatus». Forman draws on H. MINGUET, O.S.B., «Théologie spirituelle de sainte Gertrude: Le Livre II du Heraut’ (1)», in: Collectanea Cisterciensia 51 (1989), pp. 147-77, at pp. 173-4. 12. C. RAPP, «Figures of Female Sanctity: Byzantine Edifying Manuscripts and Their Audience», in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers 50 (1996), pp. 313-44. For Suso’s Leben, see C.B. TKACZ, «Susanna as a Type of Christ», in: Studies in Iconography 29 (1999), pp. 101-53, at pp. 120-1. Richard Hill’s prayer is in his commonplace book, compiled 1518- 36: Balliol College, MS 354, fol. 203. The Book of Hours of Jean de Mauléon, Bishop of St.-Bertrand-de-Comminges (Baltimore, The Walters Art Gallery, MS W. 449, dated to 1524) includes a suffrage to St. Susanna of the Old Testament on fols. 14v-16. For Juliana and St. Agape and her sisters, see C.B. TKACZ, «Christian Formulas in Old Eng- lish Literature: næs hyre wlite gewemmed and Its Implications», in: Traditio 48 (1993), pp. 31-61, at pp. 32-3, 54-5. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 279 persons of each sex are able to approach, to converse with, to learn from, to seek healing from, to obtain forgiveness from, and to inter- cede for others with God incarnate13. With such a well-established basis, no wonder the spiritual equality of the sexes was likewise preached by the early Fathers, including Clement of Alexandria (d. 215), John Chrysostom (340-407), Irenaeus, and Augustine14. Cle- ment, for instance, preaches a sermon affirming that «Women Are Equally Capable with Men of Obtaining Perfection»15, and Chrysostom explicitly teaches the spiritual equality of men and women, asserting in his fourth homily on Hosea: «E¤dev pantaxoÕ kakían kaì âretßn m® t±ç fúsei taÕta krinómena, âllà t±ç gnÉmjç diairoúmena» («You see everywhere vice and virtue, not differentiated by nature [i.e., sex], but by character»)16. Belief in the spiritual equality of men and women also resulted in a pastoral program of providing models of both sexes for the faithful to imitate. In the New Testament, for instance, St. James offers a sexually balanced pair of exemplars of faith, Abraham and Rahab17. Balanced inclusiveness of the sexes is also seen in the very early adap- tation of a Jewish prayer into the Commendatio Animae: Christians augmented the Old Testament examples with a New Testament ex-

13. C.B. TKACZ, «Jesus and the Spiritual Equality of Women», in: Fellowship of Catholic Scholars Quarterly 24.4 (Fall 2001), pp. 24-29. On the , see esp. n. 2. Christ made clear that men and women are equally capable of holiness, and of sin, and thus insured that men and women have equal access to the sacraments of life (Baptism, , and the Eucharist), while at the same time he created a priesthood to which he calls only men; pp. 27-28. 14. CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA, The Instructor 1.3-4, Stromata 4.8, and Exhortation to the Heathen 6; Irenaeus, Theophilus of , Athenagoras of Athens; P. RANFT, Women and Spiritual Equality in Christian Tradition, New York 1998, pp. 7-11. See also J. LAPORTE, The Role of Women in Early Christianity, New York 1982; J.A. TRUAX, «Au- gustine of Hippo: Defender of Women’s Equality?», in: Journal of Medieval History 16 (1990), pp. 279-99; K.A. ROGERS, «Equal Before God: Augustine on the Nature and Role of Women», in: C.B. TKACZ/D. KRIES (edd.), Nova Doctrina Vetusque: Essays on Early Christianity in Honor of Fredric W. Schlatter, S.J., New York 1999, pp. 169-85. 15. CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA, Stromata 4.19 (PG 8:1330); see also RANFT, Women and Spiritual Equality, pp. 7-9; and W.M. DALY, «An Adverse Consensus Questioned: Does Sidonius’ Euchariston (Carmen XVI) Show That He Was Scripturally Naïve?», in: Traditio 55 (2000), pp. 19-71, at p. 42. 16. JOHN CHRYSTOSTOM, «In illud: Vidi dominum», in: Jean Chrysostome, Homélies sur Ozias, ed. J. DUMORTIER, Paris 1981 (Sources Chrétiennes 277), p. 154; my para- phrase. 17. James perhaps plays on the sounds of their names, ˆAbraàm and ˆRaàb; James 2:20-26. 280 C.B. TKACZ ample that was male, Paul, and a post-biblical example that was fe- male, Thekla; likewise prayers for catechumens included prayers for men, citing Abraham, and for women, citing Susanna18. Vividly the ivory reliquary known as the Brescia Casket depicts this balance of the sexes on every surface, for Christ is shown healing both the hemorrhissa and the blind man and resuscitating both Jairus’ daugh- ter and Lazarus, while Susanna and Daniel each appear three times as types of Christ, and, showing equal capacity for vice, both Ananias and Sapphira sin fatally19. Isidore asserts, «Each sex and each age [from adolescence through old age] has example… in the mores of the saints» and cites Tobias, Joseph, Mary, Anna, and Susanna; simi- larly St. John Chrysostom adduces Potiphar’s wife and the Elders as examples of vice, with Susanna and Joseph as examples of virtue20. Romanos the Melode recalls Christ resuscitating both the widow’s son and also Jairus’ daughter in his Kontakion on the Entry into Je- rusalem and again in his Sixth Kontakion on the Resurrection21. The two miracles offer a chiastic balance of the sexes in both the petition- ers (mother and father) and the recipients (son and daughter). Nota- bly, the latter Kontakion presents the two children as a pair of types of Christ’s Resurrection. As will be seen, this balance of the sexes is also evident when the prayer and hymnody of the church combine the words of men and women, without distinction of sex, into a uni- fied expression of faith. It is timely to demonstrate that women’s words were basic to Christian sacramental mimesis, for this finding challenges what may

18. The Commendatio Animae: see TKACZ, Key to the Brescia Casket, pp. 110, 114-7. Prayers for catechumens, e.g., Liber Sacramentorum Gellonensis, ed. A. DUMAS, O.S.B. (CCSL 159:51). 19. TKACZ, Key to the Brescia Casket, pp. 110, 105-6, with plates. 20. ISIDORE, Sermo 2 (PL 83:1223): «Uterque enim sexus et omnis aetas in his sanctorum moribus… habet exemplum». AUGUSTINE may be the first to cite the trio of women as model wife, widow, and virgin (Sermo 391, PL 39:1709), a trio repeated by e.g. CAESARIUS OF ARLES (CCSL 103:35, 107), PETER DAMIAN (PL 145:418), SEDULIUS SCOTTUS (CCCM 67:96), and RABANUS MAURUS (PL 110:86). For Chrysostom, see note 16 above. 21. On the two examples: E.C. TOPPING, «Romanos: On the Entry into Jerusalem: A Basilikos Logos», in: Byzantion 47 (1977), pp. 65-91, at p. 74. M. CARPENTER, trans., Kontakia of Romanos, Byzantine Melodist, 2 vols., Columbia, Miss. 1970, vol. 1, p. 318. See also REICHMUTH, «Typology in Romanos» (n. 9 above), and R.J. SCHORK, The Bibli- cal and Patristic Sources of the Christological Hymns of Romanos the Melode (unpublished doctoral thesis, Oxford 1957). SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 281 be termed the «voiceless victim» paradigm, namely, the modern view that the biblical narratives and Christian tradition present women as silent and passive22. Several biblical women, for their words and ac- tions, have been understood from the start of Christianity as types of Christ: Jephthah’s daughter, Ruth, the widow of Zarephath, Esther, Judith, and Susanna23. Ironically, even these women have been dis- cussed as silent or marginalized. Rarely do modern critics even recog- nize them as types of Christ. Winnowing through scholarship of the past century, one finds a few instances of recognition: Robert Hedicke aptly describes the depiction of Susanna at her trial, promi- nent on the alabaster lectern at Tournai (1570-75), as «Ecce Femina»24, Brian McNeil recognizes «Judith as a type of Christ, and her killing of Holofernes as a type of the Cross»25, and Boniface Ramsey readily sees Susanna in the catacombs as a type of Christ26. In contrast, in the last decade Kathryn A. Smith misinterprets Early Christian typological depictions of Susanna27, Dorothee Sölle asserts

22. For instance, M.R. MILES, Carnal Knowing: Female Nakedness and Religious Meaning in the Christian West, Boston 1989, pp. 121-24; M. BAL, «Susanna and the Viewer», in: EAD., Reading Rembrandt: Beyond the Word-Image Opposition, Cambridge 1991; J. GLANCY, «The Accused: Susanna and Her Readers», in: Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 58 (1993), pp. 103-16, repr. in: A. BRENNER (ed.), A Feminist Compan- ion to Esther, Judith and Susanna, Sheffield 1995, pp. 288-302; A.-J. LEVINE, «‘Hemmed in on Every Side’: Jews and Women in the Book of Susanna», ibid. pp. 303-23; A. BACH, Women, Seduction, and Betrayal in Biblical Narrative, Cambridge 1997, pp. 65-72 at pp. 65, 67-8; E. FUCHS, «Marginalization, Ambiguity, Silencing: The Story of Jephthah’s Daughter», in: A. BRENNER (ed.), A Feminist Companion to Judges, Sheffield 1993, pp. 116-30. Prayers and hymns that cite and quote these women are consistently absent from DOROTHEE SÖLLE’s Great Women of the Bible in Art and Literature, Grand Rapids 1994, which consequently finds several of them silent. 23. See C.B. TKACZ, «Women as Types of Christ: Susanna and Jephthah’s Daugh- ter», in: Gregorianum (forthcoming), and EAD., «Recovering the Tradition: Women as Types of Christ» (on six other women), in submission. See also «The Doctrinal Context for Interpreting Women as Types of Christ», my presentation at the XIV International Conference on Patristic Studies, Oxford University, 18-23 August 2002. In the present essay (at nn. 141-50 below) are cited the earliest known occurrences of each woman as a christological type. 24. R. HEDICKE, Cornelis Floris und die Florisdekoration, Berlin 1913, 1, pp. 80, 83; see also TKACZ, «Susanna as a Type of Christ», pp. 130-1 with Fig. 11. 25. B. MCNEIL, «Reflections on the Book of Judith», in: Downside Review 96 (July 1978), pp. 199-207, at pp. 203-5. 26. B. RAMSEY, in the notes to his translation, The Sermons of St. Maximus of Turin, New York 1989 (Ancient Christian Writers 50), at p. 323, n. 1. 27. K.A. SMITH, «Inventing Marital Chastity: The Iconography of Susanna and the Elders in Early Christian Art», in: Oxford Art Journal 16 (1993), pp. 3-24, discussed by TKACZ, «Susanna as a Type of Christ», pp. 112-5. 282 C.B. TKACZ that Jephthah’s daughter was not a type of Christ, and Nell Gifford Martin considers depictions of her without recognizing their christological typology and asks, «What did [her sacrifice] have to do with salvation?» She concluded that «the broken female body could be used to negotiate… nation-building»28. Similarly Judith’s history is reduced to an expression of disturbed male psychology and female revenge29. Ancient lections featuring women who are types of Christ and their words would now be excised from the lectionary by schol- ars who fail to recognize female christological types30. Far from being silent, however, these biblical women and others uttered effective and inspired speech echoed by the Church liturgically through the centu- ries. Universally, in East and West, the entire body of believers sang the acclamations, professions, and prayers of women, as will be shown in the first half of the present study. Eve, Miriam, Judith, Esther, Sarah (Tob. 3:13), Susanna, Mary, Elizabeth, the Samaritan woman, the Canaanite woman, Martha of Bethany, the woman with ointment, , and the other Myrrhbearers are among the women whose voices are reanimated by the Church. Briefly, depiction of

28. SÖLLE, Great Women of the Bible (1994), p. 130; N. GIFFORD MARTIN, «Vision and Violence in Some Gothic Meditative Imagery», in: Studies in Iconography 17 (1996), pp. 311-48, at p. 313. See also PH. SILVERMAN KRAMER, «Jephthah’s Daughter: A The- matic Approach to the Narrative as Seen in Selected Rabbinic Exegesis and in Artwork», in: A. BRENNER (ed.), Judges, A Feminist Companion to the Bible, 2nd ser., vol. 4, Sheffield 1999, pp. 67-92, esp. at pp. 80-4. 29. M. BAL, «Head Hunting: ‘Judith’ on the Cutting Edge of Knowledge», in: A. BRENNER (ed.), A Feminist Companion to Esther, Judith and Susanna, Sheffield 1995, pp. 253-85. See also BRENNER, introduction to the volume, p. 12. 30. Clearly Proctor-Smith would consider the history of Susanna – probably the most ancient lection of a woman as a type of Christ – a text which «must be excluded» as tending to «reduce women to… sexual objects»; M. PROCTOR-SMITH, «Images of Women in the Lectionary», in: E. SCHÜSSLER FIORENZA/M. COLLINS (edd.), Women: In- visible in Church and , Edinburgh 1985, pp. 51-62, p. 60, and 56 for Ruth and the widow of Zarephath. Similarly R. FOX, O.S.B., regrets that the account of Jephthah’s daughter with her words is read; «Women in the Bible and the Lectionary» in: Liturgy 90 (May-June 1996), repr. in: Remembering the Women: Women’s Stories from Scripture for Sundays and Festivals, comp. J.F. HENDERSON, Chicago 1999, pp. 359-67, at p. 364. Regina A. Boisclair treats the widow of Zarephath as «derivative» and «disposable»; BOISCLAIR, «Amnesia in the Catholic Sunday Lectionary: Women Silenced from the Memories of Salvation History», in: M.A. HINSDALE/PH.H. KAMINSKI (edd.), Women and Theology, Maryknoll, N.Y. 1995, pp. 109-35, at p. 115. Rejecting typology per se, Barbara Newman would presumably support the proposed cuts in the lectionary; B. NEWMAN, From Virile Woman to WomanChrist: Studies in Medieval Religion and Litera- ture, Philadelphia 1995, pp. 106 and 276. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 283 these women, particularly in church decoration and manu- scripts, will also be adduced to indicate the importance to the com- munity of commemorating the women themselves. With this context established, the words of one notable woman, Susanna, will be exam- ined in detail as they were deployed in Gregorian chant. One of the eight biblical woman thought to prefigure Christ, Susanna was per- haps the first woman to be so interpreted, as will be seen. Therefore, her speech and prayer allow a valuable study of how a woman’s words could serve both to express for the faithful their belief and also to re- mind them of their potential for becoming Christlike. For to sing and pray in the words of a holy woman who was herself a type of Christ is more than seeking to be like her: In Susanna’s case, to be like her is to be like Him.

2. Sacramental Mimesis

Sacramental mimesis is initiated in the Gospels, developed in the Epistles and throughout the patristic era, and pervades medieval and Byzantine Christianity. The Fathers aim through catechesis and preaching to bring individual Christians progressively to understand more and more fully the unity of revelation through typology31. The role of typology, what one may call «prophetic typology», was to help predict God's actions among men, especially the coming of the Messiah32. Jesus repeatedly indicated that he fulfilled the pro- phetic types recorded in the Scriptures, i.e., the Old Testament. A major pastoral and intellectual project of the writers of the New Tes- tament and the was therefore to explicate how the types of the Old Testament prepared for Christ33. Thus typology

31. C.B. TKACZ, «Typology», in: A. FITZGERALD (ed.), Saint Augustine through the Ages: an Encyclopedia, Grand Rapids 1999, s.v. See also n. 2 above. 32. TKACZ, Key to the Brescia Casket, chapter 2. On typology within the Old Testa- ment, see also L. GOPPELT, «Typos, antitypos, typikos, hypotyposis», in: G. KITTEL/ G. FRIEDRICH (edd.), Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, 9 vols. (hereafter TDNT), Grand Rapids 1964-74, vol. 8, pp. 246-59, Old Testament uses on p. 248, New Testament uses on pp. 248-9. 33. In the New Testament, Adam, Abel, Melchisedek, Jacob, Solomon, David, Jonah and Moses are among the Old Testament figures presented as types of Christ, foreshad- owing in various ways different aspects of Jesus’ person, life, Passion, and Resurrection; J. JEREMIAS, «Mousas», in: TDNT 4a, pp. 848-73, at p. 867. Other New Testament types 284 C.B. TKACZ served to instruct the faithful in recognizing the truth and validity of Christian revelation. Moreover, Jesus created a new dimension to ty- pology. He expanded typology from prophetic prefiguration alone to include sacramental mimesis, as when he explained that his followers must take up their cross daily and follow him (Luke 9:23). Inescap- ably this points to mimetic experience, ways of imitating Jesus which bring the believer into typological likeness with Christ. The post- Gospel New Testament continues to suggest ways for the believer to imitate Christ (e.g., Heb. 13:10-15). In this, the sacraments are fo- cal. For instance, as Noah was a prophetic type of Christ, so also, because Christ was baptized, Noah became a sacramental type of the baptizand. Thus St. Peter taught that the ark saving eight souls by water was an ântítupov ‘anti-type’ of baptism (1 Pet. 3:20-21)34. Moreover, Christ provided in his own person a new model to be imi- tated sacramentally. St. Paul compares baptism to the death of Christ (Rom. 6:3) and this becomes a standard interpretation of the sacra- ment: Catechumens were baptized by being «immersed three times, signifying the three days that Christ was in the tomb»35. As Cyril of Jerusalem expresses it, baptism is «t¬n toÕ XristoÕ paqjmátwn ântítupon» (the anti-type of the sufferings of Christ)36. Augustine animates the metaphor of Christ as the head of the Church, his body. In a sermon on Psalm 32, he offers the events of Christ’s Passion as models for Christian imitation. Speaking of Christ’s agony in the garden, Augustine asserts: Vnde gerens hominem Christus, et regulam nobis proponens, docens nos uiuere, et praestans nobis uiuere, ostendit hominis quamdam priuatam include Joshua, David, Enoch and Elijah; see, e.g., R.P.C. HANSON, Allegory and Event: A Study of the Sources and Significance of Origen's Interpretation of Scripture, Richmond 1959, p. 95; CHARITY, Events and Their Afterlife, p. 112; B.I. REICKE, The Disobedient Spirits and Christian Baptism: A Study of 1 Pet. III.19 and Its Context, New York 1984, pp. 100-103. 34. Discussed by E.G. SELWYN, The First of St. Peter, 2nd ed. New York 1981, pp. 203, 299, 334. Hanson points to typology’s «three stages: Noah, in the Old Testa- ment, prefiguring Christ in the New Testament, the reality, fulfilling; the Christian in sacramental imitation configured to Christ reproducing the experience»; HANSON, Alle- gory and Event, p. 69. 35. Translation by R.M. PAYNE, « in Jerusalem in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries: The Development of the Lectionary, Calendar and Liturgy», Ph.D. diss., The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary 1980, pp. 193-4. 36. CYRIL OF JERUSALEM, Mystagogia, 2.6.6. Translations are the author’s unless other- wise noted. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 285

uoluntatem, in qua suam figurauit et nostram, quia caput nostrum est, et ad eum, sicut nostis, tamquam membra utique pertinemus: «Pater,» inquit, «si fieri potest, transeat a me calix iste». (Christ, bearing (gerens) man and setting a model/rule for us, teaching us to live, and granting us life, shows (ostendit) in an exemplary way man’s private will, in which he figured (figurauit) both his will and ours, because he is our head and to him, as you know, as limbs we are attached: «Father», he said, «if it can be, let this cup pass from me»)37. Particularly striking in this passage is Augustine’s using of Christ the language for expressing a type: usually the one who is gerens or figurans or ostendens is a biblical person who prefigured Christ38, yet here it is Christ himself who presents a model for the believer to fulfill. In short, typology not only provides the intellectual means for understanding the coherence of revelation through all time, past, present and future; Augustine demonstrates a sort of experiential ty- pology which is to help the individual Christian live day by day in union with Christ. Quicquid igitur gestum est in cruce Christi, in sepultura, in resurrectione tertio die, in ascensione in caelum et sedere ad dexteram patris, ita gestum est ut his rebus, non mystice tantum dictis sed etiam gestis, configuraretur uita Christiana quae in his geritur. Nam propter eius crucem dictum est: «Qui autem Iesu Christi sunt carnem suam crucifixerunt, cum passionibus et concupiscentiis» [Gal. 5:24]. Propter sepulturam: «Consepulti enim su- mus Christo per baptismum in mortem» [Rom. 6:4]. Propter resurrectio- nem: «Ut quemadmodem Christus resurrexit a mortuis per gloriam patris, ita et nos in novitate uitae ambulemus» [Rom. 6:4]. Propter ascensionem in caelum sedemque ad dexteram patris: «Si autem resurrexistis cum Christo, quae sursum sunt quaerite, ubi Christus est in dextera dei sedens; quae sursum sunt sapite, non quae super terram; mortui enim estis, et vita vestra abscondita est cum Christo in deo» [Col. 3:1-3]. (Whatever was done on the cross of Christ, in burial, in Resurrection on the third day, in Ascension into heaven and sitting at the right hand of the Fa- ther was done in such a way that in these deeds, not only mystically in words, but also in deeds, the Christian life might be configured, for this life was enacted through them. For on account of his cross it is said, «Moreover,

37. Enarratio in Psalmum 32.2.1.2.13 (CCSL 38:248). The initial participle in this passage, gerens hominem, carries several implications: It suggests not just that Jesus had a human nature as well as a divine one, but also that he gave birth to mankind anew in that he renewed the human capacity to become holy: in acting as a man, he revealed fully the human potential. 38. On Augustine’s use of figurare, gerere, ostendere to express typology, see TKACZ, «Typology», p. 856. 286 C.B. TKACZ

those who are Christ’s have crucified their flesh with its passions and desires» [Gal. 5:24]. On account of his burial, «We have been buried with Christ through baptism into death» [Rom. 6:4]. On account of his Resurrection, «Just as Christ rose from the dead through the glory of the Father, so also we may walk in newness of life» [Rom. 6:4]. On account of his Ascension into heaven and his sitting at the right hand of the Father, «Moreover if you have been resurrected with Christ, seek those things which are above, where Christ sits at the right hand of God; know [taste/experience] those things which are above, not those on earth. For you have died, and your life is hid- den with Christ in God» [Col. 3:1-3])39. Historically fulfilled types are seen in the actual events inaugurating the early Church: Jesus begins his sacrifice in the meal of Passover (Greek Pásxa, the transliteration of Hebrew pâsach ‘to pass over’40, e.g., Exod. 12:27) and the Holy Spirit descends on , the Jewish celebration which had become the commemoration of the Giving of the Law to Moses fifty days after the Exodus41. As the early liturgy developed, adapting and transforming Jewish liturgy, baptism became associated with the Crossing of the Red Sea, commemorated by Jews during Passover and by Christians on Holy Saturday42. The sixth-century Ashburnham Pentateuch illustrates this typological re- lationship by substituting the Easter candle for the pillar of fire43. The visual arts depict Christ as a model for Christians to imitate. and church furniture were replete with symbolism44. Ar-

39. Enchiridion 14.97 (CCSL 46:78). 40. An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon founded upon the Seventh Edition of Liddell and Scott’s Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford 1889, repr. 1975, s.v. Pásxa. 41. AUGUSTINE, Letter 55 to Januarius, 16.29, and LEO THE GREAT, Sermon 75, de- velop St. Paul’s language in 2 Cor. 3:3-8 and Rom. 7:6, 8:2, about the finger of God, as used in Exod. 31:18 and Deut. 9:10; A.A. MCARTHUR, The Evolution of the Christian Year, London 1953, pp. 143-6. 42. For this as a focal reading for Passover, see IDELSOHN, Jewish Liturgy, pp. 197-8. For the association with baptism, see J. DANIÉLOU, «Traversée de la Mer Rouge et baptème aux premiers siécles», in: Recherches de science religieuse 33 (1946), pp. 402-30. For the universal reading of this, the Creation, the Sacrifice of Isaac, Jonah, and the Three Young Men, see BAUMSTARK, Comparative Liturgy (see n. 1 above), pp. 166-7; also REICKE, Christian Baptism (see n. 33 above), p. 247, and PAYNE, «Christian Worship in Jerusalem», pp. 177, 191-2. See also n. 53 below. 43. D.H. VERKERK, «Exodus and in the Ashburnham Pentateuch», in: The Art Bulletin 77.1 (1995), pp. 94-105. 44. MALE, Gothic Image (n. 3 above), pp. 19-22. For examples of typology depicted on high , pulpits, rood screens, baptismal fonts, choir stalls, and tapestries hung in churches, see J. BANGS, Church Art and Architecture in the Low Countries before the Refor- mation: The Survivors of 1566, Ann Arbor 1997, pp. 27, 29, 35-38, 61-62, 78, 113, 153- 4, with plates. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 287 chitecturally, the setting for baptism could deliberately recall Christ’s death and resurrection, enacted by the sacrament of baptism45. The Carolingian artists of the Rouen and Freiburg Baptism crystals de- picted Christ as a model for Christians to imitate, by showing Christ clad in a baptismal garment and John as a bishop46. Sacramental ty- pology is vividly expressed in a German painting of 1543 in a Franciscan women’s monastery: Christ and three nuns each labor to carry an inscribed cross, the nuns following Christ, each person with a scroll indicating speech. Christ invites, «Venite ad me omnes./Ego sum via, veritas, et vita» (Matt. 11:28-30 and John 14:6) and his cross is inscribed, Volko[m]men Lyefde, «Welcome, [you who are] per- fect/consumate/finished». At far right is a novice, in the middle a fully professed nun, and, closest to Christ and, like him, needing both hands to hold the cross whose weight bends her down, is an elderly nun. Centered at the top of the painting is a scroll inscribed, «Dyt ys der Cruits wegh, und besloss va[n] unser professie» [This is the Way of the Cross, and our vows]. Along the bottom of the paint- ing are inscribed words of Christ, in which the grammatical mascu- line is obviously understood generically: Wer mir na wilt volgen, der verlais sich selfs, und nem sin cruits up degelichs und volg mir soe na weravernit/ Annympt dat cruits degelichs und volgt mir na, der is miner niet werdich. ([Luke 9:23: And he said to all:] If any man will come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross daily, and follow me [Matthew 10:38:]. And he that taketh not up his cross and followeth me not, is not worthy of me)47. The result of such sacramental mimesis is shown in a woodcut for All Saints Day in a Dominican Missal (1521): Several saints, male and female, stand on a hillside, beneath a scroll inscribed «Hii sunt mei filii delecti», the words that God spoke of Jesus at the Transfigura- tion, made plural — again, with patently generic masculine — to

45. R. OUSTERHOUT, «The Temple, the Sepulchre, and the Martyrion of the Savior», in: Gesta 29.1 (1990), pp. 44-53, at pp. 51-52. 46. G. KORNBLUTH, Engraved Gems of the Carolingian Empire, State College, Penn. 1996, no. 2, pp. 49-54 and Fig. 2-1; no. 5, pp. 56-58 and Fig. 5-1. 47. : Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Inv. 703. Oil on canvas, 180 x 81 cm. Color plate in: H. BORGGREFE/V. LÜPKES (edd.), Glanz und Schmerz: Kölner Malerei aus dem Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Köln 1998, cat. no. 14, pp. 68-69. My transcriptions and translations. 288 C.B. TKACZ indicate that the saints have become Christlike48. The equal capacity of each sex to become like Christ, depicted vividly in such artworks, is dynamically evident in the congregational singing of women’s words to express Christian faith.

3. Women’s Words as Canticle Universally in the Church: Miriam, Mary, Elizabeth

Three canticles from the Torah and the Gospels exemplify the liturgi- cal singing of women’s words, for they have been used throughout the early and medieval church, in East and West. The inspired song of Miriam of the Old Testament was inherited by Christians from Jewish liturgy and retained its importance, with Miriam herself be- coming a model for Christian women’s singing, as will be seen. At the same time, the canticles of Mary and Elizabeth of the Gospel of Luke were added to the prayer repertoire of the faithful. Words composed by an inspired woman and sung by women un- der her leadership constitute the passage that Martin Buber argued was the oldest verbal formulation recorded in scripture: Miriam’s song after the crossing of the Red Sea49. The song she taught is «Sing to the Lord, for he has triumphed gloriously; horse and rider he has thrown into the sea» (Exod. 15:20-21). Clement of Alexandria praises Miriam as the leader of the Hebrew women, who were afire with wisdom (sofían)50. and Jacob of Seruq praise Miriam for her inspired singing51. Her words are part of a vivid instance of liturgical typology enacted in Vespers on Great and Holy Saturday52. The account of the Crossing of the Red Sea (Exod.

48. Missale predicator[um] nuper impressum ac emendatum cum multis missis orationibus: pulcherrimisq[ue] figuris i[n] capite missarum festivitatum sele[n]nium de novo superadditis…, Florence 1521, fol. 232v. The woodcut also heads the liturgy for one or more apostles, fol. 238v; Spokane, Washington, Gonzaga University, Foley Center, Spe- cial Collections. 49. M. BUBER, Moses: The Revelation and the Covenant, New York 1958. 50. CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA, Stromata 4.19 (PG 8:1328-36, at 1329). 51. H.M. HUNT, «The Tears of the Sinful Woman: A Theology of Redemption in the Homilies of St. Ephraim and His Followers», in: Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 1.2 (July 1998), par. 6 (http://syrcom.cua.edu/Hugoye/Vol1No2/ HV1N2Hunt.html). 52. D. DAUBE, Exodus Pattern in the Bible, London 1963, esp. p. 11; and J. JEREMIAS, «Mousas», in: TDNT 4a, pp. 859-60. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 289

13:20-22, 14:1-32) is read, as it has been from earliest known times53, and at once the congregation responds by singing the Song of Miriam, that is by using as refrain the verses specifically ascribed to her in Exodus 15; in some practices, only the first verse is sung, as typologically suited to Christ’s new delivery: «Sing praise to the Lord, for he is gloriously triumphant». Then the account of the three youths in the Fiery Furnace (Dan. 3:1-51) is read, and the congrega- tion responds by singing the praises of the Three Young Men54. By their actions the congregation demonstrates their lived similarity to the Israelites and the Three Hebrews, the righteous Jews delivered through water and through fire, and the Christians through Baptism, typologically prefigured in the Red Sea. By singing the praise attrib- uted to the women of the Exodus and to the three boys in the fur- nace, the Christian community affirms that the one God who deliv- ered those in the past is also their deliverer now. The liturgy thus en- courages the faithful to experience the of saints. Nota- bly, the two focal songs of praise were originally sung by women and by boys, so that the two canticles prominent on Holy Saturday show a balanced inclusiveness of the sexes.

53. Exodus 13-15 and Daniel 3 were among the original twelve lections for the vigil of Pascha; BAUDOT, Lectionary (see n. 8 above), p. 47; K.J. THOMAS, «Old Testament Citations in Hebrews», in: New Testament Studies 11 (1965), pp. 303-25, at p. 304; see also n. 42 above. The East Syrian Lectionary is unusual in lacking this pair of readings, and in having fewer readings overall on the «Saturday of Light»; P. KANNOOKADAN, The East Syrian Lectionary: An Historico-Liturgical Study, Rome 1991, pp. 44, 101. The diver- sity of early consisted of that of Jerusalem (by the fourth century), the devel- oping Palestinian, Syrian, Coptic, Gallican, Mozarabic, and Roman lectionaries (ibid., 1- 8), the fifth-century Armenian lectionary, the fifth/eighth-century Georgian editions, with the fixing of the (probably before 700) leading to a new arrange- ment of lections based largely on that of Jerusalem; R.F. TAFT, S.J., «Lectionary», in: ODB, s.v. See also BAUMSTARK, Comparative Liturgy (see n. 1 above), pp. 53-54. 54. In Scripture, the song is recounted twice, its initial and ancient verse ascribed to Miriam (Exod. 15:20-21) and the full development of it, presumably from the earliest Jewish liturgy, ascribed to Moses (Exod. 15:1-18). The Byzantine , Ruthenian rite, currently retains at Vespers only the sixth of the ancient set of seven Old Testament readings read during public baptism on Great and Holy Saturday: the account of the crossing of the Red Sea (Exod. 13.20-22, 14:1-32), which culminates in the con- gregation singing Miriam’s words — «Let us sing to the Lord, for He is gloriously trium- phant» (15:21 = 15:1) — as a refrain to verses consisting of Exod. 15:2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 18, and the account from Daniel 3. See Vespers and for Great and Holy Satur- day, Pittsburgh 1976, pp. 20-26. The same melody is used for the Song of Miriam and the Canticle of the Three Youths, further emphasizing their relationship. In Slavonic, the response is «Pojem Hospodevi, slavno bo proslavisja». 290 C.B. TKACZ

Miriam’s example also led to the Christian composition of hymns written expressly for women. Ephrem the Syrian (ca. 306-73), a dea- con and catechist, was praised by Jacob of Serug as a «Second Mo- ses» for women because of his practice of writing hymns for women, encouraging them, like Miriam, to celebrate in song55. Jacob clearly presents Ephrem as teaching the spiritual equality of men and women, both putting on garments of praise at baptism, both receiv- ing new life from the single , both experiencing a single salva- tion and both freed by Christ to utter praise56. St. Ephrem’s teaching regarding women is also seen in the West, where directly and indi- rectly his writings influence Western hymnody57. In the Gospels, the source of focal Christian prayers for the entire church is found in the words of women and of men: Elizabeth’s pro- phetic utterance upon beholding the pregnant with the Christ (Luke 1:42) and Mary’s inspired Magnificat (Luke 1:46-55), along with Zachariah’s praise of the Lord, the Benedictus (Luke 1:67- 79), and Symeon’s response to his encounter with Jesus, Nunc Dimittis (Luke 2:29-32)58. Notably, both male and female acknowl- edge Christ: at the Visitation, Elizabeth and the unborn John the Baptist; at the Presentation, Symeon and Anna (Luke 2:36-38). Mary’s canticle, the Magnificat, is used verbatim in the canticle of Matins59. Elizabeth’s words also become the prayer of the faithful in both East and West. Praying her acclamation evidently began in the East, where some nine hundred Byzantine hymns open with the an- gelic greeting, «Xa⁄re»60. A based on the words of Gabriel

55. HUNT, «Tears of the Sinful Woman», par. 6. 56. S. BROCK, Hymns on Paradise, Crestwood, N.Y. 1990, pp. 22-24. 57. J. SZÖVÉRFFY, «Peccatrix quondam femina: A Survey of the Mary Magdalen Hymns», in: Traditio 19 (1963), pp. 79-146, at p. 141. 58. S. BÄUMER, Histoire du Bréviaire, trans. R. BIRON, 2 vols., Paris, 1905, vol. 1, p. 3. For the odes, see MEARNS, The Canticles of the Christian Church; SCHNEIDER, «Biblische Oden im Mittelalter» (n. 8 above); and BAUMSTARK, Comparative Liturgy, p. 110. For the Byzantine hymn by Romanos the Melode for the Feast of the Hypapante (Encounter), universally celebrated in the Church on February 2, see TOPPING, «Byzan- tine Song for Simeon» (n. 1 above). 59. Magnificat as canticle: MEARNS, The Canticles of the Christian Church, and SCHNEIDER, «Biblische Oden im Mittelalter». 60. E. CATAFYGIOTU TOPPING, «The Theotokos: Syn to Angelo: Marian Hymns in Byzantium», in: EAD., Sacred Songs: Studies in Byzantine Hymnography, Minneapolis 1997, pp. 277-90, at p. 277; see also her «The Annunciation in Byzantine Hymns», ibid., pp. 139-66. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 291 and of Elizabeth seems to go back to the fourth or fifth century61. The phrase «Godbearer Virgin» (Qéotókov parqénov; later, also in Slavonic: Bohorodice Djivo)62 was added, sometimes with the name Mary, as is known from sixth- and seventh-century ostraka63. In the West, from the sixth century onwards, the angel’s greeting to Mary was the for the fourth Sunday of Advent while the Byzan- tine troparion appears in the Feast of the Nativity of Our Lady as the antiphon for the Magnificat; in 1261 Pope Urban IV coupled this greeting with Elizabeth’s greeting64. Beginning in the tenth century this pair of greetings is found as responsory and verse in several con- texts, with the «earliest episcopal injunction in the matter undoubt- edly that of Odo, Bishop of Paris, who, in 1196, bids his clergy ex- hort their people to say the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, and the Saluta- tion of the Blessed Virgin»65. By the sixteenth century the praying of each of the Hours included the Ave Maria in which the faithful pray in Elizabeth’s words66.

4. Women’s Words in Eastern Hymnody

In the East women’s words are found in both the proper hymns of the eucharistic celebration and also in liturgical prayer. The proper 61. J. LAURENCEAU, O.P., «Les débuts de la récitation privée de l’antienne [sic] ‘Ave Maria’ en occident avant la fin du XIe siècle», in: De Cultu Mariano saeculis VI-XI: Acta Congressus Mariologici-Marianni Internationalis in Croatia anno 1971 celebrati, ed. G. PHILIPS, Rome 1972, vol. 2: Considerationes generales, pp. 231-46, at p. 235. This Eastern prayer, still in use, celebrates Mary’s role in salvation without adding Elizabeth’s words or a petition. See also BAUMSTARK, Comparative Liturgy, p. 98. On the troparion as genre, see n. 67 below. 62. Levy provisionally demonstrated that Slavonic hymnody appears to consist gener- ally of translations of Greek texts in use in Constantinople ca. 1100, set to original Sla- vonic melodies; K. LEVY, «The Slavic Kontakia and Their Byzantine Originals», in: Queens College Department of Music, Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Festschrift, New York 1964, pp. 79-87, at p. 82. 63. LAURENCEAU, «’Ave Maria’ en occident», p. 235. 64. D. SIEGENTHALER, «Popular Devotion and the English Reformation: The Case of Ave Maria», in: Anglican and Episcopal History 6.1 (1992), pp. 1-11, at p. 2. On the troparion as Antiphon for the Magnificat, see BAUMSTARK, Comparative Liturgy (see n. 1 above), p. 99. 65. H. THURSTON, «On the Popular Devotions. I. The Hail Mary», in: The Month 98 (1901), pp. 483-99, at pp. 483-88 and 499, with Odo at p. 493. 66. BÄUMER, Histoire du Bréviaire, vol. 2, pp. 201-2, citing a breviary printed in 1509. The phrase nunc et in hora mortis is «a Franciscan addition of the sixteenth cen- tury»; SIEGENTHALER, «Ave Maria», p. 2. Also in the late fifteenth or early sixteenth cen- tury, the Latin prayer gained its petition. 292 C.B. TKACZ hymns of the liturgy throughout the year — the troparia, kontakia, irmoi, communion hymns, etc.67 — use dialogue68. The troparion was originally a short prayer in rhythmic prose, sung after each verse of the psalms during (Matins) and Vespers, and these songs commonly end in direct address to God69. Meditations on the scrip- tures70, these hymns prepare for the lections in the Divine Liturgy; that is, singing a biblical person’s words in a hymn precedes their be- ing chanted in the lection. Long hymns, such as the odes of Romanos, return over and over to words ascribed to the biblical per- son or culminate in such speech, transforming it into the prayer of the worshiper. Resurrectional hymns, at least one troparion and one kontakion, are sung each Sunday. Eight tones are used in singing Byzantine chant (thus the basic liturgical music book is called oktoechos, lit. «eight-toned»), and for each tone a distinct Resurrec- tion troparion and kontakion exists, providing melodic and medita- tive variety through the course of the year. Women’s words are regularly sung in these hymns, many of which feature direct discourse ascribed to the myrrhbearing women71 and to Eve, a fact which seems to have led to her being designated by some as an apostle72. Women are also commemorated on specific

67. The earliest, most basic form of Byzantine hymn was the troparion. The word can still be used generically for a one-stanza hymn; E.M. JEFFREYS, «Troparion», in: ODB, s.v. Troparia and kontakia are hymns treating the feast of the day or, in ordinary time, the Resurrection. An is a hymn referring to the Theotokos in light of the feast of the day. A communion hymn is often sung during the reception of the Eucharist; alternatively, Psalms may be sung. 68. On dialogue in Kontakia in relation to drama, see K. MITSAKIS, Buhantin® ¨Umvografía [Byzantine Hymnography. Vol. 1: From the New Testament to the Iconoclastic Controversy], Thessalonike 1971, pp. 330-53, at pp. 336-7. On the contrast between Eastern use of dialogue and its rarity in the West in liturgical poetry, see BAUMSTARK, Comparative Liturgy, pp. 106-7 (and Botte’s corrective note regarding sources on p. 107). 69. JEFFREYS, «Troparion». 70. The other major theme of proper hymns is of a doctrine being commemorated, such as the veneration of , celebrated on the feast of the Triumph of Orthodoxy. 71. The murofóroi (lit. «Myrrhbearers») are the women who came to the tomb of Christ early on the day of the Resurrection, bringing spices for his burial; A.W. CARR, «Myrrophoroi», in: ODB, s.v. Several troparia treating them are discussed below, after n. 84. 72. For instance, strophes 3-4, 6, and 9 of the second Kontakion on the Nativity by Romanos the Melode are the speech of Eve to Adam and to Mary; the hymn concludes with Mary announcing to Eve that Christ will accomplish their salvation and that of their descendents; Romanou tou Melodou Hymnoi, 4 vols., ed N.B. TOMADAKIS, Athens 1952, 1954, 1957, 1961, vol. 3, pp. 357-86: no. 36; CARPENTER, Kontakia of Romanos, 1, SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 293

Sundays within the calendar: The Fifth Sunday of the Great Fast (Lent) is the Sunday of St. Mary of , the Third Sunday of Pascha is the Sunday of the Myrrhophoroi, the Fourth or Fifth Sun- day of Pascha is the Sunday of the Samaritan Woman (The Sunday when the lection of the Samaritan woman at the well is read is named for her in both East and West73). The calendar itself com- memorates pairs of male and female saints successively: During the Great Fast, John Climacus and Mary of Egypt are commemorated on the Fourth and Fifth Sundays, and during Pascha St. Thomas and the -bearing Women are commemorated on the Second and Third Sundays. Of these holy women, St. Mary of Egypt is post-biblical74. Com- pulsively promiscuous, Mary is divinely prevented on the Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross from entering the Church in Jerusalem, until she prays to the Theotokos through the mediation of her and can enter and venerate the Cross; afterwards the Theotokos directs Mary into the desert beyond the Jordan, where after a life of penance and asceticism, she receives the Eucharist from the monk Zosimos on Holy Thursday and then dies75. On the Fifth Sunday of the Great Fast her icon is displayed before the and venerated by the congregation, and a troparion and kontakion proper to her are sung during the liturgy76. At Matins on the following Thursday her Life is pp. 13-21. Speech and prayers are also ascribed to Eve in sermons and poetry; see K. GLAESKE, «Eve in Anglo-Saxon Retellings of the Harrowing of Hell», in: Traditio 54 (1999), pp. 81-101, at pp. 82-86 (Descensus Christi) and pp. 91-99 (Anglo-Saxon ac- counts, esp. the poem Christ and Satan). Similarly, Hippolytus of Rome treats Eve as apostle; R. NÜRNBERG, «Apostolae Apostolorum: Die Frauen am Grab als erste Zeuginnen der Auferstehung in der Väterexegese», in: G. SCHÖLLGEN/CL. SCHOLTEN (edd.), Stimuli. Exegese und ihre Hermeneutik in Antike und Christentum. Festschrift für Ernst Dassmann, Münster 1996, pp. 228-42, at p. 228-9. 73. In the Ambrosian rite, the 2nd Sunday of Lent is denominated «de Samaritana», and in the sixth-century Liber Comicus with lections for the West, Dominica 1o is also the «Sunday of the Samaritan Woman»; BAUDOT, Lectionary (see n. 8 above), pp. 45, 148. See also n. 98 below. 74. She was and is commemorated universally in the Church calendar, by Byzantine Catholics and the Orthodox on April 1, by Roman Catholics on April 2. 75. C.B. TKACZ, «Byzantine Theology in the Old English De transitu Mariae Ægyptiace in Cotton Julius E.VII», in: D. SCRAGGS (ed.), St. Mary of Egypt, Kalamazoo, Mich. IP. 76. Lenten , trans. MOTHER MARY/BISHOP K. WARE, London 1978, pp. 447- 64. On the Triodion, see n. 103 below. For twenty-five Greek hymns to her, see H. FOLLIERI, Initia hymnorum ecclesiae graecae, Vatican City 1966, vol. 5, p. 218. On dis- playing the icon, see A.W. CARR, «Icons: Painted Icons», and L. BOURAS, «» and «Proskynetarion», in: ODB, s.v. 294 C.B. TKACZ read77. In the decoration of Eastern churches, Mary of Egypt appears either among other holy women or as a communicant, receiving the eucharist from Bishop Zosimos. Often, as at Asinou, the latter scene is placed near the apse78, that is, where the members of the congrega- tion would themselves receive the eucharist. This placement empha- sizes her role as model for all the faithful. Moreover, the icon of the renowned penitent Mary receiving the eucharist was a compelling re- minder of theosis, or deification, by which the Christian is aided by grace, and especially by the indwelling of God through the Eucharist, to partake of divinity. As Athanasius, of Alexandria, taught, «God became man in order that man might become God»79. One of the hymns to Mary of Egypt at Matins alludes to her theosis: «In thee, O Mother, was preserved unimpaired that which is accord- ing to God’s image, for thou hast taken up the Cross and followed Christ». Or again, from the second : «Hastening to see the Cross, thou wast thyself crucified to the world». The lection for her feast day is Gal. 3:23-29, including St. Paul’s assertion of the spir- itual equality of the sexes: «For as many of you as have been baptized into Christ have put on Christ…. There is neither male nor female: for you are all one in Christ Jesus»80. The communion hymn is Psalm 111, on the blessed man, clearly taken generically as applied to Mary. Her example as a sinner who repented and then became a liv- ing icon of God was considered so important that she was given prominence on a Sunday of Lent, to inspire the faithful to do like- wise. The repentant woman who anoints Christ’s feet is also the subject of Eastern hymnody and versified sermons81. Exemplary speech is as- 77. Canon of St. Mary of Egypt, in: Lenten Triodion, pp. 447-64. 78. Fourteen wall paintings of St. Mary of Egypt are extant in the churches of Cyprus alone; she is also depicted in manuscripts, such as the Theodore . In the West, cy- cles of her story are depicted in the stained glass at Bourges, Auxerre and elsewhere; see TKACZ, «Mary of Egypt». 79. Oratio de incarnatione Verbi 54.3, ed. CH. KANNENGIESSER, Paris 1973 (Sources Chrétiennes 199), p. 458. Theologians who emphasize the role of the Eucharist in theosis include John of and Maximus the Confessor. See «Theosis», in: ODB 3, pp. 2069-70; and E.D. PERL, «‘… That Man Might Become God’: Central Themes in Byzantine Theology», in: L. SAFRAN (ed.), Heaven on Earth: Art and the Church in Byzan- tium, University Park, Penn. 1998, pp. 39-57. 80. Lenten Triodion, pp. 449-50, 454, 461. 81. For this woman in Latin drama and song, see CARPENTER, Kontakia of Romanos, 1, pp. 99-100. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 295 cribed to her. Ephrem the Syrian composed two sogyatha (dialogue poems) in which the woman who anoints the feet of Jesus at Bethany engages «in dialogue with her old self, personified by Satan», and serves as a model for all the faithful of the process of repentance and restoration82. An anonymous Syriac homily on the same subject also «focuses on her inner thoughts» as a model of «spiritual awaken- ing»; a Coptic homily is similar83. Drawing upon a sermon by Pseudo-Chrysostom, Romanos the Melode composed a lengthy Kontakion that praises this woman as wise and has Christ declare her a paradigm of the Church84. Like Mary of Egypt, she was under- stood as a model for everyone.

4.1. The Holy Women at the Tomb

Of signal importance in Eastern hymnody and church decoration are the women who went to the tomb of Christ: they were the first to know of his Resurrection and also the ones commissioned to an- nounce it to his disciples85. These women — Mary Magdalene, Joanna, Mary the mother of James, Salome, and other women (Matt. 27:61, Luke 24:10, Mark 16:1) — were accorded a liturgical and visual prominence, matching their role in the Gospels86. In the earli- est known decoration of Christian churches, in the Baptistery at Dura Europos (built ca. 240)87, and generally, one finds the Holy Women at the Tomb prominent in wall frescoes near the sanctuary88

82. HUNT, «Tears of the Sinful Woman» (n. 51 above), par. 17. 83. HUNT, «Tears of the Sinful Woman», par. 18. 84. Incipit: «Tà Åßmata toÕ XristoÕ kaqáper ârÉmata»; P. M AAS/C.A. TRYPANIS (edd.), Sancti Romani Melodi Cantica Genuina, 2 vols., Oxford 1963, and Berlin 1970 (hereafter Romani Cantica), vol. 1, no. 10. For her wisdom, see strophe 4; for Christ de- claring her to be like the Church, see strophe 17. For the relation to the sermon and for influences in Western songs and drama, see CARPENTER, Kontakia of Romanos, 1, pp. 98- 100. The woman with the ointment is also referred to in the elaborated form of the com- munion hymn discussed below at n. 129. 85. John 20:1-2, 11-8; Matt. 28:5-10, Luke 23:55-24:11, 22-4; Mark 16:1-11. 86. See also G. CONSTABLE, «The Interpretation of Mary and Martha», in: ID., Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought, Cambridge 1995, pp. 3-147. 87. A.L. PERKINS, The Art of Dura-Europos, Oxford 1973, pp. 52-55 and plates 19-24. 88. For instance, in El-Bagawat, Libya, the women at the tomb are depicted in the dome of the Moses-Chapel (early fourth century?); J. SCHWARTZ, «Nouvelles études sur les fresques d’El-Bagwat», in: Cahiers Archéologiques 13 (1962), pp. 1-11, at p. 3; for full photographic reproduction of the frescoes, see VL.G. BOCK, Matériaux pour servir à l’archéologie de l’Egypte chrétienne, St. Petersburg 1901. At the Coptic Church with the monastery of Saint Antony near the Red Sea, the arched to the hurus (choir) 296 C.B. TKACZ and elsewhere, for instance, on the Crusader façade of the Holy Sep- ulchre in Jerusalem89. It is also a staple of the illustration of Byzan- tine90, Syriac91, and Ethiopian Gospel manuscripts92 as well as pil- grimage art93. Focal from the beginning appear to be Gospel lections about the women at the tomb on Holy Saturday and Pascha itself as well as on the following days, throughout the Church94. The incens- ing of the Paschal candle on Holy Saturday recalls the spices brought by the holy women95. In the late fourth century, St. Jerome refers to the three Marys who went to the tomb on Easter morning as apos- tles: Drawing from the Markan account he is explicit that the Lord, presents both scenes of female witnesses to the Resurrection: on the right, the angel greets three haloed women; at the left, Christ appears to two Marys, Mary of Bethany kneeling before him and the Theotokos standing and sharing eye contact with Christ; P. VAN MOORSEL, Les peintures du monastère de saint-Antoine près de la Mer Rouge, Cairo 1995, pp. 6, 105-8, and plates 51-54. The same scenes are prominent in frescoes near the at the tenth-century church at Aght’amar in ; S. DER NERSESSIAN, Aght’amar, Church of the Holy Cross, Cambridge, Mass. 1965. 89. The facade shows Mary Magdalene, in the Noli me tangere; A.W. CARR, Byzan- tine Illumination, 1150-1250: The Study of a Provincial Tradition, Chicago 1985, fig. 12B11. 90. For Greek manuscripts, see CARR, Byzantine Illumination, passim. 91. For instance, in the Rabbula Gospels, in Syriac (586 A.D.), the Crucifixion in- cludes the Theotokos as witness, and the lower register on the same page shows, at left, the Theotokos and another woman encountering the angel at the tomb, and, at right, the risen Christ, his hand raised in blessing, facing the same two women, kneeling; fig. 21, in K. WEITZMANN, «Loca Sancta and the Representational Arts of Palestine», in: Dumbar- ton Oaks Papers 28 (1974), pp. 31-55. 92. Even sparsely illustrated Ethiopian Gospels depict them: MSS B.N., eth. 32; Däbrä Maar; Institute of Ethiopian Studies 2475; and Stockholm, Nationalmuseum, B. 2034; C. LEPAGE, «Reconstruction d’un cycle protobyzantin à partir des miniatures de deux manuscrits éthiopiens du XIVe siècle», in: Cahiers archéologiques 35 (1987), pp. 159-96, at pp. 174-9, fig. 20-1; ID., «Prototype de deux tétraevangiles du XIVe siècle à cycle court de trois miniatures», in: Abbay 13 (1986-87), pp. 60-75 at pp. 67-71, fig. 5- 6; and E. BALICKA-WITAKOWSKA, La Crucifixion sans Crucifié dans l'art éthiopien, Warsaw 1997, p. 6, n. 10, Cat. No. III on pp. 125-6, and Cat. No. 3 (!). 93. The first scene at the tomb is found on the lid of the Sancta Sanctorum Reli- quary, made ca. 600 in Palestine, and on an encaustic icon from Sinai; WEITZMANN, «Representational Arts of Palestine», pp. 42-43 and fig. 21, 25. Notably, women are in four of five scenes on the Sancta Sanctorum Reliquary: Nativity, Baptism, Crucifixion, Myrrophoroi, and Ascension; WEITZMANN, ibid., fig. 32. Most pictures of the holy sites unite the Crucifixion and the women at the tomb, while on some ampullae «the scene of the Women at the Tomb fills the whole roundel»; WEITZMANN, ibid., pp. 41-42, with fig. 22, 24. The meeting of the women with the newly resurrected Christ is also com- memorated in the icon known as the xaírete. 94. BAUDOT, Lectionary (see n. 8 above), pp. 132, 133, 149-50; KANNOOKADAN, East Syrian Lectionary (see n. 53 above), pp. 188, 191. 95. GULIELMUS DURANDUS, Rationale divinorum officiorum 6.80. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 297 rising, first appeared to women («Dominum resurgentem primum apparuisse mulieribus» – cf. Mark 16:9: «surgens… apparuit primo Mariae Magdalenae») and that these women were the apostles of the apostles (apostolorum illas fuisse apostolas)96. Hippolytus of Rome treats Mary Magdalene as apostle, and Ambrose speaks of her officium evangelizandi, while later Thomas Aquinas also treats Mary Magda- lene’s «officium apostolicum, immo facta est apostolorum apostola, per hoc quod ei committitur ut resurrectionem dominicam discipulis annuntiet» («apostolic office, indeed she was made apostle of the apostles, in that it was committed to her that she should announce the Lord’s Resurrection to the disciples»)97. With four other first-cen- tury female saints, Junia, Mariamne, Photina and Thecla, Mary Mag- dalene was deemed îsapóstolov «equal to the apostles»98, a term re- served for holy men and women who evangelized a whole people99.

96. Comm. on Zephaniah prol. (CCSL 76A:671); J.N.D. KELLY, Jerome: His Life, Writings and Controversies, London 1975 (repr. Peabody, Mass. 1998), pp. 163, 168, 169. 97. Hippolytus of Rome treats Mary Magdalene, Martha, and Eve as apostles, and Ambrose speaks of Mary Magdalene’s officium evangelizandi; NÜRNBERG, «Apostolae Apostolorum: Die Frauen in der Väterexegese» (n. 72 above), pp. 228-9, 236-7. For Thomas Aquinas, see Super Evangelium sancti Iohannis, 20.3, Taurini 1952. See also Rabanus Maurus, De vita beatae Mariae Magdalenae 27. See also SZÖVÉRFFY, «Mary Magdalen Hymns» (n. 55 above), pp. 92-3, 145, and K. JANSEN, «Maria Magdalena: Apostolorum Apostola», in: B.M. KIENZLE/P. WALKER (edd.), Women Preachers and Prophets through Two Millennia of Christianity, Berkeley 1998, pp. 57-96. 98. Junia is named with Andronicus in Romans 16:7 as «êpísjmoi ên to⁄v âpostó- loiv» («notable among the apostles») and John Chrystostom (PG 60:669-70) calls her âpóstolov; Martin Luther was the first to promulgate the idea of «Junias» as a man, es- sentially a modern issue; see B. BROOTEN, «‘Junia … Outstanding among the Apostles’ (Romans 16:7)», in: A. SWIDLER/L. SWIDLER (edd.), Women , New York 1977, pp. 141-44; on the name as male, see e.g. M. HAUKE, Women in the Priesthood? A System- atic Analysis in the Light of the Order of Creation and Redemption, San Francisco 1988, pp. 358-60. Mariamne, the sister of the apostle Philip, «appears regularly in synaxaria, menologia and menaia of the Orthodox Church» for Feb. 17, while she is îsapóstolov in the Constantinopolitanum and a ninth-century hymn; E.C. TOPPING, «St. Joseph the Hymnograph and St. Mariamne Isapostolos», in: Byzantina 13.2 (1985), pp. 1033-52, at p. 1036. Thekla is âpóstolov in the typicon of Hagia Sophia (ibid., n. 69). Thecla, Photina (according to legend, the Samaritan woman at the well, who preached in Carthage and Rome), and Mary Magdalene are îsapóstolov in cod. 166 of Dionysiou on Mount Athos (1616); RAPP, «Figures of Female Sanctity» (n. 12 above), p. 317, n. 23. THEODORE KERAMEUS describes Mary Magdalene as apostle and apostle to the apostles; Hom. 30, 31, 34 (PG 132:632, 645-7, 672); V. SAXER, «Les saintes Marie- Madeleine et Marie de Béthanie dans la tradition liturgique et homilétique orientale», in: Revue des sciences religieuses 32 (1958), pp. 1-37, at p. 33. 99. Also designated by the Orthodox Church and the Byzantine rites of the Catholic Church as îsapóstolov are St. Constantine the Great (d. 337) and St. Helena (d. 330/6), for their roles in opening the Roman Empire to Christianity; St. Nina (fourth century), whose preaching converted Georgia; Patrick (ca. 390-461?), whose preaching converted 298 C.B. TKACZ

Byzantine hymns ascribe words in direct discourse to these women. Similarly in the West, these women are focal in Gregorian chant for Easter, and the Paschal Trope, composed 923-4 at the Monastery of St. Martial of Limoges, elaborates upon the dialogue of these women with the angel and became the source of the first west- ern liturgical drama, «Quem Quaeritis?»100. Likewise the Easter se- quence «Victimae paschali laudes» written in the eleventh century addresses Mary and includes her response in which she announces the Resurrection of Christ101. Several of the Byzantine hymns about these holy women name Mary Magdalene102. These resurrectional hymns, moreover, are sung throughout the church year, because Sun- day is the celebration of the Resurrection, and therefore these songs are recorded in the full set of choir books for the church year, the Oktoechos, the Triodion, and the Pentekostarion103. Anatolius (d. 451)104, Koumoulas105, Kosmas the hymnographer (ca. 675 - ca.

Ireland; SS. Cyril (d. 869) and Methodius (d. 885), for their mission to the Slavs; St. Olga, Russia’s first canonized saint (d. 969), and her grandson, St. Vladimir, Prince of Kiev (d. 1015), for their opening their nation to Christendom; and St. Sava (d. 1235), founder of the autocephalous church of Serbia. 100. The chants include cao6676, cao6676a, cao6676b, cao6676c, cao6676d, mai0657 (see CANTUS in n. 135 below). S. STICCA, The Latin Passion Play: Its Origins and Development, Albany 1970, pp. 19-27, 39. For the hymn, «Quem quaeritis in sepulcro, o Christolicolae?» see U. CHEVALIER, Repertorium hymnologicum: Catalogue des chants, hymnes, proses, séquences, tropes, en usage dans l’Église latine depuis les origines jusqu’à nos jours, 6 vols., Brussels 1898-1901, vol. 2, p. 403. For an Eastern hymn by Anatolius with this dialogue, see Hymns of the Octoechus, transcribed by H.J.W. TILLYARD (hereafter Octoechus), 2 vols., Copenhagen 1949, vol. 1, pp. 46-47. 101. WIPO (d. 1050), «Victimae paschali laudes», in: F.J.E. RABY (ed.), The Oxford Book of Medieval Latin Verse, Oxford 1959, pp. 184-5. 102. For hymns by Anatolius naming Mary Magdalene, see Octoechus, vol. 1, pp. 31- 32, 46-47. 103. The Oktoechos, the Triodion, and the Pentekostarion are the choir books for the movable feasts of the year, the Triodion being for the Great Fast (Lent) and Pascha (Easter), the Pentekostarion for the fifty-day season of Pentecost, and the Oktoechos for Orthros (Matins), Vespers, Divine Liturgy, and Saturday mesonyktikon (Nocturne); R.F. TAFT, S.J., in: ODB, under «Oktoechos», «Triodion», «Pentekostarion», and «Hours, liturgical». 104. Ten hymns by Anatolius: Octoechus, vol. 1, pp. 7-8, 14-15, 29-33, 46-47, 58- 59, 80-81, 111-2, 124-5. He also wrote four hymns for the Second Sunday after Easter: «Murofóroi guna⁄kev / t¬ç táfwç tí pros±lqete», «´Jlqon êpi tò mnjme⁄on / ™ Magdaljnß kaì ™ ãllj María», «Metà fobou ¥lqov guna⁄kev», and «‰Erranan múra metà dakrúwn»; Hymns of the Pentecostarium, transcribed by H.J.W. TILLYARD (hereafter Pentecostarium), Copenhagen 1960, pp. 29-32. 105. Koumoulas wrote three hymns on the subject, for the second Sunday after Easter: «Aî murofóroi guna⁄kev ∫rqrou baqéóv», «Tí tà múra to⁄v dákrousi maqßtriai kir- n¢te», and «Aî murofóroi ∫rqriai genómenai»; Pentecostarium, pp. 24-25, 25-26, 26-27. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 299

752)106, and the Emperor Leo VI (886-912)107 together wrote over a score of hymns treating them. At least four acrostic hymns on the subject were written108. These hymns are often explicit about the commission by the angel to the women to announce the resurrection to the apostles and conclude with words ascribed to the women, de- claring the resurrection109. Characteristic is this hymn by Anatolius: Guva⁄kev murofóroi múra férousai / metà spoud±v kaì ôdurmoÕ / tòn táfon sou katélabon, / kaì m® eüroÕsai tò ãxranton s¬má sou / parà dè toÕ ãggélou maqoÕsai / tò kainòn kaì parádozon qaÕma, / to⁄v âpostóloiv ∂legon: / ‘ˆA véstj ö Kúriov / ö paréxwn t¬ç kósmwç tò méga ∂leov. (The myrrhbearing women bringing myrrh with urgency and lamentation arrived at your tomb, and not finding your immaculate/undefiled body, learning from the angel the new and marvelous wonder, to the apostles they declared: «Risen is the Lord, granting to the world great mercy»)110. The women and their words are emphasized. The women are the grammatical subject and in initial position in the sentence; the apos- tles and the angel are subordinated. Final position accents the wom- en’s joyous words, which become the acclamation of the entire com- munity. Notably, on the Sunday of the Samaritan Woman (John 4), the first troparion treats the holy women at the tomb, commissioned to evangelize the Resurrection, and the kontakion focuses on the Sa- maritan woman, thus aligning her evangelization of her community with the apostolic role of the holy women at the tomb111.

106. Kosmas’s hymn «Aî murofóroi guna⁄kev / tòn táfon sou katélabousai» is for the Second Sunday after Easter; Pentecostarium, pp. 27-28. 107. The incipits of the four hymns by Leo: «Metà múrwn proselqoúsa⁄v perì t®n Mariàm», «‰Orqrov ¥n baqùv kaì guna⁄kev», and «Tò t±v Maríav dákrua»; Octoechus, vol. 2, pp. 62-68, 76-77. 108. For two of the acrostic hymns (incipits: «Murofóroi guna⁄kev, tòn táfon sou» and «Murofóroi tòn qr±non Xristòv») see L. TARDO, «L’Ottoëco nei manoscritti di antica melurgia bizantina», in: Bolletino della Badia Greca di Grottaferrata 1 (1947), pp. 37-38. Two of Anatolius’s hymns are acrostic: «Guna⁄kev murofóroi múra férousai» and «Metà dakrúwn guna⁄kev»; Octoechus, vol. 1, pp. 111-2, 124-5. 109. For instance, Anatolius’ hymns citing the apostles include Octoechus, vol. 1, pp. 58-59, 111-2. 110. Octoechus, vol. 1, pp. 111-2. The divisions mark the musical phrasing of the score. Punctuation added. Similar is Anastasius’ hymn for Mode 1; Octoechus vol. 1, pp. 58-59. 111. Eight anonymous hymns about the Samaritan woman are included for the Fourth Sunday after Easter in Pentecostarium, pp. 57-68. See also Romanos the Melode’s Kontakion of the Woman of Samaria; Romani Cantica, vol. 1, no. 9. On the Samaritana, see also n. 72 above. 300 C.B. TKACZ

5. Women’s Words in Eastern Liturgy: Martha’s Profession of Faith as Communion Hymn

In addition to praising God in the words of righteous women of the Bible, frequently the congregation prayed in the words of biblical saints112. Such liturgical use of direct discourse recorded in scripture is more than commemoration: as is clear from patristic catechesis and sermons, such liturgical recreations are lived typology. One such liturgical prayer opens with a profession of faith centered on the words of a woman. St. Martha of Bethany utters the Gospels’ fullest profession of faith in Jesus (John 11:27)113. Peter’s profession is prior (John 6:70), but Martha’s is complete114. Eustathios of Antioch (d. before 337)115 asserts that Martha’s profes- sion surpasses Peter’s and proceeds to discuss hers116. Similarly John Cassian cites Martha’s declaration of certainty and then asserts, «Disce a muliere veram fidem, disce aeternae spei confessionem» 112. Non-liturgical prayers also feature speech of the faithful recorded in the Gos- pels. For instance, the Jesus Prayer –«Jesus Christ, Son of the Living God, have mercy on me a poor sinner»– derives from the petition of the ten lepers to Jesus (Luke 17:12-13) and from that of the blind man of Jericho (Luke 18:37-38). See esp. K. WARE, «The Use of the Jesus Prayer in Daily Life», in: Eastern Christian Churches 7.3 (2000), pp. 15-28; and R.E. SINKEWICZ, C.S.B., «An Early Byzantine Commentary on the Jesus Prayer: In- troduction and Edition» in: Medieval Studies 49 (1987), pp. 208-20, esp. pp. 208-12. The prayer was also well known in the West, its advocates including St. Bernard of Clairvaux and St. Bernardino of Siena. 113. Her words are discussed in exegesis of the Gospel of John, e.g., AUGUSTINE, In Iohannis evangelium tractatus 49.15.25-27 (CCSL 36:428); ALCUIN borrows Augustine’s treatment, Comm. in sancti Iohannis Evangelium (PL 100:900). See also, e.g., JOHN CHRYSOSTOM, In Joannem, hom. 62 (PG 59:346); PETRUS CHRYSOLOGUS, Collectio sermonum 63.111 (CCSL 24A:378.112-7); BALDWIN, Archbishop of Canterbury (ca. 1120-90), De commendatione fidei 93.42-44 (CCCM 99:442); RUPERT OF DEUTZ, Commentaria in evangelium sancti Iohannis 10.554.889 and 896 (CCCM 9); THOMAS A KEMPIS, Meditatio de incarnatione Christi, 3.49.11, ed. M.J. POHL, Freiburg im Breisgau 1904. 114. Discussed in the context of other expressions of faith by TKACZ, «Jesus and the Spiritual Equality of Women» (n. 13 above). See also Eustathios of Antioch, below. 115. A. KAZHDAN et al., «Eustathios of Antioch», in: ODB, s.v. Given that Eusta- thios was a noted opponent of Arianism in the Council of Nicaea, his high esteem for the profession of Martha suggests that her profession of faith, perhaps even its wording, may have been in the minds of Eustathios and some of the other as they formulated the Nicene Creed. 116. F. CAVALLERA (ed.), S. Eustathii, episcopi Antiocheni In Lazarum, Mariam et Martham homilia christologica. Nunc primum e codice gronouiano ed. cum commentario de fragmentis eustathianis accesserunt fragmenta Flaviani Antiocheni, Paris 1905, esp. section 12, end, through section 13, line 3. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 301

(«Learn from a woman the true faith, learn the profession of eternal hope»)117. In his homilies Godfrey of Admont consistently quotes the professions of both Peter and Martha, perhaps with an eye to providing his congregation with both a man and a woman of faith to imitate118. Others draw on her words in preaching119 and as an au- thoritative profession of faith and acknowledge her as an apostle120. Notably, when St. Augustine preaches on John 11, he dwells in detail on the implications of Jesus’s statement that he is the resurrection and the life, and then Augustine quotes Martha’s affirmation of faith. At once he makes her words his own, reiterating them and folding Christ’s words into them, asserting, «I believe that you are the resur- rection, I believe that you are the life…»121. Thus he models his pro- fession of faith on that of the holy woman of Bethany, and de facto offers himself with her as models for the congregation, that they may likewise affirm the same faith. Martha’s words become the core of an affirmation of faith used as a communion prayer. The words of Sts. Peter, Martha, and Paul are harmonized in a communion prayer («Pisteúw, Kúrie») dating from the ninth century or earlier. Initially for private use, it is found in the ninth century in the Palestinian Liturgy of Saint James; the first Byz- antine attestations are from the next century, in Italo-Greek manu- scripts from Southern Italy122. As a private clerical devotional prayer,

117. JOHN CASSIAN, De incarnatione Domini 3.11, see also 6.19, 7.10 (CSEL 17:276.10-15). 118. GODEFRIDUS (sive IRIMBERTUS?) ADMONTENSIS, Homiliae festivales 27 and Homiliae dominicales 39 and 42 (PL 174:754, 266, 281). 119. For instance, HEIRICUS AUTISSIODORENSIS, Homiliae per circulum anni, pars hiemalis, hom. 54, line 233 (CCCM 116AB). 120. Example of faith: PAULINUS AQUILEIENSIS, Contra Felicem 2.12.4 (CCCM 95). Hippolytus of Rome treats Mary Magdalene, Martha of Bethany, and Eve as apostles; NÜRNBERG, «Apostolae Apostolorum: Die Frauen in der Väterexegese» (n. 72 above), pp. 228-9. 121. «Credidi quia tu es resurrectio, credidi quia tu es vita ...»; AUGUSTINE, In Iohannis evangelium tractatus 49.15.25-30 (CCSL 36:428), echoed by Alcuin (see n. 113 above). 122. R.F. TAFT, «Prayers Before Communion in the Byzantine Eucharist», in: East- ern Churches Journal 8.1 (Spring 2001), pp. 124-5, noting twenty-eight such prayers; for full discussion see his forthcoming study, «Byzantine Communion Rites II: Later Formu- las and Rubrics in the Ritual of Clergy Communion», in: Orientalia Christiana Periodica 68 (2002). He describes a monastic custom initiated in the sixth century of using the Vespers Hymn «ToÕ Deípnou sou» (Cenae tuae) as a communion hymn throughout the year; see also TH. SCHATTAUER, «The Koinonicon of the Byzantine Liturgy: An Historical Study», in: Orientalia Christiana Periodica 49.1 (1983), pp. 91-129, at pp. 109-10, 112. 302 C.B. TKACZ this communion text is found in Greek, Slavonic, and other manu- script traditions; in Slavic usage apparently dating to the tenth cen- tury, the entire body of the faithful, clergy and together, say the precommunion prayer together aloud, «as the clergy hold the Sacred Body in their hands before consuming it»123. The opening confes- sion of this prayer124 is comprised of words recorded in the New Tes- tament as spoken by Peter, Martha, and Paul, and its petition is that of the repentant thief beside the crucified Christ: Pisteúw, Kúrie, kaì ömolog¬, ºti sù e¤ ö Xristòv ö Uïòv toÕ QeoÕ toÕ h¬ntov, ö êlqÑn eîv tòn kósmon ämartwloùv sÉsai, Ün pr¬tóv êgÉ eîmi…125 âllˆ Üv ö ljçst®v ömolog¬ soi· Mnßsqjtí mou, Kúrie, ên t±ç basileíaç sou126. («O Lord, I believe and profess that you are Christ, the Son of the Living God, who has come into the world to save sinners, of whom I am the first…. Like the thief I confess to you, Remember me, Lord, when you come into your kingdom».) Peter: kaì ™me⁄v pepisteúkamen kaì êgvÉkamen ºti sù e¤ ö †giov toÕ qeoÕ127. («We believe and know that you are the Holy One of the God»; John 6:70.)

Judging from the texts of that hymn and the communion hymn cited here («Pisteúw, Kúrie»), the latter probably developed from the Vespers hymn for Holy Thursday. 123. TAFT, «Prayers before Communion», p. 125. 124. Closely related to the opening of the prayer discussed here is a communion hymn, currently optional after the primary communion hymn. The secondary hymn fo- cuses on the words of Sts. Peter and Martha, omitting the words of St. Paul: «I do believe and profess, O my Lord, You are the true Son of God ...» («Virujy Hospodi, i uznaju, / Cto Ty Syn Boha zivaho…»); The Divine Liturgy: A Book of Prayer for the Liturgies of St. John Chrysostom and St. Basil the Great, compiled by Rev. W. LEVKULIC, Pittsburgh 1978, p. 150. 125. For the Greek, see PG 63:920; and The Divine Liturgy of Our Father among the Saints, John Chrysostom; The Greek Text Together with a Translation into English Issued with the Blessing of His All-Holiness the Ecumenical Patriarch, Bartholomew I on the Initiative of His Eminence Archbishop Gregorios of Thyateira and Great Britain for Use in the Churches of the Archdiocese, Oxford 1995, pp. 42-44. The modern edition (hereafter Divine Liturgy) adds âljq¬v ‘truly’ before ö Xristòv and transposes êgÉ eîmi, presumably to imitate St. Paul more closely. 126. PG 63:920; Divine Liturgy, p. 43 (prayed by the celebrant), p. 46 (prayed by the faithful). 127. Some biblical manuscripts expand Peter’s affirmation found in John’s account to the fuller wording of his profession as recorded in Matthew, yielding: «kaì ™me⁄v pepisteúkamen kaì êgnÉkamen ºti sù e¤ ö xristòv ö uïòv toÕ qeoÕ toÕ h¬ntov». This fuller wording is also found in the Byzantine Lectionary as well as the writings of Basil, Cyprian, and Chrysostom. See the apparatus of The Greek New Testament, 3rd ed., edd. K.ALAND/M. BLACK/C.M. MARTINI/B.M. METZGER/A. WIGGREN, in cooperation with the Institute for New Testament Textual Research, Münster 1975. The Vulgate also re- flects this wording. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 303

Martha: Naì kúrie, êgÑ pepísteúka ºti sù e¤ ö xristòv ö uïòv toÕ qeoÕ ö eîv tòn kósmon êrxómevov128. («Yes, Lord, I believe that you are the Christ, the Son of God who has come into the world»; John 11:27) Paul: Xristò … eîv tòn kósmon ämartwloùv sÉsai, ˜n pr¬tóv eîmi êgÉ. («Christ… came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am the first»; 1 Tim. 1:15b.) Repentant thief: 'IjsoÕ, mnßsqjtí mou ºtan ∂lqjçv eîv t®n basileían sou. («Je- sus, remember me when you come into your kingdom»; Luke 23:42)129. It appears that after this profession of faith, a medieval variant of the Greek communion prayer added a paraphrase of the words of the centurion and then a pair of references to the unclean leper who was healed and to the woman who kissed Christ’s feet130. The commun- ion prayer in all forms always begins with a balance of the sexes in the quotation of the words of both a woman and men who professed Christ. In the variant, after a paraphrase of the words of the cen- turion, the prayer again provides male and female models in its refer- ences to a man and a woman who humbly approached Christ for physical and spiritual healing. In comparable position in the Roman rite the congregation addressed Christ in a paraphrase of the words of the centurion: «Lord, I am not worthy to receive you, but only say the word and I [Matt. 8:8: my servant] shall be healed». In both Eastern and Western liturgies, that is, the congregation prayed in words of direct address to Jesus recorded in the New Testament. The Christian was intended thereby to recreate in the liturgy the same immediate communication with Christ experienced by the men and women whose words and deeds are recorded in the Gospels. In the Eastern communion prayer, this immediate communication was to be effected for the entire people – clergy and lay, male and female – by affirming as their own the profession of faith first voiced by Martha of Bethany.

128. Her declaration incorporates a phrase used earlier within the Gospel of John, when the people seeing the miraculous multiplication of loaves thought Jesus must be «the one coming into the world» (ö êrxómevov eîv tòn kósmon, John 6:14). 129. Use of the thief’s words here derives from the hymn «ToÕ Deípnou sou»; R.F. TAFT, S.J., The Great Entrance: A History of the Transfer of Gifts and Other Pre- Anaphoral Rites, 2nd ed., Rome 1978 (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 200), pp. 68-70, 118; see also n. 121 above. 130. PG 63:901-22, at 920. 304 C.B. TKACZ

6. Women’s Words in Gregorian Chant: Gospel Women, Judith, Esther, Sarah, and Susanna

In the West as in the East, the sacramental singing of biblical speech is widespread and ancient. The programmatic reading of the entire Bible in the West throughout the year goes back at least to the sev- enth century131. Gregorian chant texts, like the proper hymns of the East, were created to accompany the reading of Scripture. In the East the hymns were sung in the same service in which the lections were chanted. In the West Gregorian chant derives from and complements the course of readings prescribed in the breviary132. Unlike Eastern hymnody, however, Gregorian chant often simply presents the words of the biblical saint, without surrounding narrative to identify the speaker. In both cases, though, chant reanimates biblical speech as the active prayer of the faithful and women’s words were often focal. Importantly, chant was not exclusively monastic: it was prayed in ca- thedrals and in parish churches. The latter point deserves emphasis: By the fifth century, some non-monastic churches had enough clergy to celebrate the full cursus of the hours133. Antiphoners from parishes in Italy, Wales, the Netherlands, and Slovenia show that the practice spread widely134. Chant was the worship of the entire church, lay and clergy, male and female. In addition to such Western musical settings of women’s words as the troping of the dialogue of the Angel and the holy women at the tomb and the Easter sequence with the words of Mary Magdalene, the words of these and other women of the New Testament were sung in Gregorian chant: Elizabeth, Mary the mother of God, Martha of Bethany, the Samaritan woman, and the Canaanite

131. In 1962, Salmon observed that generally «the Scripture is still read today in the office according to the order fixed by the old Ordo of St. Peter in the seventh century, modified by the Ordo of the Lateran in the eighth»; see P. SALMON, O.S.B., The Breviary through the Centuries, Collegeville, Minn. 1962, pp. 63-64. 132. In the eleventh century the one-volume breviary was compiled, drawing to- gether the texts and music previously only in separate volumes: Psalter, lectionary, mar- tyrology, homiliary, antiphoner, and hymn book. Thus the breviary was the official book of the Divine Office for the Roman Rite, with the Church’s prayer for each hour of each day of the year. For its history, see SALMON, Breviary through the Centuries. Ruth Steiner advises me that the specific lessons in the breviary vary far more than the chants do. 133. SALMON, Breviary, p. 40. 134. For examples of parish antiphoners, see at n. 162 below. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 305 woman, for instance135. The parable of the ten virgins (Matt. 25:1- 13) was sung during the Common of Virgins and became in Ger- many a macaronic play136. Undoubtedly the words of other women of the Gospels also were voiced in Gregorian chant as the worship of the whole church. The words of Old Testament women, also, including Judith, Esther and Susanna were sung in Gregorian chant for well over a millennium137. During the period between Pentecost and Advent, roughly August through November, the historical books of the Old Testament were the readings prescribed in the breviary138. The words of Judith and Esther were sung every August, when the biblical books of Judith and Esther were read in consecutive weeks139. Judith’s words were sung in the first responsory («Adonai, Domine» from Judith 16:6,7), the fifth responsory and verse («Dominator Domine» from Judith 9:17), and the sixth responsory and verse («Domine Deus, qui conteris» from Judith 9:10-11)140. Esther’s 135. The CANTUS database of Gregorian Chant (http://publish.uwo.ca/~cantus/), hereafter CANTUS, uses the abbreviations of the Corpus Antiphonalium Officii (hereafter CAO); see, for Elizabeth (cao6155 etc.), Mary (cao6172z etc.), the Samaritan woman (e.g., cao2309), the Canaanite woman (cao4046), Martha (mrs0630 etc.), and the Holy Women at the tomb cao3824, cao7128, cao5268, wei0904, cao8455. 136. R. AMSTUTZ, Ludus de decem virginibus: Recovery of the Sung Liturgical Core of the Thuringian «Zehnjungfrauenspiel», Toronto 2002; for the parable in fourteen chant passages, see Worcester Cathedral, Music Library, MS F160, fol. 280v, incipits tran- scribed in CANTUS. 137. Only after Vatican II, when the year-long cycle of the breviary was simplified into the modern Liturgy of the Hours, were the readings shortened and the number of chanted responses reduced by more than half. In the process the words of Susanna and Judith were dropped. For Susanna, compare the readings and for November in the following two volumes: The Roman Breviary, reformed by order of the Holy Œcumenical Council of Trent; published by order of Pope St. Pius V.; and revised by Clement VIII., Urban VIII., and Leo XIII…, trans. John, MARQUESS OF BUTE, K.T., a new edition for use in England, 4 vols., Edinburgh 1908, vol. 4, Autumn, pp. 289-316; and The Liturgy of the Hours according to the Roman Rite…, 4 vols., (hereafter Liturgy of the Hours) Eng. trans. prepared by the International Commission on English in the Liturgy, New York 1975, vol. 4: Ordinary Time, Weeks 18-34, the 32nd week in Ordinary Time. In the Roman Bre- viary, Susanna’s words are sung on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Saturdays throughout the month of November, and during the week of the third Sunday of November the readings are from Dan. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 9. The Liturgy of the Hours omits Susanna’s words and the readings in the 32nd week are Dan. 1, 2, 3, 5, 9, 10, and 12. 138. J. PASCHER, Das liturgische Jahr, Munich 1963, pp. 295, 305-7. See also BAUMSTARK, Comparative Liturgy (see n. 1 above), pp. 119-21. 139. PASCHER, Das liturgische Jahr, p. 295. 140. The identifying codes for these chants are «Adonai, Domine» (cao6043), «Dominator Domine» (cao6488), and «Domine Deus, qui conteris» (cao6492). See also 306 C.B. TKACZ words were sung during the week her history was read, and her words are paired with those of men and women. The second respon- sory, «Conforta me, Rex sanctorum», is entirely from her prayer (Esther 14:12, 13, 11), and the verse it is paired with is from Job (Job 24:23), while the third responsory, «Spem in alium», harmo- nizes the praises and petitions of three women: Esther (14:9), Sarah (Tob. 3:13) and Judith (Judith 9:17)141. Thus the chants associated with the reading of the Book of Esther in the breviary show the pat- tern of combining the words of various saints, with «Spem in alium» coordinating the words of three righteous women and «Conforta me, Rex sanctorum» demonstrating the same blending of the words of men and women seen in the Byzantine communion hymn «Pisteúw, Kúrie». So far it has been established that women’s words are focal in prayer and hymnody in the entire church from early times. To dem- onstrate the far-reaching effects of singing and praying women’s words as sacramental mimesis, it is useful to study one instance of such use in detail, considering the full chant text and its variants, its musical setting, its original liturgical context and additional uses that developed, and its influence in prose.

7. Susanna’s Aptness as a Model

Susanna, the heroine of Daniel 13, is a particularly appropriate woman to select for such comprehensive examination, for she is among the biblical women who have been interpreted in Christian tradition as a type of Christ. Interpreting her as a christological type was a mainstream tradition, demonstrated in the writings of Am- brose, Jerome, Augustine, Maximus of Turin and others, including Bede, Alcuin, Abelard, and Rupert of Deutz and the anonymous compilers of illustrated typological works such as the Biblia Paupe- rum. Further, in the visual arts, notably on the front of the Brescia cao6043a, cao6043b, cao6461, cao6492a, cao6492b, cao7078, cao7237, cao7237a, cao7237b, cao7684a, cao7913z. 141. PASCHER, Das liturgische Jahr, pp. 302-3. The chant reference numbers are cao6319 and cao7684. See also, e.g., cao2377, cao2378, cao6319, cao6319a, cao6511, cao6511a, cao7684, cao7779a. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 307

Casket, she was highly visible as a type of Christ142. Moreover, she may have been the very first woman to be so considered143. The other women are Ruth144, Jephthah’s daughter145, the widow of Zarephath146, Judith147, Esther148, Jairus’ daughter149, and from the parable, the woman who finds the lost drachma (Luke 15:8-9)150. (A sexually balanced pair of types of Christ is often offered in art and in texts: Susanna with Daniel, Isaiah, or Hezekiah; Jephthah’s daughter with Isaac; Judith with David; Jairus’s daughter with the son of the

142. TKACZ, «Susanna as a Type of Christ» (n. 12 above), and Key to the Brescia Cas- ket (n. 2 above), pp. 59-61, 74-81, and see index. 143. For detailed studies of these women as types of Christ, see n. 23 above. The fol- lowing notes give selected evidence of the interpretation of the various biblical women as types of Christ. 144. For Ruth in rabbinic exegesis see Ruth Rabba 2.14 and the Babylonian Shabbath 113b, the latter of which is Tannaitic and prior to A.D. 200; D. DAUBE, The New Testament and Rabbinic Judaism, London 1956 (repr. Arno 1973), pp. 33, 47- 48. 145. The first of many texts expressing this typology is from the late third century: ST. METHODIUS, bishop of Olympus (d. ca. 311), in his Symposium, ed. H. MUSURILLO, Paris 1963 (Sources Chrétiennes 95), p. 316; reprint in A.G. HAMMAN, La prière dans l’Eglise ancienne, New York 1989. The fullest discussion is by Dionysius bar Salibi, Bishop of Amida (d. 1171), and is translated from MS Mingana, Syr. 152, by D.H. SCHULZE, «The Commentary of Dionysius bar Salibi on the Historical Books of the Old Testament», Ph.D. diss., The University of Chicago 1930, pp. 58-59. The com- mentary on Judges is on fols. 77b-79b. I am grateful to Stephen Ryan, O.P., for calling this passage to my attention. Early depictions of Jephthah’s daughter as a type of Christ are adjacent to the altar and parallel to Isaac depicted as a type of Christ on the other side of the altar, as seen at the Church of St. Catherine’s Monastery on Mount Sinai and at the Church of St. Anthony’s Monastery near the Red Sea. 146. The Pictor in carmine (ca. 1200), an influential artists’ guide based on patristic sources, treats her as a type of Christ: «Baiulat sibi crucem Ihesus … Vidua Sareptena colligit duo ligna in adventu Helye»; M.R. JAMES, «Pictor in Carmine», in: Archaeologia 94 (1951), pp. 141-66, at p. 161. 147. In Michelangelo’s frescoed ceiling of the Sistine Chapel (1508-1510), in a pair of pendentives, Judith beheading Holofernes is depicted as parallel to David about to be- head Goliath, in a sexually balanced pair of types of Christ; Roger Hornsby, private com- munication. 148. For instance, Rupert of Deutz (1075/80-1129) asserts that Esther’s history is «dominicae passionis typus» when he discusses the fact that the lectionary pairs Esther’s prayer with Jesus’ foretelling of his Crucifixion to the disciples (Matt. 20:17-19); RUPERT OF DEUTZ, Liber de divinis officiis 4.15: «De feriis secundae hebdomadae» (CCCM 7:126-28, at 127). 149. Romanos the Melode has Mary Magdalene call upon Christ in the tomb to arise as he raised the son of the widow and Jairus’ daughter (see at n. 21 above). 150. CYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA, Commentarium in Lucam 5.8 (PG 72:800-1). Jesus pro- vided male and female examples, shepherd and homemaker, and Cyril interprets each as a type of Christ. 308 C.B. TKACZ widow of Nain; and the parable’s homemaker with the parable’s shepherd151). Significantly, Susanna was highly visible in Christianity from the start. In the time of Jesus her biblical history had emphasis by first position within the Septuagint Book of Daniel and she herself had a prominence unsuspected today152. Susanna, like the three youths in the fiery furnace and Daniel in the lions’ den, heroically risks death rather than violate her religious beliefs: Two Elders threaten her with death by stoning on a false charge of adultery if she does not lie with them. Her two major speeches, refusing the Elders emphatically and later praying when she has been condemned wrongly, become fa- mous. Notably, the distinctive biblical passage recounting her prayer when facing imminent death (vv. 43-45) has striking parallels with Matthew’s account of the death of Christ (Matt. 27:46, 50), which suggests nothing less than that the Gospel narrative of Christ’s Pas- sion was expressed so as to present him as fulfilling what Susanna prefigured153. The accounts of Susanna’s prayer and of Christ’s excla- mation before death each open with the predicate âneÛójsen («ex- claimed») and the biblical phrase fwn±ç megal±ç (Vulg. voce magna), a contextual coupling unique to the two passages. Both proceed with an invocation to God, followed in Susanna’s case with the statement, kaì îdoù âpoqn±çskw (Vulg.: Ecce morior, ‘Behold, I die’) and in Jesus’

151. For Daniel, Isaiah, and Hezekiah with Susanna, see TKACZ, «Susanna as a Type of Christ», pp. 106-8, 113-6, 118-9, 122-3, Figs. 3-4, 6-7, 8-9. For the other pairs, see the preceding notes. 152. Her importance is unexpected partly because of her displacement in the Vulgate version of Daniel. Jerome shifted the text to become chapter 13, because it was not then extant in Hebrew and was thought to have been composed in Greek, a view overturned in the last century by Jewish and Christian biblical scholars. See, e.g., Dictionnaire de la Bible 5 (1928), s.v. Susanna; DAUBE, New Testament and Rabbinic Judaism (n. 143 above), p. 227; and S.T. LACHS, «Note on the Original Language of Susanna», in: Jewish Quarterly Review 69.1 (1978), pp. 52-54. 153. Such a use of typology in the New Testament would not in itself be surprising, for typology is found in pre-Christian rabbinic exegesis and its role in the writing of the New Testament is a commonplace of biblical studies. See above, esp. at nn. 2, 31-44. On rabbinic typology, see also J.Z. LAUTERBACH, «The Ancient Jewish Allegorists in Talmud and Midrash», in: Jewish Quarterly Review, n.s. 1 (1910-11), pp. 291-333, 503-31; and J. BONSIRVEN, «Exégèse allégorique chez les rabbins tannaïtes», in: Recherches de science religieuse 23 (1933), pp. 513-41 and 24 (1934), pp. 35-46. Jesus relates himself to Old Testament figures including Jonah (Matt. 12:39, Luke 11:29-32), Jacob (John 1:51), and the serpent in the wilderness (John 3:14). See also «Typology in the New Testament», Part 2, in: CHARITY, Events and Their Afterlife, pp. 81-164. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 309 case by his actual death154. The recognition of Susanna as a type of Christ determined the very pairing of her account with John 8 in the lectionary, for sermons on the two texts consistently focus on her as a type of Christ155. To sing the words of a saint as one’s own was already sacramental mimesis, an imitation that implied the singer wanted to be holy like the saint whose words he sings. When the person quoted in the hymn, however, is herself a type of Christ, then singing her words expresses more than solidarity with the communion of saints and a desire to be holy: It bespeaks a desire to be like Christ. It is even, potentially, an expression of the experience of having found the events of one’s own life to be parallel with events in the life of the saint, and finding one’s experiences, like those of the saint, to be sanctified by their recreation in mystery of Christ’s acts. Susanna’s importance as a type of Christ will be shown to nuance the reception of her words as mediated in Gregorian chant. For Susanna’s words as adapted for Gregorian chant also appear in medieval prose, shedding light on the meaning of the texts in which she is thus quoted. Susanna’s declaration and prayer, then, provide a salient case study of singing women’s words.

8. Susanna’s Words in Gregorian Chant

Susanna’s words were featured in Gregorian chant in Matins early in November when the Book of Daniel was read in the brevi- 154. Cf. Theodotion vv. 42-43 and Matt. 27:46, 50. When Albert Paretsky, O.P., had the insight into this possible source of the phrasing of Matt. 27:46a in our conversa- tion on August 14, 2001, this prompted me to see the further parallel between Susanna’s words (Theod. Sus. 43a) and the fact that Christ’s actual death follows in Matt. 27:50. Subsequent research confirms that the diction and parallels are peculiar to the two pas- sages; my essay on «Susanna and the Synoptic Passion Narrative» with study of the bibli- cal phrase fwn±ç megal±ç, is in progress. 155. C.B. TKACZ, «Susanna victrix, Christus victor: Lenten Sermons, Typology, and the Lectionary», in: G. DONAVIN et al. (edd.), Speculum Sermonis, Leiden, forthcoming. See also EAD., «Susanna as a Type of Christ», p. 101, on the pairing of the readings, and pas- sim, esp. p. 108-9, on the sermons. The readings have erroneously been assumed to focus on pairing Susanna with the woman taken in adultery, John 7:53-8:11, but that pericope is not mentioned in the Lenten sermons on Susanna and indeed was not even in the original manuscripts of the Gospel; K. ALAND/B. ALAND, The Text of the New Testament: An Introduction to the Critical Editions and to the Theory and Practice of Modern Textual Criticism, 2nd rev. and enl. ed., trans. E.F. RHODES, Grand Rapids 1986, pp. 232, 307, 194. 310 C.B. TKACZ ary156. The reading of Daniel in November goes back at least to the early eighth century157. Moreover, some of the earliest extant antiphoners conveying Gregorian chant, ca. 860, include the singing of Susanna’s words in coordination with the reading from that prophet. Susanna’s words were sung on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Saturdays throughout the entire month of November158. Her valiant refusal of the Elders was recalled musically and in some places her entire prayer was also sung. Vividly the extant medieval manuscripts that record Gregorian chant demonstrate the practice of singing Susanna’s words thrice weekly throughout the month of November across Europe159. The singing of Susanna’s words is readily found in fifty manuscripts (three breviaries160 and forty-seven antiphoners) from the ninth through fif- teenth centuries, used in cathedrals161, in monasteries and other reli- gious houses162, and in parish churches163. The manuscripts show

156. PASCHER, Das liturgische Jahr (see n. 138 above), pp. 295, 305-7. Brief excep- tions were the seventh-century reading of Daniel during Advent to Epiphany, and its late- Lent reading in Quiñonez’s experimental breviary (1535) condemned by the Council of Trent; SALMON, Breviary through the Centuries, pp. 63, 83-84. 157. SALMON, Breviary through the Centuries, pp. 63-64. 158. See n. 137 above. See also PASCHER, Das liturgische Jahr, pp. 295, 305-7. 159. The information on Susanna in Gregorian chant and on the pertinent manu- scripts derives mainly from CANTUS (see n. 135 above) and the published sources it complements. The five chants from Daniel 13 are cao6099, «Angustiae mihi» (with cao6099a, «Si enim») and cao6694, «Exclamavit voce magna» (with cao6694a, «Erat enim cor», or cao6694z, «Cumque duceretur»). 160. Breviaries: BNF MS lat. 12601, Linz 290, and Arras 465. For sigla, see appen- dix. 161. Cathedral antiphoners: BNF MS 17436 (the earliest), also Bamberg 23, Bamberg 25, BNF MS lat. 1090, Cambrai, Durham, Florence s.c., Ivrea, Monza c. 12.75, Piacenza, Verona, and Worcester. Antiphoners in «Cathedral cursus»: Monza 15/ 79, Toledo, Vorau, and Vienna. 162. Monastic antiphoners: Benevento 21, BL Add. MS 30850, BNF MS lat. 12044, BNF MS lat. 12584, BNF MS lat. 17296, Budapest, Cambridge (the «Barnwell Antiphoner»), Einsiedeln, Florence 560, Graz, Karlsruhe, Klosterneuburg 589, Klosterneuburg 1012, Klosterneuburg 1018, Mainz, Melk MS 965, Melk MS 1926, Perugia, Rheinau, St. Florian, Saint Gall, Salzburg, Stuttgart, Valenciennes, Vallicelliana, Victoria, and Zutphen. The Praemonstratensians at Scheda, the Augustinians at Cappenberg, and probably the at Deutz used the same antiphons (see at nn. 186, 198 below). Probably these were sung also by the nuns of the Benedictine mon- astery of San Salvatore at Brescia (founded 753), whose treasures included an ivory reli- quary prominently depicting Susanna as a type of Christ; TKACZ, Key to the Brescia Casket, p. 21. 163. Parish antiphoners survive for the diocese of St. David’s in Wales, a church in Italy, the church of Kranj (now in Slovenia), and St. Mary’s Church in Utrecht MSS = SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 311 that throughout the continent – in Italy, Austria, Slovenia, Germany, Switzerland, France, The Netherlands, England, Wales – the varied communities of the church, monastic, cathedral, and parish, sang Susanna’s words.

8.1 Susanna’s Heroic Refusal of the Elders

Susanna’s refusal of the Elders (Dan. 13:22-23) is sung in its entirety, divided into two chanted passages: a two-part responsory and a verse164. First is sung the full responsory («Angustiae mihi sunt undique…. Melius est mihi…»), then the verse («Si enim hoc egero»), and finally the second part of the responsory («Melius est mihi») is sung again. The verse is entirely Susanna’s words, while each half of the responsory consists of a statement from Susanna and words from St. Paul and the prophet Isaiah, respectively. The result- ing chant text is constant from the earliest, ninth-century manu- scripts to the pre-Vatican II breviaries165. Responsory: Angustie michi sunt undique et quam eligam ignoro Melius est michi incidere in manus hominum quam derelinquere legem Dei mei. Verse: Si enim hoc egero, mors michi est. Si autem non egero, non effugiam manus vestras. So much is expressed here that it bears close analysis. This is not sur- prising, for liturgical texts are designed to be lived with, throughout a

Aberystwyth, Benevento 20, Lljublana, and Utrecht. The latter is one of the oldest extant annotated liturgical manuscripts from the Netherlands; Utrecht, Bibliotheek der Rijksuni- versiteit, MS 406 (3.J.7), ed. R. STEINER, introd. I. DE LOOS, Ottawa 1997, p. v; facsimile of this chant on fol. 192r-2v. 164. The music can be studied in the following facsimiles: W.H. FRERE, Bishop of Truro, Antiphonale Sarisburiense: A Reproduction in Facsimile from Early Manuscripts with a dissertation and analytical index, 1901-24 (reprint Farnborough, Hants. 1966), fol. 331; Utrecht, MS 406, fol. 192; Dom A. MOCQUEREAU, monk of Solesmes, Les principaux manuscrits de chant grégorien, ambrosien, mozarabe, gallican, publiés en fac-similés photo- typiques, vol. 12 = Worcester, Berne 1971, fol. 185. 165. The full text of the chants is in CAO 4: R.-J. HESBERT, monk of Solesmes (ed.), Responsoria, versus, hymni et varia, critical edition, Rome 1970, pp. 24, 176. For facsimile editions see n. 164 above. Some online sources for antiphoners in the appendix include facsimiles. 312 C.B. TKACZ lifetime, so that as a worshiper voices a chant over the weeks of its use, and returns to it in that season through the years, it is possible for his understanding of it, and therefore what he personally ex- presses by singing it, to grow. Such was the experience Cassian and Gertrude of Helfta described166. Composing a chant is itself the re- sult of reflection and theological meditation, and reciprocally com- prehending a chant comes to its singers only as their own reflection and scriptural knowledge grow. The chant built upon Susanna’s assertion of her plight and choice exemplifies two features common to many chant texts: The combin- ing of quotations from different Scriptures is frequent in Gregorian chant, with the pairing of texts from Old and New Testament dem- onstrating the perceived unity of revelation167. Also, as seen in the harmonizing of the words of Martha, Peter, and Paul in the Byzan- tine communion hymn «Pisteúw, Kúrie» and the harmonizing of the words of Esther and Job in the Gregorian chant «Conforta me, Rex sanctorum»168, the joining of the words of a man and the words of a woman is found in chant, attesting the equal capacity of the sexes for virtue and sanctity. In the case of Susanna’s words, by pair- ing her famous and distinctive opening assertion, «I am straitened on every side» (Dan. 13:22a)169, with St. Paul’s «what I will choose I do not know» (Phil. 1:22), the hymnist aligns the heroic facing of death by a Jewish woman in Babylon with the heroic facing of death by St. Paul while imprisoned in Rome. The first sentence of this chant har- monizes Old Testament and New, in the words of a woman and a man, a reminder that men and women are equally capable of spir- itual heroism. The second sentence of the responsory is equally rich. The chant as a whole uses all three statements of Susanna’s refusal; here it delays her second statement and goes directly to her conclusion: «Melius est mihi absque opere incidere in manus hominum quam peccare in conspectu Domini» («It is better for me to fall into the hands of men without [committing this] act than to sin in the sight of God»). 166. See above at nn. 10-11. 167. For instance, see the combining of Jer. 31:11-12 with Rev. 7:16, see Roman Bre- viary (n. 125 above), vol. 4, p. 288, First Responsory. 168. See at nn. 121-29, 140 above. 169. For some texts using this famous phrase, see TKACZ, «Susanna as a Type of Christ», pp. 120-1. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 313

The adapter for the chant has pruned the phrase absque opere from the first clause, perhaps to heighten the contrast of the two choices, perhaps also to make the assertion more general. Also, Susanna’s phrase peccare in conspectu Domini (Dan. 13:23b) has been replaced by words from the prophet Isaiah, drawn from the first chapter of the Book of Isaiah. He proclaims that the people have abandoned the Lord (derelinquerunt Dominum, Isa. 1:4b, see also vv. 8-9) and calls the faithful to hear legem Dei nostri (Isa. 1:10). In order to make the prophet’s words accord with the personal profession of Susanna’s words, the chant-writer has made the pronoun singular, mei, yielding the phrase derelinquere legem Dei mei. The second sentence of the chant, then, combines the words of a woman with those of a man; this time both are from the Old Testament. Susanna’s heroism is nuanced with the prophet’s warning call to penance, perhaps to show the aptness of her courage as a model to be followed in religious life. The verse is entirely the wisdom of Susanna: «Si enim hoc egero, mors michi est. Si autem non egero, non effugiam manus vestras» («For if I do this thing, it is death to me; yet if I do it not, I shall not escape your hands»). The words themselves invite the reflection that is recorded in numerous sermons and commentaries on the passage, namely, that sin is itself a kind of death, a kind that the courageous will find less evil than physical death170. In Susanna’s speech as re- corded in scripture, this powerful assertion is the central one, leading logically to her conclusion. Because the structure of a chant is to fol- low the verse by repeating a passage from the responsory, the chant at this point recreates the ending structure of Susanna’s speech: «Melius est michi incidere in manus hominum quam derelinquere legem Dei mei». Music reinforces the meaning. The greatest elaboration is given to certain words at the ends of phrases. The word undique ‘everywhere’, is sung with a range of notes, representing that there are difficulties high and low and all about. The word hominum, in the phrase ‘the hands of men’, runs down to the lowest notes of the entire chant; in contrast the final words of the responsory, (legem dei mei ‘the law of

170. See, for instance, ATTO OF VERCELLI, Expositio in Epistolam I ad Corinthios (PL 134:287-412, at 346); and ALBERTUS MAGNUS, Commentarium in librum Danielis prophetæ 13.22, ed. A. BORGNET, Paris 1893 (Opera Omnia, vol. 18), pp. 613-30, at p. 622. 314 C.B. TKACZ my God’) run up to some of the highest notes of this chant and dwell there in melisma. The verse ends with vestras ‘your [hands]’, in a range of notes aptly similar to that for undique, running up as high as that for «God», only to descend, thus indicating musically the en- trapment by the Elders. The trap is scorned, however, for the chant concludes with the refusal to abandon «the law of my God» in a re- prise of the triumphantly assertive melisma171.

8.2 Susanna’s Prayer

The universal singing each November of Susanna’s heroic refusal of the Elders is in some places followed by the singing of her entire prayer (Dan. 13:42-43). Four antiphoners attest this fuller use of her words from at least the eleventh through the fifteenth century172. These were in use across Europe, in cathedrals as well as monastic churches. That is, even the few extant exemplars with the additional chant based on Susanna indicate broad geographic dissemination and use. The full text of the chant as recorded in the antiphoner from Ivrea is as follows: Responsory: Exclamavit voce magna Susanna cum lacrimis, dicens: «Deus aeterne, qui secretorum es cognitor, Qui nosti omnia antequam fiant, Tu scis quia falsum contra me tulerunt testimonium. Et ecce morior, cum nihil horum fecerim quae isti invidi malitiosi composuerunt adversum me»173. The chant text differs minimally from the Vulgate: it drops «autem», adds «cum lacrimis» (extrapolated from flens, v. 35), uses «secreto- rum» for «absconditorum», and adds «invidi». This long responsory comprises three musical sections: 1) the in- troductory line, «Exclamavit voce magna…», sung once, and Su- sanna’s own words, sung twice, and consisting of 2) the beginning of her prayer with its invocation to God, «Deus aeterne…», and 3) the

171. Analysis based on the music in the facsimile MS Salisbury, fol. 331. The music is slightly different in the Worcester MS, fol. 331, and much harder to read in the Utrecht MS, fol. 192. 172. Ivrea, Vallicelliana, BNF MS lat. 1090, and Salzburg; see appendix. 173. CAO 4:176. The text and music of the other three manuscripts are apparently unpublished. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 315 second half of her prayer, beginning «Ecce morior». Next is sung one of the two verses described below. Then the choir sings again Susanna’s prayer, «Deus aeterne…». Two verses are paired with this responsory. The earliest witness, the Benedictine antiphoner used in Rome, follows Susanna’s prayer (vv. 43-44) with the next verse of the biblical text, recounting God’s immediate response to her prayer, with Daniel inspired by the Holy Spirit. Only the incipit of this chant is published, in the CANTUS database. Here is its biblical source, v. 45: Verse: Cumque duceretur ad mortem, suscitavit Deus spiritum sanctum pueri iunioris cuius nomen Danihel. The end of this passage of scripture was presumably revised or sup- plemented to prepare for the choir’s singing again Susanna’s prayer, «Deus aeterne…»174. A well-thought variation is recorded at Ivrea and Marseille cathe- dral (BNF MS lat. 1090). Her prayer in the responsory is paired with a perfect commentary on it, and one that the biblical text itself pro- vides: The biblical narrator describes Susanna’s steadfast faith (Dan. 13:35b) in the words of the Psalmist’s praise of the good and just man who reveres the Lord (Ps. 111:7). Indeed, the use of that psalm by the writer of the biblical account of Susanna warrants comment. Psalm 111 is about the Beatus vir (Makáriov ân®r, Heb. 'asrê 'îs), the blessed man, who fears the Lord (qui timet Dominum). The psalm describes with praise such a man’s character, just and merciful and kind (v. 4), and identifies the subject afresh as bonus vir ‘good man’ (v. 5), prudent in speech; one who will not fear (timebit) slander (v. 7), for his heart trusts in God («paratum cor ejus confidens in Domino», 7). He is unafraid (non timebit) even when looking right at his enemies (v. 8); his justice will endure eter- nally, but the desire of the wicked who hate him will perish (vv. 9- 10). This psalm describes Susanna and her situation well, and the writer of the biblical account of Susanna clearly paraphrased the fa-

174. It appears that the full text of this chant and its music are extant only in the manuscripts cited above, which I have not seen. It is unclear if the repeated portion of the responsory was «Deus aeterne … testimonium» alone, or that with the rest of Susanna’s prayer as well. 316 C.B. TKACZ miliar psalm verse (111:7) in describing Susanna175. Significantly, this shows that within the Old Testament more than the grammatical masculine functions generically. It is not only that biblical Hebrew, Greek, and Latin used the masculine generic: The Jewish author who recorded Susanna’s experience readily used the psalmist’s words de- scribing the blessed man, «'asrê 'îs,» to describe the woman Susanna. The salient points of comparison for the Jewish writer were her char- acter and circumstances, not her sex. Similarly, she herself readily used the words of a man, King David, to frame her response to the Elders176. Thus, the biblical narrative of Susanna attests belief in the spiritual equality of men and women, notably in the paraphrase of Ps. 111:7 in Dan. 13:35b. The same obviously generic understand- ing of the grammatical masculine is evident through the centuries of Christianity in, for instance, the liturgy for St. Mary of Egypt, the inscribed Franciscan painting of 1543, and the Dominican missal of 1521177. The chant writer uses the whole of Dan. 13:35 as the verse. He transposed its two halves, beginning with the psalm paraphrase and then adapting the start of Dan. 13:35 («Quae flens suspexit ad coelum», «who, weeping, looked up to heaven») to introduce Susanna’s prayer: Verse: Erat enim cor ejus fiduciam habens in Deo, et flens suspexit in coelum et ait, Responsory again: «Deus aeterne,…»178. In sum, Susanna’s words were sung in the service of Matins each November for centuries in a wide range of congregational settings – cathedral, monastic, lay; by all-male and all-female and mixed groups; among major religious orders including Augustinians, Ben- edictines, Carmelites, Dominicans, and Franciscans. Her words were echoed throughout the Roman church.

175. The editors of the Stuttgart Vulgate identify Ps. 111.7 as paraphrased in Dan. 13.35; see marginal note by the pertinent text of Daniel. 176. Dan. 13:22-23 paraphrases 1 Chron. 21:13. 177. Mary of Egypt, with Ps. 111:6 as the Communion hymn, in Lenten Triodion (see n. 80 above), pp. 447-64; painting and missal, at nn. 47-48 above. For the generic masculine in patristic texts, see, e.g., «man» (ândrásin) in St. John Chrysostom’s homily on Hosea, for half of his examples are women (see n. 16 above; the word is in the sen- tence just before the one quoted). 178. CAO 4:176 (text from Ivrea). For the Marseille antiphoner, incipits only are on CANTUS (see n. 135 above). SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 317

8.3 Ecce morior

Moreover, at least among the Benedictines, Susanna’s words had a wider usage179. Possibly in a variant tradition at Salzburg, her prayer constituted the entire chant used in November, with her words «Ecce morior cum nihil…» serving as the verse. Her prayer, «Ecce mo- rior», is also used in three contexts in other Benedictine antiphoners at Melk, twice with verses that are addressed to «Viri Deo devoti» or «Viri religiosi». Such migration of chants to other contexts is charac- teristic: The responsory «Misit Dominus angelum suum», from the biblical account of the Three Youths in the fiery furnace, for in- stance, is used in November with the Susanna chants and also on August 10, the feast day of St. Laurence, who was martyred by fire- heated torture180. In the case of Susanna’s words, her prayerful exclamation, «Ecce morior», could epitomize her role as a christological type. For in- stance, those words open a fifteenth-century sermon: «EN morior, cum nichil horum fecerim que isti false adversum me testificantur» (Danielis xiiio)181. Licet originaliter hec verba dixerit sancta Susanna falso testimonio in mortem dampnata, propter eius tamen innocen- tiam ab eadem damna est liberata. Possum autem premissa verba in pre- ludium passionis xristi proponere, quem falsi et invidi iudei damnaverunt in mortem, qui similiter de victa morte gloriose resurgens contra eos strennue triumphavit. In quibus verbis ostenditur benivolencia [!] et innocencia xristi in eius morte. («Lo, I die, although I have done none of the things that they falsely have testified against me» (Dan. 13). Clearly Saint Susanna spoke these words originally, when she had been condemned to death through false testimony. Nevertheless, on account of her innocence, she was delivered from this con- demnation. I can, moreover, offer these words as a prelude of the Passion of Christ, whom the false and envious Jews condemned to death, who simi- larly, rising from conquered death gloriously, triumphed against them

179. See appendix, the sigla for Melk and Salzburg. 180. PASCHER, Das liturgische Jahr (see n. 138 above), pp. 306-7 on the chant as used in November; the chant is applied to St. Laurence in, e.g., M. GILLET, O.P. (ed.), Antiphonarium Sacri Ordinis Prædicatorum pro diurnis horis, Rome 1930, p. 896. I am grateful to Sr. Mary Lucy of the Divine Word, O.P., for calling to my attention the asso- ciation of this chant with St. Laurence. 181. Dan. 13:43. The wording is revised from «maliciose composuerunt» to «false testificantur» in order to anticipate the «falso testimonio» and «falsi» in the rest of the opening. 318 C.B. TKACZ

strenuously. In these words is shown the benevolence and innocence of Christ in his death)182. The salience of the words «Ecce morior» may have also influenced the Benedictine use of Susanna’s words to help express belief that the sacrifice of religious life partakes of the Passion of Christ. In any case, her faithful courage was received as a model of Christian life.

8.4 Prose Quotation of Susanna’s Words from Gregorian Chant

Notably, Susanna’s words as expressed in Gregorian chant are found in other contexts. Specifically, at least two twelfth-century texts deploy her words as mediated through chant. Though unsurprising in a ser- mon by Bernard of Clairvaux, such quotation is provocative in a treatise by a Jew who became a Christian. Bernard of Clairvaux (1090/1-1153) preaches on «De verbis Domini, «Omnis qui se exaltat, humiliabitur: et qui se humiliat, exaltabitur (Luc. Xviii.14)». He begins by identifying four human states, «the highest happiness in heaven,… moderate happiness in paradise, and likewise moderate unhappiness in this world,… and in hell extreme unhappiness». At once he equates these states with «life, and the shadow of life; the shadow of death, and death»183. In short, the options are life and death, just as St. Paul identified them for himself, and just as they were with immediacy for Susanna. Thus it is natural for St. Bernard to draw on the Gregorian chant combining their words (here italicized) as he discourses on the meaning of Jesus’ assertion: «Nam vero cum dicat: QUI HUMILIAVERIT EXAL- TABITUR, angustiae mihi sunt undique, nec ignoro quid eligam, sed quid agam»184. Bernard has incorporated the entire opening section

182. My transcription and translation, with capital letters, spacing, and punctuation normalized, abbreviations expanded, and marks for oral delivery omitted. Sermo de passione Christi, Klosterneuburg, Austria: Bibliotheca Canonicorum Regularum S. Au- gustini MS CCl. 417, fols. 133r-144v. Univ. Prof. DDr. Fl. Röhrig Can. reg., librarian of the Chorherrenstift Klosterneuburg, has kindly given me permission to edit and publish this text. On the manuscript, see H. PFEIFTER et al., Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum, qui in Bibliotheca Canonicorum Regularium s. Augustini Claustroneoburgi asservantur, 2 vols., Vienna 1922, 1931. 183. «… summam felicitatem in cœlo, … mediam felicitatem in paradiso, … itemque mediam infelicitatem in hoc mundo, … et in inferno extremam infelicitatem», and «vitam, et umbram vitae; umbram mortis, et mortem»; Sermones de diversis, Sermo 20.2 (PL 183:592-4, at 592D). 184. Ibid. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 319 of the responsory, the discrete textual unit that opens the chant of Susanna’s words as sung throughout the month of November. He is himself speaking in the words of Susanna and St. Paul, not merely quoting them, but presenting himself as experiencing the same vital dilemma. That is, he models himself on them and at the same time he is also offering himself with them as models to his auditors. In short, he uses Susanna’s words in preaching just as St. Augustine used Martha’s185. After spelling out the difficulties of the choices, St. Bernard caps the discussion of choice by quoting Susanna’s words that constitute the entire verse of the chant. He simply inserts a clarifying phrase and a sic that refers back to it and changes «mortis» to «vestras»: «Si hoc egero, mors mihi est; si autem non egero, ab exaltatione repulsus, nec sic effugiam manus mortis»186. What are the implications of such a use of Gregorian chant? Cer- tainly it shows that the preacher and his audience were familiar enough with chant texts and their combinations that these texts formed a layer of allusion built upon Scripture useful for preaching. In turn, the preaching could enrich the subsequent meditation by the faithful when in future they again sang the same chant. A promising area for research is thus suggested, namely, to examine medieval texts for allusions to chant. Beyond that, this finding may indicate a new tool for dating texts: A chant is likely to be quoted or paraphrased when it is sung annually, in this case, November. That a religious such as Bernard of Clairvaux would draw on Gregorian chant texts in his preaching makes perfect sense: To quote chant’s nuanced presentation of Scripture was to speak in the reflec- tive idiom of prayer and to enrich the sense and resonance of his ser- mon. But it is perhaps startling to find Susanna quoted by Judah ha- Levi of Cologne (ca. 1107-70), a Jew who became a Christian, later called Hermann the Jew or Hermann of Scheda because he joined the Praemonstratensian abbey there187. In his account of his conver- sion he ascribes to himself Susanna’s words as mediated through the Gregorian chant studied above. Though his unusual text has been 185. See at n. 120 above. 186. Sermo 20.2 (PL 183:593). 187. K.FR. MORRISON, Conversion and Text: The Cases of Augustine of Hippo, Herman-Judah, and Constantine Tsatsos, Charlottesville 1992, pp. 39-113, at p. 41; M. GOODICH, Other Middle Ages: Witnesses at the Margins of Medieval Society, Philadel- phia 1998, pp. 76-87, at p. 74. 320 C.B. TKACZ dismissed by some critics as spurious188, recent scholarship has made a persuasive case for its authenticity189. In any case, it sheds light on attitudes toward conversion and, if authentic, is «the first autobio- graphical account of conversion extant in the Latin West after Augus- tine’s Confessions»190. Hermann’s use of Gregorian chant has not been recognized be- fore191. Gerlinde Niemeyer documented in the marginal notes of her edition of Hermann’s Opusculum de conversione sua that he drew readily on the whole of scripture, the Torah, the Psalms, the proph- ets, the Gospels and the epistles192. For instance, his prefatory letter opens with a quotation from Paul’s first letter to the Corinthians and closes with one from the first epistle of Peter. Hermann’s paraphrase from Gregorian chant which blends the words of Susanna and those of the prophet Isaiah is in his account of his disputatio with Robert, abbot of Deutz, an event that occurred prior to his conversion. Com- paring the biblical record of Susanna’s words, the Gregorian chant, and Hermann’s wording shows his careful adaptation. Vulgate: Melius est mihi incidere in manus hominum quam peccare in conspectu Domini. Chant: Melius est michi incidere in manus hominum quam derelinquere legem Dei mei. Hermann: Melius quippe est nobis incidere in manus hominum quam derelinquere legem Dei nostri193. In his Opusculum, reporting his reply to Robert of Deutz, Hermann asserts that the Jews are God’s chosen people, who have endured op-

188. Especially J.-B. VALVEKENS, «Hermannus, quondam Iudaeus, praepositus in Scheida», in: Analecta Praemonstratensia 41 (1965), pp. 158-165; A. SALTMAN, «Her- mann’s Opusculum de Conversione Sua: Truth or Fiction?», in: Revue des études juives 147 (1988), pp. 31-56. 189. S.L. GILMAN, Jewish Self-Hatred: Anti-Semitism and the Hidden Language of the Jews, Baltimore 1986; A. KLEINBERG, «Hermannus Judaeus’s Opusculum: In Defense of Its Authenticity», in: Revue des études juives 151.3-4 (1992), pp. 337-53; MORRISON, Conversion and Text. 190. MORRISON, Conversion and Text, p. 39. 191. E.g., MORRISON, Conversion and Text, p. 81; and GOODICH, Other Middle Ages, pp. 80-81, who notes only a reference to Daniel 13, but neither Isaiah’s words nor the chant joining the passages. 192. HERMANNUS QUONDAM JUDAEUS, Opusculum de conversione sua, ed. G. NIE- MEYER, Weimar 1963 (MGH Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters 4), passim. A note on 77 identifies Dan. 13:23, but again not Isaiah and not Gregorian chant. 193. Opusculum, par. 3; p. 77, lines 24-25. My emphasis marks words from the chant. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 321 probrium and derision for faithfully persevering in the lege Dei. His version reinstates the plural of Isaiah’s original words (legem Dei nostri; Isa. 1:10). To make his statement consistent, Hermann also makes the pronoun in Susanna’s words plural, nobis. Importantly, Hermann’s very choice of model to follow, Susanna, nuances his statement critically. For Susanna is not in the Jewish canon; she has been rejected by the Jews in the Christian era. Only by Christians are the words of this Jewess quoted, sung, and revered. Hermann could well have known her as a type of Christ, for his region produced depictions and discussions of this typology, includ- ing three brief discussions by Robert’s successor as abbot at Deutz, Rupert194. In Hermann’s opusculum, the issue of the Crucifixion is focal. He concludes the passage in which he quotes Susanna by re- calling the condemnation, «Maledictus omnis, qui pendet in ligno» (Gal. 3:13, see also Deut. 21:23), and throughout the work refer- ences to the Crucifixion recur. As Karl F. Morrison has argued, Hermann subtly presents his sufferings as recreating the Passion of Christ: «implying, but not uttering the association of himself with Christ, the narrative gratified those who could delight in it», but hid the association from hostile critics195. Morrison construes Hermann’s other references to the Book of Daniel as deliberately likening Hermann to the heroes of that book, Daniel himself and the three youths, who risked death by refusing to violate Jewish law; similarly Hermann compares himself with Esther, whom Rupert of Deutz alle- gorized as a type of Christ196. Before these comparisons, Hermann quotes Susanna, thus embedding in the narrative a parallel between himself and Christ, even when recalling his initial opposition to Christianity. Later Henry of Susa (1295-1366), when falsely accused of fornication, would also in his Leben compare his sufferings with those of Susanna and Christ197. For Hermann, the comparison had a further relevance and poign- ancy, because Susanna was more than a famous Jewish type of Christ,

194. TKACZ, «Susanna as a Type of Christ», pp. 118-28, with fig. 8-10. RUPERT OF DEUTZ, Commentaria in evangelium sancti Iohannis 13.613 (CCCM 9:727); Com- mentaria in duodecim prophetas minores: In Osee 2 (PL 168:62); and Liber de divinis officiis 4.1152 (CCCM 7:132). 195. MORRISON, Conversion and Text, p. 62, see also p. 69. 196. Ibid., pp. 65-67. See also at n. 147 above. 197. TKACZ, «Susanna as a Type of Christ», pp. 120-1. 322 C.B. TKACZ like Daniel and Esther: Susanna and Judith were the only two Old Testament types whose biblical records had been rejected from the Jewish canon by their people in the Christian Era. Of these two women, Judith had opposed an alien enemy; Susanna, however, had been endangered within her own community. No other Old Testa- ment type could so well suit Hermann in suffering the rejection by his people that followed his conversion. The words of no other right- eous Jew of the Old Testament could so well voice his experience. After all, Susanna spoke them originally when she upheld the Law against the will of Jewish Elders who were misusing and neglecting the Law, and as a Christian Hermann contrasted his new Christian understanding of the Law to what he must have deemed the incomplete understanding of the Law by those who remained Jews. Paradoxically, by expressing a sense of community with Susanna, Hermann was recovering his Jewish tradition more fully, reinstating this heroic woman into the canon of holy Scripture. Fur- ther, two prayerful women Bertha and Glismut, were, he believed, instrumental in his conversion198, and this personal experience of the efficacy of women’s prayer may have inclined him to consider the words of another woman particularly appropriate to make his own. Yet he made them his own after the fact. He would not, indeed probably could not, have deployed the Susanna chant text when de- bating Rupert of Deutz: In his defense of Judaism Hermann would have eschewed a text Jews considered apocryphal; he would have scorned Christian expression of that text through Gregorian chant, even if he had known it. Though he may have heard Gregorian chant while he was a practicing Jew, he then lacked the Latin to understand it199. By the time, however, that he wrote his autobiographical ac- count, he was a Praemonstratensian monk and priest. He had chanted the hours through the course of perhaps twenty years before he wrote his Opusculum. Evidently the words of Susanna had become self-expression, in the sense that Cassian describes and Gertrude of Helfta demonstrates. It appears that he chose to revise the past, at least in reporting this detail of his debate with Rupert.

198. GOODICH, Other Middle Ages, pp. 61, 68, 75. 199. He entered the Augustinian house at Cappenberg soon after his debate, but mastering Latin took him five years; MORRISON, Conversion and Text, p. 42. Perhaps Hermann heard chant at Deutz. SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 323

What was the point, then, of revising his earlier words to incorpo- rate the nuanced passage from Gregorian chant? For a converted Jew, Gregorian chant texts in general, with their blending of texts from both Testaments might have had a particular appeal. By using the specific words Hermann chose from the Prophet Books of Daniel and Isaiah, he was presenting himself as having once used Jewish scripture to counter Christian ideas. At the same time, because the words he quotes were united in Gregorian chant, he shows those readers who know chant that he was already being prepared by the Holy Spirit for his eventual conversion.

9. Conclusion

Women’s words are prominent in liturgically important prayers and songs the Christian community voiced throughout the year. Signifi- cantly, the tradition of singing women’s words, which derives from pre-Christian Jewish worship, is basic to Christian experience from the patristic era on, as shown through Byzantine texts and hymns in Greek, Coptic, Syriac, and Slavonic in the East and Latin expressions in the West. Singing Miriam’s acclamation after crossing the Red Sea is an ancient element of Vespers for Holy Saturday in the church uni- versally. In the Eastern church words ascribed to Eve and to the Holy Women at the Tomb are sung in the Resurrection hymns throughout the year. Indeed, in Byzantine hymnody some of the fullest and earli- est assertions ascribed to biblical persons seem to be the joyous proc- lamation to the apostles uttered by the Holy woman who went to the tomb. Western counterparts are the troping of «Quem quaeritis», the liturgical drama that developed therefrom, and songs such as the Easter sequence. The canticle of Mary the Mother of God is a con- stant in the Liturgy of the Hours. Elizabeth’s recognition of the un- born Messiah has been part of prayer throughout the church as a whole, since at least the fifth century in the East and since at least the sixth century in the West, where it became a regular part of the wor- ship of the Hours by perhaps the late fifteenth century. In Syriac, Greek, Coptic, and Latin, the interior dialogue of the repentant woman with the ointment is offered as a model for everyone in peni- tently and confidently approaching Christ. In Gregorian chant, the 324 C.B. TKACZ words of Judith, Esther, Sarah, and Susanna were sung for over a mil- lennium. In short, the singing and praying of women’s words was a frequent part of Christian worship in East and West from the start. Women’s words were essential to sacramental mimesis, that is, to the liturgical imitation of the saints, repeated by the Christian commu- nity in the hope of becoming holy and even Christlike. This use by all the faithful of the words of women occurred routinely, matter-of- factly, without fanfare and without difficulty. Clearly, spiritual models are not sex-limited, that is, a holy woman may be a model for everyone, and a holy man may be a model for everyone. This universal understanding of holiness, as possible for men and women equally, is found in the Old Testament, with Susanna praying in the words of King David and the narrator of her history drawing from Psalm 111 on the 'asrê 'îs (Makáriov ân®r, Beatus vir) to describe the woman Susanna. Powerful witness to this understanding of the spiritual equality of men and women is most strikingly expressed in the synoptic Gospels, which appear to draw on the narrative of the ordeal of Susanna to narrate the Passion of Christ. Both Mary of Egypt and Romanos the Melode took Symeon as a personal model. Gertrude of Helfta meditated on the words of Jacob that she had sung in liturgy and was enabled thereby to receive a vision of the face of God. The evidence of the prayerbooks of Richard Hill and Jean de Mauléon shows that a merchant and bishop both sought the intercession of Susanna. All the faithful, male and female, were expected to participate fully in praying the words of righteous women of the Bible. Balanced presentation of the sexes is also a staple of Christian teaching, expressed through the New Testament, sermons, the lit- urgy, and hymnody. In the Gospels Elizabeth and John and then Symeon and Anna attest to the Messiah in his infancy; as an adult he is acknowledged by Peter and Martha. St. James’ pairing of Abraham and Rahab as male and female examples of faith is consist- ent with the pattern seen repeatedly in the liturgy, such as the pairing in the Commendatio animae of Paul and Thekla, the pairing of Abraham and Susanna in the Lenten prayers for catechumens, the pairing in two kontakia by Romanos of the resuscitations of the wid- ow’s son and of Jairus’ daughter, and the pairing in a medieval ver- sion of the Byzantine communion hymn of the leper and the woman SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 325 with the ointment. Notably, most of the biblical women known as types of Christ are often paired with a male type of Christ: In church decoration Jephthah’s daughter is found with Isaac at Sinai and the Red Sea, Judith is found with David in the Sistine Chapel, in hym- nody and sermon Jairus’ daughter is found with the widow of Nain’s son, while the woman who finds the drachma is discussed with the shepherd who finds the sheep, and in Early Christian art and medi- eval manuscripts Daniel or Isaiah or Hezekiah is matched by Susanna. The uniting of the words of men with those of women is a strik- ing expression of the spiritual equality of the sexes and their balanced presentation. The professions of Peter and Martha are consistently paired by Godfrey of Admont in his sermons, and their words are harmonized in the ubiquitous Byzantine communion hymn «Pisteúw, Kúrie». The words of other male and female saints are combined in Gregorian chants: «Conforta me, Rex sanctorum», consisting of the words of Esther and Job, and «Angustie mihi sunt undique», consisting of the words of Susanna, Paul, and Isaiah. Such balanced pairing of the sexes was seen, literally, when St. Augustine, preaching, quoted Martha and then echoed her affirmation as his own, tacitly offering himself with her as examples of faithful man and woman. St. Bernard does the same live demonstration of sexual equality when, preaching, he utters the Gregorian chant text of «Angustiae mihi sunt undique, nec ignoro quid eligam», making the words of Susanna and Paul his own. As Augustine had done with Martha, so St. Bernard also offers himself with Susanna and Paul as examples. As for Susanna, known early and consistently in Christian tradi- tion as a type of Christ, the singing of her words in Gregorian chant shows that she was also known as Everyman, a model of holiness for all. Across Europe for centuries her words were sung throughout the month of November by the faithful, male and female, young and old. Her valiant faith, associated in the responsory («Angustiae michi sunt undique») with the wisdom of Isaiah and the Christian heroism of St. Paul, was the source of words that the faithful sang as their own as they confronted the essential choice between life and death: This is the understanding of her example implicit in the sermon of Bernard of Clairvaux. Such identification of Susanna as a holy Every- 326 C.B. TKACZ man accounts for the migration of her chant to other contexts, used with hymns addressed to «Viri Deo devoti» and «Viri religiosi». Her words were sacramentally mimetic, a means to aid individual Chris- tians to open themselves to grace and seek to be like Christ. Just as Heinrich of Susa found consolation and strength in likening himself to Susanna and to Christ, so Hermann of Scheda in the account of his conversion demonstrated a similar affinity with Susanna, partly because she is a type of Christ. In his own estrangement from his former Jewish community, he evidently found kinship with her, ex- iled from the Jewish canon. Perhaps it is when Susanna was most personally perceived as a type of Christ that she was most truly un- derstood as Everyman. Then the experience of seeking to be like a saint, Susanna, could also inspire the believer to seek to be like Christ, through singing women’s words.

Gonzaga University Catherine Brown TKACZ Spokane, Washington 99207-0062 U.S.A.

APPENDIX: ANTIPHONARIES AND BREVIARIES CITED

These fifty manuscripts record Gregorian chant of Susanna’s words. Unless otherwise noted, the information is from the CANTUS database; for that and for CAO, see n. 135 above.

Aberystwyth: Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales, MS 20541 E; ca. 1320-90 Arras 465: Arras, Bibliothèque municipale 465 (olim 893); 14th c. Bamberg 23: Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek MS lit. 23; late 12th c. (CAO 1:xvii-xxiii) Bamberg 25: Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek MS lit. 25 (olim Ed. IV.11); late 13th c. Benevento 20: Benevento, Biblioteca Capitolare MS V.20; 12th c. Benevento 21: Benevento, Biblioteca Capitolare MS V.21; 12th c., abbey of Saint-Loup (CAO 2:vi-xxiv) BL Add. MS 30850; 11th c., from Silos (CAO 2:vi-xxiv) BNF MS lat. 1090, fol. 109v; 13th c., Marseille BNF MS lat. 12044; early 12th c., from Saint-Maur-des-Fossés SINGING WOMEN'S WORDS AS SACRAMENTAL MIMESIS 327

BNF MS lat. 12584; 12th c., from Saint-Maur-des-Fossés (CAO 2:vi-xxiv) BNF MS lat. 12601; 1064/1095, Cluniac breviary, used at St. Taurin l’Echelle BNF MS lat. 17296; 12th c., from Saint Denis (CAO 2:vi-xxiv) BNF MS lat. 17436; from Compiegne, written 860/80 (CAO 1:xvii-xxiii) Budapest: Budapest, Egyetemi Könyvtár (University Library) MS lat. 119; 14th c. Franciscan Cambrai: Cambrai, Mediathèque municipale MS C. 38 (40); ca. 1230-50 Cambridge: Cambridge, University Library MS Mm. Ii. 9; the «Barnwell Antiphoner» (1344), probably from St. Giles Abbey, an Augustinian House at Burrow Durham: Durham, Chapter MS B.III.11; 11th c., from northern France (CAO 1:xvii-xxiii) Einsiedeln: Einsiedeln, Stiftsbibliothek MS 611; 14th c. Florence s.c.: Florence, Arcivescovado-Biblioteca, s.c.; 12th c. Florence 560: Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana MS Conv. sopp. 560; late 12th c., Vallombrosa Graz: Graz, Universitätsbibliothek MS 30; 14th c., St. Lambrecht Abbey in Steiermark Ivrea: 11th c., from Ivrea (Eporediensis; CAO, 1:xx-xxi and 4:176) Karlsruhe: Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek-Musikabteilung MS Aug. LX; late 12th c, Zwiefalten Klosterneuburg 589: Klosterneuburg, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Biblio- thek MSS 589, 12th c. Klosterneuburg 1012: Klosterneuburg, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Biblio- thek MS 1012, 14th c. Klosterneuburg 1018: Klosterneuburg, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Biblio- thek MS 1018, 14th c. Linz 290: Linz, Bundesstaatliche Studienbibliothek MS 290 (olim 183); 12th c, Kremsmünster Ljublana: Ljublana, Archiepiscopal Archives (MS 18); 1491/92, the parish church of Kranj Mainz: Mainz, Bischöfliches Dom- und Diözesanmuseum MS D; 1430s, Carmelite Melk MS 965, fols. 236 and 266: Benedictine (http://www.oeaw.ac.at/ ksbm/melk.) Melk MS 1926, fol. 165: Benedictine (http://www.oeaw.ac.at/ksbm/melk.) Monza c. 12.75: Monza, Chapter MS c. 12.75; start of 11th c. (CAO 1:xvii- xxiii) Monza 15/79: Monza, Basilica di S. Giovanni Battista– Biblioteca Capito- lare e Tesoro MS 15/79; 12th c., St. Mayeul in Pavia 328 C.B. TKACZ

Piacenza: Piacenza, Basilica di S. Antonino–Biblioteca e Archivio Capitolari MS 65; 12th c. Perugia: Perugia, Biblioteca Comunale «Augusta» MS 2796, fol. 32v; Http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au/AudioVisual/MusicDBDB/Mo- dern_Images/responso/RESPOACA.jp Rheinau: Rheinau MS 28, now at Zürich, Zentralbibliothek; 13th c. (CAO 2:vi-xxiv) St. Florian: St. Florian, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift, Bibliothek u. Musik- archiv MS XI 480; 14th c. Saint Gall: Saint Gall, Stiftsbibliothek MSS 390-1; from 986 (CAO 2:vi- xxiv) Salzburg: Salzburg, Erzabtei Sankt Peter, MS B IX 13 / 7; 14th c., Benedic- tine (Http://www.oeaw.ac.at/ksbm/sb_sp/initia.htm) Stuttgart: Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek MS HB.I.55; 13th/14th c., abbey of Weingarten Toledo: Toledo, Biblioteca capitular MS 44.2; 11th/12th c., Aquitaine Utrecht: Utrecht, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit MS 406 [3.J.7]; 12th c., St. Mary’s Church. Valenciennes: Valenciennes, Bibliothèque municipale MS 114; 12th c., monastery of St. Amand Vallicelliana: Vallicelliana C.5; late 11th/early 12th c., Benedictines of San Sisto Verona: Verona, Chapter MS XCVIII; 11th c. (CAO 1:xvii-xxiii) Victoria: State Library of Victoria MS. *096.1 R66A, fol. 181v; 14th c Do- minican; Http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au/AudioVisual/MusicDBDB/ Modern_Images/responso/RESPOACA.jp Vienna: Vienna, Diözesanarchive MS C-10; 14th c. Vorau: Vorau, Stiftsbibliothek MS 287(29); 14th c., Salzburg Worcester: Worcester, Cathedral Chapter Library MS F. 160; ca. 1230, Worcester Zutphen: Zutphen, the Netherlands, Gemeentelijk Archief Zutphen (Mu- nicipal Archives) MS 6; first half 15th c., for use of the Zutphen Chap- ter