Politics of Conservatism in Turkey
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Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity
Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity A dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy , Claire Elizabeth Harris Department of Politics, University of Sheffield September 2005 Acknowledgements There are so many people I'd like to thank for helping me through the roller-coaster experience of academic research and thesis submission. Firstly, without funding from the ESRC, this research would not have taken place. I'd like to say thank you to them for placing their faith in my research proposal. I owe a huge debt of gratitude to Andrew Taylor. Without his good humour, sound advice and constant support and encouragement I would not have reached the point of completion. Having a supervisor who is always ready and willing to offer advice or just chat about the progression of the thesis is such a source of support. Thank you too, to Andrew Gamble, whose comments on the final draft proved invaluable. I'd also like to thank Pat Seyd, whose supervision in the first half of the research process ensured I continued to the second half, his advice, experience and support guided me through the challenges of research. I'd like to say thank you to all three of the above who made the change of supervisors as smooth as it could have been. I cannot easily put into words the huge effect Sarah Cooke had on my experience of academic research. From the beginnings of ESRC application to the final frantic submission process, Sarah was always there for me to pester for help and advice. -
Pol-101 A: Introduction to the Political Right Professor Matthew Mcmanus Whitman College, Department of Politics Mcmanusm@Whitma
Pol-101 A: Introduction to the Political Right Professor Matthew McManus Whitman College, Department of Politics [email protected] or [email protected] Office: Maxey 127 Phone Number: 509-522-4426 Course Description and Philosophy The objective of this course is to provide students with an introduction to the political right. In popular discourse political right is an ambiguous and fascinating end of the political spectrum, including everything from staunch traditionalists to defenders of classical liberal freedoms, bigots and libertarians. Variously described as conservative, reactionary, or simply right wing the political right is currently dominant in many parts of the world and therefore understanding it is vital to grasping contemporary politics more generally. Our analysis will be both exegetical and critical. We will be examining primary texts from different perspectives on the political right and examining their commonalities and discrepancies. This class will also be critical, so we will be assessing the strengths and weaknesses of these respective positions from alternate political standpoints. By the end of this course students will be able to: • Critically discuss and evaluate a number of prominent perspectives on the political right • Distinguish between competing right wing positions • Offer defenses and critiques of the political right • Apply their understanding to events in the contemporary world This course is interdisciplinary and dialogical. While everyone-including myself!-has their own convictions on these topics we should be open minded about changing our perspective where warranted. It is also expected that students will be highly involved in raising questions and points of interest to propel the classes’ conversation forward. -
The Conservative Agenda for Constitutional Reform
UCL DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE The Constitution Unit Department of Political Science UniversityThe Constitution College London Unit 29–30 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9QU phone: 020 7679 4977 fax: 020 7679 4978 The Conservative email: [email protected] www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit A genda for Constitutional The Constitution Unit at UCL is the UK’s foremost independent research body on constitutional change. It is part of the UCL School of Public Policy. THE CONSERVATIVE Robert Hazell founded the Constitution Unit in 1995 to do detailed research and planning on constitutional reform in the UK. The Unit has done work on every aspect AGENDA of the UK’s constitutional reform programme: devolution in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and the English regions, reform of the House of Lords, electoral reform, R parliamentary reform, the new Supreme Court, the conduct of referendums, freedom eform Prof FOR CONSTITUTIONAL of information, the Human Rights Act. The Unit is the only body in the UK to cover the whole of the constitutional reform agenda. REFORM The Unit conducts academic research on current or future policy issues, often in collaboration with other universities and partners from overseas. We organise regular R programmes of seminars and conferences. We do consultancy work for government obert and other public bodies. We act as special advisers to government departments and H parliamentary committees. We work closely with government, parliament and the azell judiciary. All our work has a sharply practical focus, is concise and clearly written, timely and relevant to policy makers and practitioners. The Unit has always been multi disciplinary, with academic researchers drawn mainly from politics and law. -
The New Liberalism in Global Politics: from Internationalism to Transnationalism
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org March 2011 THE NEW LIBERALISM IN GLOBAL POLITICS: FROM INTERNATIONALISM TO TRANSNATIONALISM By James Kurth James Kurth, Senior Fellow at FPRI, is the Claude Smith Professor of Political Science at Swarthmore College. His FPRI essays can be accessed here: http://www.fpri.org/byauthor.html#kurth . The final collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought a definitive end to the Cold War. It also brought an end to an international system defined by two superpowers and the beginning of a new global system defined by only one, the United States. The prevailing American ideology of international affairs—its literal worldview—had long been liberal internationalism, and the United States promptly proceeded to reshape global affairs according to its precepts. Now, two decades after its beginning, the global ascendancy of the United States and its ideology seems, to many observers, to be approaching its own end. It is an appropriate time, therefore, to review and reflect upon the course of liberal internationalism over the past two decades and, in particular, to discern what its recent transformation into liberal transnationalism may mean for America’s future. A TALE OF TWO DECADES The 1990s were certainly a good decade for liberal internationalism. It was the era of the New World Order, the Washington Consensus, neo-liberal regimes, humanitarian intervention, universal human rights, global governance, and, of course and most famously, globalization. The greatest military and economic power and sole superpower—the United States—vigorously promoted liberal internationalism. -
A Critical View on the Idea of Rising of Conservatism in University Graduates in Turkey
A Critical View on the Idea of Rising of Conservatism in University Graduates in Turkey Meral Öztoprak1 1Yeditepe University, [email protected] 0000-0002-4101-261X Abstract Even though it is getting weaker, there is still a common idea in Turkish politics that well-educated people support the left-wing politi- cal parties and contrary, under-educated people support the right-wing/ conservative parties. Although this idea may partially -or at the end- be true the situation is more complicated than this. In the Atlas of Turkish Values, for example, the comparison of 1990 and 2011 data indicates that conservatism has risen dramatically among university graduates. Therefore, it is necessary to know the background of this process together with the populist and ideological policies. Hence, we should examine some paradoxes of liberal democracy. So, the main research questions here are: 1. How are higher education and politics intertwined between 1990 and today? Submission Date: 22/07/2019 Acceptance Date: 26/09/2019 Contemporary Research in Economics and Social Sciences Vol: 3 Issue: 2 Year: 2019, pp. 247-262 Bu makaleler Prof. Dr. Atilla Öner anısına yazılmıştır. CONTEMPORARY RESEARCH IN ECONOMICS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, VOLUME 3 ISSUE 2 2. What are the social and political effects of changing and specif- ically; on the voting behavior of the university graduates among these two main political lines: National Vision tradition and Republican po- litical parties? Keywords: Universities in Turkey, conservatism and education, democracy and education, Gramsci, World Values Survey Turkey, pol- itics and universities Öz Giderek zayıflasa da Türk siyasetinde halen eğitim düzeyi yüksek kişilerin sol görüşten siyasal partileri desteklediği ve tersine, eğitim dü- zeyi düşük kişilerin de sağ görüşten/muhafazakar siyasal partileri des- 248 teklediği görüşü hakimdir. -
The 2013 Anti-Government Protests in Istanbul, Turkey
Article Being There Contention: The Multidisciplinary Journal of Social Protest Peer Reviewed Journal Vol. 4(1-2), pp. 25-37 (2016) ISSN 2330-1392 © 2016 The Authors BEING THERE: THE 2013 ANTI-GOVERNMENT PROTESTS IN ISTANBUL, TURKEY COLIN WAYNE LEACH DEPARTIMENT OF PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCES, UNIVERSITY OF CONNECTICUT AYşE BETÜL ÇELIK FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, SABANCI UNIVERSITY REZARTA BILALI DEPARTIMENT OF APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY, NEW YORK UNIVERSITY ATILLA CIDAM DEPARTIMENT OF PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCES, UNIVERSITY OF CONNECTICUT ANDREW L. STEWART DEPARTIMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY, CLARK UNIVERSITY Abstract By happenstance, we found ourselves in Istanbul, Turkey in early June 2013 only days after a mass anti-government protest developed in and around Gezi Park. In addition to informal discussions and interviews with academics and others, we visited the protest site and traveled throughout Istanbul to directly experience the atmosphere and events. We also conducted two studies of Turks’ participation in, and views of, the protests. This paper recounts the events in Istanbul that summer and reviews our own, and other, social science research on the protests and the protestors. We focus on who the protestors were and why they protested, as opposed to the less engaged actions of visiting the protests or following them in the media. Keywords Turkey; protest; collective action; anti-government; empowerment; anger Corresponding author: Colin Wayne Leach, Email: [email protected] The visit to Istanbul by those of us based in the U.S. was supported by Bahçeşehir University. We wish to thank our academic host (Jacquie Mattis), the chairman of the board (Enver Yücel), and all of the faculty and staff who helped us. -
Is There a Turkish Islam? the Emergence of Convergence and Consensus
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 24, No. 2, October 2004 Is There a Turkish Islam? The Emergence of Convergence and Consensus M. HAKAN YAVUZ Abstract This paper attempts to demonstrate that it is not only the universal principles of Islam that ground our everyday actions, but also the practical and immediate issues which we confront. Although Islam provides a universal set of principles to make life meaningful, I shall argue that these principles are vernacularized and localized in specific narratives. By offering seven diverse zones of Islam, I seek to bring this critical and dynamic distance into the forefront to understand that there is no universal model or a single highway to salvation but, instead, there are multiple ways of being and becoming a Muslim. In the first part of the paper, I seek to disaggregate the concept of ‘Islamic or Muslim world’ by identifying seven diverse competing and conflicting ‘zones’ of political Islam, each characterized by their conversion pattern, colonial legacy, type of nationalism and by the state–society relations and political economy that factor into these evolving separate zones. At the same time and under certain political conditions, one also sees the emergence of consensus and similar ‘public opinion’ across zones on various issues. After identifying the features of three of the seven zones (Arab, Persian and Turkish), the paper focuses on Sufism, the frontier legacy of the Ottoman state, and on the tax-based economy and the expanding political opportunity spaces, to account for the construc- tion of Islamic knowledge and practices in the Turkish zone. -
Studies from Palestine, Turkey, Malaysia and Indonesia
Sexual Politics in Muslim Societies STUDIES FROM PALESTINE, TURKEY, MALAYSIA AND INDONESIA Sexual Politics in Muslim Societies Studies from Palestine, Turkey, Malaysia and Indonesia Edited by: Pinar Ilkkaracan Rima Athar With the introduction Sexuality as Difference? by Dina M. Siddiqi Yayasan GAYa NUSANTARA Sexual Politics in Muslim Societies Studies from Palestine, Turkey, Malaysia and Indonesia Edited by: Pinar Ilkkaracan & Rima Athar Published by: GAYa NUSANTARA (First Edition, 2017) Website: http://gayanusantara.or.id Contact: [email protected] ISBN: [Print] 978-602-50945-0-7 [E-Book] 978-602-50945-1-4 Suggested Citation: Pinar Ilkkaracan & Rima Athar (Eds.) 2017. Sexual Politics in Muslim Societies. Surabaya: GAYa NUSANTARA & CSBR. Cover Design: Ezrena Marwan Typesetting: Rima Athar About CSBR: Website: http://csbronline.org Contact: [email protected] The Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR) is an award-winning international solidarity network that works to integrate a holistic and affirmative approach to sexual and bodily rights as human rights across Muslim societies. Founded in 2001, CSBR now connects over 30 member organizations across 16 countries in the Middle East, North Africa, Central Asia, South Asia, and South East Asia. CSBR’s work is facilitated by our Coordinating Office, which from 2015–2017 has been with Yayasan GAYa NUSANTARA in Indonesia. CSBR publications aim to provide accessible content and scholarship to a wide array of audiences & stakeholders invested in gender justice and human rights. The information contained in this publication does not necessarily represent the views and positions of the publishers, or of CSBR, unless explicitly stated. ! ! Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. -
Turkey and Russia: a Paradox of Family Resemblance
Turkey and Russia: A paradox of family resemblance Igor Torbakov 27 September 2019 Both Russia and Turkey are ethnically diverse former empires that underwent similar processes of modernization and had similar relationships with the West. Today, they have revived a civilizational paradigm with a strong authoritarian and anti-western character. Precisely this resemblance is resurrecting rivalry for power and influence in the region. Vladimir Putin’s Russia and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Turkey increasingly resemble sisters under the skin. Domestically authoritarian and internationally assertive, traditionally suspicious of the West’s designs, and cold-shouldered by the United States and the European Union because of their growing illiberalism, Ankara and Moscow appear intent to forge a strategic relationship and challenge western hegemony. Yet, paradoxically, the similarities between the two Eurasian powers’ imperial strategic cultures make their flourishing entente fragile and fraught with potential conflict. On 19 November 2018, the two leaders met in Istanbul after the ceremony marking the completion of the TurkStream gas pipeline’s offshore section. Turkey’s president gave his Russian counterpart a curious gift: four exquisitely bound volumes of the Russian translation of Gogol’un İzinde (‘Following Gogol’), a massive tetralogy by the best-selling Turkish novelist Alev Alatlı. [1] Although Erdoğan says he admires Alatlı and has recently made her a member of the presidential council on culture and arts policies, his bookish present appears to be more than just a reflection of his reading preferences. In her epic work, Alatlı – a staunch supporter of Erdoğan’s policies – has created a complex and colourful tableau intertwining real events in Russian and Turkish history. -
Nuancing the Voter Landscape: Radical Right and Radical Left Constituencies in Europe Alexandru Filip
Nuancing the Voter Landscape: Radical right and radical left constituencies in Europe Alexandru Filip Dahrendorf Forum IV Working Paper No. 08 25 February 2019 About the Author Nuancing the Voter Landscape: Alexandru Filip is a Dahrendorf Forum Postdoctoral Fellow at the Hertie School of Governance, Berlin. He completed his PhD on Radical right and radical left constituencies Eurosceptic influence over mainstream parties at the Bremen International Graduate School for Social Sciences. He focuses on in Europe European politics, integration, and populist political actors. Author email: [email protected] The Dahrendorf Forum The Dahrendorf Forum is a joint initiative by the Hertie School of Governance, the London School of Economics and Political Science, and Stiftung Mercator that recognises expert knowledge and public debate can each benefit from mutual exposition. The Dahrendorf Team generates and disseminates social science research that is both policy relevant and of the highest standard. The researchers concentrate on impacting high-level policymakers and practitioners close to the centres of political action and decision-making. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Helmut K. Anheier, Andrea Römmele, Josefin Graef, Benjamin Martill, and Hallie Detrick for their input and support. This paper was made possible by their valuable comments and feedback. Contact: Hallie Detrick, [email protected] Nuancing the Voter Landscape: Radical right and radical left constituencies in Europe Abstract How do the voters of radical right and radical left parties compare? Building on previous work that explores the differences between radical constituencies, this paper seeks to elaborate upon existing models by accounting for the effects of welfare chauvinism, identity, and culture/new politics (GAL–TAN). -
The Critic of Liberal Approach Towards Jdp
THE CRITIC OF LIBERAL APPROACH TOWARDS JDP A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY ÖZGÜR OLGUN ERDEN IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY DECEMBER 2018 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences ________________________ Prof. Dr. Tülin Gençöz Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________ Prof. Dr. Sibel Kalaycıoğlu Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________ Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Şen Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assoc. Prof. Dr. Cenk Saraçoğlu (Ankara Uni., GZT) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Şen (METU, SOC) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Erdoğan Yıldırım (METU, ADM) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Kemal Bayırbağ (METU, ADM.) Assist. Prof. Dr. Kurtuluş Cengiz (Ankara Uni., SOS.) ii I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name: Özgür Olgun Erden Signature : iii ABSTRACT THE CRITIC OF LIBERAL APPROACH TOWARDS JDP Erden, Özgür Olgun Ph.D., Department of Sociology Supervisor: Assoc.Prof. Dr. Mustafa Şen December 2018, 314 pages This study examines the analyses and arguments of three major intellectual groups, which is termed as liberal, conservative-Islamist, and leftist-liberal and/or liberal- leftist, concerning the JDP and Islamism. -
Overall Frequencies
Estimating the Policy Positions of Canadian Political Parties from Legislative Election Manifestos 1968-20081 by François Petry [email protected] and Benoît Collette [email protected] Centre for the Analysis of Public Policy (CAPP) Department of Political Science Laval University Quebec, QC, Canada G1K 7P4 Paper prepared for presentation at the Annual Congress of the Canadian Political Science Association, Carleton University, Ottawa, May 29, 2009. 1. Introduction This paper gives an overview of the Canadian party manifestos archived at Laval University under the auspices of the Poltext project, and illustrates how the content of these documents can be used in order to estimate the policy positions of the major political parties from the 1968 federal elections up to and including the 2008 federal elections. The paper has two main objectives: To show that the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) coding method enables a reliable and plausible estimation of Canadian party policy positions, and to compare our results with previous findings about Canadian party positions using similar CMP data from 1945 to 1980 (Irvine 1987). We conclude that, in spite of several methodological weaknesses, the possibility of comparison over time of substantive party positions gives CMP data an important advantage over alternative sources on party policy positions. 2. CMP Coding Procedure and Selection of Documents The Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP), formerly the Manifesto Research Project (MRP), endeavors to record the policy content of party manifestos on the basis of a common coding scheme which consists of 56 pre-established categories (see Volkens, 2001 for an overview and definitions of categories).