THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE EVANGELICAL CHURCH OF VIETNAM AND THE TORAJA CHURCH IN INDONESIA TOWARD WOMEN-INCLUSIVE LEADERSHIP: CULTURAL, POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS CONTEXTS

Le Ngoc Bich Ly, Wening Udasmoro, and Jeanny Dhewayani* [email protected]

Abstrak Tulisan ini dimulai dengan pertanyaan: Mengapa gereja-gereja Protestan di Asia memiliki tingkat yang berbeda dalam mengakomodasi kepemimpinan wanita? Dengan mengambil dua studi kasus - Gereja Injili Vietnam (ECVN) dan Gereja Toraja di Indonesia yang memiliki titik awal yang sama tetapi tingkat transformasi yang berbeda mengenai kepemimpinan wanita, artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan bagaimana perbedaan konteks budaya, politik, dan agama dari ini dari gereja-gereja dan bagaimana mereka berkontribusi terhadap proses transformasi yang berbeda menuju kepemimpinan inklusif bagi wanita berdasarkan data primer dan sekunder. Kata kunci: Kepemimpinan Wanita, The Evengelical Church of Vietnam, Gereja Toraja

Abstract This paper starts with the question: Why do Protestant churches in Asia have different levels of accommodating women in leadership? By taking two case studies - the Evangelical Church of Vietnam (ECVN) and the Toraja Church in Indonesia that have similar starting points but different levels of transformation regarding women’s leadership, the paper aims to explore how the cultural, political, and religious contexts of these churches are different and how they contribute to the different process of church transformation toward women-inclusive leadership based on both primary and secondary data. Keywords: Women in Leadership, The Evengelical Church of Vietnam, Toraja Church

INTRODUCTION participation in the beginning. However, after Protestant Christianity in Asia is diverse several decades, the Toraja Church has been not only in terms of denominations but also in dramatically transformed to accommodate terms of its accommodation of women at the women’s leadership; whereas the ECVN has leadership level. Two typical examples of the persistently barred women from this position. latter are the Evangelical Church of Vietnam The Toraja church started to ordain women in (ECVN) and the Toraja Church in Indonesia. 1984,1 whereas the ECVN has been refusing to Both churches were established more or less ordain women. There are 320 ordained female at the same time during the early twentieth pastors out of active 700 ordained pastors in century, and they had the same starting point Toraja church,2 while the ECVN has only 37 regarding women’s position in the church. female pastors without ordination compared Women were excluded from leadership to 1,073 male pastors.3 It is widely acknowledged by social *Le Ngoc Bich Ly is a Vietnamese national. She is theorists that any social structure is not static presently a Ph.D. Candidate of the International Programm in Interreligious Studies at the Indonesian Consortium for 1 Jan Sihar Aritonang and Karel Adriaan Steenbrink, A Religious Studies, Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta, History of Christianity in Indonesia (BRILL, 2008), p. 472. Indonesia. This paper is a part of her dissertation project. 2Conversation with Rev. Lidya Tandirerung from Toraja Wening Udasmoro is Ms. Le’s fi rst promoter of her dissertation. Church on 2 May 2014. She is lecturer at Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta, 3“Danh Ba (Directory),” Tong Lien Hoi - Hoi Thanh Tin Lanh Indonesia.Jeanny Dhewayani is Ms. Le’s second promoter Viet Nam (MN), 2016. http://httlvn.org/index.php?do=danhba of her dissertation. She is lecturer at Duta Wacana Christian &act=s&keyword=&nganhnghe=1&tinhthanh= . Retrieved 16 University, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. June 2016.

Le Ngoc Bich Ly, Wening Udasmoro, and Jeanny Dhewayani The Transformation 161 and timeless but is always under restless regarding women’s roles and how they contestation of both internal and external contribute to the openness of each church and forces.4 This means social change constantly the empowerment of women. This paper is just happens whether it is expected or not. Attempts exploratory and not fi nal in the investigation have been made to theoretically explain social of this topic. change by focusing on structuration and agency typically represented by Anthony Giddens and WOMEN IN VIETNAMESE AND TORAJA Marshall Sahlins.5 However, why social change CULTURES takes different forms or is in different motion In cultural studies, scholars are more has been a puzzle for social scholars. This paper aware of the dynamic of cultural structure in assumes that the uniqueness of each context a given society. For instance, Geertz admits plays an important role in the differential that “[c]ultural analysis is intrinsically process of social change. incomplete. And, worse than that, the more Furthermore, feminist scholars have deeply it goes the less complete it is”.8 As for recognized that the success of women’s Bourdieu, what is understood as culture is movement for leadership in religious actually “produced by authorised discourses, organizations depends on both agency and the practices and institutions”.9 Thus, the fi eld of openness of the church structure.6 Ana Maria cultural production is always a contested fi eld Munoz Boudet and co-researchers, based on of competing discoures and values.10 In gender a study of norms and agency in 20 countries studies, this reality is rightly marked by Howell around the world, show that structures of (quoted by Waterson) that “[i]t is no longer opportunities and contraints are important valid to assume that there is one single model to diagnose change in agency. Without of gender in any one society and that the job of resources or opportunities, agency is passive the anthropologist is to elicit it.”11 Therefore, and empowerment is not possible.7 The paper this part of the paper attempts to present and assumes that the context has a role to play compare the available cultural discourses of in the dynamics of church openness and the women’s roles in Vietnam and Toraja. Existing empowerment of agency. discourses and literature show that despite Based on both primary and secondary competing discourses within each society, the data, this paper aims to explore the cultural, dominant discourses in Vietnamese society political and religious contexts of the ECVN and prescribe women low social position; whereas the Toraja Church to explain their different those in Toraja society give women quite a high process of transformation toward women- position in the society. inclusive leadership by comparing how these contexts of the two churches are different a) Discourses of Women’s roles in Vietnamese Culture 4 Sherry B. Ortner, Making Gender : The Politics and Erotics of Specifi cally regarding discourses of Culture (Beacon Press, 1996), pp. 8-9. 5Anthony Giddens. The Constitution of Society: Outline women’s roles in Vietnamese culture, there of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley and Los Angeles: have been debates among scholars. Several University of California Press, 1984); Marshall Sahlins, Vietnamese and foreign feminist scholars have Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities: Structure in the Early History of the Sandwich Islands Kingdom (Ann Arbor: University 8Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected of Michigan Press, 1981). Essays (Basic Books, 1973), p. 29. 6Georgie Ann Wheatherby, “Overview: Women as Leaders 9Webb, Schirato, and Danaher, Understanding Bourdieu, p. in Religion and Religious Organizations.” In Gender and Women’s 157. Leadership: A Reference Handbook, edited by Karen O’Connor, 10Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. 475–81 (London, New Delhi, Singapore: SAGE, 2010), p. 475. Richard Nice (Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 72; Webb, 7Ana Maria Munoz Boudet et al., On Norms and Agency: Schirato, and Danaher, Understanding Bourdieu, p. 159. Conversations about Gender Equality with Women and Men in 20 11Roxana Waterson, Paths and Rivers: Sa’dan Toraja Society Countries (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 2013), pp. 4–5, 13. in Transformation (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2009), p. 225.

162 Vol. 26 No. 2 Juli 2017 | 161-179 argued that Vietnamese women maintained before marriage, to her husband after marriage, a high level of autonomy even among and to her eldest son after her husband’s death. Southeast Asian countries before the coming Additionally, a good woman must master the of Confucianism during the Chinese invasion “Four Virtues”: cong (work), dung (physical that occured over a thousand-year period. appearance), ngon (appropriate speech), They point to the Au Co myth of the origin and hanh (proper behavior). Normally these of Vietnamese people which testifi es to the included cooking, sewing, and embroidering matriarchal system in northern Vietnam. They but not reading or writing.14 This long use archaelogical, textual, and ritual materials process of indoctrination by Chinese colonial such as goddess worship codes to support this administrators and subsequent Vietnamese unique feature of early Vietnamese society. monarchs have substaintially altered general They also appeal to historical evidence of Vietnamese perception of women’s roles in the Vietnamese women as heroines and warriors, society. such as the Trung sisters (14-43 CE) and lady During the French imperialism (1858-1945), Trieu (226-248 CE), in the struggles against Marr shows that discourse of women’s rights Chinese invaders. Vietnamese people have started to emerge; however, it was restricted been proud of these female heroines in their to upper- and middle-class people. He noticed pantheon of brave patriots.12 Based on this, at least three perspectives toward women’s feminist scholars argue for a different position roles: reactionaries, moderates, and radicals, of Vietnamese women from the subordinate evidently during the period up to 1930. The one as seen in the present. These feminists reactionaries were those of a generation earlier, argue that women’s autonomy and high social who took for granted the traditional morality status in early Vietnamese societies gradually for the females or the Confucian teachings of changed due to the successive invasions of the female morality and found no reason to discuss Chinese and the reinforcement of Confucian it. The moderates believed that equality was a values during the tenth and fi fteenth centuries long process of empowering women through by Vietnamese kings and elites. public work skills and education. For the During the nineteenth century, the fi rst radicals, gender equality required a radical Nguyen emperor (1808-1819) drastically change in the society.15 reduced women’s rights due to the infl uence During the next period (1945-1975), several of a Qing Legal Code. He forbade women from Vietnamese women adopted Marxist feminism taking the Mandarinate examination, and arguing that women’s equality and liberation instead promoted a Confucian-inspired book could not be obtained without the liberation of of ‘manner’ the Gia Huan Ca (Family Training the country from the colonial powers. Women Ode).13 A woman was taught to keep their started to fi ght side by side men against the virginity before marriage and be absolutely French (1945-1954) and the Americans (1954- faithful to her husband whether he is alive 1975). The north gained independence in or dead. From birth to death, a woman had to 1945 and the communist government was submit to three male authorities called “Three established. The Vietnamese communist Submissions.” She had to submit to her father party constructed a new image of womanhood, which was in fact a combination of Marxist 12Barbara Watson Andaya, The Flaming Womb: Repositioning and traditional values. It promoted gender Women in Early Modern Southeast Asia (University of Hawai’i equality by encouraging women to be excellent Press, 2008), p. 3, pp. 45–46; Alessandra Chiricosta, “Following in both public and private spheres. Though the Trail of the Fairy-Bird: The Search for a Uniquely Vietnamese Women’s Movement,” in Women’s Movements in Asia: Feminisms and Transnational Activism, ed. Mina & Louise 14David Marr, “The 1920s Women’s Rights Debates in Edwards (New York: Routledge, 2010), p. 125. Vietnam,” The Journal of Asian Studies, 35, no. 3 (May 1976): 372. 13Watson Andaya, The Flaming Womb., pp. 126–127. 15Marr, “The 1920s Women’s Rights.”

Le Ngoc Bich Ly, Wening Udasmoro, and Jeanny Dhewayani The Transformation 163 Vietnamese women enjoyed improved rights, good virtues of Vietnamese women, but we such as voting, divorce, abortion, education, also show the female virtues according to wage equality, outlaw of polygamy and child the biblical teachings.17 marriage, they were burdened with workload Strangely enough, even within this and responsibilities. one book written by one author, there are The latest report on gender situation confl icting ideas of women’s roles. While in Vietnam by Asian Development Bank in the author defends and promotes women’s December 2005 also stated that Confucian submission to male authority, she also argues gender norm had strong infl uence among the for gender equality in public spheres such as Kinh majority and Chinese ethnic group in church leadership and economic and social Vietnam. It reads as follows: participation.18 It is hard to understand how Most Vietnamese people, both men and the author can reconcile between her support women, expect women to behave in a for Confucian teaching of women’s submission socially constrained way. As such, women to male authority and her argument for gender often do not exercise the rights accorded equality in church, family and society. to them by law and policy. This traditional In short, despite the existence of various and restrictive way of thinking contributes discourses of women’s roles in Vietnamese to most of the gender inequalities culture, the dominant discourses obviously outlined in this report: from women’s authorize the Confucian model of womanhood lack of representation in leadership which prescribes women a subordinate positions to vulnerability to traffi cking for position to men. The discourse of women’s prostitution.16 rights also play an important role in public Not only Confucian discourse of women’s debate especially among the intellectuals. It morality has achieved a popular position in the seems that these two types of discourses will life of Vietnamese people, it has been promoted continue to exist side by side as the old values and defended within religious community such and new values compete and negotiate their as the Evangelical Church of Vietnam. A very position and power in the society. recent study guide book for Christian women in this church, which was published in 2013, b) Discourses of Women’s Roles in Toraja stated: Culture While gender is a clear mark of unequal When mentioning women’s virtue, we cannot ignore the Vietnamese thousand- social organization in Vietnamese society year heritage. The Vietnamese moral according to existing discourses, it cannot be tradition for women is “Three Submissions” used to describe social organization in Toraja and “Four Virtues.” These are beautiful and society because it is deemed not important or 19 unique characters of Vietnamese culture unnecessary. Roxana Waterson’s study and for thousands of year.... As Vietnamese other scholarly writings of women’s roles in women, we are proud to grow up in such Toraja culture testify to a dominant egalitarian a culture which has a good view about cultural system in Toraja society which women’s virtues. These are unique features even gives women a higher social position. that need to be practiced in order to show Nevertheless, like what occurs in Vietnam, the beauty of Vietnamese women. As Christian women, we not only demonstrate these unique manners of our people, and 17Thi Ly Tran, Phu Nu Co Doc Trong Gia Dinh, Hoi Thanh va Xa Hoi [Christian Women in Family, Church, and Society] (Nha Xuat 16Melissa Wells, Vietnam Gender Situation Analysis 2005. Ban Ton Giao, 2013), pp. 66–67. Strategy and Program Assessment (Asian Development Bank, 18Thi Ly., Phu Nu Co Doc., pp. 73–75, pp. 131–137. 2005), p. 8. 19Waterson, Paths and Rivers., p. 226.

164 Vol. 26 No. 2 Juli 2017 | 161-179 there are also opposite trends of thinking and To dolo tradition, women even played the role practices. of a ritual leader. However, this tradition later Concerning local custom or adat, Waterson became rare and has almost died out after states that “[s]o far as adat is concerned, Dutch evangelists came and converted the ..., where I could discover no point of adat majority of Torajanese to Christianity.23 Hence, law which discriminates against women”.20 at the symbolic level of Toraja custom or adat, In family organization, there is no gender women are bestowed with high social status. preference or discrimination among children. Beside this discourse of women’s high Both boys and girls are valued and share status in Toraja society, there are also equal inheritance rights; however, women are confl icting discourses and practices. For given strong positions in several aspects. For example, Paulus Tangdilintin criticizes that instance, in the Toraja custom of marriage, a women’s special position as the representation man has to move to stay with and contribute and owner of tongkonan is also their own his labor to his wife’s family after the wedding. prison. This creates inequality between men In Toraja culture, each big family or clan is and women in their freedom and opportunity represented by a tongkonan.21 Women are the for marriage and self-development. In Toraja ones who represent the tongkonan and manage society, it is not gender but class status that the rice barn. Men are not allowed to interfere divides the society. Women from upper class women’s management of this family property are not allowed to marry men of lower class; or else they will be ridiculed. Since women whereas this is not applied to men. Because own property and men stay with their wives’ women represent tongkonan and manage family families, domestic violenc rarely happens property, they are attached to the home and and women can maintain their livelihood and household responsibilities, which limits their care for children in case of divorce. In terms opportunities for self-expressions and capacity of death ritual, women are given more honor development beyond this domestic world as than men in the sense that the number of their male counterparts. Tangdilintin argues animals sacrifi ced for their funeral is higher that men’s opportunity to widen their network than that for their husbands’ who had passed and self-development leads to their dominant away.22 Thus, women can be said to have a role in rituals such as death ritual and their special position in Toraja culture of kinship. ability to contribute more sacrifi ced animals In terms of religious rituals, Waterson for their parents’ funerals. This also means observes that there is no concept of female that their portion of inheritance is bigger pollution such as rule against intercourse than women in the family. This has occured in during a woman’s period or any idea of female several places in Toraja.24 menstruation as a threat to men’s spiritual In addition to that, Waterson sees that or mental health in Toraja culture. Women women play a little part in Toraja politics and participate in all Toraja rituals and their they rarely speak authoritatively in public. participation is even a must. According to Aluk When she asked people for an explanation, they said, “men are superior, but actually men and 20Waterson, Paths and Rivers.,p., 229. women are equals”.25 However, Waterson also 21Tongkonan, which means “sitting place,” is “origin houses,” where important matters such as disputes, marriages, or inheritances are discussed by family members or relatives 23Suryadarma, “Peranan Wanita Toraja dalam Masyarakat (Forshee, 2006:98). [Women’s roles in Torajan society],” p. 123; Waterson, Paths 22Priyanti Pakan Suryadarma, “Peranan Wanita Toraja and Rivers: Sa’dan Toraja Society in Transformation, pp. 232–233. dalam Masyarakat [Women’s roles in Torajan society],” in 40 24Paulus Tangdilintin, “Wanita dalam Keluarga Toraja Tahun PWGT Mawar Harum Semerbak [40 years PWGT: the Fragrance [Women in Torajan Family],” in 40 Tahun PWGT Mawar Harum of Roses] (Sulawesi Selatan: PT SULO, 2006), p. 123; Waterson, Semerbak [40 years PWGT: the Fragrance of Roses] (Sulawesi Paths and Rivers: Sa’dan Toraja Society in Transformation, p. 230, Selatan: PT SULO, 2006), pp. 115–116. pp. 234–237. 25Waterson, Paths and Rivers., p. 240.

Le Ngoc Bich Ly, Wening Udasmoro, and Jeanny Dhewayani The Transformation 165 fi nds evidence that women became leaders of University in Jakarta when she discussed this villages and districts during the pre-colonial or transformation process as follows: 26 colonial times. The coming of Christianity to It is worth to note that from the process Toraja and the New Order Policy also restricted of struggle and success mentioned before, women’s roles to wifehood and motherhood. deep down in the heart of both men and While the local religious tradition gave women women in Toraja, especially in the Toraja important roles in rituals, the Calvinist Church, the best part of Toraja culture version of Christianity, which came to Toraja, is still kept. It is the culture that has no subordinated and even excluded women from discrimination of the rights, roles, and religious leadership.27 Similarly the New Order positions between men and women, which Government established women organizations is today known as gender equality.31 which were composed of wives of civil servants Suryadarma recognizes the Toraja’s and army offi cers to promote domestic egalitarian cultural heritage as an important orientation for Indonesian women notably factor that facilitated the transformation of since 1974. In Toraja, this organization was the church structure toward women-inclusive headed by the Bupati’s wife.28 leadership. Like Vietnam, gender and women’s roles In summary, the cases of Vietnam and in Toraja have been infl uenced by various Toraja have shown that women’s roles in these forces in history, which altered women’s roles two societies have been shaped and reshaped in a certain way. With the mass converstion of in different historical periods. Confl icting Toraja people to Protestant Christianity due values and practices exist side by side in each to the threat of aggressive Muslim guerillas society. However, the long-standing dominant in the 1950s,29 the conservative Calvinist discourse of Vietnamese culture has authorized Christian tradition was able to control the a subordinate position for women in the society; majority of the population and excluded while that of Toraja culture has given women a women in Toraja from church leadership for high position in family and religious life. This several decades. However, unlike the case of can help to explain, to some extent, why the women in the Evangelical Church of Vietnam, Christian Church in Vietnam can persistently this control of women’s roles in religious keep its patriarchal view toward women’s role domain fi nally failed in 1984 when women while the Toraja Church has been transformed were recognized equal rights with men in to accommodate the egalitarian gender values all areas of religious life especially church of Toraja culture. leadership.30 The transformation of the Toraja Church’s perspective toward women’s roles is THE POLITICAL CONTEXTS OF THE ECVN well-captured by Priyanti Pakan Suryadarma, AND THE TORAJA CHURCH an anthropology professor at Indonesian Beside the cultural factor, political context 26 Waterson, Paths and Rivers., p. 240. also plays in role in the transformation of 27 A. J. Anggui, “Wanita Dan Jabatan Gerejawi: Suatu Hak religious structure toward women-inclusive Gerejawi Yang Dicicil Dalam Perjalanan Kehidupan Gereja Toraja [Women and Church Offi ces: A Right Established in leadership by offering resources for agency the Life Journey of Toraja Church],” in 40 Tahun PWGT Mawar empowerment. Regarding the cases of the ECVN Harum Semerbak [40 Years PWGT: The Fragrance of Roses] (Sulawesi and the Toraja Church, their political contexts Selatan: PT SULO, 2006), pp. 40–42; Waterson, Paths and Rivers: present different levels of opportunities for Sa’dan Toraja Society in Transformation, p. 241. 28Waterson, Paths and Rivers.,p.241. women’s empowerment for church leadership. 29Waterson, Paths and Rivers.,p. 361. Particularly, the political context of Vietnam, 30Anggui, “Wanita Dan Jabatan Gerejawi: Suatu Hak especially under the Communist Government, Gerejawi Yang Dicicil Dalam Perjalanan Kehidupan Gereja Toraja [Women and Church Offi ces: A Right Established in the 31Suryadarma, “Peranan Wanita Toraja dalam Masyarakat Life Journey of Toraja Church],” pp. 43–44. [Women’s roles in Torajan society],” p. 124.

166 Vol. 26 No. 2 Juli 2017 | 161-179 has marginalized religion and restricted the lives of an estimated number of more than opportunities for women’s religious education 250,000 women. Besides fi ghting in the front, and professional development; whereas the women took the central role in farming and political context of Toraja offers more religious family care.34 In such a situation and a culture freedom and opportunities for women’s which already discourged women’s literacy as religious education and religious profession. mentioned above, women’s opportunities for education became even more limited. Within a) The Political Context of the Evangelical the ECVN before 1975, men were given priority Church of Vietnam (ECVN) to get theological education; while single The political context of the ECVN can women were barred from having it.35 Some be divided into two periods: colonial period pastors’wives only started to learn to read and before 1975 and Communitst government write in order to join the Bible School after period after 1975. Each period restricts getting married to their husbands.36 Hence, women’s opportunities for religious women’s religious education and religious education and profession in a different way. profession were very restricted during this The period before 1975 was marked with period. the two successive wars against the French After 1975 the entire country was under imperialism (1911-1954)32 and the American the rule of the Communist government. Before War or Vietnam War (1954-1975). This period the Renovation Period in 1986, the govern- of political turmoil was characterized with ment’s religious policies treated religious severe exploitation, suffering, and death. people especially Christians as target of During the French colonial period, Vietnamese repression, and as second-class citizens to be people suffered famine, starvation, and disease srictly controlled after 1986. Before 1986, the due to the exploitative policies of both the Communist government viewed traditional French and Japanese colonizers (1942-1945). rituals and religious activities as backward In 1954, the Communists liberated the North superstition, wasteful of resources, antithetical and the country was divided into North and to national construction, and incompatible South. The South was ruled by Ngo Dinh with Marxist-Leninist ideology.37 Based on this Diem government, supported by the U.S. to understanding of religion, the government fi ght against the expansion of the northern started to “impose anti-religious (especially Communists. There was a massive exodus of anti-Christian) policies”.38 Chu describes that almost one million people from the North to Catholic church repression spread from north South to escape Communist rule. Two thirds of them were Catholics and around 1,000 were 34Julie Marie Bunck, “Women and Post-Cold War Protestants.33 The U.S. sent aid and human Socialism: The Cases of Cuba and Vietnam,” ASCE, Cuba in resources to the South to help the Southern Transition, 1997, pp. 23–24. 35 government resettle the refugees and build Van Nam (Mrs.) Pham, Dang Tron Cuoc Doi: Hoi Ky 55 Nam Phuc Vu Chua cua Muc Su Pham Van Nam [Life Dedication: Rev. a new nation. Starting in 1959, the northern Pham Van Nam’s Diary of 55-Year-Ministry] (California: Nha Xuat Communists started a war against the Ban Phuong Dong, 1995), p. 15, pp. 28–29. Southern government and the U.S. troops to 36Tuyen Tap Tieu Su Nguoi Phuc Vu Chua [Collection of try and reunify the country. The war with the Autobiographies of God’s Servants] (Uy Ban Van Hoa Giao Duc – Tong Lien Hoi - Hoi Thanh Tin Lanh Viet Nam (MN): Nha Xuat Americans between 1954 and 1965 took away Ban Phuong Dong, 2012), p. 105. 37Hy V. Luong, “The Restructuring of Vietnamese 32The year 1911 is the year of the establishment of the Nationalism, 1954-2006,” Pacifi c Affairs 80, no. 3 (2007): Evangelical Church of Vietnam; whereas the French colonizers 440–441; Quang Hung Nguyen, “Vietnam Policy on Religious came to Vietnam in 1858. Affairs Since 1990 Seen From a Cultural-Religious Viewpoint” 33Scott W. Sunquist, ed., “Vietnam,” in A Dictionary of Asian (Religion, Public Policy and Social Transformation in Southeast Christianity (Grand Rapids, Michigan/Cambridge: William B. Asia, Yogyakarta, 2014), p. 6. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2001), p. 879. 38Sunquist, “Vietnam,” 882.

Le Ngoc Bich Ly, Wening Udasmoro, and Jeanny Dhewayani The Transformation 167 to south. The state confi scated church property, opportunity through closing its only seminary closed religious schools, arrested priests and in Nha Trang and isolating the church from the sent them to re-education camps.39 For the outside world. The ECVN’s only seminary was ECVN, the state dismissed all missionaries, sent established in 1921 by the Christian Missionaries 90 pastors to reeducation camp, and closed all and Alliance missionaries to train local pastors theological schools and ninety-nine percent for church planting. Later this Bible School of churches of ethnic Vietnamese origin. The was moved to Nha Trang in 1959. By 1975, this state also tried to control the leadership of the seminary had equipped the church leadership ECVN hoping that this would help it control with 500 pastors, 276 Bible students in Nha the whole Protestant church in the south.40 Trang and 900 laypeople trained by theological Although the state’s attitude toward training by extension.42 However, after 1975 the religion is more relaxing after 1986, it has Communist government closed this seminary maintained a strict control of religious and forbade theological education until 2003.43 activities through regulation of worship During this period, both men and women places and registration of religious activities. from this church were deprived of theological Religious practices can only be done at education which is important to provide regulated places. Religious institutions must leaders for the growing church. Furthermore, ask permission for their operation, training, the government also closed the country from ordaining and assigning leadership; but the the outside world before 1990s. This means permission depends absolutely on the power that theological education opportunity abroad of the local authorities. for church members was not possible. This political situation severely affected However, since 1990s, Vietnam changed the ECVN’s theological education and church its policy on domestic and international leadership. Women tended to be the most issues. Vietnam normalized its relationship affected. The government’s religious policies with China in 1991 (after the war in 1979). have led to the impoverishment of the ECVN’s In 1994, the US lifted its embargo on trade church leadership by causing the drain against Vietnam and normalized its diplomatic of leadership and the lack of theological relations with Vietnam a year later. Vietnam opportunities. Due to the fear of the Communist became a member of ASEAN in 1995 and a government, many pastors and laity from the member of World Trade Organization in 2008.44 ECVN migrated to the U.S. by boat after 1975.41 This integration of Vietnam into the world Many of the remaining pastors were jailed and started to open opportunities for international later migrated to the West after having served travel, work, and education. their term in the prison. Hence the church As a result, only after 1990s was overseas suffered the loss of prominent leaders. theological education possible for Christians Moreover, the state religious policies have from Vietnam. For example, the Union also impoverished the ECVN’s leadership by University of California (UCC), established by depriving its members of theological education overseas Vietnamese evangelicals in the U.S. has offered theological education both bachelor 39Lan T. Chu, “Catholicism vs. Communism, Continued: and master levels for Vietnamese students in The Catholic Church in Vietnam,” Journal of Vietnamese Studies 3, no. 1 (2008): 163. Vietnam by distant training or sending them 40Sunquist, “Vietnam,” 879–880; Van Thien Tu Truong, to other countries such as Cambodia and “Menh Troi: Toward a Vietnamese Theology of Mission” (Doctoral dissertation, Graduate Theological Union, 2009), p. 2. 41Sunquist, “Vietnam,” 882; Van Thien Tu Truong, 42Sunquist, “Vietnam,” 879–880. “Vietnam: The Emergence of Protestant Churches and 43Truong, “Vietnam: The Emergence of Protestant Theological Education,” World Council of Churches, The Churches and Theological Education,” p. 96. Ecumenical Review, 64, no. 2 (July 2012): p. 95, doi:10.1111/ 44Nguyen, “Vietnam Policy on Religious Affairs Since 1990 j.1758-6623.2012.00152.x. Seen From a Cultural-Religious Viewpoint,” p. 9.

168 Vol. 26 No. 2 Juli 2017 | 161-179 Thailand since 1991.45 Though women could b) The Political Context of the Toraja access overseas theological education after Church 1990s, it is hard for women to improve their Regarding the same issue, the Toraja status within a short time period after being context offers more religious freedom and deprived of educational access for 27 years opportunities for women’s religious education by the state. Additionally, since religion is and religious profession. In contrast to the privatized, a religious or theological degree context of Vietnam in which religion is can only be utilized by religious institutions. In marginalized or privatized, the Indonesian Vietnam, religion is not allowed to be taught political context in general and the Toraja at public schools and universities as it is in political context in particular give religion, Indonesia. In the inputs to the draft report of especially major religions, a public role and the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion religious people opportunities to actively or belief in 2015, the Vietnamese Government participate in political and social life. explains that: Since Indepedence in 1945, Indonesian For the purpose of harmony and equality political stance toward religion has been based among religions, the Education Law as on the philosophy of Pancasila established well as other laws prohibit the preaching by the founding fathers of the nation. This of religion in schools to guarantee that all Pancasila includes fi ve pillars, namely, “Belief students and pupils have the independence in One God, just and civilized humanity, the and freedom to choose to follow a religion unity of Indonesia, the democracy guided by or to follow none. This is popular in many the Consultative Representative Policy Lessons, countries in which no religion is chosen as and social justice for all Indonesian people”.47 a national religion, and this is absolutely Though Muslim community accounts for not contrary to the international standards more than 90 percent of the population, the 46 on human rights. founding fathers of the Republic of Indonesia Not only religious degrees are rejected from chose the nation-state governmence system public institutions, they also face challenges based on constitution, democracy, plurality, from religious institutions since churches such equality and protection of human rights, 48 as the ECVN have been strictly fi ltering these instead of Islamic theocracy. Despite this degrees based on their own religious orthodoxy. non-confessional political model, religion has The ECVN also has its own rules regarding been given important roles in the political women. One of the rules is that women with and social life of Indonesia. Religious groups theological degrees are required to be celibate can participate in the government through if they want to enter the cleric order. This has forming their own political parties such as created a double marginalization of Christian the Islamic party Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the women regarding opportunities for religious Christian political party Parkido, and Catholic 49 education and religious profession fi rst in political party Partai Katolik. Confessing one’s the wider society and second in the religious religion is not something to hide as it is in community itself. 47M. Amin Abdullah, “Islam and Local Expression: Southeast Asian Political Perspective” (Southeast Asian Islam Facing ASEAN Community 2015, UIN Sunan Kalijaga, Yogyakarta, September 24, 2014), p. 4. 45Truong, “Vietnam: The Emergence of Protestant 48Abdullah, “Islam and Local Expression.”, pp. 7–9. Churches and Theological Education,” pp. 95–96. 49Adnan Buyung Nasution, “Debate on the Dasar Negara 46“Mission to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam: [Philosophy of the State],” in The Aspiration for Constitutional Comments by the State on the Report of the Special Rapporteur Government in Indonesia: A Socio-Legal Study of the Indonesian on Freedom of Religion or Belief, Heiner Bielefeldt” (United Konstituante 1956-1959 (Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 1992), Nations Human Rights, January 15, 2015), 9, http://www. p. 52; Adrian Vickers, A History of Modern Indonesia (Cambridge: ohchr.org/EN/Issues/FreedomReligion/Pages/Visits.aspx. Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 122.

Le Ngoc Bich Ly, Wening Udasmoro, and Jeanny Dhewayani The Transformation 169 Vietnam 50 but it is a requirement in Indonesia Christianity as a strategy to protect themselves and must be stated in one’s identity card. from potential attacks by the Muslims.53 Students from kindergarten to college are According to the 2000 census, 70.6 per cent of required to study their religion for two hours Toraja population was Christian.54 The fear of a week in government classrooms.51 Religious being attacked by Muslim lowlanders has been groups can open their own universities and the topic of conversations in Toraja today and hospitals. Students with religious degrees this has also reinforced the Christian identity can seek employment in both religious and allegiance instead of preserving the Alukta local public institutions. Though tensions have identity.55 As Christians become the dominant remained within Indonesian politics of identity and politics, the local Alukta religious religion such as the resurgence of religious group has become target of Christianization. fundamentalism, religious violent confl icts, Despite all these political disruptions, and the marginalization of local religions, to Christian women in Toraja enjoy more oppor- name a few, this intermingling of religion, tunities for education and religious profession politics and social life have given religious compared to the Vietnamese female Christians. Indonesian people more opportunities to During the colonial period (1900-1942), the actively participate in public life. Dutch colonial government soon invested in Located in south Sulawesi of Indonesia, education for female children and protected Toraja has been infl uenced by the overall women. The Dutch government opened two political context of Indonesia and its own public schools which used Toraja and Melayu political situation. In general, though there language in 1908. They also opened another are political disruptions and tensions between school that used Dutch language in 1929 Muslims and Christians and those between the and one more with the name Christelijke majority Christians and indigenous religious Torajase School in 1938 in Rantepao. Since the adherents, the Toraja’s political context beginning, female kids were admitted to these since the colonial period to the present has schools.56 Regarding theological education, facilitated more opportunities for Christian women in Toraja were not allowed to have women in education and religious leadership. theological education during the missionary In 1906, Toraja was subjected to the rule of period. Only in 1967 were women allowed to the Dutch colonial government and a portion take Christian education in STT Rantepao. of the population was Christianized by Dutch Several women became teachers of Christian missionaries. By 1945, Toraja land was again education during this period. Even though under the rule of the Japanese. Though the women were not given the right to ordination Japanese provided protection to the Christians before 1984, few women had already achieved from the low-land Muslim aggression, the higher theological education even before the Toraja population was required to contribute STT Rantepao admitted women. For example, to the war effort.52 The period 1950 – 1965 was Damaris Pakan got her theological degree in marked with violent attacks by Darul Islam STT Jakarta in 1959.57 guerrillas against Toraja highlands, which led to the mass conversion of Toraja people to 53Aritonang and Steenbrink, A History of Christianity in 50Nguyen, “Vietnam Policy on Religious Affairs Since 1990 Indonesia,. P. 472; Waterson, Paths and Rivers., p. 353. Seen From a Cultural-Religious Viewpoint,” p. 5. 54Waterson, Paths and Rivers., p. 353. 51Robert W. Hefner, “Introduction: Multiculturalism and 55Waterson, Paths and Rivers., p. 362, p. 431. Citizenship in Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia,” in The 56H. T Hutabarat-Lebang, “Pemberdayaan Perempuan Politics of Multiculturalism: Pluralism and Citizenship in Malaysia, melalui Pendidikan [Empowering women through education],” Singapore, and Indonesia, ed. Robert W. Hefner (Honolulu: in 40 Tahun PWGT Mawar Harum Semerbak [40 years PWGT: the University of Hawai’i Press, 2001), p. 35. Fragrance of Roses] (Sulawesi Selatan: PT SULO, 2006), pp. 65–66. 52Aritonang and Steenbrink, A History of Christianity in 57T Hutabarat-Lebang, “Pemberdayaan Perempuan,” pp. Indonesia, p. 466, p. 471. 69–70.

170 Vol. 26 No. 2 Juli 2017 | 161-179 After Independence in 1945, unlike one of the four chairpersons of the synod. In Vietnam which closed the country from 2011, the synod has a female chairperson and a the outside world, Indonesia opened the female general treasurer. country to the outside world to boost the In brief, this section of the paper has shown process of industrialization and international that the political contexts of the ECVN and the relations.58 This integration of Indonesia in Toraja Church have offered different levels the global context has facilitated exhange of resources or opportuntities for women’s of liberal values such as gender equality, empowerment for leadership. By offering and educational opportunities in Western or restricting resources or opportunities for countries for Indonesian women. Women from agency, the political context can facilitate or the Toraja Chuch could join international slower down the process of transformation. women organizations such as Asia Church Particularly the Indonesian and Toraja Women’s Conference (ACWC) as early as 1960s. political context offers Christian women more For example, in 1966, Damaris M. Anggui- opportunities for religious education and Pakan, who later became the fi rst ordained profession due to their openness to religion pastor in the Toraja Church, was present at the and to the outside world and positive values ACWC in Japan. Later, in 1980, H. T. Hutabarat- such as gender equality. On the contrary, the Lebang became a committee member of political context of Vietnam has marginalized ACWC.59 These women after coming back to religion and closed the country from the Toraja have activized the process of women’s outside world for a long period. Opportunities empowerment in Toraja Church. for women’s religious education and career With this openness of the Indonesian and have been restricted by the government’s Toraja contexts for women’s education, within religious policies and the church’s patriarchal a short period, Toraja women with qualifi ed perspective toward women. Hence, the political theological education had multipled when they contexts can be said to signifi cantly contribute were fi nally recognized the right to ordination to the transformation of both churches’ in 1984. Though the Toraja Church was slower perspectives toward women’s roles to a certain than other Christian churches in Indonesia to extent. ordain women, the number of ordained women in this church quickly increased after a short THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF period of realizing the right. After twenty THE ECVN AND THE TORAJA CHURCH years since 1984, the number of ordained Beside the cultural and political settings, female pastors reached 185 out of 669 ordained the religious contexts of the ECVN and the pastors.60 In 2015, the number of female Toraja Church also play a role in their own pastors almost doubles or 348 out of a total of transformation toward women-inclusive 959 pastors within less than ten years’ time.61 leadership. The religious context here means Women have also been present in the church the internal development of the church and synod hierarchy. In 2001, a woman became its interaction with other Christian bodies. Bourdieu shows that structural transformation 58Vickers, A History of Modern Indonesia, pp. 126–133. depends on its internal practices and politics, 59 H. T Hutabarat-Lebang, “Dialah Damai Sejahtera Kita and its convergence with other structures.62 Yang Meruntuhkan Tembok Pemisah [Our God of Peace Destroys the Separating Walls],” in 40 Tahun PWGT Mawar In other words, the character of the structure Harum Semerbak [40 Years PWGT: The Fragrance of Roses] (Sulawesi is one of the determinants in structural Selatan: PT SULO, 2006), pp. 55–58. transformation. Indeed, the ECVN and the 60 Anggui, “Wanita Dan Jabatan Gerejawi: Suatu Hak Toraja Church seem to develop into different Gerejawi Yang Dicicil Dalam Perjalanan Kehidupan Gereja Toraja [Women and Church Offi ces: A Right Established in the Life Journey of Toraja Church],” pp. 43–46. 62Webb, Schirato, and Danaher, Understanding Bourdieu, p. 61 Sinode Gereja Toraja, 2015. 28.

Le Ngoc Bich Ly, Wening Udasmoro, and Jeanny Dhewayani The Transformation 171 directions regarding their openness for reform. camp.66 However, despite the tough situations To state differently, while the ECVN seems to since the reunifi cation of the country in become more conservative and resistant to 1975, the Protestant church has developed change, the Toraja Church has been fl exible dramatically in terms of membership especially and open to reform. among ethnic minorities in mountainous areas with a growth rate of 900 percent.67 The a) The Formation and Development of the estimated membership of the ECVN in 2005 is ECVN 455,748 and that of house churches is 500,000 In the process of development, the ECVN (2006-2007).68 The ECVN was recognized by the has moved toward a conservative direction government in 2001 and was given permission seen through its perspective toward culture, to reopen its theological seminary in 2003. intellectualism and leadership, and parti- Today the number of Protestants in Vietnam cipation in worldwide religious movements. is 1.5 million or 1.35 per cent of the total Protestant Christianity was successfully population of 90 million people.69 introduced to Vietnam fi rst by the Christian Over a hundred years of establishment, and Missionary Alliance (CMA) missionaries the ECVN has still maintained its conservative in 1911, though CMA missionaries made perspective toward Vietnamese culture an attempt to enter the country earlier on through its doctrine and practices which February 10th, 1889 but unsuccessfully planted demonize everything that belongs to the local the religion.63 As a result, the Evangelical culture. Truong commented that Church of Vietnam (ECVN) was offi cially the Following the approach of the Christian and fi rst Protestant denomination to be established Missionary Alliance (CMA), Vietnamese in Vietnam in 1927. Other Protestant groups Protestant Churches have negligently such as the Seventh-day Adventists, Southern demonized almost everything that belongs Baptists, Pentecostals, Mennonites, the Church to Vietnamese culture, seeing it as either of Christ, and the Quakers came to Vietnam Satanic or unclean. Many Vietnamese in the following decades. In 1921, the fi rst Protestants devalue and denigrate the Bible School to train leaders for the ECVN was human and cultural treasures of their established in Da Nang. By 1941, seventy-fi ve community, considering their fellow percent of ECVN’s 121 congregations were self- countrymen and women and their cultures supporting. When the Communist government to be worthless or demonic”.70 defeated the French in 1954, the ECVN was Similarly Woods observes that due to divided into Northern and Southern churches.64 its fundamentalist theology Vietnamese They have remained separated until now. Protestants refuse to participate in any local In 1975, the Communists took control of traditions such as annual festival celebrations the whole country and religious persecutions of municipality’s patron god and animistic- started from north to south. The government based rituals; thus social interaction is severely closed 121 Protestant churches of Vietnamese ethnic and 171 of tribal minorites (ninety- 66 Sunquist, “Vietnam,” pp. 879–880. nine percent), and confi scated many of the 67James F. Lewis, “Vietnam’s Christians: A Century of churches.65 The government also dismissed all Growth in Adversity (By Reg Reimer),” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 36, no. 3 (2012): 167. missionaries and sent 90 pastors to reeducation 68Truong, “Menh Troi: Toward a Vietnamese Theology of Mission,” pp. 54–55. 63Truong, “Menh Troi: Toward a Vietnamese Theology of 69“Report of the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Mission,” p. 48. Religion or Belief, Heiner Bielefeldt, on His Visit to Viet Nam 64Truong, “Menh Troi: Toward a Vietnamese Theology of (21 to 31 July 2014)” (United Nations Human Rights, January 31, Mission,” pp. 50–51, p. 74. 2015), http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/FreedomReligion/ 65Truong, “Menh Troi: Toward a Vietnamese Theology of Pages/Visits.aspx. Mission,” pp. 51–52. 70Ibid., 3.

172 Vol. 26 No. 2 Juli 2017 | 161-179 disrupted between Protestants and local ECVN has remained conservative and resistant people.71 Consequently the ECVN has been to change. alienated to its own culture and people. There Finally the ECVN’s isolation from the wider have been attempts from the ECVN’s scholars religious movements in the world is another to inculturate the church through theological factor. Since its establishment, the ECVN has literature such as Rev. Dr. Le Hoang Phu, Rev. not joined any ecumenical movements76 such Dr. Huynh Thien Buu, Rev. Dr. Le Van Thien, as the World Council of Churches (WCC), and and Rev. Dr. Truong Van Thien Tu.72 However, Christian Conference of Asia (CCA). These are their approach is limited to intellectual worldwide Christian movements to address conversations and most of them are residing in contemporary issues in the world through other foreign countries except Rev. Dr. Le Van Thien ways rather than evangelism or proselytization. who is still working with the ECVN in Vietnam. Three of their agendas are to promote In addition to its alienation to Vietnamese human rights, education, and interreligious culture, the ECVN has also held an anti- dialogues.77 This isolation of the ECVN from intellectual attitude, which has led to a poor the worldwide religious movements can be and conservative leadership. According to Rev. explained through the church’s theological Dr. Truong, from the very beginning, the CMA understanding of mission and the political missionaries aimed at missionizing the lower context of Vietnam. Since the beginning, the class. Consequently they have produced an church has inherited and maintained the “unhealthy church: poor and uneducated”.73 CMA missionaries’ understanding of mission By focusing on increasing membership and as evangelism or converting people into the targeting at poor people, many churches are Christian faith.78 Thus, it is diffi cult for the unable to pay salaries to their pastors on a ECVN to accept the view of the equality of all regular basis. The ECVN’s anti-intellectual faiths and interreligious dialogue as being attitude was originated from the CMA promoted by WCC and CCA. Beside this, the missionaries’ fear of heresy and losing faith in ECVN has been under suspicion and close the face of science and rationality.74 Such a fear observation by the Communist Government has resulted in the ECVN’s discouragement of for any of its connection with the outside world young preachers for further education and its since this church is historically connected underestimation of knowledge and intellects. to colonial powers.79 Therefore, this narrow A serious consequence of this fear is that the understanding of mission of the ECVN and quality of the present leadership of the ECVN its disconnectedness to progressive Christian and its theological education is very poor.75 movements such as the WCC and CCA have This also leads to the church’s unwelcoming strengthened its conservatism. As a result, of those graduates from outside the country. Consequently, the present leadership of the 76Ecumenical movement is a Christian movement attempting to unify Chrisitians of all backgrounds for common witness and joint service for peace, justice, and equality (Tveit, 71 Woods, Vietnam: A Global Studies Handbook, p. 155. 2013:ix-x). 72Quang Hung Do, “MẤY VẤN ĐỀ VỀ THẦN HỌC TIN 77Theodore Gill, “The WCC and the Ecumenical Movement LÀNH Ở VIỆT NAM HIỆN NAY (Some Theological Issues of the in the Context of World Christianity,” in Ecumenical Visions for Evangelical Churches in Vietnam),” Hoithanh.com: Vietnamese the 21st Century: A Reader for Theological Education, ed. Melisande Global Christian Network, accessed May 1, 2014, http://hoithanh. Lorke and Dietrich Werner (World Council of Churches com/Home/tin-tuc/2661-mot-cai-nhin-ve-than-hoc-tin-lanh- Publications, 2013), pp. 3–6. o-viet-nam-hien-nay.html#.UvOqxLRv50Y. 78Truong, “Menh Troi: Toward a Vietnamese Theology of 73Truong, “Menh Troi: Toward a Vietnamese Theology of Mission,” 59–67; Woods, Vietnam: A Global Studies Handbook, pp. Mission,” pp. 59–60. 155–156. 74Truong, “Vietnam: The Emergence of Protestant 79Charles F. Keyes, “Being Protestant Christians in Churches and Theological Education,” p. 100. Southeast Asian Worlds,” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 27, 75Truong, “Menh Troi: Toward a Vietnamese Theology of no. 2 (1996): p. 284; Woods, Vietnam: A Global Studies Handbook, Mission,” pp. 62–63. p. 155.

Le Ngoc Bich Ly, Wening Udasmoro, and Jeanny Dhewayani The Transformation 173 the system becomes stronger in its resistence and Christianity. Tens of thousands chose Islam; to change, including the accommodation of while many more chose Christianity, which women in leadership. trebled the church membership. In 2000, the membership of Toraja Church reached 375,000 b) The Formation and Development of the or about 70 percent of Toraja population.83 In Toraja Church 2015, Christian population in Toraja – both Unlike the ECVN, the Toraja Church Tana Toraja and Toraja Utara – was 369,730 has gone through a process of radical or 71.34% of the total population of 518,245.84 transformation in its perspective toward Toraja Church particularly has a membership Toraja culture, intellectualism and leadership, of 327,246 or 63.14% of the total population.85 and participation in worldwide ecumenical Since its establishment, the Toraja Church movements. has gone through several reforms. One of them Protestant Christianity was fi rst brought is the contextualization of Christianity into to Toraja by the Dutch missionary, van de Toraja culture. Since 1923, the relationship Loosdrecht, in 1913. He proselytized through betweenToraja culture and the Christian schooling and Bible translation with the help faith has been the topic of discussion of the linguist H. van de Veen in Sa’dan Toraja. among the missionaries and Toraja church The Toraja nobility rejected Christianity, so he leaders. In 1929, they came up with specifi c worked with the poor and slaves and struggled restrictions regarding rituals. For example, against social injustices. He baptized only 15 it was forbidden to offer meat to the dead or people during three years. In the mid-1917, he to spirits, to sing song for the deceased in its was killed by the uprising of the Toraja feudal narrative old version, and to believe that the lords.80 In the next 25 years, the Dutch mission souls of animals follow the dead.86 After 1965, established a network of schools, and hospital, the Toraja Church no longer viewed traditional and several hundred congregations. In 1938, culture as something shameful to suppress. In baptized Christian converts numbered 13,000 contrast, various cultural aspects were adopted out of around 250,000 non-Muslims in Toraja.81 into the church such as costume, dance, music, The Toraja Church declared independent and social stratifi cation which means that from the Dutch mission in 1947; however, its offi ce holders of regional and central boards leadership was chaired by a missionary. Only were expected to come from upper social class. after 1950 was the church truly independent In 1980s and 1990s, the church even discussed from the missionaries due to the break whether or not to allow the practice of the tau- in relations between Indonesia and the tau (statues of the dead) and the church reached Netherlands over western New Guinea (Papua) a compromise in 1984. It strongly discouraged that drove all missionaries home.82 In 1945, this practice; however, if the family of the the Toraja Church was protected from Muslim dead wanted to have it, they should not have aggression by Christian Japanese. However, it paraded and displayed in the ritual.87 In from 1950 to 1965, the Darul Islam rebellion Toraja Christian community today, two kinds invaded and killed seventeen church leaders of rituals – funerals and house festivals are and a number of Christians in Toraja-land and 83 surrounding areas. Adherents of traditional Aritonang and Steenbrink, A History of Christianity in Indonesia, pp. 471–473; Rappoport, “Ritual Music and religion were forced to choose between Islam Christianization in the Toraja Highlands, Sulawesi,” p. 386. 84Kantor Kementerian Agama Kabupaten Tana Toraja, p. 80Keyes, “Being Protestant Christians.”, p. 467. 2015. 81Dana Rappoport, “Ritual Music and Christianization in 85Sinode Gereja Toraja, p. 2015. the Toraja Highlands, Sulawesi,” Etnomusicology 48, no. 3 (Fall 86Rappoport, “Ritual Music and Christianization in the 2004): 386–387. Toraja Highlands, Sulawesi,” p. 387. 82Aritonang and Steenbrink, A History of Christianity in 87Aritonang and Steenbrink, A History of Christianity in Indonesia, p. 472. Indonesia, p. 473.

174 Vol. 26 No. 2 Juli 2017 | 161-179 lively practiced with “much of the old religious women were already admitted to theological dramaturgy, including adornments, decorum, education in STT Jakarta. Several female sacrifi ce of buffaloes and pigs, and certain leaders have been sent abroad for further dances and songs”.88 Hence, in this cultural training on different issues so that they could respect, the Toraja Church is much more come back and contribute to the development contextual and fl exible than the ECVN. of the church and community. Many of them Regarding intellectualism and church have held important offi ces in Toraja Church leadership, the Toraja Church leadership was structure.91 Hence, the Toraja Church’s courage open-minded and progressive. Unlike the to contextualize its faith and its willingness to ECVN which has persistently kept the imported empower its leaders especially women through Western theology and religious structure, and education show that this church is very open discouraged educational pursuit, the Toraja to reform. Church, after 1965, not only contextualized Finally, the Toraja Church’s participation Christianity into Toraja culture but also in wider ecumenical bodies is also a factor made a number of changes in its religious that pushes the process of the church structure by dropping some of the Dutch transformation toward women’s inclusive conservative Calvinist features inherited from leadership. The Toraja Church became member the missionaries. In 1981, the church adopted a of the Communion of Churches in Indonesia new confession which expresses the Christian (former name “DGI” and present name “PGI) faith in a more contextual way; this church in 1950. It joined the East Asia Christian completely eliminated the classic Calvinist Conference (EACC) which later became forms six years later. In 1984, the church Christian Conference of Asia (CCA) since 1964. admitted women to full church leadership.89 In 1967, Toraja Church became member of the According to Anggui and Hutabarat-Lebang, World Council of Churches and member of several male leaders of the Toraja Church World Alliance of Reformed Churches (WARC) were very open and supportive to women’s in 1973.92 Since these Christian ecumenical participation in church leadership even before movements promote, among all, human rights the church became independent in 1947; and gender equality, the Toraja Church, as a however, their attempt was unsuccessful member, cannot escape from their infl uence. because women’s issue was suppressed by In fact, the Toraja Church as been an active the dominant Dutch missionaries. Thanks to member of these ecumenical movements in the continous support and struggle of these both local, national and international levels. It progressive leaders through various church has always sent women to attend ecumenical synods, women were fi nally recognized full events and training, and participate in rights in church leadership in 1984.90 Beside leadership of these worldwide bodies. For that, compared to the ECVN, the Toraja Church example, Rev. Lydia Tandirerung worked as invested in women’s theological education a volunteer for the Asia Mission Conference much earlier (in 1967). Even before this, in Korea in 1994 and as an intern for CCA in Hongkong for six months in 1995. She became 88Rappoport, “Ritual Music and Christianization in the the fi rst female youth representative in the Toraja Highlands, Sulawesi,” pp. 387–388. 89Aritonang and Steenbrink, A History of Christianity in executive board of PGI from 1994 to 1999. Indonesia, p. 472. Another prominent fi gure is Dr. H.T. Hutabarat- 90Anggui, “Wanita Dan Jabatan Gerejawi: Suatu Hak Lebang who became the fi rst female Associate Gerejawi Yang Dicicil Dalam Perjalanan Kehidupan Gereja General Secretary for Program Coordination Toraja [Women and Church Offi ces: A Right Established in the Life Journey of Toraja Church],” 40–44; H. T Hutabarat-Lebang, 91Hutabarat-Lebang, “Dialah Damai Sejahtera Kita Yang “Kata Pengantar [Foreword],” in 40 Tahun PWGT Mawar Harum Meruntuhkan Tembok Pemisah [Our God of Peace Destroys the Semerbak [40 Years PWGT: The Fragrance of Roses] (Sulawesi Separating Walls],” pp. 58–60. Selatan: PT SULO, 2006), p. 15. 92Hutabarat-Lebang, “Dialah Damai Sejahtera”., p. 55.

Le Ngoc Bich Ly, Wening Udasmoro, and Jeanny Dhewayani The Transformation 175 of CCA (1991-2001), member of the Executive between the culture and religious tradition Committee CCA for the period 2005-2010, and regarding women’s roles. This contributes to General Secretary of CCA in 2010-2015. Recently the Toraja Church’s transformation. she becomes the fi rst female Chairperson of The paper also shows that the political PGI. Therefore, the participation of Toraja context of each church provides different level Church in progressive Christian movements of resources and opportunities for women’s has benefi ted the church’s leadership resources empowerment. The political context of especially women’s leadership competence Vietnam is unfavorable for women’s religious and knowledge. This in turns pushes for the education and profession since religion is structural change of the church. marginalized and restricted. Additionally In summary, this part has shown that the the ECVN has already marginalized women character of the religious structure itself is in such issues. On the contrary, the political also an important factor contributing to the situation of Indonesia in general and Toraja in transformation of the church toward women- particular has offered more opportunities for inclusive leadership. Particularly, in the religious education and profession through process of development, the ECVN and the giving religion public space and its integration Toraja Church have moved toward opposite into the world. This helps to improve Toraja directions. While the ECVN shows an alien women’s agency to push for structural change. attitude toward its own culture and a hostile Regarding the religious setting of both view toward knowledge and progression, the churches, the paper has focused on their Toraja Church has been fl exible to ground its contextualization of the faith, leadership faith in its own culture and willing to invest perspective, and the level of integration in in education and participate in progressive progressive Christian movements to measure Christian movements. Perhaps there is no their openness to change. The paper shows one explanation for these different levels of that in the process of development the ECVN openness between the ECVN and the Toraja has been conservative and resistent to reform; Church. However, it is obvious that the Toraja while the Toraja Church has continously been Church did make a difference when standing transformed in various aspects. It is more up to free itself from the Dutch missionaries’ likely that Toraja church has a high degree of theological and cultural control. openness and fl exibility. Though these contexts are important for CONCLUSION structural transformation of both churches, In conclusion, this paper has explored and they alone cannot explain this transformation compared the cultural, political and religious since structural change also depends on agency settings of the ECVN and those of the Toraja as internal push. This is also the limitation of Church regarding their contribution to the this paper.[] openness of the church structure and the empowerment of the agency in each church. Regarding cultural context, the long-standing BIBLIOGRAPHY discourse of Vietnamese culture prescribes a subordinate role for women; while that of Toraja gives women equal and even high position Abdullah, M. Amin. “Islam and Local Expression: compared to men. The resonance between Southeast Asian Political Perspective.” dominant Vietnamese cultural discourse and presented at the Southeast Asian Islam the ECVN’s tradition of women’s roles makes Facing ASEAN Community 2015, UIN Sunan the church’s view more stable; while the Toraja Kalijaga, Yogyakarta, September 24, 2014. Chuch had to tackle with the contradiction

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