EMU Reform Proposals and Their (Non) Implementation: an Overview
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A Success Story Or a Failure? : Representing the European Integration in the Curricula and Textbooks of Five Countries
I Inari Sakki A Success Story or a Failure? Representing the European Integration in the Curricula and Textbooks of Five Countries II Social psychological studies 25 Publisher: Social Psychology, Department of Social Research, University of Helsinki Editorial Board: Klaus Helkama, Chair Inga Jasinskaja-Lahti, Editor Karmela Liebkind Anna-Maija Pirttilä-Backman Kari Mikko Vesala Maaret Wager Jukka Lipponen Copyright: Inari Sakki and Unit of Social Psychology University of Helsinki P.O. Box 4 FIN-00014 University of Helsinki I wish to thank the many publishers who have kindly given the permission to use visual material from their textbooks as illustrations of the analysis. All efforts were made to find the copyright holders, but sometimes without success. Thus, I want to apologise for any omissions. ISBN 978-952-10-6423-4 (Print) ISBN 978-952-10-6424-1 (PDF) ISSN 1457-0475 Cover design: Mari Soini Yliopistopaino, Helsinki, 2010 III ABSTRAKTI Euroopan yhdentymisprosessin edetessä ja syventyessä kasvavat myös vaatimukset sen oikeutuksesta. Tästä osoituksena ovat muun muassa viimeaikaiset mediassa käydyt keskustelut EU:n perustuslakiäänestysten seurauksista, kansalaisten EU:ta ja euroa kohtaan osoittamasta ja tuntemasta epäluottamuksesta ja Turkin EU-jäsenyydestä. Taloudelliset ja poliittiset argumentit tiiviimmän yhteistyön puolesta eivät aina riitä kansalaisten tuen saamiseen ja yhdeksi ratkaisuksi on esitetty yhteisen identiteetin etsimistä. Eurooppalaisen identiteetin sanotaan voivan parhaiten muodostua silloin, kun perheen, koulutuksen -
Introduction to the Fiscal Framework of the EU
Introduction to the fiscal framework of the EU The Maastricht Treaty, the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance, and the Stability and Growth Pact STUDY EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Angelos Delivorias Members' Research Service PE 679.085 – February 2021 EN Introduction to the fiscal framework of the EU The Maastricht Treaty, the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union, and the Stability and Growth Pact Almost 30 years ago, the Maastricht Treaty laid the basis for economic and monetary union (EMU). Its fiscal provisions have been further developed by subsequent primary and secondary legislation – in particular, the Stability and Growth Pact with its preventive and corrective arms, and the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in EMU. These instruments together constitute the fiscal framework of the European Union. In early 2020, the European Commission launched a review of the EU's economic governance, seeking in particular to establish how effective the surveillance provisions have been in achieving their objectives. This paper aims to provide an introduction to the Union's economic governance, starting from a brief overview of the economic literature, and concluding with a look at possible developments that might follow from the review, not least examining the various calls for its amendment that have been put on the table. While the Commission's review has been put to one side while the immediate issues of the coronavirus pandemic are addressed, the economic consequences of the pandemic are themselves changing the context for the review. EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service AUTHOR Angelos Delivorias, Members' Research Service This paper has been drawn up by the Members' Research Service within the Directorate-General for Parliamentary Research Services (EPRS) of the Secretariat of the European Parliament. -
Council and Commission Decision of 26 February 2009 on The
L 107/164 EN Official Journal of the European Union 28.4.2009 COUNCIL AND COMMISSION COUNCIL AND COMMISSION DECISION of 26 February 2009 on the conclusion of the Protocol to the Stabilisation and Association Agreement between the European Communities and their Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Albania, of the other part, to take account of the accession of the Republic of Bulgaria and Romania to the European Union (2009/331/EC, Euratom) THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION (2) The Protocol should be concluded, AND THE COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES, Having regard to the Treaty establishing the European HAVE DECIDED AS FOLLOWS: Community, and in particular Article 310 in conjunction with the second sentence of Article 300(2), first subparagraph, and the second subparagraph of Article 300(3) thereof, Article 1 The Protocol to the Stabilisation and Association Agreement Having regard to the Treaty establishing the European Atomic between the European Communities and their Member States, Energy Community, and in particular the second paragraph of of the one part, and the Republic of Albania, of the other part, Article 101 thereof, to take account of the accession of the Republic of Bulgaria and Romania to the European Union is hereby approved on behalf Having regard to the Act of Accession of Bulgaria and Romania of the European Community, the European Atomic Energy and in particular Article 6(2) thereof, Community and the Member States. Having regard to the proposal from the Commission, Article 2 Having regard to the assent of the European Parliament, The President of the Council shall, on behalf of the European Community and its Member States, deposit the instruments of Having regard to the Council’s approval pursuant to Article 101 approval provided for in Article 11 of the Protocol. -
Smoke with Fire: Financial Crises and the Demand for Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union
Smoke with Fire: Financial Crises and the Demand for Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union Federica Genovese Gerald Schneider University of Essex University of Konstanz [email protected] [email protected] January 21, 2020 Abstract The handling of the 2008 financial crisis has reinforced the conviction that the European Union (EU) is undemocratic and that member states are forced to delegate overwhelming power to a supranational technocracy. However, European countries have engaged with this alleged power drift differently, with only a few member states demanding more parliamentary scrutiny of EU institutions. This article develops a political economy explanation for why only some states have enforced mechanisms to monitor the EU more closely. Our theory focuses on the role of the crisis and the impact of fiscal autonomy in countries outside and inside currency arrangements such as the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). We argue that, in the aftermath of a severe economic shock, member states outside the EMU possess more monetary and fiscal resources to handle the crisis. These would then demand oversight of EU decision-making if their fiscal sustainability depends on the Union. By contrast, Eurozone states that need policy changes cannot address the crisis independently or initiate reforms to scrutinize the EU. Hence, we argue that during the heated moments of severe economic downturns, parliaments in Eurozone countries discuss supranational supervision rarely. As these legislatures have nevertheless to give in to the popular demand for EU control, they express support for more EU supervision in the infrequent times of debate. We provide evidence for our theory with a cross-national analysis of EU oversight institutions, and a new original dataset of parliamentary debates during the Eurozone crisis. -
Our European Future OUR EUROPEAN
Our European Future European Our OUR EUROPEAN ChartingFUTURE a Progressive Course in the World Ideas contributed by László Andor, Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, François Balate, Peter Bofinger, Tanja A. Börzel, Mercedes Bresso, Stefan Collignon, Olivier Costa, Emma Dowling, Saïd El Khadraoui, Gerda Falkner, Georg Fischer, Diego Lopez Garrido, Hedwig Giusto, Giovanni Grevi, Ulrike Guérot, Paolo Guerrieri, Lukas Hochscheidt, Robin Huguenot-Noël, Guillaume Klossa, Halliki Kreinin, Michael A. Landesmann, Jean-François Lebrun, Jo Leinen, Lora Lyubenova, Justin Nogarede, Vassilis Ntousas, Alvaro Oleart, Carlota Perez, David Rinaldi, Barbara Roggeveen, Vivien A. Schmidt, Ania Skrzypek, Mario Telò and Britta Thomsen edited by Maria João Rodrigues OUR EUROPEAN FUTURE The Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) is the think tank of the progressive political family at EU level. Our mission is to develop innovative research, policy advice, training and debates to inspire and inform progressive politics and policies across Europe. We operate as hub for thinking to facilitate the emergence of progressive answers to the chal- lenges that Europe faces today. FEPS works in close partnership with its members and partners, forging connections and boosting coherence among stakeholders from the world of politics, academia and civil society at local, regional, national, European and global levels. Today FEPS benefits from a solid network of 68 member organisations. Among these, 43 are full members, 20 have observer status and 5 are ex-of- ficio members. In addition to this network of organisations that are active in the promotion of progressive values, FEPS also has an extensive network of partners, including renowned universities, scholars, policymakers and activists. Our ambition is to undertake intellectual reflection for the benefit of the progressive movement, and to promote the founding principles of the EU – freedom, equality, solidarity, democracy, respect of human rights, funda- mental freedoms and human dignity, and respect of the rule of law. -
The Missing Pieces of the Euro Architecture
Policy Contribution Issue n˚28 | October 2017 The missing pieces of the euro architecture Grégory Claeys Executive summary This policy contribution describes the institutional flaws of the single currency Grégory Claeys (gregory. revealed by the euro crisis and the institutional reforms that were put in place during and [email protected]) is a in the aftermath the crisis, and evaluates the remaining fragilities of the architecture of the Research Fellow at Bruegel European monetary union. In order to achieve a more resilient monetary union in Europe, we propose: 1) to A version of this paper was form a ‘financing union’ through the completion of the banking union and the promotion of prepared for the conference an ambitious capital markets union to provide private risk sharing between the countries of ‘20 years after the Asian the monetary union; and 2) to improve the defective macroeconomic policy framework to Financial Crisis: Lessons, avoid a repeat of the mistakes of recent years. Challenges, Way Forward’, Tokyo, 13-14 April 2017, The latter involves: reforming the European Stability Mechanism / Outright Monetary organised jointly by the Asian Transactions framework to clarify its functions and improve its governance system, reforming Development Bank and the the European fiscal rules to make them more effective to achieve the two desirable objectives Asian Development Bank of sustainability and stabilisation, and creating a small-scale euro-area stabilisation tool to Institute, and was published provide public risk sharing in case of significant shocks that members of the monetary union as ADBI Working Paper No. cannot deal with alone and to help manage the euro-area aggregate fiscal stance. -
The Economic and Monetary Union
THE ECONOMIC AND MONETARY UNION What is the Economic and Monetary Union? The Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), launched in 1992, involves the coordination of economic and fiscal policies, a common monetary policy, and a common currency, the euro. Whilst all EU Member States take part in the economic union, some countries have taken integration further and adopted the euro. Together, these countries make up the euro area.1 The operations and management of the EMU are designed to support sustainable economic growth and high employment through economic and monetary policy. This involves four main economic activities: • implementing an effective monetary policy for the euro area with the objective of price stability • coordinating economic and fiscal policies in EU countries • ensuring the single market runs smoothly • supervising and monitoring financial institutions2 History Timeline3 1978 The Werner Report sets out a process on how to achieve a monetary and currency union. Governments set up the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) to reduce volatility between European currencies. 1989 The Delors Report maps out the road to EMU in three stages: 1990 Start of 1st stage of EMU: closer economic policy coordination and liberalisation of capital movements. Britain joins the ERM. 1992 Maastricht Treaty setting up the EU and committing EU countries to EMU. 1994 Start of 2nd stage of EMU: creation of the European Monetary Institute (EMI), a precursor to the ECB. Member states are required to work to fulfil the five convergence criteria. 1995 European leaders agree to call the new single currency the euro. Stage 3 of EMU is set out. -
Implementing the Protocol 36 Opt
September 2012 Opting out of EU Criminal law: What is actually involved? Alicia Hinarejos, J.R. Spencer and Steve Peers CELS Working Paper, New Series, No.1 http://www.cels.law.cam.ac.uk http://www.cels.law.cam.ac.uk/publications/working_papers.php Centre for European Legal Studies • 10 West Road • Cambridge CB3 9DZ Telephone: 01223 330093 • Fax: 01223 330055 • http://www.cels.law.cam.ac.uk EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Protocol 36 to the Lisbon Treaty gives the UK the right to opt out en bloc of all the police and criminal justice measures adopted under the Treaty of Maastricht ahead of the date when the Court of Justice of the EU at Luxembourg will acquire jurisdiction in relation to them. The government is under pressure to use this opt-out in order to “repatriate criminal justice”. It is rumoured that this opt-out might be offered as a less troublesome alternative to those are calling for a referendum on “pulling out of Europe”. Those who advocate the Protocol 36 opt-out appear to assume that it would completely remove the UK from the sphere of EU influence in matters of criminal justice and that the opt-out could be exercised cost-free. In this Report, both of these assumptions are challenged. It concludes that if the opt-out were exercised the UK would still be bound by a range of new police and criminal justice measures which the UK has opted into after Lisbon. And it also concludes that the measures opted out of would include some – notably the European Arrest Warrant – the loss of which could pose a risk to law and order. -
Emu and the Adjustment to Asymmetric Shocks the Case of Italy 1
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Papers in Economics WORKING PAPER SERIES NO 1128 / DECEMBER 2009 EMU AND THE ADJUSTMENT TO ASYMMETRIC SHOCK S THE CASE OF ITALY by Gianni Amisano Nicola Giammarioli and Livio Stracca WORKING PAPER SERIES NO 1128 / DECEMBER 2009 EMU AND THE ADJUSTMENT TO ASYMMETRIC SHOCKS THE CASE OF ITALY 1 by Gianni Amisano 2, Nicola Giammarioli 3 and Livio Stracca 4 In 2009 all ECB publications This paper can be downloaded without charge from feature a motif http://www.ecb.europa.eu or from the Social Science Research Network taken from the €200 banknote. electronic library at http://ssrn.com/abstract_id=1517107. 1 We thank an anonymous referee and participants in the 50th meeting of the Italian Economic Association. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the IMF and the ECB, their Executive Board or management. 2 European Central Bank, DG Research, Kaiserstrasse 29, D-60311 Frankfurt am Main, Germany; e-mail: [email protected] 3 International Monetary Fund, 700 19th Street, N. W., Washington, D. C. 20431, United States; e-mail: [email protected] 4 Corresponding author: European Central Bank, DG International and European Relations, Kaiserstrasse 29, D-60311 Frankfurt am Main, Germany; e-mail: [email protected] © European Central Bank, 2009 Address Kaiserstrasse 29 60311 Frankfurt am Main, Germany Postal address Postfach 16 03 19 60066 Frankfurt am Main, Germany Telephone +49 69 1344 0 Website http://www.ecb.europa.eu Fax +49 69 1344 6000 All rights reserved. -
Monetary and Fiscal Policy Interaction in A
ARTICLES MONETARY AND FISCAL POLICY INTERACTIONS IN A MONETARY UNION In EMU, responsibility for monetary policy is assigned to the ECB, while fi scal policy remains the remit of each individual EU Member State. The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (hereinafter referred to as the “Treaty”), as well as additional provisions on monetary and fi scal policy interactions, aim to safeguard the value of the single currency and lay down requirements for national fi scal policies. The fi nancial crisis has highlighted that threats to fi nancial stability can have a tremendous infl uence on both monetary policy and fi scal policy. In particular, fi nancial instability and weak public fi nances can have a negative impact on each other. This adverse fi nancial-fi scal feedback loop poses severe challenges to monetary policy, as volatile and illiquid sovereign bond markets, as well as a struggling banking system, put the smooth functioning of the monetary policy transmission mechanism at risk. In order to counter the adverse impact of fi scal and fi nancial instability on the monetary policy transmission mechanism, the Eurosystem resorted to a set of non-standard monetary policy measures during the crisis. Several weaknesses in the national fi scal policies and economic governance of EMU have come to light in the course of the crisis. First, the incentives and rules for sound fi scal, fi nancial stability and macroeconomic policies proved to be insuffi cient. Second, the absence of a framework for the prevention, identifi cation and correction of macroeconomic imbalances was a clear fl aw in the EMU framework. -
The Banking Union, Under Way and Here to Stay
www.pwc.es www.ie.edu The Banking Union, under way and here to stay A report by the PwC and IE Business School Centre for the Financial Sector. This report has been coordinated by Luis Maldonado, managing director of the PwC and IE Business School Centre for the Financial Sector February 2014 Contents Introduction 4 Executive summary 10 The Single Supervisory Mechanism, the key to the entire process 14 The entrance exam. Crossing the gorge. 22 The SSM from the inside 24 The Single Resolution Mechanism, a crucial component 26 Operations. This is how the SRM will work 32 A Safety Net with Loopholes 34 Emergency liquidity assistance, the taboo last resort 38 The ESM, a cannon of limited use 40 A Single Rulebook to prevent fragmentation 42 Learning from mistakes 47 Conclusions and recommendations 48 References 51 3 Introduction The European Union’s progress towards Since then, spectacular progress has integration has always been marked by been achieved in a little more than a firm steps and inconsistent political year and a half. Today there is impulses, guided to a large extent by considerable consensus on the developments in the international components that should constitute the economic environment. The banking union: a Single Supervisory implementation of the Economic and Mechanism (SSM) for the entire euro Monetary Union (EMU) and the creation area; a Single Resolution Mechanism of the euro constitute a key – and (SRM), with a single European authority fortunately irreversible – advancement, able to take over a bank’s management, as the European Central Bank reiterated restructure it and even wind up its at the height of the sovereign debt crisis operations if necessary, and a Single in 2012. -
Coronavirus and the Cost of Non-Europe
Coronavirus and the cost of non-Europe An analysis of the economic benefits of common European action IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service European Added Value Unit PE 642.837 – May 2020 EN European integration has been key to driving economic growth for half a century, generating significant gains in gross domestic product (GDP) for EU Member States both collectively and individually. This EPRS paper focuses on the economic benefits of common action, and what is at risk if the current coronavirus crisis and its aftermath were to stall or reverse the process of European integration. It attempts to quantify the losses entailed if the economic downturn caused by the pandemic were to result in the gradual dismantling of the EU project and a parallel failure to take advantage of the unexploited potential of collective public goods that could yet be created. In this respect, the study makes use of two complementary concepts: European added value, which attempts to identify the benefit of existing collective action at European level, and the cost of non-Europe, which assesses the benefits foregone by not taking further action in the future. Even cautious estimates suggest that dismantling the EU single market would cost the European economy between 3.0 and 8.7 per cent of its collective GDP, or between €480 billion and €1 380 billion per year. In parallel, the potential cost of non-Europe in 50 policy fields was identified by EPRS in 2019 as around €2.2 trillion or 14 per cent of EU GDP (by the end of a ten-year running-in period).