UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY
Contextualising Conflict, Mediating Livelihoods: A Place-Based Approach to Herder-Local
Conflicts in Northeastern Ghana.
By
RITA DA-ONI-MA YEMBILAH
A THESIS
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY
CALGARY, ALBERTA
APRIL 2012
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FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
The undersigned certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate
Studies for acceptance, a thesis entitled "Contextualising Conflict, Mediating Livelihoods: A
Place-Based Approach To Herder-Local Conflicts In Northeastern Ghana" submitted by
Rita D. Yembilah in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of
Philosophy.
Supervisor, Dr. Miriam R, Grant, Department of Geography/University of British Columbia, Okanagan
Co-supervisor, Dr. Dianne L, Draper, Department of Geography
Dr. Amal I. Madibbo, Department of Sociology
Dr. Charles H. Mather, Department of Anthropology
Dr. Wisdom J. Tettey, Faculty of Creative and Critical Studies, University of British Columbia, Okanagan
External Examiner, Dr. Blair Rutherford, Carleton University
March 29, 2012
ii Abstract
The migration of pastoralists in West Africa in search of resources has gone on for centuries, but the establishment of bases in southern West Africa begun in the 1970s and has often been met with various levels of local resistance. In Ghana, herders mostly live in the grasslands and coastal savannas. Relations with locals have been mixed, but typically tense.
This study adopts a place approach to explore local-herder notions of space and place, the herder influx, livelihoods, territoriality', resource seeking and conflict resolution. Utilising the
Sustainable livelihoods framework (Ashley & Carney, 2001) and Alexander's (2008)
Mediation Metamodel, the study explores how to diffuse conflict and improve livelihoods.
Herder-local notions of spatial concepts are characterised by disconnect which explains the herder influx and local chagrin over the matter. Herders utilise five types of alliances to move into an area including Alhaji and Yusuf. These alliances influence herders' territoriality regarding power and resource access. It appears that the herders' impact on resource access and livelihoods is exaggerated, but crop damage from herder catde is a significant threat. The causes of conflict have been grouped into core and peripheral, where the core produce conflict and magnify peripheral issues. However, the link between core and peripheral issues is contingent on leadership.
With increasing herder settlement, it is critical to manage the situation in a manner that redistributes power and protects stakeholders' livelihoods. The study also recommends the Herder-\ j)cal Mediation and Resources and Livelihoods frameworks respectively, to manage herder-local relations and further livelihoods.
Keywords:
Fulani, Pastoralism, Political Ecology, Space, Place, Territoriality, Livelihoods, Conflict,
Resource Access Regime, Leadership, Positionalitv, Mediation, Ghana, Burkina Faso
iii Acknowledgements
Money matters, but less than we think and not in the way that we think. Family is important. So are friends. Envy is toxic. So is excessive thinking. Beaches are optional. Trust is not. Neither is gratitude Weiner (2009): The Geography of Bliss
The philosophers "in my father's house" say that when the fish comes out of the pond and savs the crocodile is dead, believe him. Coming out of the water of doctoral courses, examinations, research, presentations and writing, I know the process comes with highs, lows and several in-betweens. With Weiner, I believe that of the many optional things we have in life, gratitude is not one of them. During this doctoral journey, people did things for, and/or with me; and now is the time everyone and anyone who aided me in anyway gets an expression of gratitude that is enshrined forever. It is a great opportunity to finally say
"thank vou" to all who believed in me, supported me or helped me push through to the end.
I owe gratitude to Dr. Miriam Grant for consenting to be my supervisor over the course of this program. You have taught me about professionalism, academic supervision and collegialitv. These lessons 1 will take and use to the benefit of self and others. Your letters of recommendation contributed to my being awarded several scholarships of which I am proud, and which helped me work to the best of my ability. As a mother juggling a young familv and full-time studv, 1 had my challenges and 1 am grateful for your accommodations.
I will remain indebted to you for your time and effort.
Along with Dr. Grant, 1 also acknowledge Drs. Dianne Draper and Wisdom Tettey for contributing so immensely to the theoretical shaping of this work. Your suggestions helped me to break out of my comfort zone of merely researching the expulsion of herders
iv to an interrogation of the research in terms of the broader issues of political ecology and the politics of space and place, perspectives that have given me a deeper appreciation of the interconnections between theory and practice. I am similarly thankful for your recommendation letters and the wealth of your professional experiences that helped me to stay grounded, hopeful and determined to finish the race. Many thanks to Drs. Rutherford,
Madibbo and Mather for the painstaking review of this thesis. Your intellectual investment gives me a great (and probably lifelong) sense of accomplishment.
Sincere gratitude to the Department of Geography, University of Calgary for generous financial support that enabled my enrolment in the program and also to the Faculty of Graduate Studies for several scholarships including the University of Calgary Ruby
Doctoral Scholarship that sustained my studies post field research. I also thank the
International Development Research Centre (IDRC) for a generous IDRC Doctoral
Research Award which enabled me to conduct this research with little financial stress. The award also gave me the opportunity to be thorough and observe ethical protocols that made the field season exciting, cordial, successful and immensely enlightening.
Fieldwork is never an easy task and my "baggage" as contained in Chapter Three further complicated issues. Mr. Charles Kolog was a game changer in many respects. His great rapport with the herders, willingness to travel with, and introduce me, set me on the path to developing rapport of my own with both locals and herders. Charles is an excellent facilitator: arranging meetings, motorcycles for forest travel, recruiting capable, locally-based field assistants and generating opportunities for wider community contact. My unwavering gratitude to you for the selfless and exceptional assistance that gave fieldwork the takeoff that guaranteed such overwhelming success.
v Mv research assistants: Martin Kolog (no relation of Charles), Albert Kuyare,
Christopher Adombia and Beatrice Naab were so enthusiastic and committed, delegation of dudes was effordess. You each demonstrated versatility that made fieldwork very fluid by deftly and cheerfully taking on various roles seamlessly: transportation, errands, translation, respondent organisation, troubleshooting and operating field equipment. A special recognition of Chris' outgoing personality that broke ice and made connections with respondents irrespective of age, gender or ethnicity in ways I could not have done myself.
You are aptly nicknamed Moving Spirit! And to Joseph Volmakenna for special trips to
Nungu, herders' dry season "spots" and the White Volta. The journey was worth the long bumpy ride on your "land cruiser".
The base map of the studv area and the Namoranteng-Digare belt was hand-drawn by
John Azubila (Forestry Services Division, Bolgatanga). That map provided Robin Poitras
(Department of Geography, University of Calgary), the raw material needed to generate other maps used in the thesis. In addition, Robin developed several maps used in the thesis which not onlv gave all the maps function and functionality7, but tremendously improved the
"story" being told. Thanks so much, John and Robin.
Thanks to Paulina Medori, our ever efficient Graduate Program Administrator, for all the reminders and information that kept me looking organised! Without Paulina, it wTould have been a real maze through the information and deadlines. I truly appreciate the personal interest vou took in my progress and family. Being away from parents and grandparents, those conversations were comforting, and make you all the more a very special person.
Leslie Potter, vour masterv of the thesis template, endnote and your endless patience were phenomenallv useful and 1 cannot adequately express my appreciation of those resources.
Many thanks to Marilyn Kinnear, Brenda Pasche, Catherine Avramenko, Linda Holford and
vi Susan Stiles for taking the time to address my questions, assist with our sometimes temperamental photocopier, blackboard troubles and generally share a smile. Life in the
Department was a lot more navigable.
To my "caring community" beginning with my beloved sister Nkang-ma and brother
Nkang, wrho kept urging me to become the second Dr. Yembilah in the family! I fed off your caring and now, here we are. Len and June Perry of Three Hills, Alberta, thanks a lot for
"Peoples on the Move" (1 not only used it in my research, 1 used it in teaching as well) prayers and blessings, and being such great grandparents to my girls. Now I have to explain why they have three pairs of grandparents. Karen Hoel of Edmonton, you always gave our family a place to 'vacation', offered a listening ear and was just happy to visit with us. Those were precious moments I used to take care of burnout and continue to push through.
Mama and Dada, your devotion to my education has brought me this far. Thank you for the excellent foundation and the huge sacrifices you made for my education along with the message that education is important. I would do same and more for the granddaughters you so love and adore. This degree is as much for you as it is for me. When I started fieldwork Merit and Beryl were just 4 months and 4 years respectively. You stepped into the roles of parent and grandparents whilst I travelled the Tallensi east "outback", all the while knowing thev were well cared for. 1 couldn't ask for more from you! Leticia and Linda, your assistance of Mama and Dada shows you are mothers although you have no children.. .yet.
It is good to have women like you join our family.
A tremendous set of office mates (turned friends)-Evans Ouko, Sarah Skett, Tatenda
Mambo, Asenso Afrivie and Samuel Agblorti- helped with finding the bloom in the gloom when we traded reports, ideas, frustrations, unbelievable tales and some comic relief. Now I confess 1 got some eurekas from those conversations but there would be no royalties. Rather, I would take with me the memories and recount them when we meet several years hence. Thanks to my proof readers Tatenda, Sammy and Asenso and especially to Claudia
Bess-Ouko, who in addition to proof reading, "endured" my diatribes and mothered my daughters. Never mind proof readers, all errors of omission and commission are solely mine.
From New Zealand, Emma Stewart was a constant reminder that it is possible to care for two young children and finish a PhD on time. You felt my ups and downs and have also been a huge inspiration to me. I would not forget you anytime soon. Cindy Wharton, day home operator par excellence, you offered Merit and occasionally, Beryl a safe place to be and plav. Your mothering is unparalleled and it gave me peace of mind to work. I hope you continue in your special endowment of caring for our precious little ones and continue to derive fulfilment from it. Mums and dads everywhere need a Cindy.
Thanks to the varied community who brought shine to my social life, and helped kick out burnout in various ways. Irrespective of your impact gratitude is now expressed:
Samar Brefo Sparkler, Angela Boamah Owusu, Daniel Kasser Tee, Elizabeth Addabor,
William Zoogah, Kwabena Adu-Kusi, Joseph Larvea, Antonio and Genevieve Medaa and children Lydia and Justin, Mr. Anthony Manful, Dr. Yaw Asante and Jocelyn Keith-Asante,
Prof. Daniel Buor, Dr. Eva Tagoe-Darko, Ms. Harriet Takyi, Mr. Mohammed and Jameela
Sumani, Drs. Nathaniel Aguda, Ernest Opoku-Boateng, David Menyah, Richard Aidoo and their families, Dr. Sullev Gariba, Dr. Paul Ouedraogo, Dr. Augustina Dubgaza, Eric
Assuman, Andrea Newbern", Nicol Puckett, Ryan Reynolds, Rishi Bastakoti, Tara Drews,
Carole and Lora Dawe, Mariama Zaami and those 1 have missed. Apologies in advance.
Beryl and Merit (My Diamonds), I love you above all else. Thank you for bearing so bravely the sacrifices imposed on you: dragging you across the oceans and back and forth and back (I suspect you liked that part), grumpy mornings, "mummy is busy", "mummy is going to...", "let Daddy help you" and Kraft Dinner! Your non-judgement of me inspires me to be non-judgemental of you and your dad and of others. Through this process you have taught me lots about love and life. My wish and prayer for you is to grow up healthy, brave and smart, to draw inspiration from this work, be challenged by it and to learn the value of completing a good thing once you start it.
Kwame, your gentleness, thoughtfulness, enduring love and ease of taking on more than your fair share of housework and childcare gave me space to work, attend conferences and vent my frustrations and anxieties. Remember, though, that you shared in the highs and aha moments too. Much appreciation to Dave Pelletier, who always gave you time off when our schedules were really tight, especially during my candidacy exam and the birth of Merit.
I still remember with fondness the "TV table" you gave me during my candidacy and
"Merit", so I could write with minimal swelling of my feet! Those, and coundess more, have earned you lifetime immunity from the dog house! I could go on about your unflinching belief in me before and through this process but you know everything so a word (or a few) is enough. Few people can or will say this about their spouse; but I can say it without reservation: You are a good man.
To all:
Beaches are optional, Gratitude is not.
ix Dedication
For
Beryl and Merit,
Family is important.
And to
Kwame,
With Gratitude.
x Table of Contents
Approval Page ii Abstract iii Acknowledgements iv Dedication x Table of Contents xi List of Tables xiv List of Figures and Illustrations xv Epigraph xviii
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Peoples on the Move: Nomadic Migration in Western and Eastern Africa 1 1.2 Fulani in Ghana: An Overview 3 1.3 Problem Statement 5 1.4 Organisation of the study 9
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 11 2.1 The Geography in Territoriality 11 2.1.1 The Nexus of Location, Space and Place 11 2.1.2 Finding Territoriality1 in Place-based Human Interactions 15 2.2 Political Ecology of the Herder Migration: Sedentarisation and Conflict 21 2.3 Political Ecology of Herder-Local Relations: Chains of Explanation 25 2.4 Herders, Locals, Leaders and Social Dilemmas 31 2.5 The Nexus: Poverty, Environment and Conflict 33 2.6 Rural Development and Sustainable Livelihoods 40 2.6.1 Rural Development: The state of the "art" and the fate of the people 40 2.6.2 Sustainable Livelihoods and Rural Development 46 2.6.2.1 The Conceptual Framework: The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach 46 2.6.2.2 Inside the SLA: Strengths, Weaknesses, and Amendments 50 2.7 Aim, Research Objectives and Research Questions 54 2.8 Significance of the Study 55 2.9 Conclusion 56
CHAPTER THREE: STUDY AREA AND RESEARCH CONSIDERATIONS 57 3.1 Upper East Region and Tallensi-Nabdam District: Location and Size 57 3.2 Climate, Topography and Drainage 58 3.3 Soils and Vegetation 59 3.4 Tallensi-Nabdam: Demographic Profile 61 3.5 Social and Economic characteristics of Tallensi-Nabdam District 62 3.6 Social, Cultural and Ecological Organisation of Tallensi-Nabdam 63 3.7 Burkina Faso in the milieu of herder migration into Ghana 66 3.8 Being Fulani "at home" and in the "Diaspora" 69 3.9 RESEARCH DESIGN 72 3.9.1 Methodological Choices: Feminist Standpoint and Qualitative Multi-Methods ..72 3.9.2 Study communities, Sample size and Respondent profile 76 3.9.3 Sampling Techniques and Data Generation Methods 81 3.9.4 Data Analysis 83
xi 3.9.5 Field Report : Opportunities and Constraints 85 3.9.6 Adjustments to Research Proposal 91 3.9.7 Autobiography and Ethical Considerations 93
CHAPTER FOUR: THE LENS: PERSPECTIVES ON SPACE, PLACE AND TERRITORY 101 4.1 Introduction 101 4.2 Journeying to Sedentarisation: The Migrator}- "Routes" of Fulani Herders 101 4.2.1 "Alhaji" Sedentarisation 102 4.2.2 "Yusuf' Sedentarisation 105 4.2.3 "Naba" Sedentarisation 108 4.2.4 Happenstance Sedentarisadon 109 4.2.5 Atypical Sedentarisadon 109 4.3 Same and Different: Fulani and Local Views of Place and Place Attachment 111 4.3.1 Conceptualisations of Space and Place 112 4.3.1.1 Local notions of space and place 112 4.3.1.2 Herder notions of space and place 116 4.3.2 Talking Territory: Perspectives on Territory and Territorial Discourse 119 4.3.2.1 Territory and territorial discourse in local communities 119 4.3.2.2 Territory and territorial discourse among the Fulani herders 124 4.3.3 Place and Behaviour: The Bones of Contention 129 4.3.3.1 Crop damage as infringements on place and subsistence territory 130 4.3.3.2 Cattle theft as a violation of placed-based appropriate behaviour 133 4.3.3.3 Environmental Damage and Placed-Based Behaviour 136 4.3.3.4 Mind Games: Violence, Harassment and Intimidation 140 4.4 In place: Expected Behaviour in Tallensi-Nabdam 144 4.5 Conclusion 148
CHAPTER FIVE: ECONOMIC NAVIGATION: LIVELIHOODS IN TALLENSI- NABDAM 149 5.1 Introduction 149 5.2 Livelihoods in Tallensi-Nabdam: Dependence and Independence 149 5.2.1 Farm activities as livelihoods in Tallensi-Nabdam 150 5.2.2 Off-Farm Livelihood Options of Local Farmers 156 5.2.3 Livestock and livelihoods in Tallensi East 159 5.2.4 Non-Farm Livelihood Activities 161 5.3 Livelihoods in Totality: Livelihoods of selected individuals 169 5.4 Territoriality': Herders' Hunt for livelihoods 174 5.4.1 Herder livelihoods and the stage for territorial competition 174 5.4.2 Persuasive Territoriality 179 5.4.3 Aggressive Territoriality' 184 5.5 Conclusion 189
CHAPTER SIX: RESOURCE ACCESS AND CONFLICT NEGOTIATION 191 6.1 Introduction 191 6.2 For The Cattle: Sharing Grazing Patches and Water Sources 192 6.2.1 In-community Resource Access 195 6.2.2 Off-community Resource Access 197
xii 6.2.2.1 Shepherd-Shepherd Resource Dynamics 197 6.2.2.2 Herder—Shepherd Resource Relations 198 6.2.2.3 Herder Resource Dynamics 201 6.3 The Crops, the Cows and Harassment: Negotiating Conflict at the Local Level 202 6.3.1 Negotiating Crop Damage 203 6.3.2 Dealing with Cattle theft, Harassment and Intimidation 209 6.3.3 The height of the hand: Compromises and Non-compromises 211 6.3.3.1 Reformations: Grazing Routines, Catde Relocation, Enclosing Catde 212 6.3.3.2 Nurturing the Golden Hen: The Environment 214 6.3.3.3 Fulani Herder Integration 215 6.4 Leaders, Leader Positionality and Herder-Local Conflicts 218 6.4.1.1 Local perspectives on Leader Positionality 219 6.4.1.2 Lodging Trust: Local or National 222 6.4.1.3 Leader positionality: A Leader's Perspective 223 6.5 Prioritising for conflict resolution 227
CHAPTER SEVEN: LIVELIHOODS FROM CONFLICT: PLANNING FOR A "HARMONIOUS" FUTURE 230 7.1 Introduction 230 7.2 Summary of findings 230 7.3 Ground with foundation: Preparing for mediation and conflict management 240 7.4 Rights, Resources and Mediation: Toward livelihood securitv 249 7.5 Conclusion 259
CHAPTER EIGHT: POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION 260 8.1 Policy Recommendations 260 8.1.1 On the conceptualisation of geographical concepts 261 8.1.2 On mediation choices 263 8.1.3 On reducing herder-local conflicts 264 8.1.4 On the sustainable livelihoods framework 266 8.1.5 On female livelihoods: Sheanuts as filiere feminine 269 8.1.6 On violent acts: Sexual and physical assaults, shepherd intimidation 271 8.2 Future research 272 8.3 Conclusion 274 References 276 Appendix A: News paper article about July 2002 incident, Nangodi 286 Appendix B: Livestock holdings of respondents as at 2009 287 Appendix C: Verbal Explanation for oral consent 288 Appendix D: Interview Guide-Local Community Respondents 290 Appendix E Interview Guide-Settled Fulani herders 292 Appendix F: Guide for Focus Group Discussions with locals 294 Appendix G Respondents by Category 296 Appendix H: Breakdown of respondents by communitv, age, sex, marital status 296
Xlll List of Tables
Table 1: The Tendencies of Territoriality 20
Table 2: Evolving themes in Rural Development 1950s-2000s 42
Table 3: Complementarit)' of Rights-based and Sustainable Livelihoods approaches 53
Table 4: Some common tree and grass species in northeastern Ghana 60
Table 5: Respondent profile, herder and local communities 80
Table 6: Data generation methods by community 82
Table 7: Farm yield of selected respondents 152
Table 8: Sales and income of some farmers in the study area 155
Table 9: Average livestock of respondents by community and sex 160
Table 10: Approximate harvest of sheanuts per season 2004-2008 163
Table 11: Sheanut prices 2007-2009 163
Table 12: Comparative prices of bottled drinks in Datoko and Digare 165
Table 13: Annual income from charcoal sales 169
Table 14: Techniques for Mediating Conflicts 246
Table 15: The Mediation Metamodel 247
Table 16: Features of Process Mediation 248
Table 17: Features of Problem Mediation 249
xiv List of Figures and Illustrations
Figure 1: Origin and Distribution of Fulani in West Africa 2
Figure 2: Fulani herder access to TaUensi-Nabdam: Western and Eastern Corridors 4
Figure 3: Connections: Poverty, Environment and Conflict 39
Figure 4: Sustainable Livelihoods Framework 49
Figure 5: Ghana, showing administrative regions 57
Figure 6: Upper East Region, showing nine districts 58
Figure 7: Forest Reserves in Bolgatanga Forestry District 60
Figure 8: Layout, Burkina Faso and Ghana 66
Figure 9: Sign designating community as wildlife corridor 67
Figure 10: List of provinces, Burkina Faso 68
Figure 11: Ethnic groups, Burkina Faso 68
Figure 12: Inconspicuously dressed Fulani boy 70
Figure 13: Traditionally clad Fulani men 70
Figure 14: A Fulani woman 71
Figure 15: Teenaged women with a male relative 71
Figure 16: Study communities in relation to forest reserve, river and major roads 78
Figure 17: Study communities in relation to forestburbs in the Namoranteng-Digare belt.. 79
Figure 18: Research participants, Namoranteng 87
Figure 19: "Tracking" catde favourites in Zanwore 87
Figure 20: Grazing land adjacent to communities 88
Figure 21:"Road" to herders in Namoranteng 88
Figure 22: Plunging to herders, Digare and beyond 89
Figure 23: Front tires "sink" near Zanwore 90
Figure 24: Digging out in Datoko 90
xv Figure 25: Red Volta near Nangodi 90
Figure 26: Popular dry season grazing area near Nungu 90
Figure 27: White Volta at Nungu 90
Figure 28: Research Underpinnings, Considerations and Issues 100
Figure 29: Maize tussle after damage 130
Figure 30: Thatching grass stowed outside a home 137
Figure 31: Sprouts after early burn 139
Figure 32: Smoke billowing into air near Sakoti 139
Figure 33: Fire within range of a compound in Zanwore 139
Figure 34: Fulani cattle resting before afternoon graze 141
Figure 35: Adolescent Zebu bull 141
Figure 36: Weapon recovered in a Digare fight 143
Figure 37: Early or pearl millet 151
Figure 38: Guinea corn for harvesting 151
Figure 39: The three views of sheanuts 161
Figure 40: The lakpikit, measure of sheanuts for sale 162
Figure 41: Unrefined sheabutter 163
Figure 42: Washing system to separate sand from gold bearing material 166
Figure 43: Worker clearing "tailings pond" to accommodate waste water 167
Figure 44: Sifting gold from the sand 167
Figure 45: Aftermath of "charcoal truck" dug out near Digare 168
Figure 46: Community designated grazing area near Datoko 196
Figure 47: Private grazing land in Zanwore 196
Figure 48: Rainv season holding area (Zanwore Forest) during dry season relocation 201
Figure 49: Negotiating Crop damage 208
xvi Figure 50: Typical herder shelter/hut 213
Figure 51: Dispute and conflict issues as a function of leadership 228
Figure 52: The Mediation Framework 242
Figure 53: Herder-Local Mediation framework 257
Figure 54 : Resources and livelihoods framework 258
xvii Epigraph
The nomad may sometimes be forced away from his nomadism because of war, drought or new laws against travelling people, but a nomad is not defined by this displacement. Xeither is the nomad a tramp, who though he may have a regular itinerary for subsistence has no social organisation. The nomad is not homeless simply because s he may not have a house or land. Nomads are at home within the migratory life of their society (Philips, 2001, 8).
xviii 1
Chapter One: Introduction
1.1 Peoples on the Move: Nomadic Migration in Western and Eastern Africa
Migration, the movement of people from one location to another for temporary or permanent residence, occurs for a variety of reasons including social, economic, political and environmental. Migration in the current world is occurring at ever increasing rates, egged on by faster transportation, greater knowledge of yonder and increased diversity' of human interaction. For the majority of migrants, migration is an adaptive strategy to a precarious livelihood which enables them to manage their economic predicament (Kothari, 2003). For nomadic migrants though, migration is not just about a livelihood, it is a culture, an identity, and a way of life; a way of life that has come under pressure from various angles: state policy
(Bassett, 1988; Tonah, 2000), environmental change (Thebaud & Batterbury, 2001), herding practices (Bassett, 1994), population increase, poverty and livelihood insecurity7.
The nomads of the world build their societies around systematic travel to and from, and between places, as a means of subsistence, and are classified according to their dominant way of life (Philips, 2001). Hunter-gatherers travel in consonance with the natural supply of food and water, most prominent of whom are the present day Khoisan in southern Africa.
Peripatetics such as the Roma, tether their nomadism to their skills as craftsmen, entertainers and traders. Compared to peripatetics, pastoralists have little contact with setded populations as a life involving livestock can be self-sufficient. For instance, pastoralists such as the
Tuareg and Fulani in West Africa, and the Maasai, Rendille and Oromo of East Africa are much dependent on vegetative resources to maintain their herd. They "are nomadic because each part of their territory only produces limited gracing at particular times, in areas too arid for permanent gracing" (Philips, 2001, 9). 2
The Fulani originate from the picturesque Fouta Jallon highlands in Guinea, and over many centuries, migrated into Mali, Niger, Chad, Burkina Faso, Nigeria and Cameroon, a migration that consolidated their spread across the West African Sahel (Figure 1).
500 km
(MAURITANIA
NIGER
Dakar CHAD
Bar GAMBIA!
GUINEA -X- BISSAU IEMII NIGI
COAST SIERRA Nmo LEONE GHAN; LIBEl
Origin and Eastward Migration of Fulani
Figure 1: Origin and Distribution of Fulani in West Africa (Philips, 2001). Reproduced by Poitras, Department of Geography, University of Calgary Due to the unpredictable environments many Fulani pastoralists (herders) find themselves, as a result of environmental catastrophes dating back fifty years, they have changed their migration patterns toward relatively environmentally resilient locations south of the Sahel. This study revolves round the trajectory of herder migration, which has put them in "new" locations such as Ghana, Cote d'lvoire, Togo and Benin. But these relatively conducive environments, characterised by high population densities, reduce the availability of marginal lands and increase the chances of community-herder contact.
The new migration also has resulted in a tendency of some herders to eschew nomadism in favour of permanent setdements near communities along the new routes. 3
These new (southern) settlements, coupled with environmental pressure and rural livelihood insecurity, have created a new political ecology of herder migration and herder-local conflict.
This study is therefore interested in the dynamics of the southward herder migration, local responses to the influx, property and use rights, and arising matters from the herder influx.
1.2 Fulani in Ghana: An Overview
The Fulani are the largest nomadic group worldwide with estimates of their population varying widely between six and nineteen million (Philips, 2001). A history of the population of Fulani in Ghana shows huge variability as evidenced by the numbers Oppong
(2002) collated: 20000 in 1948; 5500 in 1950; 25025 in 1960 and 7377 in 1996. The huge fluctuations in the numbers reflect the difficulties involved in enumerating the Fulani and likely do not include the reclusive, transitory herders. Coupled with the passage of time and continued influx, the population of Fulani in Ghana could be higher than 7400. Probably reflecting the difficulty in enumerating the herders, a major 1UCN project on Fulani herders and wildlife corridors in northern Ghana and southern Burkina Faso, did not include an estimate of the Fulani population (Ouedraogo et al., 2007). The number of Fulani in northeastern Ghana, where this study is situated, is unknown. From an environmental standpoint though, the number of cattle—not herders—is the issue since more cows decrease the carrying capacity of the land.
Northern Ghana comprises the Upper East, Upper West and Northern regions constituting about one-third of the landmass of Ghana. Characterised by a savanna climate, the area is conducive to livestock rearing. Compared to the Sahel region that experienced great environmental degradation since the 1970s, northern Ghana holds an allure for the 4 herders looking for destinations to setde. Early literature suggests that the herders' semi permanent migrations to the more humid zones of West Africa begun in the 1970s (Arditi,
1990; Barn', 1975; Delgado & Staatz, 1980). Herders have had a long history of migrating to and settling in Ghana (Tonah, 2005), but they begun settling in the current study area around
1985. To access Ghana, the herders travel along three major routes as depicted in Figure 2.
BURKINA FASO
/ ^
Kayoro Feo" V Nangodi* .Gani/ Sakoti1 TOGO
.Fombisi ffs>cr •
BURKINA; FASO !
GHANA
Cross border transhumance routes En,fy ,0 corridor Parks and forest reserves - _ International borders • Settlements Wildlife Corridors P1VOIRE ~~
Figure 2: Fulani herder access to Tallensi-Nabdam: Western and Eastern Corridors (Ouedraogo et al. 2007). Reproduced by R. Poitras with assistance from the author. 1. The Kayoro route beginning in the Kayoro forest through Nakong, Yumbisi, Yagba, Kpesenkpe
and Mankarigu which is the Western corridor.
2. The W'idnaba route from Widnaba through Tilli, Nangodi, Sakoti, Pwalugu, Kaaga and
Kpesenkpe to Mankarigu, the Eastern corridor.
1 Mankarigu is located in the northern Region ot" Ghana and is a vast plain favoured by transhumance herders. 5
3. The Garu-Xakpanduri route which begins from the Gambaga escarpment through Xalerigu,
Gambaga, Kpesenkpe, Pwalugu, Wulugu and on to Mankarigu, what I refer to as the east
access to the Eastern corridor (Ouedraogo et al., 2007).
The Widnaba route is the most common access point into Tallensi-Nabdam, the study area, although in some cases, access has been through the Kajoro route. Notice that there is some association between forest reserves and the wildlife corridors, which explains the popularity of those areas with the herders. Herders who eventually setde in the study area usually do so within the vicinity of corridor villages for proximity to water and pasture.
But the conduciveness of those places to herder activity produces more herder-local contact and encroachment on actively utilised lands, which taken together, put herders on the defensive regarding their "ecological footprint".
In Ghana, there is considerable, albeit sporadic, outcry against the herders with communities intent on excluding them from their space. But we have yet to ascertain the nuance of herder access to the area, the nature of contention between herders and locals, and the impact on local livelihoods. The problem statement is intended to contextualise these issues as a backdrop for the study.
1.3 Problem Statement
In the Sahel region, desertification is a major problem and residents depend heavily on the land for their livelihoods. On the other hand, the broad vegetation zone between the savanna, forest fringes and the coastal savannas have been relatively stable through the periodic droughts and wild fires that bedevil the West African sub-region. In this region, different populations try to co-exist which is not easy irrespective of proximities in terms of 6 ethnicity, culture or socio-economic background. With Fulani herders who have a distinct ethnic identity from Ghanaian in ethnicities, co-existence is more difficult as the herders prefer to avoid contact, which stifles communication and thus understanding.
The literature on the herder migration in West Africa addresses two main themes: tense herder-local relations and the web of interaction between herders, locals and the state or its agencies. These themes fit snugly into the political ecological narrative which addresses environmental (resource) conflict and exclusion from resource access, but in which issues such as ethnicity, gender, economy and boundaries are implicated (Robbins, 2012). Bassett's
(1988) studv of the complex relations between state, herders and local farmers in Cote d'lvoire, depicts the classic milieu within which herder-local relations turn acrimonious.
Pickardt et al.'s (2002) focus on herder-local conflict resolution in Burkina Faso, implicates local leaders and officials in the worsening herder-local impasses as have issues regarding the contest for land (resources) in Northern Ghana (Tonah, 2002). Herder incursions into protected areas have also provided fodder for forest guard, farmer and herder confrontations (Toutain et al., 2004) in Benin and other African countries.
The above mentioned studies theoretically contain political ecological underpinnings, but on the practical side these studies contain a common local desire to expel herders from their communities as most locals believe the herders are aliens and should not displace locals from their place (i.e. environment). The governments of many West African countries including Ghana, have done little to deal with the herder-local problems because "there are no laws to specifically deal with herders at the national level" (Ouedraogo et al., 2007, 55). And although 7
ECOWAS2 has a protocol on transhumance travel which is contingent on the possession of an ECOWAS International Transhumance Certificate3, it does not reflect the current reality of herder sedentarisation. Besides, its implementation is fraught with problems including: a. The disregard of ECOWAS regulations on herder activities by States b. Government's non-demarcation of areas for the herders due to institutional inadequacies c. Lack of control points to check the cross-border movement of livestock
(Ouedraogo et al., 2007, 55-56).
Local communities also complain about livelihood deprivation, resource access monopolisation, environmental degradation, cattle theft and violence. Against this backdrop, open conflicts erupt between local communities and herders and result in the loss of property and sometimes lives. In far flung parts of Ghana, tensions between locals and herders simmer and occasionally boil over as happened in Nangodi in 2002 (see appendix
A), Mampong (Ashanti Region) in 2005, Jasikan (Volta region) in 2007, Gushegu (Northern
Region) in 2011 and multiple times in Agogo (Ashanti region), with the most recent Agogo conflict erupting in October 2011. Across the sub-region the story is the same, and this situation leaves herders groping for pasture or fighting to stay in their new destinations.
The institutional and structural context in which herder-local conflicts occur are important but from a geographical standpoint, herders and locals notions of space, place and territory are equally worth understanding. What is it about space and spatiality that empowers herders to enter other's territory? What is it about the herder's access to other's space that contributes to the development of conflict? In this context, the central question
2 ECOWAS is the Economic Community of West African States comprising 15 states. It was founded for the socio-economic integration of the sub-region but its mandate now spans many areas fields, www.ecowas.int. Decision A/DEC.5/10/98 relating to the Regulation on Transhumance between ECOWAS Members States. 8 relates to how notions of space and place influence the appeal of destination areas, the political ecology of the herder influx as well as its corollary, herder-local conflict.
This angle of inquiry is useful because, place is a "powerful social influence in natural resource politics" (Cheng et al., 2003, 89) as it is a repository of attachment, sustenance and sometimes, being. Cresswell (2004) draws a linkage between space and behaviour because all places come with unwritten codes of conduct which implies that being in a place requires behaving in a certain way. Thus, although resource conflicts—of which herder-local conflicts can be classified as low intensity resource conflicts—occur because of resource availability in destination areas (Turner, 2004) such as Tallensi-Nabdam, it raises the question of how one's behaviour at a "moment" in time and in relation to resource availability, is a catalyst for peaceful or acrimonious herder-local relations.
Conceptually, it is almost impossible to discuss space in isolation from boundaries and territories. In the context of the problem being formulated, territory is not only about possessed space, but power, ownership and control. The logical question to proceed from this is, since herders and locals depend heavily on the environment for sustenance and socio- cultural needs, to what extent are herder-local conflicts about power, influence and control, and can that argument be made? These questions not only hint at the examination of territory but issues involving territoriality, especially as herders are non-Ghanaian but access the country and eke out a livelihood. From a geographical standpoint, if these questions are unexamined, it would be tantamount to missing a good chunk of the bull's eye. Although the central questions are political ecological, others are about territoriality and the cultural notions that make spatialitv an important dimension of inquiry. 9
This study ultimately interrogates how knowledge(s) about space and place, territoriality, herder access and local responses can translate into improved herder-local relations. The logical issue then is how this knowledge can be channelled into programmes that foster better resource management and livelihoods for herders and local communities.
1.4 Organisation of the study
This study unfolds in eight chapters and does not contain a stand-alone discussion chapter. All discussion points, implications and conclusions are drawn on a per chapter basis and syntheses with other chapters (where applicable) emerge as the thesis progresses. The second chapter, the literature review and conceptual framework, considers themes and concepts that contextualise low intensity resource conflicts between locals and herders.
These include the role of place-related concepts in herder access and local resistance, the political ecology of herder migration, the nexus of poverty, environment and conflict, sustainable rural livelihoods and the broader picture of rural development. The chapter concludes with a statement of objectives and research questions. Chapter Three introduces the research setting, presents the research design, methodological and ethical choices as well as the adjustments to the study since the proposal. Chapter Four ushers in the discussion of primary data with a categorisation of herders' journeys to sedentarisation. This paves the way for the discussion of herder-local notions of spatial concepts and the causes of disputes and conflict using a place-based framework, and concludes with an itemisation of local expectations of herder behaviour. Chapter Five is a gendered discussion of issues with local livelihood portfolios, and the impact of the herder presence on livelihood options. The chapter also contains a male-biased discussion of herder livelihoods using the framework of 10 human territoriality; a bias which arises because among herders, male livelihoods are the livelihoods. Fulani womens' livelihoods are discussed, but within the context of local
(female) livelihoods and herder territoriality.
In Chapter Six, the focus is on existing resource access strategies between locals and in herder-local encounters. The chapter discusses resource access regimes, dispute resolution, local-herder security and leadership positionality, and recalibrates the causes of herder-local conflict. Chapter Seven pre-empts the summary of findings as a precursor to mediation, the final conceptual underpinning of this study. Following this, I submit two frameworks based on the entire study, with a view to bolstering broader herder-local cooperation and a strategy for improving local livelihoods. Chapter Eight thematicallv presents recommendations to address specific issues related to the study. 11
Chapter Two: Literature Review and Conceptual Framework
2.1 The Geography in Territoriality
2.1.1 The Nexus of Location, Space and Place
If we think of space as that which allows movement, then place is pause; each pause in movement makes it possible for location to be transformed into place (Tuan, 1977, 6)
Geographers' interest in location guides the inclination to explore locations near and beyond horizons to address the curiosities regarding why things are where they are. Intricate theorising about location opens avenues for theorising space, place and territory (Delanev,
2005), and in an interconnected world of the interactions of people, cultures, and livelihoods, place has almost become a master metaphor in human Geography.
In Geography, "location" brings to mind geographical coordinates, but these coordinates identify a piece of earth and what it contains. Thus, location as a stand-alone geographical concept is devoid of cultural significance (Cresswell, 2002), but it is vital for understanding people, cultures, needs and movement patterns. A sense of location enables people to develop mental images of "what" is where and where to find "what", from which thev ask why "what" is where it is, and how "it" can be harnessed. It is therefore little wonder that the questions geographers ask are "why", "where", "what" and "how" questions. Curiosity about what lies yonder produces an impression of vastness (in essence, space) that beckons movement, exploration and discover}-. Once benefit can be derived from a location, there is a capacity to transform it into place.
Place denotes an organised world of meaning (Tuan, 1977), a meaningful location (Cresswell,
2004) or a social space (Dumreicher & Kolb, 2008). Place encompasses the "instrumental or utilitarian values as well as intangible values such as belonging, attachment, beauty and spirituality " (Cheng et al., 2003, 89) that provides the impetus to transform a space into a place depending on 12 the needs of the people exploring that space. Therefore, a space could be a place long before another group of people discover that that space could also be their place. That transition occurs through "pause" (Tuan, 1977), otherwise interpreted as time, which is the opportunity to know a space and make it one's own.
Relph (1976) has suggested that place has a humanistic tendency so that "to be human is to live in a world that is filled with significant places" and "to be human is to have and to know jour place" (Relph, 1976, cited in Cresswell 2002, 13). Similarly, Casey (1996, 18) suggests that "to live is to live locally, and know is first of all to know the place one is in Filtering human experience through these perspectives, it makes sense that humans have a penchant for exploring spaces, gaining mastery over those spaces and "taming" them in time. Treating space as a metaphor for nature, Cresswell (2002) dubs the taming process "nature-into-culture" and suggests that the process of turning nature-into-culture kindles sense of place, which is significant in the decision to transition from space to place.
Contrary to received knowledge, sense of place can be acquired in short periods
(Relph, 1976) although place implies static (i.e. a figurative lack of movement), and people are constantlv in motion (even if figuratively). To reconcile static with flux, it is essential to recognise that place indicates a sense of positioning in physical and social space and orients people in relation to other people, events or the environment. Such in situ events embed memories that generate sense of place even if experiences of those spaces have been brief.
The notion that place produces humanness in people generates sedentarist metaphysics
(Malkki, 1992) which is the tendency to locate people, their identities and activities within boundaries. From the perspective of the sedentary therefore, nomadism implies a deficit of commitment, attachment and involvement; and nomads are intruders on place for which 13 reason, they should join the fold of the sedentary and be more human...have roots, a foundation, and a proper frame of reference. Aomadic metaphysics is the antithesis of sedentarist metaphysics emphasising "the 'routes' of the traveller and the nomad above the 'roots' of place" (Cresswell, 2002, 11). And rightly so, if Tuareg notions of space and place are tied to
"the perpetual and predictable movements ofpeople, water and of animals" (Berge, 2001, 182).
The significance of the connections between location, space and place is that it reconciles sedentary and nomadic metaphysics, which also means that lack of place cannot be equated to non-humanness, just as animals' awareness of their roaming range (space), and competition and prey (place) does not make them human. As the following observations about place show, all people in locations and spaces relate, and react to place, similarly irrespective of their relationship to static (the figurative lack of movement).
Firstly, place illuminates worlds of meaning and the opportunity to define places as the representations of lived experience. This enables people to make sense of their world in order to understand other's worlds. Secondly, place is a funnel for perceiving neighbours, but excessive claims to place could lead to 'reactionary and exclusionary xenophobia' (Cresswell,
2004, 11) which is negative energy directed at others from an unhealthy focus on place.
Thirdlv, thinking in terms of place amplifies notions of ownership and of proper behaviour, and nudges people to behave in accordance with the place they are at any point in time
(Cresswell, 2004). Fourthly, place helps people develop concepts of self-identity* and belonging so that ordinarily to have a place is to be someone (Cheng et al., 2003), thus echoing the humanistic argument Relph and Casey put forward. Brun has challenged the human-place link bv arguing that to tie identity and belonging to place is to suggest that people outside their place, (such as refugees and in essence transients) are "torn loose from their 14 place and thus from their culture and identity" (Brun, 2001, 15). For her, to be displaced does not mean a disconnection from self, culture and identity. In my view, such displacement is an opportunity for a fresh process of turning nature into culture, which occurs with a confluence of new space and old self and the emergence of new variants of the old. Lastly, place, (which implies static, ownership) connotes security, stability7 and threat of space (Tuan,
1977). With unprecedented mixing of people, these manifestations of place are not only lived and negotiated on a daily basis among people; they are the sources of unity7 and discord.
Place is a fundamental concept in the theorisation of human-environment relations dating back to environmental determinism. This appears to occur by default as human- environment interactions occur at locations, in spaces and in places. However, the physical environment in which these interactions occur has often been implied or neglected in the theorisation of place although the characteristics of the environment, uses of the environment, and meanings of the environment are pivotal to the making of place and the formation of place attachment (Stedman, 2003). These processes not only influence how humans relate to the environment, but how they relate to one another. Where people use the same environmental resources for different livelihoods as in the case of farmers and pastoralists, place and the environment become closely associated and makes it imperative to decipher whether there is connecdon between their nodons of place and uses of the environment; the implications of these connections (or disconnections) on the pursuance of livelihoods; and how these connections or disconnections impact the propensity for conflict.
Pursuant to the preceding, Cheng et al. (2003) point out that in natural resource politics, the contests are as much about the meaning of place as they are about the competition for resources. They suggest that place influences individual and group identity, 15 and collective action which makes place "a powerful social influence" (Cheng et al., 2003, 89) and in essence directs the course of events. To buttress their argument they contend that:
• People's perceptions and evaluations of the environment are expressions of place-based
self identity- i.e. people view themselves through their environment
• People do not view the environment as its biophysical attributes but as a dynamic system
of interconnected, meaning-laden places
• Social groups define the socio-cultural meanings of place which prescribes categories of
people and activities that belong, and those that do not (Cheng et al., 2003, 96-98).
Location, space and place are the abstract foundations of Geography, but they have a multitude of practical applications. Space and place, although universally relevant to varied cultures, do not lend themselves to universal meaning and application as shown by the clash between sedentary and nomadic metaphysics. Still, there is a human urge to relate to place as a repository of resources, which is why nomads can develop place attachment merelv by moving through an area. Yet in many resource-related conflicts, attention is focused on the tangible to the neglect of the intangible. Indeed, notions of space and place, and the protection of these, propel territoriality which manifests in resource access processes.
2.1.2 Finding Territoriality in Place-based Human Interactions
Territorial borders shape and are shaped by what they contain, and what crosses or is prevented from crossing them Terms for borders, boundaries and frontiers exist in all languages to signify the limits of social groups (Anderson O'Dowd, 1999, 594).
There are fundamental linkages between space and place which progress into territory—the threat of, and the personalisation, of space. According to Penrose (2001), space has emotional as well as material power which enables people to transform spaces into 16 territories. She defines material power as substance fundamental to life and the prerequisites for human survival; and emotional power as the qualities of space filtered through experiences that evoke emotional response (Penrose, 2002, 8-9). Space has also been categorised into spaces of dependence and spaces of engagement (Cox, 1998), comparable to
Penrose's categorisation respectively whilst Lefebvre (1991) isolates perceived, conceived and lived space. As interpreted by Adebanwi (2007, 215), conceived space refers to the socially constructed discourses and meanings of space, perceived space is the material sphere in which daily life is produced and lived space is the arena in which resistance to the dominant order occurs. When these powers of space are reified, space becomes territory.
Territory emanates from terra which connotes land, earth, or sustenance. A territorv is "a bounded social space that inscribes a certain sort of meaning onto defined segments of the material world" (Delaney, 2005, 14). It is area claimed by a person or group of people (Wastl-Walter &
Staeheli, 2004) and symbolizes an association between a piece of earth and a community
(Forsberg, 2003). Some territories are ephemeral, others are enduring, some are formal and others are informal, but cruciallv territories are not just spatial entities, they are "communicative devices" (Delaney, 2005, 15) that pave the way for "social action of various sorts for various actors"
(Wastl-Walter & Staeheli, 2004, 142).
The analytical and practical relevance of territory in social processes becomes evident when territory is perceived in four dimensions: seeing, seeing around, seeing through and seeing past territorv (Delanev, 2005). Since territory is "constructed through acts of inclusion or exclusion" (Wastl-Walter & Staeheli, 2004, 143), consciously thinking about it illuminates social interactions and the world differendy. The sub-text in the four dimensions of territory suggests an undertow of power which is ubiquitous in human social interactions irrespective 17 of level, scale, depth or familiarity. Thus, territory which both signifies and conveys social power (Delaney, 2005), sometimes makes the difference between power and powerlessness, access or no access to resources.
In relation to territory, power not only flows horizontally as seen in the common dichotomies of us/them, in/out, alien/native and ours/yours, but finds strong expression vertically (verticality as Delaney puts it) epitomised by hierarchical arrangements such as local, regional, national, global; CEO, VP, frontiine workers; or in the global economy, north and south (Delaney, 2005). According to Delaney, horizontality deals with the distribution of power among distinct entities with respect to social space, whilst verticality deals with the hierarchical arrangement within entities which confers more power higher up the ladder.
Territory is usually taken for granted until it is threatened. In view of the emotional and material potency of space, claims to space transform the "resources that are necessary for human survival into our resources that are necessary for our survival" (Penrose, 2002 280, emphasis in original). The collective personalisation of resources potentially sparks conflict as the emotional and material dimensions of space draw together. Lentz' (2003) account of a conflict in north-western Ghana illustrates this 'joining of spaces' in which the Burkinabes used the traditional boundary and the Ghanaians drew on the international boundary, both in a attempt to include a fish-laden pond in their territory to make the fish their resource.
Communities argued over the location and territory of the pond based on its material substance and socio-cultural significance which culminated in a violent conflict in 1999.
The actions of both sides in the conflict Lentz describes is laden with territoriality which is "the geographic expression of power" (Adebamvi, 2007, 214). It is "the attempt to affect, influence or control actions and interactions (of people, things and relationships) by asserting or attempting to 18 enforce control over a geographic area" (Sack 1983, 55; see also Sack,1986). This implies that controlling space is important in power relations (Penrose, 2002). Territoriality is also hinged on notions of identity and difference; of belonging to a territory or being different from those who belong (Wastl-Walter & Staeheli, 2004). It always unfolds in a social context so that actions bv X are intended to alter Y's response to events and occurs through an assertion of property rights, cultural norms and proscriptions on using spaces. In everyday terms, territoriality- is about establishing differential access to things, people and places which is why although territoriality7 implies the control of area, it can be expressed in nonterritorial terms. So if X tries to influence Y by declaring a place off limits X is being territorial, but X will be acting nonterritorially if X attempts to control or influence Y without asserting control of an area (Sack, 1983). Nonterritoriality therefore suggests that people can exert influence or control even if they do not want to, or cannot, assert territory. It is not just the
"circumscription of things in space" but "circumscription with the intent to control" (Sack,
1983, 56, emphasis added). This intent to control implies that power can make territorial relations benign or malevolent, where in the former, the relationship profits both X and Y, whilst in the latter, X benefits at the expense of Y (Sack, 1983). Territoriality- is also an aspect of turning nature into culture because it is the "means by which a place is made, or a space cleared and maintained, for things to exist... but the need is territorial when there are certain kinds of competition for things (in space)" (Sack, 1983, 59).
Sack's exposition on human territoriality' makes it clear that power is central to the expression of territorialitv. Power is also a component of political ecological discourse
(Robbins, 2012) which is why power is implicated in almost any type of herder-local interaction and especially in relation to resource access. Power is therefore central to this 19 study as it is pervasive in herder-local conflicts and survival strategies. Power relates to individuals and groups having the means and capacitv to achieve goals that further their interests (McAreavey, 2009). It deals with the probability that one actor in a social relationship will be able to carry out his/her own will despite resistance, regardless of the basis on which this probability rests (Weber, 1947 see McAreavey, 2009, 46). However,
Parsons contends that power is a resource in society that has to be produced and shared for collective benefit (see McAreavy, 2009, 46). In a hybridization of Weber and Parsons, Mann
(1986) argues that power is not about one individual or group's control over another, but cooperation that increases mutual benefit.
Sack's (1983) seminal work on human territoriality includes a matrix of "tendencies" and "primary combinations" which are necessary to varying degrees for analysing people and power. Tendencies are the potentials of territoriality which "come to the fore given certain conditions" (Sack, 1983, 58) whilst primary combinations refer to the hierarchical territorial environment in which human behaviour occurs (Sack, 1983). Alternatively, territorial tendencies represent the rationale for acting territorially, while primary combinations refer to the "general import of these tendencies within hierarchical situations" (Sack, 1983, 60). The first three tendencies—classification, communication and enforcement—are fundamental in territoriality discourses and occur in all territorial contexts, whilst the rest pertain depending on the situation. The tendencies are summarised in Table 1 but the combinations have been excluded here because they are best understood within the context of Sack's matrix in which he uses upper and lower case Xs to demonstrate the connections between tendencies and primary combinations. 20
Tendencies of 1. Classification according to type, not area territoriality 2. Communication with the boundary, possession/exclusion 3. Enforce control esp. when target is ubiquitous and unpredictable 4. Reifies power 5. Displaces attention from relations to the territory 6. Depersonalises relations and sets authority structure 7. Place-making so territoriality competes for things in it, not place itself 8. Capsule for attributes of territory 9. Socially empties space if space has no contest for its contents 10. Engenders more territoriality Table 1: The Tendencies of Territoriality. Compiled from Sack, 1983
This matrix provides a spectrum of tendencies and primary combinations and a few are highlighted to illustrate how the matrix works. For instance, "enforcement of access" is a tendency in which "divide and conquer" is an extremely important combination and in which territoriality is not an end, but a means. However, in tendency on displacement, which deals with diverting attention from relations between controller and controlled to the territory, territoriality is a very important primary combination as it is an end, not a means; and still within the milieu of displacement, the primary combination of "divide and conquer" is irrelevant (Sack, 1983).
The territorial issues in this study foreground aspects of positionalitv, albeit in the context of stakeholders and their interests. This is because positionalitv is a statement of one's orientation in relation to social situations including conflict. Positionalitv' analyses the situatedness of subjects based on social difference (Nagar & Geiger, 2007) where social difference could stem from age, ethnicity, opportunity, privilege, education, or health status.
Irrespective of its sources, positionalitv, awakens the realisation that differently positioned people have different backgrounds that shape their understanding of the world (Haraway,
1988) and their perceived role in it.
Positionalitv' is characterised by differential power relations which develop from subjects' relations with each other (Leitner et al., 2008). It enables the exploration of 21 situatedness and power, and how different groups harness it to their advantage. To some extent, territoriality develops from positionality as one's impressions of a social context play a role in the decision to act territorially or not, and in what fashion, and for what reason.
Positionality' is relevant to this study due to the different positioning of herders and locals in the land. Mindful that positionality can be altered "through subjects' practices, imaginaries, relations of power" and can be "re-negotiated" (Leitner et al., 2008, 163-164) positionality is both implicit and defining in this study. It is not a central theoretical component of this study but shadowing territoriality, it helps to present a more holistic view of the issues considered.
Territoriality has contributed immensely to social theory and has proven to be fluid enough to be applicable at various scales and in varied disciplines. Nonetheless, it contains some loopholes. Firstly, Sack wrote his thesis drawing examples from the Catholic Church and the US army, precluding the fact that social relations are much more varied and informal in occurrence. Secondly, it is contended that most of the effects of territoriality may not be the result of territoriality but the effect of territory on the psyche. Thirdly, critics point out that whilst power is definitional in the concept, politics is all but absent, which makes the theory contain only half the equation (Delaney, 2005). Despite these limitations, territoriality is a robust analytical tool that has definite theoretical and practical relevance to this study.
2.2 Political Ecology of the Herder Migration: Sedentarisation and Conflict
Political Ecology attempts to "understand the complex relations between nature and society through a careful analysis oj what one might call the forms of access and control over resources for... sustainable livelihoods " ~(\V'atts, 2000, 257).
As shown in the quote above, the political ecological focus of this study is taken from Watts (2000) who not only defines political ecology in terms of human—environment 22 relations but the complex processes of resource access and the implications on livelihoods.
These tie in with the underlying processes of the herders' southward migration and the implications thereof. As interpreted by Robbins (2012, 16), this aspect of political ecology engages with issues of "knowledge, power and practice"; "politics, justice and governance" which are significant aspects of this study, as it considers notions of spatial concepts, territoriality, leadership, migration and the quest for resources.
For a long time, researchers thought that Fulani herder migration corresponded solely to the migration of the Inter-Tropical Convergence Zone (which ushers in wet and dry seasons in West Africa), to take advantage of different rangeland ecologies (Doutressoulle,
1924, in Bassett and Turner, 2007). This framed the sudden-shift hypothesis and has been used to explain the to and fro movements of Fulani herders. The sudden-shift hypothesis suggests that the southward migration of the Fulani herders is a response to deteriorating environmental conditions in the Sahel, precipitated especially by the droughts of 1973 and
1984, which "pushed" Fulani herders to migrate to areas they would normally avoid.
However, Bassett and Turner (2007) contend that the sudden-shift hypothesis does not adequately explain the herder migration for several reasons: it over-emphasises rainfall in livestock movements, downplays the role of social processes in livestock movement, barely explains the migration process as it does not account for social networks, reconnaissance herding and the selection of new grazing areas, and diminishes the herd management practices of the herders in which Fulani cattle are crossbred to improve their resilience in more humid areas (Bassett & Turner, 2007).
For Bassett and Turner (2007), a plausible explanation of the herder migration is linked to the Migratory Drift model advanced by Stenning (1960). The model suggests that 23 herder migration is more than a response to an environmental hazard; it is a migration process "that results eventually in a completely new geographical setting for a particular group" (Stenning,
1960, 139). This migration is steeped in strategies that allow herders to capitalise on the
"social and ecological requirements for people and livestock to successfully move" (Bassett & Turner, 2007,
36), which implies that "makingpersonal alliances is not only critical before settling in an area, it is also important for moving safely through an area" (Bassett & Turner, 2007, 37). The Migrator}' Drift model appears to explain the sedentarisation of herders in the study area, bringing to the fore two issues: 1. herders may not leave their new found "homes" because they have been strategically chosen to support their livelihoods; 2. herders have become part of the physical landscape of destination areas, so plans need to be made to manage their presence.
The Fulani migration to humid West Africa dates back at least a century (Tonah,
2005) but the herders then were nomadic and cultivated symbiotic relations with local farmers. Growing anti-herder sentiment thus indicates that the "balance between the two groups has been broken" (Breusers et al.1998, 358). Earlier herder—local activities indicate that herders and locals knew that their respective livelihoods required different commitments in time and expertise so complementary arrangements evolved. A case in point is the cooperation between the Fulani herders and Dendi farmers and fishermen in Benin where the herders and fishermen shared the Niger River and coordinated their activities to coincide with the rise and fall of the river (van Driel, 1999). With the fall of the river (in the South) and the sprouting of desirable grasses, the herders moved to the floodplains to graze their herd and the fishermen stayed near pastoralists' tents in order to fish in the ponds left behind by the reduced level of the river. 24
When the river rose and herders migrated North with their cattle, the fishermen returned to their villages. Stakeholders also developed economically and ecologically beneficial relations. During the migration south, cattle fed on crop residue on farms and in return, herders agreed to systematically camp on farms to allow livestock to fertilise the soil in preparation for the next farming season. It was expected that as the pastoralists made the northward journey, they would monitor cattle to prevent crop destruction. Back and forth migration forged friendships between fishermen, farmers and herders and resulted in exchanges of goods and services. In the process, the ecological and economic interests of stakeholders were upheld. These relations were power-based and political, but in a cooperative sense as participants abided by their duties and obligations.
In recent decades, the relations between herders and locals have for the most part deteriorated, as trust, cooperation and sharing have given way to bickering. These have amplified the politics in herder-local resource access and spawned "resource conflicts" in the sense of being associated with struggles to access resources and those emanating from using resources (Turner, 2004). The literature on resource conflicts suggests that the problems emanate from resource scarcity in the conflict area (Peluso & Watts, 2001), but Turner resists this idea of herder-local resource conflicts being "instinctual responses to increased scarcity"
(Turner, 2004, 868). He indicates that this narrative is flawed as it can make resource scarcitv central to a conflict in which scarcity is not the problem. Besides, this narrative could portray such conflicts "as defenses of livelihood and environment against those having diametrically-opposed material interests" (Turner, 2004, 869). Offering an alternative narrative to herder-local conflicts, Turner raises issues regarding whether the conflicts are over natural resources or social conflicts in which resources are implicated, whether the conflicts are driven bv 25 resource scarcity or resource availability and whether the conflicts are strategic contests that reflect an intentional politics of maintaining access to resources (Turner, 2004, 871).
Although herder-local relations have been hostile since the early 1980s, these conflicts should not be generalised as social conflicts amplified by the quest for scarce resources. With the Dendi example, farmers and herders cooperated in the exchange of goods, services and complementary use of the environment until issues with lost cattle and decreasing complementarity emerged (van Driel, 1999). There is value in the view that acrimonious herder-local relations arise from resource availability as it refocuses attention to the destination areas of herder migration. It thus appears that it is the continued availability of resources that brings herders and locals into contact, but that availability does not lay the foundation for poor relations, although it could be implicated. Filtered through the sedentarisation of herders, a new twist is added to the political ecology of resource access, as herders usually have no property rights in destination areas, but access resources.
Much as a tendency exists to reduce herder-local relations to the polidcal ecology of resources, these issues mav be examined through vertical and lateral political ecology to illustrate how herder-local relations are not always about the herders and the locals, but forces bevond their control — the Chains of Explanation.
2.3 Political Ecology of Herder-Local Relations: Chains of Explanation
When herders conflicted with farmers in Cote d'lvoire in the 1980s... Tom Bassett (1988) examined the vertical pressures on the system to conclude that these violent local outcomes were actually the result of pressure to increase livestock production at the national scale... such an analysis represents a "chain of explanation" (Robbins, 2012, 88) 26
Herder-local relations have for generations been influenced by the lateral political ecology of migration and livelihoods resulting in herding contacts and symbiotic relations.
In vertical political ecology, power differentials between state, locals and herders are manifest, with macro level decisions impacting micro level outcomes. This section aims to show that: chains of explanation reveal broader issues in local-herders relations, lateral political ecology contains more equity and vertical political ecology makes manifest power imbalances. In other words, indigenous systems may mitigate conflict whilst "exogenous" systems may produce acrimony between herder and locals, state and herders.
Herding contracts were borne out of the perception, and perhaps fact, that herders know the secret to multiplying cattle. Farmers in the savannas of West Africa (who also store their wealth in cattle, but not to the degree herders do) desire to have a large herd. Due to other commitments, local people (not necessarily farmers) are unable to dedicate the time required for the reproduction of a healthy herd, so they entrust their cattle to the herders in the hope that the herders will be the "banks" in which their "savings" grow. In return, herders can access pasture and gain economically from the herding arrangements. These arrangements represent lateral political ecology where stakeholders operate as collaborators.
The terms of herding contracts vary by location; however the following apply in some form, and in some cases, have changed. Herders were entitled to some or all of the milk produced. Thev could be rewarded with a calf for successful increase in the herd, although details varv between places. In some cases, farmers were required to pav a commission for each sale of livestock. It was expected that as employers, farmers will give herders token gifts (e.g. cola nuts) if they met in the market to acknowledge the special relationship between the two. If the herder had a farm, the farmer was required to plough 27 and weed the herder's farm as the herder lacked this expertise and focused on the herd, not farming. If an animal died, it was the owner's loss; but the herder had to provide evidence bv producing the head, tail (or both) of the dead animal. If crop damage occurred, the cattle owner liaised with the crop owner to solve the problem. If a compromise could not be reached, traditional leaders intervened to arrive at a setdement. Traditional power, economic interests and individual power coalesced to resolve impasses (see van Driel, 1999).
Interviews with herders in Tallensi-Nabdam indicate variations although some aspects have remained the same. For instance, it is not the practice at all for local catde owners (sometimes known as masters) to work on the herder's farm. If a herder makes a farm (which they invariably do) they either do the work themselves or hire local farmers.
Harvesting is done by the males in the herder's household. The master's duty is to get herders out of trouble when anything beyond the herder's control occurs. If knottv crop damage issues emerge the masters could be invited to intervene. Sometimes masters liaise with chiefs to allow the continued stay of the herders in spite of serious infractions with the promise to admonish them to desist from such acts. If herders have medical problems, some masters provide money to pay the bills. If an animal gets sick, the herder is enjoined to inform the master who will make a trip to verify the information, so that in the event it dies he has prior knowledge. If the master cannot be reached, the ailing animal is sold and the horns and hoofs, together with the proceeds of the sale presented to him. If a dispute over the money ensues, the herder would give the master the asking value of the animal but, it means all herding arrangements between that master and the herder would be abrogated.
These herding contracts, more common with rich, urban-based catde owners have helped the political position of some herders especially if the master has clout in the local political 28 system. Herders also look after cattle belonging to the local elite to secure their stay in the vicinity. Generally, as long as the masters, local elite and the herders benefit from the arrangements, the herders have security to Live and work in the local area.
Post-independence Africa produced state consciousness, the other nationality*, and restricted movement into hitherto accessible places, and possibly contributed to dividing an otherwise economically cooperative people. In addition, the "modernisation" of the herders carved a dent in their trustworthiness, especially when local cattle were being reported missing or dead too frequently. Locals pulled their herds and turned inward regarding their relations with the herders. Thus begun the "modern era" of herder-local relations bathed in claims of livelihood deprivation, assault, deception and theft, an era that has changed herder- local relations and introduced a new regime of power and powerlessness.
These developments have amplified the power-politics-economy relations between locals, herders and the state. Beginning in the early 1980s, a new political economy of herder migration, herder-state and herder-local relations emerged in which states' positionalitv affected local and herder power and similarly shaped fortunes at the local level. In Cote d'lvoire, the government had an open door policy toward the Fulani move into that country
(Bassett, 1988). This policv, in the form of the SODEPRA (Societe pour le Developpement des
Productions Animates) project was adopted to harness the potential contributions of the herders to the Ivorian economv. Under SODEPRA, the government gave the herders privileges not accorded local farmers. Fulani herders were given rights to own land in spite of local objections. The government opened border entry points to ease the passage of
Fulani herders into the country and provided free veterinary services in Fulani settlements and grazing areas were demarcated for the exclusive use of the herdsmen. In addition to 29 these, "dipping tanks, roads, small dams, improved pastures, housing and even mosques were constructed... for the benefit of the Fulani" (Bassett, 1988, 463).
The government moved to integrate the herders into the local socio-economic fabric by encouraging them to network with local farmers to secure land to be used alternately as kraals and farmlands between herders and locals. Locals watched these developments with indignation and took steps to "correct" the situation at their earliest opportunity:
Following the death of Houphouet Boigny' in 1993 ... farmers persistently harassed and attacked the Fulbe in the northern parts of the country, with the avowed aim of expelling them from the country. Support for the anti-Fulbe sentiments and actions also came from a large section of the northern elite (students, civil servants, merchants etc.), many of whom had strongly resented the lvorian policy of providing infrastructure and credit to Fulbe pastoralists rather than supporting local... cattle production (Tonah, 2003, 105-106).
The fallout from Boigny's policies has not ended as herders and locals in Cote d'lvoire continue to have acrimonious relations two decades after his death.
In another example of a vertical chain of explanation, the government of Niger moved to restrict herder access to the National Park W3 once it was designated as a World
Heritage Site in 1996 by implementing a system of fines on Fulani movements in the park and the creation of buffer zones to promote herder setdement and monitoring. Turner argues that the "participatory" programme was really about keeping the herders out of the park but they fought back by dispersing their herd, making it difficult for park rangers to track them and their cattle (Turner, 1999). Here again, there is evidence of occurrences at the international level leading to consequences at the micro level.
In Ghana, all levels of modern government, traditional authority and herder-local relations provide a backdrop for analysing the vertical chain of explanation. The struggles
4 lvorian president from 1960-1993 5 The National Park W meanders along the Niger River and has the shape of a W. It spans the countries of Niger, Benin and Burkina Faso and covers an area of 10,000 sq km. arise horizontally from competition for the use of land, crop destruction and suspicions regarding the loss of entrusted cattle. Tonah (2002) reveals the many facets of this explanation which shows not only the role of politics and leadership in the trajectory of herder-local relations, but the role of civil society' and the state's response to the pressure.
Firstly, some officials contend that the situation is exaggerated for monetary gain:
The district administration is trying to create a scenario that there are many alien herdsmen here so that it can be given funds to get them out. This is a clear politicisation of the farmer-herder relationship. An exercise such as this enables local government officials to utilise funds in a way that is difficult to monitor (Tonah, 2002, 11).
Secondly, traditional authorities are believed to exacerbate herder-local animosities because of their mistrust of, and competition for herders in their area mainly for the benefit of entrusting catde to the herders. Thirdly, frustrated local farmers take the law into their hands by killing stray cattle on their farms or shoot herders to make a statement to the herders, local authorities and the state (Tonah, 2002).
Fourthly, historically, Ghana has had no systematic national policy to deal with the herder influx and responds reactively when necessary. Governments have however, mosdv taken sides with locals (Ghanaians) and have attempted to expel the herders on several occasions. People in positions of authority have portrayed the herders as aliens whose activities are inimical to Ghanaians and the environment as demonstrated in this statement from a Forestry Officer who condemns "the Fulani herdsmen for their notoriety in plundering the nation's forests with impunity" (www.ghanaweb.com, February 13 2007 emphasis added). In
2011, a verv high ranking member of the security services called for a ban on free grazing as a solution to the rising tide of herder-local conflicts in the country (Gadugah, 2011).
Successive governments since the late 1990s initiated programmes to control rising citizen discontent with the herders. 'Operation Cowleg' (I, II and III) and 'Operation 31
Livestock Solidarity' (Tonah, 2002, 2003) authorised the military and police to expel the herdsmen from northern Ghana. These operations, failed to curtail the herder influx into the country but rather heightened tensions, and increased livelihood insecurity.
The state has changed herder-local relations in three ways: Herder-local interactions have morphed from relations to conflicts. Where formerly locals were subdued and conciliator)7 in tone, they have become accusatory. Secondly, the state, in ordering expulsion drives has emboldened locals to demand more expulsion, hoping that government would respond to citizen pressure. Lastly, the tone and frequency of local protests have increased although their effectiveness is debatable. Irrespective of the origin of the chains of explanation of herder-local relations, livelihoods are at stake, and the powerlessness of both groups increases relative to one another, even as their power decreases relative to the state.
2.4 Herders, Locals, Leaders and Social Dilemmas
The Social Dilemma theory explains people's behaviour when faced with social dilemmas. They occur when "individually reasonable behaviour leads to a situation in which everyone is worse off than they might have been otherwise" (Kollock, 1998, 183). In social dilemmas, group members decide whether to cooperate with others, and how much they will, to provide a public good (Fleishman, 1988, 163). Herder-local relations are social dilemmas in the sense that individual "rational" behaviour jeopardises the livelihoods of others, where "rational" behaviour could be the actions of frustrated farmers to herders ignoring their "host".
Social dilemmas can be normal or severe. In normal social dilemmas, there is a deficient equilibrium in which one other outcome leaves everyone better off without an incentive to change their behaviour whilst in severe dilemmas, there is a dominating strategy 32 that yields the best outcomes for some individuals irrespective of what others do (Kollock,
1998). Kollock discusses a number of scenarios which determine how the costs and benefits of resolving the dilemma will be shared among individuals. In the socialfence, individuals incur an initial cost that benefits the collectivity in time, whilst in the 'socialtrap'; individuals accrue immediate benefits that eventually make the collectivity worse off.
The social dilemma theory is about cooperation; therefore, the psyche of the actors is critical for success. It is essential to identify psychological or structural mechanisms that motivate decision-makers to pursue the interest of the group, rather than their own interests
(De Cremer, 2002, 998). When psychological mechanisms are changed during negotiations, the result is a strengthening of group identity which, in some cases, hinders cooperation. As a result, instead of psychological changes, structural changes are suggested, specifically with regard to installing a group leader who draws attention away from group identity and focuses on the goal to be achieved (De Cremer, 2002).
As Van Vugt et al., (2004) discovered, leadership style is important for the resolution of social dilemmas. Group members are likely to cooperate if their leader is democratic rather than autocratic. Thus, the former is more conducive to group stability6. If a leader is confrontational, the followers tend to be. The role of the local educated elite in spawning herder-local conflict in Cote d' Ivoire (Tonah, 2003) shows that leaders and leadership plav a significant role in the direction of herder-local relations. If leaders stress 'us' and 'them' and how 'they' must go, locals may do the same. But if locals are at odds with their leaders because of alleged herder support, the effect of leadership stvle becomes unpredictable.
6 The ability of a group to operate as an intact system over a long period of time (Arrow et al., 2000). 33
Rothstein (2000) demonstrated the importance of trust in managing social dilemmas by suggesting that it is a key factor in resolving such dilemmas. If a situation is riddled by mistrust it is more difficult to get individuals to cooperate. In West Africa, the positionality of leaders has influenced the development of herder-local relations. The prevailing idea, even in the general population, about leader bias toward the herders has fuelled negative sentiments toward the herders, irrespective of their actual conduct. This indicates that the positionality' of local and/or national leadership can affect the chances of conflict mitigation.
Trust is an important factor in the resolution of social dilemmas as people act based on information they have about others (Rothstein, 2000). This ties in well with Fleishman's
(1988) work on decision framing where people's actions are measured in terms of giving to, or taking from, a public good. Fleishman found that cooperativeness increased if people could take from the public good and declined if they were to give to it. This has practical implications for herder-local relations in terms of resource access and use rights, which will be explored later in this studv. The social dilemma theory is introduced mainly to explore the role of leadership positionality in herder-local relations and also to obtain data on herders and locals willingness to cooperate in the access and use of the public goods, which are the resources on the area.
2.5 The Nexus: Poverty, Environment and Conflict
Povertv has been the developing world's claim to fame on the world stage, and like its manifestations, it lacks a universally applicable definition. Some of the most influential definitions of povertv have revolved around four themes: the Monetary, Capabilities, Social
Exclusion, and Participatory approaches. The Monetary definition considers poverty' as dips 34 below a set monetary line (Laderchi et al.2003), a measure that is currently slated at SI-25 per head per day (IFAD, 2010b). With the Capabilities Approach, poverty occurs when there is a deprivation of basic capabilities, where capabilities are "the substantive freedoms a person enjoys to lead the kind of life he or she has reason to value" (Sen, 1999, 87). According to Sen (1999), poverty can be defined in terms of capability deprivation because capabilities signify abilities that are intrinsically important for human wellbeing; thus capability deprivation produces a negative effect on wellbeing. Besides income, he argues, age, location, gender and other factors over which one has little or no control influence capabilities. Sen also argues that the relation between capability and income is relative such that in some circumstances, relative income deprivation results in absolute capability deprivation. From the view of Social
Exclusion, people are poor when they cannot participate in the society they live in, receive healthcare and education, own property or join the work force (Laderchi et al., 2003). The
Participator)' approach defined poverty according to the poor's articulation of the condition:
"social inferiority, isolation, physical weakness, vulnerability, seasonal deprivation, powerlessness and humiliation" (Chambers, 1995, 173).
How7ever seamlessly these four definitions of povertv have been taken apart, the divergence emanates from differences across disciplines, setting the parameters of measurement, separating the poor from the non-poor (Laderchi et al., 2003) and even differences in the descriptions of what constitutes poverty by the poor. Irrespective of these debates, poverty is characterised bv low purchasing power and high vulnerability (Barrett &
Swallow, 2005). Poor people cannot extricate themselves from poverty because thev are stuck in 'poverty traps' (McCord et al., 2005). Whilst I see poverty traps as situations in which individuals cannot become economically upwardly mobile due to critical limiting 35 factors, W hitehead (2006) suggests that poverty traps exist where people engage in strategies to cope with poverty that further entrenches them in poverty. Barrett and Swallow (2005) also suggest that under-investment and low productivity characterise poverty traps. This argument falls short in that in areas where the majority of people do not have cash income, emphasising "investment" misses critical components of the lived experiences of the people as their lives revolve around livelihoods and not growth.
Land (and its resources) are arguably abundant in Africa (Gausset, 2007), but institutional and cultural change, land degradation and poverty have made the contests for land intense, as have population pressures and demand for non-agricultural land (Zongo,
2002). In rural Africa, where people depend on land and the natural environment for their livelihoods, land is not just a factor of production; it is a factor of survival. The link between land and livelihoods is so defining it predisposes people to clash to secure their interests.
Conflict results when there is "a struggle over values or claims to status, power, and scarce resources, in which the aims of the conflicting parties are not only to gain the desired values, but also to neutralise, injure or eliminate their rivals" (Coser, 1956, in Tonah, 2007, 11). Toning down on fatalistic language, Hagan (1995) posits that conflicts do not necessarily result in the elimination of opponents, but offers the opportunity to determine the relative standing, status, power or share of resources that competing groups can garner. Thus, competitors can lose ground to one another, but elimination from the field of competition may not result.
Although conflict (especially in reference to Africa) conjures images of violence, it is not always synonymous with crude guns, machetes and stones. In fact, many conflicts in
Africa are "low intensity" conflicts in the sense that they are characterised by few physical confrontations, are mostly localised, and can go unnoticed and unaddressed for years. Not 36 surprisingly, few studies of "low intensity" conflicts have been conducted to ascertain whether they are serious enough to warrant attention from policy makers (Deininger &
Castagnini, 2006). Indeed, the low profiles of these conflicts are the reason litde is done to contain them, although the cumulative economic and social toll can be substantial. Herder- local conflicts are a classic example of "low intensity" conflicts because they seldom escalate into open violent conflicts, and even if they do, these conflicts are short-lived.
Six tvpes of land conflicts have been isolated in sub-Saharan Africa (Ejigu, 2006;
Teklu, 2004). These are: cultivator-cultivator, cultivator-herder, herder-herder, state- cultivator, state-herder and state-state conflicts. Irrespective of the type of conflict one encounters, Hussein et al. (1999), submit that conflicts fall into one of three categories: conflicts of interest, conflicts of competition and violent conflicts. Conflicts of interest occur between people who co-habit an area either permanently or temporarily and may have different uses for the same resources such as water and vegetation. Conflicts of competition occur where strategic resources are in short supply such that groups aggressively seek an edge over the other for the procurement and use of resources. This is close to Turner's
(2004) idea of resource conflict, although he has convincingly argued against the resource scarcity thesis. I 'iolent conflicts result when groups identify specific resources as strategic to their needs and set out to protect their interests in those resources. Violent conflicts involve physical contact, and/or the destruction of life and property. Depending on their type and manifestation, conflicts can be confined to a local area, spread over a region in a country, and/or assume national significance.
Much as I agree with Hussein et al. (1999) on the categorisation of conflicts, conflicts cannot be strait-jacketed into one of three categories. Practically, they could be seen 37 as combinations and/or progressions through the three stages. Thus, herder-local conflicts could start as conflicts of interest as herders and locals, willingly or not share a space, and use the same resources in (not always) different ways. Taking a resource such as grass, locals tap into it for thatch, household items and for sale. Herders, on the other hand, single - mindedly seek the best grass for their cows. Conflict inevitably results from such situations, and these I think, are conflicts of interest.
The same logic can be used to explain why at some point, the conflict progresses into a conflict of competition. The key here is that resources that are vital to livelihoods are in short supply, but I argue in consonance with Turner (2004) that resource availability could spawn competition. The conflicts of competition arise because both herders and locals have particular spaces or species that are strategic to their livelihoods. Coupled with accusations of who is depleting what, the dynamic of herder-local relations changes and introduces fragility to the situation. In my estimation, violent conflict is the climax of pent up tensions from stages one and two in response to a trigger, which may in itself, be minor. This advances the argument that resource conflicts could actually start as resource conflicts and degenerate into social conflict.
Few scholars contest the link between poverty, environment and conflicts and at the heart of this nexus are three interrelated issues: 1. People migrate to environments with relativelv better earning capacitv. 2. Vulnerable people are more inclined to fight over resources 3. Ethnicitv plavs a role in attempts to exclude others from using resources
(Tafesse, 2004). How these issues engender conflicts can be analysed in relation to citizenship (which I appropriate to unencumbered belongingness), and argue again with Turner
(2004) that conflicts are not necessarily about scarce resources but available resources. 38
Herders' migration to Ghana for the better conditions ignites local displeasure. That herders are non-Ghanaian and Fulani introduces the citizenship and ethnic dimensions, which "alter s the value of the resources" (Hutchison, 1991, 21). Resources across the border drive the influx across the border, but the border also determines state as well as traditional citizenship (ethnicit}'). Thus, in the local mindset, herders as non-citizens cannot "enter the struggle for resources" (Mamdani, 2002, 505). Once that is breached, the foundation for conflicts of interest, competition and violent conflict are laid, first over the "intrusion" into local resource space, and then into other areas which may not be resource-related.
In the broader scheme of things, borders are dualistic in the sense that they are
"areas of opportunity and insecurity, ^ones of contact andj or conflict, of cooperation and competition, of ambivalent identities and/or aggressive assertion of difference" (Anderson & O'Dowd, 1999, 595).
However, the propensity for conflict depends on the importance of the resources for livelihoods or political control (Tekiu, 2004). It is not that borders are the reason for conflicts; they are the excuse. Underneath the facade are vulnerabilities that become the pivots of the poverty-environment-conflict thesis.
Teklu (2004) submits that natural resource degradation contributes to conflict by the creation of a livelihood crisis characterised by reduced agricultural productivity, livelihood insecurity and poverty. Resource uncertainty* sets populations in motion seeking better opportunities for livelihoods (i.e. where the resources are). Migrants into an area enter the struggle for resources which prior to the migrants' arrival, was the preserve of their "hosts". 39
There is nothing inherently problematic with an influx of people to "resource-rich" areas but amid a deficit in both local and national governance, the determination to earn a living feeds a defensive/aggressive/competitive atmosphere that creates discontent which could boil over amid provocation (Figure 3).
Natural Reduced agricultural Resources output, livelihood degradation insecurity' and and scarcitv impoverishment
Population mobility and societal heterogeneity
Deficiency in tenure Competition and Deficit in governance, and indigenous conflicts over scarce and weak public policy institutions natural resources and legal institutions
Regional Political Instability
Figure 3: Connections: Poverty, Environment and Conflict (Teklu, 2004)
Much as 1 agree with the core of Teklu's (2004) model, the connections between reduced agricultural output and deficits in governance is unclear. I think that aspect of the diagram should have unidirectional arrow linking governance and institutional problems to livelihood insecurity* but not the other way round. Applying this framework to herder-local conflicts, one can argue that environmental degradation pushes herders to migrate to better environments. It is stretching it to suggest that poor agricultural productivity stems from the 40 herders, but an argument can be made for increased livelihood insecurity, poor governance and poor legal frameworks as contributor}- factors to herder-local conflict. In poor environments that vulnerable people depend on for their livelihoods, improving the situation could reduce vulnerability and expand livelihood portfolios. In this way, conflicts of competition may not deteriorate into violent conflicts.
2.6 Rural Development and Sustainable Livelihoods
2.6.1 Rural Development: The state of the "art" and the fate of the people
This study is set in a textbook rural area in Ghana, where people's livelihoods are uncertain. Their livelihoods involve challenges that have made vulnerability, insecurity and poverty the bane of the area. One of the ways to bring positive change to the lives of rural people is through rural development, which is development that constitutes a sustained improvement in the populations' welfare (Anriquez & Stamoulis, 2007). Rural development is also the participatory process that empowers rural dwellers to take control of their own priorities for change (Ellis & Biggs, 2001, 443). It involves improving the living conditions of the poor in rural areas, by creating circumstances that enable them to live free of abject deprivation, insecurity and indignity. The requirements for attaining such development may be mundane, but the ocean of work on the subject shows that the ordinariness of tasks sometimes increases their difficulty ten-fold.
The rural poor constitute 70 % of the developing world's population who get by on less than SI-25 a dav per person (IFAD, 2010b). In 2005, 51% of sub-Sahara Africans and
73% of people in the same region, subsisted on less than SI.25 per day and less than S2 per day respectively (World Bank, 2011, 14), indicating that (rural) poverty is still a major issue in 41 spite of the Millennium Development Goals. In Ghana, 28% of the people were considered poor in 2005-2006 (IFAD, 2010a), with the poorest people living in the northern half of the country. With sources pegging the current rural population of Ghana at around of 50%
(BBC World Service Trust, 2003; Trading Economics, 2011) the relevance of rural development to the country cannot be stressed enough. In fact "peasant community" apdv describes the socio-economic organisation of rural Ghana and certainly the study area where:
• Agricultural livelihoods combine subsistence and commodity production
• The family is the basic unit of production, consumption, welfare and risk-taking
• People are externally subordinate to state authorities, regional and international markets
• There is a traditional conformist outlook (Bryceson, 2000).
Rural development has changed in the last 50 years spurred on by two epochs in the
1960s and 1980s, which paved the way for current thought and practice (Table 2). At the inception of development in the 1950s, academics spent the time theorising the best ways to proceed with the development of rural areas. The dominant ideas of the time show that some of the conceptions of rural areas in developing countries (e.g. lazy peasants and backward agriculture) were unflattering accounts of rural communities and their way of life.
Peasantn* defined the focus of Rural Development such that Rural Development became svnonvmous with agricultural development. This carried through the 1960s and 1970s when the "age of enlightenment" allowed the development community to consider other possibilities such as technology transfer and agricultural extension as routes to rural development. Even then, some proposed that Rural Development should be about diversifying the rural economy away from agriculture (Johnston, 1970 in Anriquez &
Stamoulis, 2007) and when Lacroix (1985) advocated separating Rural Development from 42
Agricultural Development, his rationale was unequivocal: agricultural development is about increasing agricultural production; rural development is about human capital development.
Era Dominant Rural Development Paradigms/Ideas/ Practises
1950s-60s Modernisation, Dual Economy Model, 'Backward' Agriculture, Community- Development, Lazy peasants
1960s-70s Transformation Approach, Technology Transfer, Mechanisation, Agricultural Extension, Start of the Green Revolution , Rational Peasants
1970s-80s Redistribution With Growth, Basic Needs, Integrated Rural Development, State Agricultural Policies, State-Led Credit, Urban Bias, Induced Innovation, Green Revolution (Cont.), Rural Growth Linkages
1980s-90s Structural Adjustment and Free Markets, Rise of NGOs, Rapid Rural Appraisal, Farming Systems Research, Food Security & Famine Analysis, Rural Development as Process not Product, Women In Development, Poverty- Alleviation
1990s-00s Microcredit, Participatory- Rural Appraisal, Actor-Oriented RD, Stakeholder Analysis, Gender & Development, Environment & Sustainability, Poverty- Reduction
2000s Sustainable Livelihoods, Good Governance, Decentralisation, Sector-Wide Approaches, Social Protection, Poverty- Eradication
Table 2: Evolving themes in Rural Development 1950s-2000s. Ellis and Biggs (2001)
The decade 1980-1990 was dramatic for Rural Development even amidst the
Structural Adjustment Programmes as "participator}- approaches", "human face" and
"community development" became the bywords of the time. In this decade, todav's dominant approaches begun to teethe in the form of Women in Development and the proliferation of NGOs. Rural communities seemed to have been recognised as capable of being in the driver's seat. Bv virtue of this paradigm shift, current rural development thought "celebrates the local over the national, civil society in preference to the government, and micro entrepreneurship as the way to overcome poverty and achieve rural development" (Mueller, 2006, 1). In 43 fact, Chambers' 1995 "Poverty and livelihoods: Whose Reality Counts?", which emphasised that to tackle povertv the voices of the poor should define it, and which culminated in the participator}' perspectives of poverty, mirrored the recognition that voices and experiences at the local level had a role to play in rural development practice.
During the 1990s-2000s, decentralisation emerged as a vehicle for rural development.
Its widespread adoption in poor countries attests to how it was envisaged to accelerate rural development. Ghana currendy uses a system of local government to support its rural development, thus, dealing with local communities in Ghana necessarily involves encounters with decentralisation authorities. Decentralisation involves the transfer of power, responsibility and finance from central government to sub-national, provincial and/or local government (Crawford & Hartmann, 2008). Its two aspects are deconcentration in which local bodies assume responsibilities previously reserved for the central government and devolution in which financial and political power is granted to local bodies to perform the duties of the state (Blair, 2000). The results of decentralisation and rural development are largely yet to be realised as it appears that local authorities, are often "clones of the who are no more accountable nor interested in the wellbeing of the rural poor (Mueller, 2006, 2).
Following the disappointments resulting from the implementation of decentralisation in its original form, democratic decentralisation was introduced to tackle some of the problems through the devolution of power to the local units to increase accessibility of government at the local level (Blair, 2000). Johnson (2001) is however sceptical stating that democratic decentralisation deepens the hold of the elite on the poor. He contends there is an inherent discord between the autonomy to plan for the people and the participation of the people. Besides, he continues, democracies have a bias that discriminates against pro- 44 poor policies. Lastly, the sheer numbers of the poor and the diverse range of their needs make it difficult to meaningfully address their problems through democratic decentralisation.
Nonetheless, Johnson (2001) argues in favour of devolution in terms of improving rural livelihoods suggesting that it could empower local people as resource users, thus improving how they access and use resources. He also argues that collaboration between public agencies and resource users produces "synergistic outcomes" (Johnson, 2001, 527) which groups, acting alone, will not achieve. Finally, the empowerment of local authorities can encourage politically marginalised people to partake in decision making. However, authorities must strike the balance between the interests of the elite and the powerless
(Johnson, 2001) for devolution to achieve best results.
What Johnson missed is that in many rural communities, the empowerment of the local people diminishes with the empowerment of elected officials. It is one of the reasons why decentralisation has yielded little for rural development. Besides, "synergistic outcomes" will only be possible if local authorities acknowledge and welcome the views and suggestions of the ordinarv people. Usually, local authorities function in a paternalistic fashion, telling people wThat is good for them and how they should go from point A to B.
Interestinglv, decentralisation has been the capsule for the development agendas of the 1990s-2000s: empowering women, povertv reduction, good governance, even sustainable development. With this scope, decentralisation (and its correlates) is too unwieldy to be meaningfully efficient and effective. In fact, practically, local government officials (except 45 community-based assemblymembers) are just as inaccessible to local government constituents as are central governments and it appears Community Based Associations,
NGOs and individuals are performing government's duties in small but meaningful ways by supporting agriculture, health, education, and sensitisation and awareness programmes.
To make rural development meaningful, Maxwell (2005) has suggested that effective strategies should not blindly echo the paradigm of the day but take cognisance of 5 issues:
1. Practitioners should recognise that rural areas are diverse
2. Practitioners should act based on history- of change in those areas
3. Practitioners should align their programmes with broader poverty reduction policies
4. Practitioners should ponder moves toward democratic decentralisation
5. Practitioners should harness the productive sectors to maximise growth
Furthering this line of thought, de Janvry & Soudalet (2005) also suggest that rural development strategists should focus on issues, policies and programmes that create:
• Capabilities (i.e. making rural people agents of change),
• Political support (i.e. increasing the profile of rural development in political agenda),
• Citizenship (i.e. including the people in decision making),
• Territorial approaches (i.e. planning for growth where the rural poor are located).
These suggestions may not be the panaceas of rural development, but the shifts signal the re-positioning of rural people in rural development. The suggestions also point to a strengthening of the rural economic base which brings a sustainable livelihoods ring to it.
Given the developments in high profile NGOs such as Oxfam and Care International, which
In the Ghanaian decentralization system, assemblymembers are the primary contact between state and people at the local level. They are elected for four year terms and represent their electoral area at the District Assembly, which is the highest governing body at the local level. 46 operate from the standpoint that "sustainable livelihood" is a human right (see Brouwer et al. 2005), that livelihoods discourse has gained momentum in recent years is not surprising.
In the majority of rural areas, livelihoods are similar as people engage in almost the same activities for a living. The unsettling realisation is that these similarities stem from the environment and not the local economy (Frost et al., 2007) implying that if the environment goes into decline livelihoods are likely to follow. The communal environment (land, forest and vegetation resources, water bodies, soils, and wildlife) which are freely available (in rural settings) form the foundations of rural livelihoods, so environment-based livelihoods are the result of a natural progression. In particular, forests offer a wide range of livelihood options for rural people in the form of basic goods, forest products, wildlife, and cultural/spiritual benefits (Shackleton et al., 2001; Twyman, 2001; Warner, 2000), implying that a healthy forest could produce robust livelihoods, all things being equal. This study is set in a space where the environment is central to livelihoods and where livelihoods are insecure. It is thus prudent to adopt a livelihoods perspective to shed light on the poverty dynamics and contribute to livelihood strategies that are secure, beneficial and sustainable for the people.
2.6.2 Sustainable Livelihoods and Rural Development
2.6.2.1 The Conceptual Framework: The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach (SLA)
A livelihood comprises "the capabilities, assets (including both material and social resources) and activities required for a means of living" (Scoones, 1998 ,5). It describes what people do to make a living as well as the assets, activities and access to these, that promotes the living gained by the individual or household (Ellis, 2000). A livelihood comprises "tangible and intangible assets" (Chambers, 1995, 174) where the former consist of "resources and stores" 47 and the latter, "claims and access" (Chambers & Conway, 1992, 1). "Livelihood" captures the risk associated with making a living and the institutional and policy contexts that promote or hinder the pursuit of a viable living (Ellis & Freeman, 2005a). A livelihood is sustainable when "it can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, while not undermining the natural resource base" (Scoones, 1998, 5; see
Helmore & Naresh).
Following from these, the Sustainable livelihoods Approach (SLA) is:
a way oj thinking about the objectives, scope and priorities for development, in order to enhance ptvgress in poverty elimination. Sustainable livelihoods aims to help poor people achieve lasting improvements against the indicators of poverty that they define (Ashley & Carney, 1999, 6).
It "takes as its starting point the actual livelihood assets and strategies that people use to achieve the outcomes they seek" (Longley & Maxwell, 2003, 2). The approach is not meant to mirror reality, it is rather an analytical structure for segregating people's economic lives in order to make targeted, meaningful inputs to improve their lives (Farrington et al.,2004).
The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach is built on core concepts clearly articulated by
Ashley and Carney (1999) and Farrington et al. (2004). These are: people-centeredness, responsiveness and participation, private-public sector partnerships, sustainability, dynamism and multi-level interventions. These core concepts improve the applicability and perhaps, intended effect of the SIA. and broaden its appeal in a wide variety of poverty and/or rural situations. The SLA is also robust because of the potential to achieve good results at the micro scale. As a bonus, the economic empowerment that results can be rechanneled into political empowerment and more accountability- of local government. It appears the livelihoods paradigm aims to plug the holes in previous rural development approaches that were too big, too removed or too tied to the state to be effective. 48
The SLA is hinged on well-documented components (see Ashley & Carney, 1999;
Brocklesbv & Fisher, 2003; Solesburv, 2003) and are summarised as follows:
The Vulnerability Context: Vulnerability is the condition of exposure or defencelessness
(Chambers & Conway, 1992) or the susceptibility to the adverse consequences of exposure to threats (Devereux, 2001). People are externally vulnerable when they are exposed to shocks, stresses and risk, and become internally vulnerable when they lack the means to cope with resulting damaging loss (Chambers, 1995). The vulnerability context therefore represents the atmosphere in which individuals or groups economically navigate. Depending on resilience, positioning and the events of the day, people can be more or less vulnerable.
The Asset Pentagon: This comprises the range of assets people draw on to make a livelihood. The elements of the asset pentagon are: social capital (social networks and relationships of trust), natural capital (natural resources), financial capital (savings, income, credit), physical capital (shelter, transport, livestock, durable goods), and human capital
(skills, knowledge, labour) (Brocklesbv & Fisher, 2003; Longlev & Maxwell, 2003).
Livelihoods can be diverse or limited depending on one's endowments in the asset pentagon.
Livelihood Strategies: These comprise the choice of activities people utilise to obtain a living. Included here are jobs, trades, or skills that people utilise in tandem with assets from the asset pentagon. So for instance, livelihood strategies could be weaving, housekeeping, hunting or driving donkey carts. If the fortunes of the livelihood strategy worsen, resilient people can change direction using similar skills to recover from the bumps on the road.
Policies, Institutions and Processes: These were known as Transforming Structures and
Processes. They are conditions that "shapepeoples access to assets and livelihood strategies as well as the vulnerability context in which they live" (Brocklesbv & Fisher, 2003, 187). In rural settings 49 where people are constrained by poverty, unresponsive local officials and socio-cultural and economic conservatism; policies, institutions and processes limit livelihood opportunities.
Livelihood Outcomes: Livelihood outcomes are the results of livelihood efforts (Ellis &
Freeman, 2005a). They manifest in various ways and can be favourable or not. Livelihood outcomes should present positive indicators in variables such as wellbeing, material welfare, resilience to shocks, and access to basic services. If targeted livelihood outcomes record downward trends, the conclusion would be that the intervention has failed to produce the intended outcomes. These components are presented in Figure 4.
Figjr* 3 DFID't SusUirubk live)hood* frwmworfc Key H • Hunan Ctpftal S * SacMi Cdptol N • Naural Cqpftal P « Uracil Captai F » FhmcW CjptM
LIVELIHOOD ASSETS TRANSFORMING uvanooo STRUCTURES & OUTCOMES VULNERABILITY PROCESSES CONTEXT •Monttm STRUCTURES • IncfMsed SHOCKS Af. rErL LMfeOf UVELHOOO wM-wng TRENDS STRATEGES • feduoad ! gowrannt Ian SEASONALITY W vuiMnMty PoDdn P F (~2 Mctsr • hnprowdrood Culture MQjrlty Institutions • MoresisutaMe us* at NR base PROCESSES 1
Figure 4: Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (Ashley and Carney, 1999)
The versatility of the SLA is enhanced by the Livelihood Assessment Tools (LATs) that describe livelihood strategies, the contexts in which the livelihood strategies exist and establish how aspects of a specific situation are related (Longley & Maxwell, 2003). LAT comprise the descriptive, explanatory and predictive aspects. The descriptive aspects address 50 issues around the livelihood strategies pursued, priorities of participants and the risks they face. The explanatory aspects focus on who the vulnerable are, why thev are vulnerable, explores how political economy affects their household livelihood strategies, and how their present circumstances have been influenced by change. The predictive inquiries help to inform decisions on appropriate livelihood support, feasible livelihood support, partner institutions and possibly, the unintended consequences (especially negative) of support.
Although LATs greatly enhance the rigour of the Sustainable Livelihood Approach, it is not a perfect model, and like most models, gaps emerge with implementation, and improvements increase their robustness. The concerns of, and improvements to, the sustainable livelihoods model are the focus of the next section.
2.6.2.2 Inside the SLA: Strengths, Weaknesses, and Amendments
The livelihoods approach has evolved into a major rural development sub-paradigm as it offers great opportunities for analysing livelihoods in a manner that gets at the complexity of livelihoods, the influence of livelihoods on poverty and identifies where the best interventions can be made (Farrington et al., 2004). The approach has also been lauded because it departs from the "we-have-nothing" mantra of poor people and embraces what they have with a view to building on their 'wealth'(Helmore & Naresh, 2001). In this way, the SLA identifies problems, constraints and needs, but focuses on opportunities, coping strategies and local initiative (Altarelli & Carloni, 2000).
Using the SLA, frontline workers are compelled to focus on outcomes and not on outputs (Altarelli & Carloni, 2000, emphasis added). Outputs deal with the measure of effort in terms of income whilst outcomes record the changes in people's socio-economic condition 51 as a result of a livelihood intervention. This distinction draws attention to the fact that outcomes are people-centred whilst outputs may not necessarily effect positive changes in say access to resources, environmental stability or safety in pursuing a livelihood.
The adaptability of the SLA renders it applicable in a variety of situations such as re orienting a programme, driving participation or conducting an impact assessment (Ashley,
2000). It can therefore be the vehicle for pursuing other rural development priorities in areas such as agricultural development, gender empowerment and educational development. This means that whereas earlier approaches were the end, the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach is a means to a variety of ends. These strengths improve the sensitivity of development to the plight of the poor bringing empathy that pre-1990-2000 approaches may not have had.
Nevertheless, the SLA presents practical problems. It has been critiqued as time- consuming making it difficult to maintain commitment for prolonged periods. Livelihood analyses, despite the advantage of working with the reality of complex livelihoods, are often tough sells with potential collaborators. It therefore seems that the blue-chip of the tool is also its bane. It has also been realised that the framework creates a disjoint between policy and people's economic activities. The argument is that although livelihoods may not be compartmentalised, government sectors are, so it becomes difficult to decide where to go for needs to be met in a non-compartmentalised way (Jones & Carswell, 2004).
Another problem coincides with the core issue of this work: conflict. The SLA was developed for situations of political stability, leaving out the question of how the approach would work in politically unstable conditions. Schafer (2002) outlines a number of characteristics that separate political stability from conflict. Political instability exists if:
• sections of the population are being deliberately excluded from enjoying basic rights 52
• livelihoods are highly vulnerable to external shocks
• poverty is a serious problem and
• there is violence or a high susceptibility to violence.
Although I would not argue that the study area is politically unstable to the extent of security and safety being severely compromised, a degree of simmering instability exists. For instance, natural capital, which is a huge part of rural livelihoods, is in "dispute" so that some people do not access resources either because they are prevented from doing so or stay away because the risk involved outweighs the benefits. Almost the whole population can be described as poor using all the dimensions of poverty discussed. Livelihoods are dependent on erratic rainfall and high poverty' compromises resilience to a poor farming season or loss of livestock. These issues impede the suitability of the SLA in its original form.
The limited attention paid to power has brought searing criticism to the SLA, and when proponents concede that the livelihood approach takes a "neutral approach to power issues" (Ashley & Carney, 1999, 35) the critique is solid. That power is linked to poverty becomes clear in the context that powerlessness could present as a cause, aspect or effect of poverty (Moore & Putzel, 2000). That the poor lack power to participate in resource allocation is a cause of poverty, that they lack power makes powerlessness an aspect of poverty and that poor people have lower levels of human capital thus limiting their ability to exert influence makes powerlessness an effect of poverty. If the SLA was developed to help the poor who are usually powerless, ignoring power in the framework is a serious omission.
In this regard, some scholars have attempted to draw together the Political Economy and the Livelihoods Approaches to widen the appeal of the SLA. Collinson et al. (2002), for instance, are of the view that many of the issues addressed by a political economy analysis 53 can also be analysed from a Livelihoods perspective. Schafer (2002) goes further, by suggesting that a thorough livelihoods analysis might answer many of the same questions that a political economy analysis does.
To further enhance the appeal of the SLA, leading scholars in the field have explored the convergence between the Rights-Based and Sustainable Livelihoods Approaches which converge at the base of poverty, power and development. So, instead of thinking of SL and
Rights-Based Approaches as separate approaches to development, Carney (2003) and
Longley & Maxwell (2003) show how the two approaches can be complementary (Table 3).
A. Rights Strengthen Livelihoods by B. Livelihoods Strengthen Rights by Emphasising equity and inclusiveness Emphasising people's aspirations Recognising obligations and respect Recognising people's vulnerabilities Foregrounding power issues Being less confrontational, instead cooperative Prioritising the poorest and their rights Embedding sustainability, continuity Stimulating collective action Being comprehensive and practical in orientation Table 3: Complementarity of Rights-based and Sustainable Livelihoods approaches Source: Extrapolated from Carney, 2003; Longley and Maxwell, 2003
From this point, we can speculate that the new direction in rural development would entail a blend of the strengths of various approaches toward a workable hybrid. If rural development is a participator}' process that empowers rural people to take control of their priorities for change, the key word is "empowers". In Table 3, both sides of the table contain expressions of power; but in Part A, power builds whilst in Part B, it dissipates. If the SLA misses the mark on empowerment because it operates from a "provider perspective" (Shields, 2001), then rural empowerment requires a tone-down on paternalism as the aim is to build a community of socially, economically and politically resilient people living in security, dignity and freedom from want.
The SLA is relevant to the slant and aims of this study for the following reasons: 54
1. Livelihoods in the study area have historically been insecure but the situation with the
environment and herders may worsen that insecurity'. The livelihoods approach is
intended to find a way to improve livelihood security in the area.
2. It is possible that the full range of livelihood portfolios in the study area is underutilised,
so the idea is to record the livelihood options for livelihood planning.
3. With the complementarity between the livelihoods and rights approaches, rights and
privileges for stakeholders, including the herders, would be explored as a strategy for
improving resource access and conflict mediation to enhance livelihoods.
2.7 Aim, Research Objectives and Research Questions
The overarching aim:
Develop ways to mitigate herder-local conflicts based on herders' and locals' spatial notions, resource access and management to improve livelihood security for all stakeholders.
Research Objectives:
1. To develop an in-depth understanding of herder-local conflicts
2. To establish the patterns of local livelihood and vulnerability
3. To understand the dynamics of herder-local territoriality
4. To enhance herder-local capacitv to negotiate mutually beneficial use and access rights
5. To develop a framework for mediating conflicts between herders and local communities.
Research Questions: a. What are local-herder notions regarding space, place and territory? b. What do locals and herders expect of each other in terms of place-based behaviour? c. Are acrimonious relations related to notions of place and expected behaviour? 55 d. In what forms do the associations between herder settlement and territoriality play out? e. What are the composition, gender dimensions and threats to local livelihoods? f. What evidence supports or refutes herder disruption of local livelihoods? g. How does leadership affect herder-local relations and the development of consensus? h. W hat are the resource access regimes and how have these changed due to the herders? i. What mediation could mitigate the propensity for conflict whilst enhancing livelihoods?
2.8 Significance of the Study
Herder-local relations have been marred in West Africa by the overlapping problems underpinned by the search for decent livelihoods. By studying herder-local relations through spatial concepts, sedentarisation processes and territoriality, this study introduces new ways of thinking about old problems.
Firstly, cognisant that alliance making is crucial for herder settlement, an analysis of herder settlement processes will offer more insight into the ecology of the migration as well as a detailed analysis of the politics involved for a clearer picture of herder sedentarisation.
Secondly, there is a dearth of information on the indigenous notions of space, place, and territory in much of West Africa. Information on such notions might provide a spatial explanation for the herder influx and local vexation with the situation. Bv focussing on these, it is possible to develop interventions by building off similarities and differences in notion.
Thirdly, herder-local relations have sometimes been framed within the milieu of resource availability, resource access and the development of conflict. Bv introducing the political ecology of territoriality, the study not only recognises the relevance of political ecology in resource access, but the explicit role of power, influence and local alliances in that access. 56
Fourthly, this study represents the first time herder-local relations are studied alongside livelihoods to ascertain the extent to which claims of livelihood deprivation attributed to the herders are valid. The sustainable livelihoods approach would contribute to our knowledge of local livelihoods to devise interventions with evidence-based information.
Fifthly, this study aims to develop frameworks for mediating herder-local problems.
By adopting a mediation frame of reference (introduced later), the study provides a tool that interveners can draw on to manage herder-local conflict. Sedentarisation in desirable locations would likely continue so a tool that increases stakeholders' preparedness to interact peacefully is thus a valuable addition to knowledge and practise.
2.9 Conclusion
This chapter has provided information on herder migration and the genesis of herder-local problems along with the broad livelihood and development literature. Political ecology, sustainable livelihoods and territoriality provide the conceptual underpinnings although ultimately the study is aimed at improved livelihood security' for stakeholders.
Chapter three discusses the research process to bring readers along on the research journey. 57
Chapter Three: STUDY AREA AND RESEARCH CONSIDERATIONS
3.1 Upper East Region and Tallensi-Nabdam District: Location and Size
Ghana consists of 10 administrative regions (Fig. 5) and 138 decentralisation districts known as District Assemblies. The Upper East Region (UER, which I will sometimes refer
to as northeastern Ghana) is GHANA ADMINISTRATIVE MAP
BURKINA FASO the poorest and the most
NIN environmentally unstable in
the country. It is inhabited
by people of Mole-Dagbani
descent which means that
TOGO culturally and linguistically,
CO TB D IVO they are similar.
The region is
8842km2 large, representing
2% of Ghana's area with its
capital at Bolgatanga. The
UER also comprises nine
districts including Tallensi-
Nabdam, which has an area Figure 5: Ghana, showing administrative regions. Source: ghanaweb.com of 912km2 (Fig 6). Tallensi-
Nabdam is headquartered at Tongo, and was carved out of the Bolgatanga district in 2004.
Even though this research is conducted in Tallensi-Nabdam, it is as much a study of herder- local relations in the Upper East, as it is a study of herder-local relations in Ghana. 58
' J-"Xy Kasaena' Nankana West . / Bongo Kaaaana I • /'K Nankana ) Eaat../ — j f Botgatanga Municipal ! Garu- r TOGO Tallerai - Kabdam
Figure 6: Upper East Region, showing nine districts. Reproduced by Poitras, Dept of Geography, University of Calgary.
3.2 Climate, Topography and Drainage
The climate of the UER is tropical continental consisting of rainy and dry seasons.
Temperatures are consistendv high with the highest temperatures (high 30"C range) occurring in March and April just before the rainy season. Total annual rainfall ranges between 1000—1300mm, peaking in September, although rainfall trends indicate a decline in rainfall amounts to less than 1000mm in recent years (Kranjac-Berisavljevic et al., 2002). Due to the climate, the area has savanna vegetation characterised by xerophytes, dominance of grasses over trees and deciduous savanna forests. The UER falls within the Savanna High
Plains physiographic region characterised by flat to gendy undulating slopes ranging between
180-300 meters above sea level (Dickson & Benneh, 1995). 59
The Upper East Region is endowed with many rivers, streams and ponds. The most important rivers are the Red Volta which drains the east, and the White Volta which drains the farther east and southeast of the region. These rivers are part of the Volta River system, the largest river system in Ghana. In the west, the largest river is the Kulpawn which doubles as the boundary between the Upper East and Upper West regions. Coincidentally, herders strategically travel along these rivers into, out of, or around the region for continued access to water and greener}-. The climate augurs well for animal rearing as the rains are enough to produce grasses that animals thrive on and is why locals in the area are animal rearers.
3.3 Soils and Vegetation
The soils of the region are shallow, well-drained sandy loams, medium coarse quartz gravels, or poorly drained deep alluvial clays which tend to be infertile (Ouedraogo et al.,
2007). Environmental degradation worsens this situation. From the perspective of the savannah however, the area has a rich variety of plants although several important species are depleting due to anthropogenic factors. Definitive savanna trees and common grasses8, the majority of which (grasses) are livestock favourites are shown in Table 4.
Three forest reserves are found in northeastern Ghana. These are the Red Volta
West9, part of the Tankwidi East and Nvokoko (Fig. 7) with a combined area of approximately 400km2. The Red Volta West Reserve, an extensive stretch of vegetation along the red Volta is an ideal draw for both transhumance and more sedentary herders.
8 For more information see Akobundu and Agyakwa (1995): A Handbook of West African Weeds. 9 This reserve extends to the Bawku West district where it is known as the Red Volta East Reserve. 60
TREES GRASSES Common Botanical Name Local Name Common Botanical Name Local Name Name (Nabt/TalUne10) Name Shea Vitellaria paradoxa Tang Elephant Pennistum purpureum Unknown grass Unknown Parkia biglobosa Duo Unknown Pennisetiim Kyemuk pedicellatum Trin. Baobab Adansonia digit ata Tua Unknown (.Panicum repens Kaob Koba linn.), Unknown Acacia dudgeoni Gozie Unknown (andropogon gay anus Muuh/Prema Kunth var. gayanus) Fig Fiats gnaphalocarpa Nkang Thatching H)parrhenia Unknown grass involucrate Stapf Unknown Aj\elia Africana Nkpaliga/Nkpaliga unknown Eragrostis atrovires Saaha (Desf.) Trin. Ex Stead Unknown Daniella Oiiveri Nolig Unknown Ihim (Ischaemum Ibim rugosum salisb), Table 4: Some commoin tree and grass species in northeastern Ghana. Source: Author
Regional Boundary District Boundary Regional Capital Town BONGO DISTRICT Village Roads (first class) - Major Road (rough) f/ 10 BOLGATANGA/MUNIC IPAL Roads (secondary) NYOKOKO Enlarged Footpath FOREST RESERVE River 'Nrniorantinai Forest Reserves Nyogbare (Ptlwigu NV -i- Datoko N Tonyo *~ CD Zanwore 1/ % TALLENSI - NABDAM if ^ V \ P * \ \3. C. m \ \\ CO 1- \ % ^Digar* O CO < i- i / -—4 z ^2 is REO VOLTA Wf ST FOREST RESERVE^ 2 W Q * // ^Nynflu y o GO \ -A CO \ < 1 NORTHERN REGION Not* may not be to scat* Figure 7: Forest Reserves in Bolgatanga Forestry District. Source: Forestry Services Division, Bolgatanga, 2002. Reproduced by Poitras and Author.
10 Sabt and Tallene are the languages spoken in the district. They are Gur languages and are so closely related they are almost interchangeable. 61
3.4 Tallensi-Nabdam: Demographic Profile
Tallensi-Nabdam had approximately 100,000 inhabitants according to the 2000
Population and Housing Census of Ghana. With a 1.1% inter-censual population growth rate, the 2010 population of the district can be pegged at 101,100. This minimal increase can be attributed to poor standing in terms of amenities such as piped water, good schools and health facilities, which severely compromises the district's draw for migrants. Coupled with high mortality in general, population growth might stay minimal for a while.
The district's population density of 110 people per km", surpasses the regional average of 104 and is much higher than the national average of 79 persons per km2. These figures hint at a crunch not just for land, but arable land also, which is worse. We can assume that the age dependency ratio is 99.2 or worse as the area is plagued by high persistent poverty, unemployment, and numerous dependants. This estimate is based on the regional age dependency ratio of 99.2 and the fact that not only is the district young and poor; it is entirely rural. Tongo, has about 4200 people; Duusi, a prominent interior settlement, is inhabited by 4060; Pwalugu a settlement on the White Volta has 2800 people; and Kongo, an historical settlement, has a population of 3500 (Ghana Statistical Service, 2005).
It is difficult to obtain the population of Fulani herders in the studv area as the herders avoid local officials and locals have no definite idea of who lives in their forest.
Based on households I worked with and observed, there are six Fulani households in the
Namoranteng forest and five households in the Digare forest although the numbers could be more as these forests are extensive and herders operate on a need-to-knowT basis. Bv far, the majority of Fulani households are within the Datoko-Zanwore vicinity. Approximately twenty (20) households were surveyed and again, there could be more as herders mentioned 62 other herders I did not meet throughout fieldwork. The odd aspect of herder concentration in the Zanwore-Datoko area is that there are increased chances of interaction with locals from access routes, farms and other villages, which is tangential to the herder preference for privacy. Through a mini-census of herders a few trends emerged: almost all the children under the age of 12 were born in Ghana and every household has them, females appear to outnumber males in the household and members of separate compounds are usually related.
3.5 Social and Economic characteristics of Tallensi-Nabdam District
The Tallensi-Nabdam district, despite being extremely poor, has its economic hubs.
Pelungu and Kongo are noted for active three-day markets with reputations for fresh, cheap farm produce and livestock. Pwalugu is noted for almost continuous fishing and dry season farming. Other economic hubs are the small-scale mining sites which span the territories of several villages, but which are vibrant enough to create identities of their own with names such as Tarkwa, Accra and Obuasi".
On education, the district is doing poorly especially in remote areas such as Digare,
Nungu, Gbane and Baptella. There are 314 schools (overwhelmingly at the elementary level).
Not onlv are most schools dilapidated, they lack infrastructure and staff for effective teaching and learning. The schools are far, compelling pupils in numerous villages to walk over 5km (bevond the Ghana Education Service approved distance) to get to school. This situation obviouslv affects enrolment, retention and performance in school.
" Tarkwa, Obuasi and Accra are names of economically vibrant places in southern Ghana. Accra is the national capital; Obuasi and Tarkwa are leading gold mining centers. 63
The district is similarly doing poorly in health infrastructure and service deliver)-.
There is no doctor working anywhere in the district and there is no hospital. There are three public health centres and nine privately owned clinics operated by medical assistants. For serious conditions, residents travel to Bolgatanga, which is about 20km from the nearest rural area and up to 80 km from the farthest. Residents for whom the Regional hospital is just physically inaccessible seek alternative care. Poverty creates a long financial distance between ill-health and healthcare so that routinely, patients self-medicate or use local remedies, some of doubtful efficacy. This is not, however, to denigrate traditional medicine as bonesetters and herbalists regularly provide health services for little or no financial gain.
The district is connected by dirt roads except for the 15km between Winkogo and
Pwalugu, which clearly has little impact on intra-district connectivity. The clayey, loamy soils make motorability treacherous in the rainy season, and painfully less so in the dry season
(when economic activity almost grinds to a halt). It is the norm for vehicles of all kinds to get stuck in the rainy season. In the worse scenario (which actually exists), some places have no access for cars (in the rainy season). For instance, throughout fieldwork, Digare could only be reached on motorbike until about mid December, and then we had to contend with river sand. The road network inhibits the movement of goods, services and people, but under the current financial position, the roads will remain deplorable for a long time.
3.6 Social, Cultural and Ecological Organisation of Tallensi-Nabdam
By virtue of Mole-Dagbani descent, the socio-cultural organization of Tallensi-
Nabdam is almost homogenous. Communities are organised into a hierarchy which consists of clans, sections and households in descending order. Communities are divided into clans 64 whose members trace their descent to a putative ancestor. Clans are divided into sections with closer ancestral ties and the oldest male is the section head. Sections comprise households governed by a household head who is the oldest male in the household. The household here is not defined merely as people sharing the same living arrangements, but an agglomeration of families which consists of a man, his wife(s), his male and unmarried female children and their families. The head of household takes decisions in consultation with male members of the household regarding issues that affect (or may affect) the household. He is also the custodian of communal household resources such as land and grain. Individual members of the household who need these resources consult the household head who then allocates the resources. However, fathers within a household can allocate their land holdings to their sons, which have resulted in land fragmentation and smaller farms from one generation to the next. Depending on the degree of integration, the various family units collaborate on issues from economic prosperity to dispute management but sometimes disagreements, especially over land, lead to long standing disputes that can threaten social cohesion.
The chief is the political head of a community. Chieftaincy is organised into a hierarchy of paramount, divisional and sub-chiefs. Chiefs adjudicate individual and community conflicts, although western-style courts have annexed some of the traditional powers of chiefs. Innovative chiefs in Ghana have generally repositioned themselves as facilitators of development, but chiefs of such calibre in the district are scarce. A regent
"governs" the jurisdiction when the chief dies until a new chief is enskinned (appointed).
Due to the lack of funds to perform the final funeral rites, which is a prerequisite for the chieftaincy contest to begin, some regents have been de facto chiefs for many years. Other times, contestations around the eligibility of candidates keep the regent in power. This 65 situation is not ideal for community cohesion and development as the regent does not have the full powers of a chief and does not command the allegiance a chief would. But most regents, for selfish reasons are not keen on the enskinment of a new chief.
The ndaan is the spiritual head of the community and like the chief is descended from the original settlers of the land. Functionally, the chief settles cases between residents, takes executive decisions, performs ceremonial duties and oversees the territory. The ndaan is the spiritual hub of the community, asking blessings and warding off evil through sacrifices. He cuts the sod for farming and building, and blesses people's intentions in the land. And like the chief, modernisation has diminished his power.
Kinship groups own land with custody vested in the ndaan of the community'. The right to use land is inherited patrilineally, a right which can be exercised individually or on a family basis. In Ghana, the belief is that land is held for the living, the dead, and the yet to be born (Nukunya, 2003). Although times have changed and indigenous people sell their land, the notion of land being held in trust holds true in the district and acutely so in the farthest parts where land is not viewed as a sellable item.
Traditionally, one can access agricultural or residential land by speaking to the appropriate land owner who in turn informs the leaders. The person will be required to make a token presentation to the chief or ndaan or both to establish some agreement.
However, wide variations exist regarding the procedures and agreements. In some cases, the chief decides to give a person land to setde; in others, token presents are made to the chief, ndaan, chief s first wife and a son of the chief chosen to show the seeker the land. In others, the ndaan is informed, he takes a token and blesses the seekers intentions and then the chief allots the land. If the land is family land, the family informs the chief and ndaan of their 66 intentions and if approved, the family allocate the land to the seeker. Commoners present farm produce to the chief as a gesture of appreciation of living in the land, but tenants on commoners' land make the donation to the chief and not to the person who leased the land.
3.7 Burkina Faso in the milieu of herder migration into Ghana
Ethnic identity is not only a basic characteristic of contemporary persons, it is also an essential analytical device for the obseri'er (Oppong, 2002, 6)
Burkina Faso became independent •too gQO km 100 200 ml
MALI in 1960. It is Ghana's northern
neigbour and shares boundaries Kaya with Togo, Benin, Cote d'lvoire,
Ngourma Mali and Niger (Fig. 8). Probably,
100% of Fulani herders in
COTE Tallensi-Nabdam are from D'lVOIRE Vcyrta Burkina Faso; certainly, all
Figure 8: Layout, Burkina Faso and Ghana respondents for this studv are Burkinabe which Source:("Burkina Faso Map," 2010) means Burkina Faso is an important source region of herders into Ghana. Elephant migrations between Ghana and Burkina Faso have led the two countries to collaborativelv establish "wildlife corridors" to improve wildlife safety and roving space (Ouedraogo et al., 2007). By virtue of this, Tallensi-Nabdam is home to the eastern wildlife corridor with proximity to several villages including Nangodi, Sakoti, Tolla, Shia, Pwalugu, \amoranteng and
Digare (Fig 9). The corridors show the important overlaps between wildlife trails, forest reserves and large water bodies, and contribute to the popularity- of corridors as herder routes. The climatic similarity of southern Burkina and Northern Ghana, coupled with a 67 longer rainy season and fresher fodder for longer have made corridor villages prime settlement options for herders. Burkina has a population of 16 million, and 81% live on less
than $2 a day (Population Council,
2010). The country has 45 provinces
(Fig. 10) and 20 ethnic groups with
the Fulani located in the northeast
(Fig. 11). The Mossi are the dominant
ethnicity at 50% of the population.
The Fulani, pegged at 10% are the third Figure 9: Sign designating community as wildlife corridor. Source: Author largest (E,nglebert, 1996), but Philips'
(2001) estimates there are 700,000 Fulani in Burkina Faso.
It is claimed that Burkina has undergone "Mossification" because of the numerical strength and the historical role of the Mossi in the state (see Englebert, 1996). Although
Mossification implies the skewed socio-political influence of the Mossi, the concept is appropriated from the macro-political level and given meaning in micro, practical terms. In this regard, Mossification means the widespread adoption of More (the Mossi language) by
Burkinabes for socio-economic manoeuvring. Fulani herders need More to work as hired herdsmen in Burkina and find it a handy language when they travel into parts of the Upper
East Region, including Tallensi-Nabdam. 68
Figure 10: List of provinces, Burkina Faso. Source: ("Liste des Provinces du Burkina Faso," 2010)
TUAREO and SOMaHAI
PEUL {FlILANI) ind FOULS E
W h
BOBO '• BWA \V* \lBJSSA V- * < DAGARA rs
icaaaboro / LOBl
so too
Figure 11: Ethnic groups, Burkina Faso (Englebert, 1996) 69
The majority of Fulani who venture into Ghana and/or have settled in the study area are bilingual in More and Fulfulde. Incidentally, the linguistic similarities between Mossi, Frafra,
Mampruli and Kusasi (which are Gur languages) are apt for the transmission of the relevance of Mossification across the border.
Almost without exception, rural people on both sides of the border depend on agriculture and livestock for their livelihood. Socio-culturally, Fulani and Gur speakers, to varying degrees, place premium on cattle. Fulani store their wealth in cattle, but the Gur
(who are sedentary) keep cattle as wealth and for bride wealth. The 1980s wave of Fulani herders migrating from Burkina Faso is thought to have resulted from a policy shift in
Burkina Faso which introduced stricter rules for grazing to control deforestation (Dr. Sullev
Gariba, Personal Communication, 2010). Other (local) views suggest that access to Benin,
Togo and Cote d'lvoire is more difficult as locals there are not as docile as Ghanaians.
Irrespective of the reasons for the influx, the fact remains that as far as Fulani herders are concerned, northeastern Ghana (and Ghana more generally) is a haven for stability and prosperity and there are thousands in the "diaspora".
3.8 Being Fulani "at home" and in the "Diaspora"
The Fulani that migrate into northeastern Ghana are pastoralists in the sense that their lives are built around the "cattle complex" (see Adriansen and Nielsen, 2002) where thev maintain their identity by keeping livestock and finding pasture for them. The behaviour required of the Fulani is known as pulaaku (or 'Fulaniness') which is "the morally correct and prestigious Fulani style of life; all the customs of the Fulani" (Burnham, 1996, 186). Pulaaku is the embodiment of patience, self-control, mental discipline and prudence (munyai); modesty and 70 respect (semteende); wisdom and forethought (bakkilo) and the appearance of stoicism and
introvertedness {pullo). For most Fulani,
Pulaaku is synonymous with being Muslim, as
the Fulani are overwhelmingly Muslim and
played a significant role in the spread of
Islam in West Africa (Philips, 2001).
Since the Fulani influx into Ghana
intensified in the 1970s, two categories of Figure 12: Traditionally clad Fulani men. Photo: Author herders have been isolated: the sedentary7 and the transhumance which 1 refer to as "travellers" and "setders" respectively because essentially the difference between them is embodied in these two words. Setders have given up transhumance for a period greater than two years and graze their livestock within 5-10km of local setdements (Ouedraogo et al., 2007) and sometimes more. Two years is significant because for herders, one herding year is the time they allow to make a decision about the quality7 of the environment and whether to setde. Travellers live the nomadic lifestyle
characterised by "following catde". They
sojourn in an area for a necessary time and
move on, return through the same route, or
use another to their place of origin. The
social structure of the Fulani community
(evident in Ghana) follows gender lines
with specific duties reserved for males and Figure 13: Inconspicuously dressed Fulani boy. Photo: Author females. Males are responsible for the 71 livestock whilst women raise children, milk cows, prepare meals and maintain the compound. Unlike Frafra women who farm just as hard as their men, Fulani woman do not till the land. Older Fulani men dress in distinctive flowing gowns (Fig. 12) that distinguish them from non-Fulani people; boys tend to dress in T-shirts and fabric locals wear (Fig. 13) and can be inconspicuous if they are dark-skinned. For females, inconspicuousness is virtually impossible because of their hair styles, ear piercings and other jeweller)' (Fig. 14).
Younger women and girls emulate older women (Fig. 15), making it more difficult for them to blend in with the local populations as their male counterparts can.
The herders in the study area appear to be closely knit and internally socialise, probably the result of being on foreign soil. They may have friends in the local community
Figure 14: A Fulani woman. Photo: Author Figure 15: Teenaged women with a male relative. Photo: Author but not in the sense where they exchange visits. Visits happen on "neutral" ground, when friends happen to meet. Generally, the herders stand out from locals but they appear unperturbed about that probably because they are proud to be Fulani. 72
3.9 RESEARCH DESIGN
3.9.1 Methodological Choices: (Feminist) Standpoint and Qualitative Multi-Methods
The point of doingfeminist social research is not to score points for political correctness, or to attain methodological purity, but to give insights into [gendered] social existence that would otherwise not exist (Kama^anoglu <& Holland, 2002, 147)
Academic research is categorised into qualitative and quantitative persuasions
underpinned by different epistemological, ontological and ethical logic. The drive to
integrate research traditions has gained widespread momentum in the last two decades
(Bryman, 1987; Bryman, 2006; Creswell, 2003; Philip, 1998). However, the most innovative
approach to methodology is advocated by Elliot (1999) who argues for a paradigm of choices
in which methodological orthodoxy gives way to methodological appropriateness. For this reason, the
central methodological question researchers need to resolve is whether one has made
sensible decisions given the purpose of inquiry and the questions investigated (Elliott, 1999 ).
Paving heed to methodological appropriateness, conducting qualitative research for
this studv is not only suitable; it is preferred and essential for the following reasons:
a. The research setting is bi-cultural so the meaning of actions and utterances need to be
decoded properly to respect respondents and to derive the most from the study.
b. The project investigates people's insecurities using the sustainable livelihoods model,
which may not be captured in detail and complexity using only quantitative methods.
c. The studv deals with conflict, power and marginalization, thus it is important to
recognise and respond to respondents' anxieties and circumstances especially as the
qualitative researcher is also a "bricoleur" (Denzin & Lincoln, 1998). 73
d. The broader picture of the research is empowerment and capacity building so
participants and researchers give a part of themselves toward the realisation of these
goals so a deeper level of engagement is necessary to maximise the potential outcomes
This research draws on standpoint theory which emerged within Marxist philosophy dealing with how oppressed groups (the proletariat) could turn their political predicament into an epistemic resource (Ahlstrom, 2005). In standpoint theory, ideology critique is crucial to the generation of knowledge by challenging the ways of thinking and knowing in order to improve the political effects of research (Harding, 2003). Standpoint theory argues that "the social structures of societies provide a kind of laboratory within which we can explore how different kinds of assigned or chosen activities enable some insights and block others" (Harding, 2003, 296).
Standpoint theorists argue that it takes both science and politics to "see" the world from the vision of the oppressed, and to channel that knowledge into the liberation of marginalised groups (Harding, 2003). The draw of epistemic privilege informed the development of the feminist standpoint which posits the importance of situatedness in the production and understanding of knowledge (Johnston et al., 2001). Feminist standpoint, initially discussing the predicament of women, in the social order "entails some theory of power.
... the exercise and effects of power, and what can be done to change specific power relations and practices"
(Ramazanoglu & Holland, 2002, 5-6). Feminist standpoint is thus mindful of the role of power in the production of knowledge as power can inhibit the generation of evidence; but also offer researchers an opportunity to "couple the process of generating evidence with a process of empowerment", where empowerment is "an individual's or a group's ability to act in spite of or in response to the power wielded over the individual or the group by others" (Rolin, 2009, 219). 74
This research draws on feminist standpoint theory, but the broad methodological goal is to take a "snapshot" (Flick, 2006, 142) of the research problem by examining the relations of knowledge, power and interaction between local communities and the Fulani herders, at the time of the research. Granted that feminist standpoint emerged from issues of marginalisation, injustice, powerlessness, and the status quo, and herder-local relations and conflicts are embroiled in issues of power and powerlessness, poverty and dispossession, and the social and institutional structures that entrap stakeholders, the feminist standpoint is apt for the investigation of issues of interest in this study — how stakeholders (locals and herders) can be empowered to negotiate co-existence and eliminate the subjugation herders and locals feel relative to the other. The feminist standpoint is also apt because it allows for the investigation of the issues from the perspective of local communities as well as herders, it recognises that by their chronic poverty, local communities need assistance to improve their livelihoods, and also because the research goal is to empower both herders and locals to strive toward equitable resource access, livelihood security and co-existence.
As a methodology, the feminist standpoint focuses on the research process to decrease the role of power in the production of knowledge, to draw out the epistemic privilege embedded in respondents' lived experiences, and to channel that knowledge into the empowerment of stakeholders. Such research is thus fashioned to be collaborative and challenges the unequal power relations between researcher and researched (McDowell,
1992). The approach is also about emancipation — the emancipation of stakeholders from the insecurities of their environment, lives and each other. It is about the powerlessness that leaves individuals exposed to varied forms of deprivation and vulnerability. To the extent that almost all stakeholders, irrespective of gender, can be considered as marginalised by 75 virtue of poverty, the power and politics that attend the herder influx and the repercussions thereof, a sensitive, thorough research approach that takes cognisance of the social and political structures pertaining to the problem is essential to the production of knowledge from the perspective (positionality) of the victims who have epistemic privilege.
This study researched the power relations between locals and herders, but the production of knowledge was accompanied by an introspective positioning of the researcher not to unwittingly or unduly influence, intimidate, and/or exploit participants. The strategy involved asking the difficult questions and yet leaving space for participant manoeuvrability.
Another strategy was to carefully analyse the power play between leaders, locals and herders and what that meant for the situation in the area. Lasdy, the research took cognisance of the power issues in a research setting which could affect people's ability to share information.
Qualitative research incorporates voices and does not treat research participants as objects studied in a value-neutral way. Feminist methodologies posit that it is not enough to conduct research, but the moral and political dimensions of such research is important. This project is a multi-method qualitative study combining tools from the qualitative tradition
(Creswell, 2003; Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2006). A multi-method design brings various methods to serve different purposes, to compensate for the shortcomings of each and to triangulate data (Barbour, 2006). The majority of feminist work employs in-depth interviews, since these are thought to require active listening and empathv (McDowell, 1992). Feminist researchers also use Focus Group Discussions but moderate the interaction to ensure that some perspectives are not drowned out because they emanate from the "wrong" voices. 76
3.9.2 Study communities, Sample size and Respondent profile
This study was conducted in four communities in the Tallensi-Nabdam district. The communities are located in the southeast of the district in an area also referred to as Tallensi
East and identified in Figure 16 as Datoko, 'S,amoranteng> Zanwore and Digare and attached forests where the herders have "settlements". The study area's forest management system consists of village-specific forests managed according to common property principles and open access resource areas located far from setdements and available for exploitation by anyone who can make it to those locations. Local communities situate the herders based on the system of "village forests" so herders who live in the Zanwore forest are identified as
"Zanwore Fulani" or "Datoko Fulani" if they live the Datoko forest. Village forests are further divided into sections dubbed forestburbs to convey the local sense of bearing in relation to the larger forest (Figure 17). The idea of forestburbs also helps assign "pinpoint" location to things in the vast area. So for instance, herders may live in the Namoranteng,
Zanwore, Datoko or Digare forest but specifically live in Baanbe Ko/og, Toborabok, Kumbuut or
Sombol respectively, which are forestburbs. I used forestburbs to situate the herders in space and for analytical purposes. Within forestburbs, herders establish "setdements" dubbed hamlets which consist of isolated huts or a collection of one to a maximum of three compounds, demonstrating the Fulani preference for privacy.
In terms of socio-economic and demographic characteristics, the studv communities are very similar and the same can be said for the ethno-linguistic and cultural characteristics.
Population-wise, Datoko has 2100 inhabitants; Digare, 645; i\amoranteng, 1400 individuals; and
Zanwore, 500. Average household size is 7.1 in Namoranteng, 6.0 in Datoko, 4.5 in Zanwore and
3.7 in Digare (Ghana Statistical Sen-ice, 2005). Poverty is extremely high and the area is best 77 described as deprived. Educadon is an unmet need in the area. Digare has no school.
Zanwore's elementary school consists of four trees with very few teaching aids, two trained teachers and one volunteer. Datoko's elementary school dates back to 1951, is in a deplorable state and similarly lacks teachers, teaching aids and furniture. The District
Assembly moved the Namoranteng elemental*}' school from under trees into a school building in 2007. It has very limited furniture, one trained teacher and three high school graduates volunteering as teachers. Expectedlv, the attrition rate from these schools is high due to poverty, poor results, and a general lack of verve to make educadon worth the effort.
Datoko fares the best in terms of health infrastructure as it has a clinic with a medical assistant and birth attendants. Referral patients travel to the Regional Hospital in
Bolgatanga approximately 50km away. People from Zanwore attend clinic 7km away in
Datoko as there is no health facility in Zanwore. In the rainy season, they wade through two creeks to reach Datoko, which is a disincentive to health seeking, not to mention the financial hurdle. Sixteen kilometres from Datoko is Digare which also has no health facility.
Digare residents thus go to the Tolla health center 5km away. Unfortunately, this facility is ill-equipped in terms of staff and medical supplies, treats basic conditions and prenatal checks implying that for serious cases patients go to Datoko, Tongo or Bolgatanga (see Fig.
16) by either walking or cycling (part of the way) as no commercial vehicles serve settlements beyond Datoko. In addition to the two creeks, the people of Zanwore deal with to get to
Datoko, those from Digare cross one large stream and journey through the forest. People from Namoranteng similarly have no health facility. The nearest places are Sakoti (10km) and Datoko (14km) or farther at Tongo or Bolgatanga. 78
BURKINA IFASO / , Widnaba GHANA \oi
, ZebHla
.Bongo tTanga /
Sapalugu
. Sakoti fBolgati igi Binaba. fWinkogt Benz • Namoranteng Kusanaba ,
Datoko Yameriga Zanwora Zongoim.
Digare
VTote Trunk Road Dirt Road Enlarged Footpath 0 5 km I L. _i i i 1
BI RK1NA FASO U East
Northern
BrongAhafo Study Site Ashanti pastern " Location Accra Jwestem^^ GHANA
Figure 16: Study communities in relation to forest reserve, river and major roads. Source: J. Azubila, Forestry Serv ices Division, Bolgatanga, October 2009. Reproduced by: R. Poitras, University of Calgary, March, 2010. 79
% Study Communities Namoranteng
Forest-burb
"/#! Enlarged Footpath
Dirt Road
Red Voita Forest Reserve
Zanwore f
Author's Construct Not to scale
Bapiela
Digare^i
ti^-IslLa /)•
Figure 17: Study communities in relation to some forestburbs in the Namoranteng-Digare belt. Source: Author's construct, Reproduced by R. Poitras, Department of Geography, University of Calgary, March 010. 80
All four of the study communities are farming communities which depend on their own resources to survive. The economic fabric of these communities is painted by the availability of markets. Functioning markets are significant in rural communities such as these because they indicate that the communities have carved niches as viable "trading posts". Except for
Datoko which has a struggling three-day market, the other study communities have no markets. On a general level, the dormant economic domain reflects the area's remoteness, poor purchasing power and troubled accessibility.
Respondent recruitment will be discussed later but the process was guided by one principle: data quality is contingent on depth of data and not the number of respondents.
Data generation continued until data saturation, but with herders, it was evident that data saturation had not been attained at the end of the fieldwork. A total of 109 people participated in the study including the assembly member for the Datoko Electoral Area and the Chief of Digare12. Table 5 contains a breakdown of the composition by community.
Community 18-20 21-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70+ Totals Married M F Datoko 2 2 7 10 3 3 1 28 22 17 11 Zanwore 0 5 6 2 3 1 1 18 17 12 6 Digare 3 3 4 4 2 3 0 19 19 11 8 Nam'teng 1 5 4 7 3 3 1 24 20 14 10 Herders 0 2 4 6 3 2 3 20 20 15 5 Totals 6 17 25 29 14 12 6 109 98 69 40 Table 5: Respondent profile, herder and local communities. Source: Fieldwork, 2009 (See also appendices G and H for more details). All the male and female herders interviewed were married but eleven local participants were unmarried. All the local men considered themselves as farmers and rearers of some
The study villages, and several dozen more, are located within the Datoko electoral area stretching from Namoranteng to Nungu (see Fig 16) and represented by one assembly member. Hence, only one Assembly member could be interviewed. The chief of Datoko declined to participate in the study, Zanwore is a satellite of Datoko so it has no chief and the regent of Namoranteng did not participate saying he is a regent and not a substantive chief. Hence, only the chief of Digare participated in the study. 81 sort. A few disclosed they supplemented income through small-scale mining or making charcoal. All local (not Fulani) women had small farms on which they cultivated "female" crops such as vegetables, pepper and small quantities of groundnuts and beans. Local women also kept chickens and engaged in other activities to help the household.
In Digare, the majority of local respondents were recent migrants into the area and several had been settled less than 15 years in the village. This is peculiar because migration from northeastern Ghana is usually southward in search of seasonal employment. Digare therefore appears to be a frontier and a sort of escape from the beaten paths elsewhere in the district. Datoko and Namoranteng are old settlements and Zanwore is an offshoot of
Datoko trying to establish itself as a village in its own right.
3.9.3 Sampling Techniques and Data Generation Methods
The term "data production " implies that information that is gathered by the researcher is produced in a social process ojgiving meaning to the social world. This is distinctfrom "data collection " which... can imply that "facts" are lying about waiting for the researcher to spot them. "(Rama^anoglu <& Holland, 2002, 154)
The purposeful and maximal variation sampling techniques were used to select participants for the in-depth Interviews and Focus Group Discussions. Observation and visual documentation were used to collect supplementary data, and all sessions were audio- taped to maximise output from the discussions. Purposeful sampling was used to obtain all participants except in two cases (involving herders) where they were recruited through snowball sampling. Maximal variation sampling was used to constitute the focus groups for as diverse a group as possible to benefit from a wider range of opinions13 (Ziebland et al.,
2004). Six focus groups, comprising eight individuals per group, ranging in age from 19-69
13 This nearly became the undoing of one group discussion as one participant was so opposed to the herders he blurted "why so much focus on these Fulani whom we all know to be thieves?" just before he left. 82 were held and consisted of both sexes. The number of men and women per group differed by community: in one group there were five women and three men, in another four men and four women and a third five men and three women. Respondents self-selected into an interview or focus group but could not participate in both.
In-depth interviews (IDIs) feature prominendy in this work as individual data generation occurred through IDIs. IDIs are "conversations with a purpose" ( Mason, 1996,
38) and they allow researcher and respondents to negotiate their place in the interaction. A semi-structured interview approach was also used to allow respondents to "lead" the interview by taking hints from their conversation whilst keeping to the interview guide.
Table 6 represents the composition of data generation method by number and community.
Community Data method Sampling method IDIs FGDs Resp. Datoko IDIs and FGD Purposeful/Maximal Variation 12 2x8=16 27 Namoranteng IDIs and FGD Purposeful /Maximal Variation 8 2x8=16 24 1x8=8 0 Digare IDIs and FGD Purposeful/ Maximal Variadon 11 O 18 f 0 O I Z an wo re IDIs and FGD Purposeful/ Maximal Variation 10 X 18
Herders IDIs Purposeful 20 0 20 Total participants 61 48 109 Table 6: Data generation methods by community. Source, Fieldwork 2009
Keeping to the standpoint of empowering the respondents, the IDI was apt because people could not be interviewed without their consent. I, as a researcher, strove to conduct empathetic interviewers (Herod, 1993) being respectful of, and sensitive to, respondents issues. Since Herod (1993) also argued that ethnicity influences the relations between researcher, researched and researcher's representation of others, sensitivity to the "other" was an opportunitv to elicit and represent locals and herders experiences in a non- judgemental environment, which may not be possible in a group discussion.
The sensitivities that attended the IDIs were transferred to the group sessions. The decision to use focus group discussions (FGDs) was influenced by the recognition that in 83
IDIs respondents could hold back because of the spotlight or recount events that never occurred to justify their position. In a FGD some de-individuation occurs which counteracts this problem with IDIs. As ascertaining the veracity of accounts is a practical reality of the
IDIs, the FGDs were the forum to cross-check facts involving issues considered to be in the public domain. FGDs were used to corroborate information (introduced data for feedback), to reconstruct events (participants' confronting others on their truthfulness and motivations); and to obtain new ideas. FGDs were held after the IDIs and included no participants from the IDIs. Attention was paid to respondent's effect on each other to prevent a few from dominating the discussion and maintain respectful discord. These goals were achieved as FGDs were civil without compromising the interaction.
3.9.4 Data Analysis
Just as data are not lying around waiting to be collected, so meanings are not lying in your data waiting to be found (Rama^anoglu <& Holland, 2002, 160)
Data analysis began when data generation commenced. The aim was to identify and follow-up on certain issues with the same or other respondents. The strategy was to listen to the tapes made each research day and note issues to pursue. The rationale for on-field data analysis was to fill gaps in information before the field season was over. On average, interviews lasted 95 minutes and FGDs lasted 135 minutes. The shortest interviews (2) were
45 minutes each and the longest, conducted in Namoranteng, was 2hrs 15mins and
37seconds. Taken together, 64 hours of interviews and group discussions were recorded with locals. Another 26 hours of conversations took place with the herders. Thematic coding
(Flick, 2006) was used to code data. This is appropriate when: 84
Sampling is oriented to groups whose perspectives on the issue seem to be the most instructive for analysis and which therefore are defined in advance. ... The collection of data is correspondingly conducted with a method, which seeks to guarantee comparability by defining topics, and at the same time remaining open to mews related to them (Flick, 2006, 307). Drawing on thematic coding, each interview was treated like a case study and assigned a by-line to set it apart from the others. Short descriptions of the cases were then developed and the biodata relevant to the case was recorded. The central topics of the interviews were then summarised using open and selective coding to develop a "thematic structure" which gave cases comparability (Flick, 2006) and clarity. Open coding refers to coding in which the data analyst uses words and phrases to extrapolate concepts from the data. Selective coding, which takes open coding a step deeper, introduces more rigour to the analysis by integrating concepts and themes, weighing the salience of phenomena and determining the degree of connection between concepts and perspectives in relation to the central issues under consideration (see Flick, 2006). Ultimately, thematic coding made it possible to "analyse and assess the social distribution ofperspectives" (Flick, 2006, 309) which was the aim of using the method and not data comparison per se.
An (intentionally) integral part of the data analysis process was to read data on three levels- literally, interpretively and reflexively (Mason, 1996). In reading data literally, basic information such as biodata and travel history were retrieved. On the interpretive level, attention was paid to respondents' remarks (ideas, proverbs, anecdotes) and the sub-text to extrapolate the messages respondents were conveying. For instance, one respondent commented that once a dog learns to trot, it is impossible for it to walk. This contained not only the meaning of the proverb but the conviction of the speaker. I evaluated my impact on the research and learned to recognise it when respondents were untruthful about their assets or livelihoods for instance, or when responses were because of the research and not in spite of 85 it, when respondent's facts and opinions changed based on follow-up questions, or when respondents dissociated from an account to protect their dignity, stay out of trouble or put distance between themselves and others.
Recognising that part of the strength of qualitative research is text, the onus is to use text to bring the "findings to life" in a manner that is suitably objective, subjective and ultimately useful both for the academic community and the researched. To do this, a variety of methods were used to produce the text comprising a discussion of convergences, divergences and emerging issues utilising vignettes and poignant quotes and supported by numbers (where appropriate) as well as photographs, tables and maps. Research findings were set to paper thematicaily, according to the objectives in Chapter 2 and according to sub-themes related to specific objectives and research questions.
3.9.5 Field Report'4: Opportunities and Constraints
I got to my residence for the 6-month duration of the research on June 30th, 2009. In the second week of July, I made reconnaissance visits to pre-scheduled study villages and realised the herders had moved from those villages. This necessitated a change in plans, so in the third week of July, 1 went to the Tallensi-Nabdam district assembly to inquire about areas with a significant Fulani presence from assembly members (AM). This led to Charles who turned out to be a great resource for research in the Datoko Electoral Area which is a hotbed for herder settlement. After discussions regarding my research interests in the area,
Charles introduced me to several potential Field Assistants (FAs). Martin Kolog and Albert
14 I worked Monday to Friday and closed early as I had a 4-month old at the start of fieldwork. Even there, I routinely got home after 5pm. Coupled with the rainy season and poor roads, project take-off was verv slow. 86
Kuyare, volunteer teachers at Zanwore and Namoranteng elementary schools respectively were chosen. Charles then became "senior" Field Assistant, organising the dissemination of information to participants, leading introductions and managing community curiosity7. In
Bolgatanga, Chris Adombia was hired as the field driver, but soon crept into the role of field assistant as well, as he showed himself competent. Field Assistants' schedules were community-specific: Martin in Datoko and Zanwore, Albert in Namoranteng, Chris in
Digare and Charles with the herders. Three days (12 hrs) were used to offer training concerning their duties, skills and conduct.
Charles was a great entry point to the Fulani community because as a community leader, he interacted with them regularly, positioning him to develop good rapport and know his way around the forest. Because Charles speaks fluent More he was slated to interpret at herder interviews. Not entirely comfortable with Charles' involvement as an interpreter as well as local politician, we discussed my concerns and decided that with his excellent Frafra, and the linguistic proximity between the two languages, Chris could interpret at herder interviews. Charles, however, remained on the team in an advisory and logistical capacity.
In the first week of August, I attended a Ghana Geographical Association conference in Cape Coast, Ghana. The rest of the month was used to select study participants. First, we visited all study communities, to formally announce ourselves and our intentions to the chiefs and land owners with cola nuts and a token of 1 GHC (SO.7 CDN).
Then, we went from house to house seeking participants. Names of interested individuals were noted and a "screening process" was used to determine the suitability of candidates.
Some were dropped because they had close relatives already in the sample, others were dropped because they were too shy to speak their opinions, and others would not participate 87 without remuneration. Due to the purposeful sampling bias, screening did not aim at representativeness but to prevent relatives in the sample as they were likely to mirror views.
By the second week of September, we had scheduled group meetings. At these meetings, we had research briefings, discussed ethical responsibilities, my status and
associations, using audio and video recorders,
compensation, interview slots, village
schedules, questions and concerns and took
photographs (e.g. Figure 18). We worked
alternately in communities to prevent
participant fatigue and to give ourselves room Figure 18:: Research participants, Namoranteng. Photo: Author to alternate between far and near locations, given the rainy season and the poor motorability.
Concurrently, recruiting among the herders began but the approach was different.
We used the first meetings to initialise rapport and request their participation. We gave them
time to consider their involvement,
collected responses over four days and
compiled a list of participants. There was
no screening due to their limited number
but one person was excluded despite his
Figure 19: "Tracking" cattle favourites in intention to participate. He spoke only Zanwore. Photo: Author Fuljulde, and too much would have been lost translating from Fulfulde into Mossi, into Talleni and backwards. 88
A combination of factors, including initial approach, helped establish excellent
rapport and gain unprecedented access to
Fulani compounds, their way of life and
even kraals, which they seldom show to
strangers. These developments over the
course of the research were immensely
liberating as I was apprehensive about
herder access from my standpoint as a Figure 20: Grazing land adjacent to communities. Photo: Author local. Their limited number made it impossible to avoid interviewing members of the same family; so the sample contained relatives such as a respondent and his wife or brother or son or daughter-in-law (but not the whole spectrum). Despite this, the data was not compromised as they invariably made
different journeys and had been in the area for
varying periods. Wives were from different
villages, engaged in different activities from their
husbands and brought perspectives different
from the men's.
During data generation, we collected
Figure 21:"Road" to herders in samples of grasses and trees (Fig. 19) to improve Namoranteng. Photo: Author our understanding of the people as well as the environment in which they live. The rainy season was perfect for this unplanned aspect of the study as vegetation was in bloom. This improved appreciation of the enrironment as livelihood, and helped to situate respondents' concerns, sense of place and claim to space. 89
The season made it possible to see the landscape as the alluring place it is for herders— lush and "homely". The routines of herder cattle were observed and sometimes confirmed because of the prolonged time spent in some compounds and because the catde
had not been relocated to dry season grazing
areas. There were limidess opportunities to see
the field's locals leave for their catde during
the planting season (Fig. 20). The rainy season
however, produced treacherous conditions.
Full streams and eroded paths added to the Figure 22: Plunging to herders, Digare and beyond. Photo: Author . , , . , transportation problems as herder settlements and Digare were only accessible by motorbike (Figs. 21 and 22). Other times, rain and dirt roads got us stuck in the mud (Figs 23 and 24).
Some respondents were difficult to reach because of the season. We often made pre-arranged trips only to find the person would not be available that day or had to wait an hour (and more) whilst someone went to fetch them from the farm several kilometres away.
Thus instead of conducting three interviews a day, most days we did two, other days we did one and sometimes the trip was futile.
If the farming season was problematic, the harvesting season was worse. Because of the labour intensive nature of farming, locals rely on communal labour during harvesting to reduce losses. Sometimes, we spent days to find a respondent only to be given a list of
"harvesting help" that they needed to give because their own harvest was coming up. Fitting into their farming schedules was a challenge which reduced the number of interviews due to wasted days. We visited relevant sites to increase connection to, and imagery of, these places. 90
Prominent ones were the Red Volta (Fig- 25), dry season grazing area (Fig. 26) and White
Volta (Fig. 27). T
Figure 23: Front tires "sink" near Zanwore. Figure 24: Digging out in Datoko. Photo: Author Photo: Author
Figure 25: Red Volta near Nangodi. Photo: Author
Figure 26: Popular dry season grazing Figure 27: White Volta at Nungu. Photo: area near Nungu. Photo: Author Author 91
3.9.6 Adjustments to Research Proposal
A number of ideas included in the proposal were not implemented due to the manner in which the study evolved just as some developments necessitated certain additions.
These issues are highlighted to show that in some respects, a research process is an organism in which minor problems can generate major adjustments and sometimes change the project fundamentally. The original proposal targeted four types of communities: i. Those that had expelled the Fulani ii. Those that were planning to do so iii. Transhumance Fulani herders and iv. Setded Fulani herders.
The pivotal decision involved changing the study sites because the dynamics in the initially proposed villages (Kangodi, Balungu and Pwalugu) had changed. People in Nangodi had long forgotten about the herders (since they expelled them in 2002). The concern was that the research could reignite the forgotten issues and become a catalyst for agitation which would be contrary to the goals of the study. In Balungu and Pwalugu there was similar internal calm about the herders so the research would have been out of place. In the absence of vibrant local effort to oust the herders, the ambience needed to understand the power dynamics around resource access and conflict development was compromised. As this work is about building livelihoods and not stirring conflict, it seemed the study would be better served in an environment where locals and herders co-exist, albeit gingerlv.
Thus, the general research area (i.e. Tallensi-Nabdam district) was maintained but entirely newT research communities (Datoko, /.anwon, 7\amoranteng and Digare) were selected.
These were selected because: all four have Fulani settlers and one does not have to be in the 92 vicinity for an extended period to realise this. The tense calm between herders and locals is worth investigating to know what works or has worked in order to chart a path that other communities can benefit from. Besides, working from a angle of cooperation was thought to be more constructive instead of emphasising the dysfunction of herder-local relations.
As a result of the timing of fieldwork, it was impossible to include transhumance herders in the research. The transhumance make the southward journey about December-
January and return about May-June. This research began in July, when they had already gone home and ended in December, when they were just beginning to travel back south.
Although it would have enriched the data to include the travellers, their absence did not fundamentally change the objectives and questions of the study. For instance, the study still researched notions of spatial concepts and causes of conflict, what might have been different would have been the perspectives of transhumance compared to settled herders, but since the settled herders appeared to have more interaction with communities.
Changes around the availability of core groups resulted in changes in the number of respondents. The original proposal envisaged interviewing "a conservative" twenty Fulani travellers but as indicated above that was not possible. The original proposal also considered interviewing five settled herders, but eventually twenty settled herders, including their itinerant "veterinarian", participated in the study. This deepened the data from the herder communitv and even in hindsight, the change was a positive development as settled herders are more relevant to the herder-local conflicts than their travelling compatriots. This development naturally led to an exploration of herder integration with the local community, an angle that was absent from the original proposal. The results will show the various ways in which suggestions of integration were perceived and received from both communities. 93
The last change involved researching the experiences of shepherds to understand the dynamics of herder-shepherd relations and to find out what has changed in local resource access as a result of the herders. In spite of these changes, the overall research objectives and questions remained the same but for the revision of one for the original objectives from
"What mechanisms currently exist for local level resource access and use?" to "How resource use rights could be shared for the promotion of livelihood security and multi- stakeholder resource management?" It is hoped that these modifications to the proposal significandv improved the validity, depth and significance of this study.
3.9.7 Autobiography and Ethical Considerations
Social scientists do not have an inalienable right to conduct research involving other people. That we continue to have the freedom to conduct such work is ... the product of individual and social goodwill and depends on us acting in ways that are not harmful and are just (Israel & Hay, 2006, 3)
In any research, researchers make efforts not to abuse participants especially as the title "researcher" confers power that most respondents wiU likely not question. This situation places the onus on researchers to practice ethically acceptable conduct. The ethical mantra was to ensure that the research experience was positive for the research team, participants and research communities, not counting the benefits of the project as a whole.
I adopted the deontological research ethics approach which posits that our
"obligations as researchers7 do not flow from consequences, but from a core expectation that we should treat ourselves and others in ways consistent with human dignity and worth" (Israel & Hay, 2006, 15). This contrasts with consequentialism which suggests that as long as there is a net positive outcome from research, the means to that end is irrelevant. Finally, Ethics of Care (Gilligan,
1977) influenced my ethical choices as it espouses showing compassion to study participants 94
(Israel & Hay, 2006). Ethics of care mirrors aspects of deontological ethics, but is strengthened by an emphasis on researchers' cognisance of power differentials and how researchers can use their position to be caring to participants who need some support.
As this study was conducted with poor people, an ethical approach that de- emphasised power and exuded sensitivity and fairness was apt. These objectives engendered a research approach laced with projecting respect, preserving dignity and encouraging
"teamwork" between the triangle of research team, herders and locals. The autobiography situates researcher dilemma, ethical choices and the broader research approach.
I am a native of Nangodi in the Nabdam area of Tallensi-Nabdam. Nangodi is located 6km from the Red Volta (travelling east) at the shortest distance and 23km from
Bolgatanga (travelling west). Part of Nangodi's "village forest" was ceded to the state with the establishment of the Red Volta West Forest reserve. Despite this, farms in the Nangodi area are located near the forest and/or close to the Red Volta river and locals are allowed hunting and harvesting rights in the reserve. Nangodi is also a designated wildlife corridor as it is a major transit point for wildlife and some herders.
Nangodi is a big village of about 4000 and like any fairly large settlement, it has prominent names of which my father's is arguably the most prominent. This prominence developed for traditional and contemporary reasons. Our (extended) family is one of three
"gates" eligible for the office of Chief of Nangodi, which is an important paramountcy. My father is the first medical practitioner and the only such known professional native to the village. With little doubt, our family is the most educated in the village and for a wide radius around. My mother was the Director of Education in the district for seven years. This job entailed overseeing schools, staffing schools and taking steps to improve enrolment and 95 performance. After her retirement in 2002, she became the assembly member (AM) for the
Nangodi Electoral Area which made the family name even more recognisable. In addition, I have a personal recognition factor based on previous work spanning five years.
From the time herders were perceived as a problem, successive AM had been expected to help locals expel them. In Nangodi and Sakoti, documents from 1997 show such appeals to the district and the regional authorities. On becoming AM for Nangodi, (when scores of herders lived in and around the Red Volta West reserve), my mother, another AM and some chiefs took up the cause to expel herders from the reserve and surrounding forest.
Letters to authorities went unanswered whilst local animosity toward the herders grew.
Amidst the bureaucratic delays, a violent conflict erupted in Nangodi in July 2002 (Appendix
A), which resulted in herders fleeing, but not before the destruction of property.
The occurrences in Nangodi resulted in arrests and detentions, My mother was arrested for "instigating an upheaval" and my father was arrested as an accessory. Several men were detained for their role in the conflict. This event spread far and even made national news. The case never went to court and all those arrested along with my parents were not charged with any crime. But allegations that herders bribed officials to turn against fellow Ghanaians were rife (and persist in herder-related discussions countrywide). Naturally,
1 was enraged about my parents' arrest, for the humiliation they endured at the hands of the police and for the seven men who wound up in prison for 3 weeks for "defending their livelihoods". Prior to these events, 1 knew the herders were in the area but never gave them thought. After the events of July 2002, I paid attention to news involving Fulani and the herders in particular. I was angry and that is how this study took root. Research into the field resulted in a changing perspective and a more liberal view of the herder influx. 96
Several problems emerge from this disclosure. As a local and a daughter of my parents, I anticipated resistance once herders found out about my identity. I was concerned locals would assume I would continue my mother's work and be too enthusiastic about helping me succeed. With a self-proclaimed "enlightened view", I had to walk a delicate line regarding my allegiance. Given the perception of herders as ruthless, shady people, there were cautionary words from friends "to be careful around these people". These reinforced my determination to build good rapport and it shaped my positionality throughout the study.
In hindsight it was a good coincidence that the people of Nangodi had moved on from their brush with the herders. The initial despair regarding accessing new villages gave me pause to reflect on the pros and cons of the recognition factor and coming to the conclusion that the demerits outweighed the benefits. Despite extensive travel in the district,
I had not heard of Digare and Zanwore, and had never been to Namoranteng. This almost eliminated the recognition factor in the three communities but the risk was greater in
Namoranteng where my mother did environmental work and in Datoko where I conducted eight low-key interviews for my Masters. These and meeting Charles made Tallensi east an ideal setting as I could navigate incognito and as well benefit from a large herder population.
To dissociate from the 2002 events, all participants (more so the herders) and curious persons were categorically informed I was not a representative of any governmental or non-governmental institution, political party, or other group. I assured them it was not mv aim to unleash the security forces on them and presented my ethics certificate as proof.
Even though most could not read, they were each given a copy in case a fomenter of trouble came asking questions. Throughout the study, decisions were made to instil respect for participants and I stressed the importance of ethical behaviour during the orientation. 97
Working from a position of sincerity and neutrality was important to me and I modelled for assistants the respect I wished they would convey to participants. I took no liberties because of my position and steered interviews and FGDs in a non- accusatory manner.
The fact that the study area has had litde exposure to research facilitated the capacity for researcher positioning. Being in the area almost daily for 5 months was a new experience for them and frequendv, I got questions about my intentions, what I wanted to know and how long will I be "with us". These were opportunities for interaction which built rapport so good the research team was frequently offered chicken soup, roasted corn, fruit, eggs or freshly harvested peanuts as signs of cordiality. The story was similar with the herders who confessed it was the first time anyone had taken a research interest in them. There was thus a softening of their trademark aloofness in exchange for their stories. We were often offered fresh milk and some gave us a rooster after the interview. Some were just glad to tell their story and others thanked us for our questions. But the story of rapport was yet to come.
Research participants were informed that participation was voluntary and they would not be paid for participating. This created a non-paternalistic environment that allowed the consideration of ways to give back to them. On the best way to appreciate the herders,
Charles suggested that salt would be perfect. So in late December, with salt, we drove into the forest (charting our own path) to meet with herders in the Zanwore-Datoko area. During remarks at the meeting, Mohammed (pseudonvm) said, "now that your work is over when you come to visit bring salt". Why? I asked. "Because now we are friends" he said.
Most locals were less effusive, but impressed nonetheless. One man, speaking for the group in Namoranteng, thanked us for the respect we showed to them as a community. He thanked us for our trustworthiness and said they had people promise to come back w7ho 98 never did. In other communities, some expressed gratitude for our questions and one man openly acknowledged his conviction that our intentions were noble. To thank local respondents for their contribution to the project, we presented school items (pens, pencils, erasers and exercise books) to each participant cognisant that they had wards in school. We also wanted to demonstrate that our appreciation was not just for the participants but the communities also. We symbolised our intentions by presenting teachings aids and basic furniture to Zanwore Primary School which had an enthusiastic group of 212 children and three teachers. Constrained by finance to select one school, the choice was obvious. Datoko and Namoranteng were better off; Digare had no school at all. So instead of presenting rice and oil to participants, supporting education felt like the best thing to do.
In addition to these study area and autobiographical considerations, the following conventional ethical considerations were addressed. All participants were required to give informed consent based on a very general introduction to the study, the option to withdraw from the study at any time, and ample time to address their concerns. Consent was obtained verballv as the culture is oral. It would have been insensitive and indeed, tactless to request written consent. That could have reinforced the power disparity I was relentless to dispel.
All respondents were assigned a code to safeguard the confidentiality of information and anonvmity of respondents. Subscribing to the idea that researchers should consider openlv acknowledging indigenous people for sharing their lives and knowledge (Kimmerer,
2002), respondents were given the option to be identified. Several said ves, but I decided against identifying respondents to forestall any future unintended consequences. No one rejected being filmed or photographed, instead (not surprisingly), they wanted copies of pictures of themselves in the research context which 1 sent back on my return to Canada. It 99 was disclosed that some of the photographs will be put in my book but will not be tied to data, which is why the pictures of participants appear in the dissertation.
Some ethical choices made were squarely rooted in the ethics of care. Two incidents particularly stand out in this regard. In Datoko, an interview was interrupted because the respondent's grandchild (about 4 years old) had convulsed. The child was rushed to the health centre. We terminated the interview, promised another meedng and unbeknownst to the respondent, went to the clinic and found the mother preparing to go home without medication because she did not have approximately 60c. We purchased the medicine for them and closed for the day. She told her father in-law of the events at the clinic but to his credit, he did not appear eager to please when we continued the interview a few days later.
The other case involved a herder's daughter we first met at her school, unaware she was related to a participant. Whenever convenient 1 encouraged her to stay in school as the only daughter of her father. On one trip to their compound, we learned there had been a death in the family—a 13-year old had succumbed to an undisclosed disease and the men had gone to "find a place to bur}- her". Our friend's eyes were crimson, yet she came to courteously greet us in English. As she was so grief stricken, we stayed with her for a time... not saying much, yet comforted to spend time with her in her time of grief, however brief.
It is hoped that these ethical choices made the research a rich, positive experience not just for data, but for participants and the research team. I hope that my conduct would not muddy the waters for researchers that come after me and that openness throughout the process encouraged participants to volunteer truthful information that will be useful to the problem and stated objectives for the collective good sometime down the road. Figure 28, the "research map", represents the considerations of the study and the intended outcomes. 100
Main Research Goal: Develop a platform for herder-local cooperation
Research Objectives d Research considerations
V Theoretical Methodological Ethical Practical Issues Underpinnings Considerations Observances
Political Ecology: Feminist /^Deontology: Researcher herder sedentarisation, Methodology: Research process background resource access, Research important to power, leadership and positionality, outcome, positive Season and poor disputes. reflexive research, research motorability power and environment, Spatial Notions: collaboration in Researcher Research timing notions of space, place research. Reflexivity. and non-setded and territory; herders territoriality, Qualitative Ethics of Care spatial notions and research: Support for Audio conflicts. FGDs respondents, transcriptions IDIs Sensitivity to Sustainable respondents' Livelihoods: Landscape and socio-cultural local livelihood ethnographic environment portfolios, livelihood photographv, viability, livelihood Audio recording intervention
X Z Research findings
Research Outcome: mediation and livelihood frameworks
Figure 28: Research Underpinnings, Considerations and Issues. 101
Chapter Four: The Lens: Perspectives on Space, Place and Territory
Place is ... a way oj seeing, knowing and understanding the world. When we look at the world as a world oj places, we see dijferent things. We see attachments and connections between people and place. We see worlds oj meaning and experience. ...a way oj seeing that has more space than place (Cresswell, 2004, 11)
4.1 Introduction
This chapter explores ways in which space, place and territory become tangible to locals and herders alike. It focuses on herder life histories of sedentarisation as a precursor to the issues of positionality and territoriality as they become relevant later in this work. The chapter also aims to demonstrate how the spatial lens not only presents opportunities for multi-faceted solutions, but illuminates the dialogue that makes simple issues, seemingly simple.
It is hoped that at the end of the chapter, some traction would have been gained for appreciating that people may be place-oriented in thought, but there is a way of "seeing" that potentially provides more space than place. The chapter discusses journeys to sedentarisation, notions of spatial concepts, place-based conflicts and expected behaviour.
4.2 Journeying to Sedentarisation: The Migratory "Routes" of Fulani Herders
Sedentarisation is a derivative from sedentary used here to explain the processes involved in the eventual relocation of herders. As indicated earlier, the herders in this study are from Burkina Faso, who made different journevs to their current locations; journeys that help to categorise the herders for practical and analytical purposes. Narratives are used to highlight conditions that open spaces for herders and show the dynamics involved in herder selection of space to demonstrate the role of movement and pause in turning nature into culture. Implicit, of course, is the quest for greener, healthier, juicier grass for the herd. 102
Following the patterns of movement and pause, the herders are described as
Intermittent Nomads who move with the intention to settle as opposed to travelling herders who purposely make oscillating journeys. Intermittent nomads setde for years, whereas travelers pause for up to a few weeks and move on. Intermittent nomads develop place attachment even under difficult circumstances but for most travelers, place is ephemeral, although they may have favourite places along their routes. Based on herder's travel histories, I categorise five types of sedentarisation process — "Alhaji", 'Yusuf', "Naba",
Happenstance, Atypical —to illustrate the complexity in herders' migration experience and later show how these histories influence positionality and behaviour in the broader context.
4.2.1 "Alhaji" Sedentarisation
Alhaji sedentarisation is the process by which a herder settles in an area with the help of an "Alhaji", where Alhaji is a generic pseudonym for the facilitator, and not one who has necessarilv been to Mecca. In the Namoranteng-Digare belt'3, Alhajis were involved in the settlement of four herders. Whilst it is clear in two cases that the same Alhaji facilitated settlement, it is not certain that he was involved in the other two cases. This is because the respondents used what sounded like the same name and suggested he lived in Yeln>ongob.
These two also ended up in the same area as the previous two this Alhaji assisted. If he is the same person, this Alhaji has had ties to the study area for 40 years!
15 This describes forests spanning the Namoranteng, Datoko, Zanwore and Digare area. It includes the Red Volta West Forest Resen-e stretching as far as Bapiella and Nungu, the southernmost reaches of the Tallensi- Nabdam district. It also includes the forests along the Red and White Volta Rivers within Tallensi-Nabdam. 16 This is a vibrant, border trading setdement on the Burkina Faso side of the Burkina Faso-Ghana border. 103
Alhajis have a vested interest in the cattle business, invariably entrust cattle to the herders, usually have a home in a border town, identify as Ghanaians and have contacts to see to the safe settlement of the herders. Some herders maintain ties with Alhaji, but others sever ties with them after a while. The following vignettes illustrate how Alhajis orchestrate herder settlement in the Namoranteng-Digare belt. All herders are identified by pseudonyms.
Mustafa is about 58 years old. He was born in Pissila (,Sanmatenga Province)17 and lived there for between 25 and 28 years before moving to Po (Nahouri Province) for ten years. From Po he made another journey across the border into Ghana and settled in Zanwore. He moved to Po with his father who died there and still has relatives in Po. Mustafa confirms his move to Ghana was propelled by the quest for fine grass for his herd when the grass deteriorated in Po. He met Alhaji in Po and they talked about his plans to come to Ghana. Alhaji assured him he could arrange to get him a place in Ghana. Mustafa will not reveal the details of the journey to Zanwore but says that once he and Alhaji "were in the village at the same time" Alhaji took him to greet the Ndaan so that "he mil be aware of me here". He also introduced him to the Chief and a local named "Zong". To greet the leaders, they each presented a rooster. That was 16 years ago. Mustafa has been joined by his wives and children; he has a sizable farm and seems content... for now.
Hamdan is 64 and has lived in the Namoranteng-Digare"1 belt for 38 years. He is emphatic that at the time he settled in the area, Datoko, Biung and Nungu were settled but not Bapiella, Digare and Tolla. Hamdan hails from Boulsa (Namentenga Province) and lived there until his early twenties when he moved to Yelwongo (Nahouri Province). After 7 years in Yelwongo, he decided the conditions had deteriorated and had also heard of better conditions "ahead". He told his uncle in Feo (a borderland on the Burkina side) that he wanted to move to Ghana and if his uncle's contact Alhaji-a well-travelled, well- known Koranic teacher—could assist him. Alhaji assured him that he could get him into Ghana. He entrusted some cattle to Hamdan, and got three men to accompany him into Ghana because "Ghanaians did not know us and did not want us here ". On arrival, he chose a space and settled and then the men went back to Feo. After a while Alhaji came and took him to greet the village chief. Hamdan explored the forest over time and after several relocations determined that his present location is ideal. His grown sons have moved further south to minimise risk. After four decades, Hamdan still has Alhaji's cattle and is in contact with him. He also has several prominent "masters "from large towns and tillage chiefs herding 96 cattle in all. He still "follows the cattle" despite his age and has no plans to migrate in the foreseeable future.
rMost herders use the capital of their home province as their hometown and the stops they mention are cities or big towns. It is more likely thev stayed several kilometers off these settlements but use them because thev view these settlements as more relevant in a spatial sense than the actual location. Places will be qualified bv the province in Burkina Faso. Figure 10 would help with the general locations of places mentioned. 18 Where it is deemed that specific details of location could point to a particular herder the specific location is not named in favour of Namoranteng-Digare belt. These are wealthy individuals-politicians, senior civil servants, businessmen-who entrust their cows to herders for better care and to increase their herd. 104
Sulky was born in Koupela (Kouritenga Province). At 26 be moved to Yelwongo with his own herd and lived there for 12 years. When he moved to Yelwongo, he had less than 10 cows but in Yelwongo his herd increased to 15 and he decided to migrate to Ghana. His aim was to cross the border unaided and settle in the Ghanaian border village of Bongo Soe. Whilst there he became friends with Alhaji and enlisted his help to travel deeper into Ghana. Alhaji entrusted cattle to Sulley and assured him he will work it out "in his capacity as a native of Ghana". Alhaji made "papers'*20 that Sulley carried during the crossing with escorts Alhaji provided. In total, Sulley has been in Ghana for 21 years. He spent 7 years in the Namoranteng-Digare belt, moved to Walewale (Northern Region) for 8 years, settled in Kpesenkpe (Northern Region) for one year and has been back in the belt for 5 years now. He has always had entrusted cows and has an impressive list of "masters" including five local chiefs, a wealthy businessman and a FOREX bureau operator. Sulky and Alhaji severed ties due to confusion with the herding contract and has since not been in touch with him.
Hamdan has been settled in the Namoranteng-Digare belt for forty years proving that herder settlement in Tallensi-Nabdam is not a recent development. Sulley's Alhaji experience varies slightly and his sedentarisation has been serpentine pardy because he is a somewhat resdess soul, a tendency facilitated by his "brothers" who are settled in other parts of Ghana making it convenient to put his restless feet to the test. LatiPs Alhaji journey is unique. Unlike the previous three who found and entered agreements in the borderlands,
Latif found Alhaji, travelled and familiarised with him, before business was established.
Tatif comes from Boulsa (Namentenga Province) and lived there until he was 15 when his family moved to Manga, Zoundweogo Province. He lived in Manga until age 23 and decided he had enough to leave home so he scouted for a place to relocate. Although his account indicates that he came straight from Manga to Datoko, the actual process included "factfinding missions" to Yelwongo and later to Bolgatanga. The trips were to find a master, enter a herding contract and move into a place his master would suggest, subject to his (Latif s) approval. In Yelwongo, he met Alhaji who expressed interest in working with him. This Alhaji, according to Luitif is so wealthy he has a house in Yelwongo and houses in Bolgatanga. After a visit to Bolgatanga to know the Alhajis house, they visited potential settlement sites and decided on the Datoko forest. They went back to Yelwongo where he formally took the Alhaji's cattle, then went to Manga, added his seven cows and made the trip to Datoko whilst Alhaji finalised arrangements for his arrival. He did not go to greet the Datoko chief or any local leader because that was done in the previous journey. He has kept his distance from the chief although he has been settled in Datoko for 20 consecutive years. Through Alhaji's contacts, he has custody of 36 cows belonging to masters. He maintains ties with Alhaji and contacts him for medical bills as part of the herding contract. Because of his many masters, Tatif wants to remain in Datoko.
"° I could not confirm the nature of the "papers" as the respondent had lost them years ago. 105
4.2.2 "Yusuf' Sedentarisation
"Yusuf" refers to a person who helps a herder gain access to a targeted area. Yusufs are usually friends or relatives of potential settlers and are themselves sedentarised herders.
They do not cultivate business relationships with the intended settler. The process is riskier and requires more daring as migrants dealing with Yusufs are completely on their own. This arrangement frees the Yusuf to continue his work but also protects him (Yusuf) in case something goes wrong. If the potential setder encounters any resistance, he would not mention Yusuf. However, Yusufs remain anxious about those en route until they have arrived safely. Yusufs do not introduce the new settlers to local leaders but offer advice on where to go and whom to see. Settlers sometimes strike good friendships with local leaders.
Some Yusufs move to other locations leaving their "protege" behind, but others continue to live in the area. Six variations of the Yusuf settlement are described.
Fatawu is a 41 year old native ofDjibou (Soum Provincej and has lived in the Datoko forest for 10 years. Before coming to Datoko, he travelled with his family (age seven) to Boulsa where he stayed for 11 years. Over the 11 years in Boulsa, he made a friend who later moved to Ghana and who on visits home spoke favourably about Ghana. When Fatawu's father died in Boulsa he decided to "move ahead". Although he heard that the Datoko area had "sweet" grass he acted independently and went to Boussougou (Ba^ega Province) for 9 years. And when Boussougou failed to meet his needs, the conversations with Yusuf took on new meaning. He made arrangements with Yusuf and took the route Yusuf had prescribed. Because he was in Ba^ega, they made the journey through Zoundweogo; travelled past Zabre (Boulgou) and entered Ghana at Zoa (Bongo district); travelled through Tilli (Zebilla West District) came to Namoranteng and proceeded to Datoko along the Red Volta. When he arrived, Yusuf introduced him to other herders and showed him potential spaces to settle but did not take him to greet the leaders. Because of Yusuf, the transition to a new place was smooth as he gave him directions on where to get fresh grass, water, and cautioned him on where the farms were located. Yusuf has since migratedfrom the area.
Sometimes, Yusufs are relatives and the variations in the nature of the relations have a bearing on who migrated and what happened after.
-1 See map of Upper East Region (Figure 6). 106
Sadik is 50years and was born and raised in Pissila (Namentenga). He has been living in Datoko since 2004. At the age of 14, his family moved to Tougouri (Namentenga) where he livedfor 10 years. From Tougouri, he moved to Po (Nahouri) with a few cattle of his own. He left Tougourifor Po not to find the best grass, but to make a living independent of his father. So good was Po that he stayed there for 22 years. His motivation for the move to Datoko was grass as in Po "the cows were not getting satisfied". He came to Ghana to visit his brother (Yusuf), and liked what he saw in Datoko so he went back, arranged for his family to come by vehicle, whilst he and his sons came on foot with fifty cows through Yelwongo, Zoko, Zieu, Nangodi, Namoranteng, and Zanwore. Yusuf still lives in Datoko, the two have a good relationship, their compounds are within sight of each other, and they share visits almost daily. Sadik, did not pay Yusuf, neither does Yusuf expect reciprocal favours of a business nature. Sadik is not in any herding contracts but I could not ascertain why.
In 60 year old Issa's case, Yusuf is his brother in-law. Issa comes from Boulsa (Namentenga). And unlike his brother-in-law who moved around quite a bit, Issa stayed in Boulsa and reared cattle until he was 50. On a trip to Zanwore to visit his in-law, he realised that "my cows were suffering in Boulsa" so he decided to move to Datoko with the understanding that on arrival, his in-law will help him settle. Whilst his wives, children and grandchildren made the trip by vehicle through Boussougou, Zabre, Yelwongo, Bolgatanga to Datoko (more likely one of the adjacent mining sites), he was smuggled through the forest into Kusasilanf2. His sons, who made the trip with the cattle through the Boussougou-Zabre route, met him somewhere along the Red Volta East Reserve and together they brought the cows to Zanwore. Yusuf had been settled in the Zanwore area for a long time and movedfurther south because his grown sons moved there. Issa says that at his age, he is not willing to move any further, but his sons who came with him are free to explore. According to him, apart from "being an old man", the conditions for his cows in Zanwore are satisfactory. He has a few masters in Bolgatanga who have together entrusted 15 cows to him. His own cattle (excluding his sons') are 20. Issa plans to return to Burkina Faso if he needs to or wants to move.
For 72 year old Bawa, the Yusufs are his sons. Bawa looks frail and frightened. He might be missing some memory because although he knew where he had been the numbers were fu^y. However, the inaccuracy of the numbers does not detract from his journey to sedentarisation. Bawa has been in Digare for three years after spending time in Kaya, Boina and Boussougou working as a contract herder. In boussougou, he had access to grass through a forest reserve which he may have been using illegally. Due to a crackdown by forest guards he left. His two sons in Digare, together possessing 65 cows, agreed to have him live with them. One son travelled to Boussougou and together they made the trip to Ghana. Bawa is filled with trepidation which is uncharacteristic of a Fulani. His living arrangements could explain his aura. In addition to owning no cattle, he depends on his sons for sustenance. And at 72, he sleeps at the kraal to protect the cows whilst his sons sleep at home a distance away. This is a reversal of roles as younger men sleep at the kraals. This may have dented his self respect especially if he lived the austere Fulani lifestyle in his youth.
22 Kusasiland is in Bavvku VCest District (Figure. 6). The people are predominantly Kusasi, 107
Rahman is in the Namoranteng-Digare belt on account of his brothers. Although he looks tired like Bawa, he shows little apprehension compared to Bawa.
Rahman is 66years and has migrated three times in his herding life, and always at the beckoning of his brothers. He was born in Koupela and lived there until he was 33. At the invitation of his brothers, he moved to Ziu and lived there for 28 years not herding cattle, but travelling to and from Ghana on a contract basis selling cattle. The business involved travelling with a cattle dealer as the "cow expert" responsible for the wellbeing (health and fattening) of the animals en route and at the destination in southern Ghana. The contract involved staying with the cattle dealer until the last cow was sold and then he got paid, and took a car back to Burkina in search of a new contract. Because of this line of work, Rahman is well travelled in Ghana having been to Accra, Obuasi, Takoradi and Kumasi, and by default all the big towns and small villages along the route. Five years ago, he decided to retire and at the invitation of his brothers migrated to the Namoranteng-Digare belt with his two wives and three grandchildren. He disclosed that he could have turned down his brothers' invitation "but if you live in a land without any relatives there is no peace and happiness". Compared to his brothers, Rahman is not doing well as a herder. It could not even be established that he had cattle, but unlike Bawa, he did not appear subordinated. He has a compound, a farm and probably a greater sense of personal worth.
Other Yusuf sedentarisation occurs in cases such as Ibrahim's where Yusuf is a parent who brought his children along in his journey. Now an adult, Ibrahim set up a compound close to, but independent of, his father's to see what he can make of himself.
Ibrahim came with his father to the Namoranteng-Digare belt at age 13 and they have been settled for 25years. Unlike others his age who came as men, Ibrahim matured into a man in the area although he was isolated from the local community and did not interact with shepherds when they met. Currently, he herds cattle, has a few of his own, and helps with his father's. He also volunteers as a Koranic teacher to Fulani children from Bapiella, Yelwongo and Sankaase. Ibrahim did not have to plan a strategy for the southward journey although he participated in the walk into Ghana. He settled with his father because he does not desire to be separated from him and will move if his father makes the call. He has the occasional problem with locals and sometimes relies on his father's contacts to resolve them. This gives him a measure of security that others his age, and probably older, do not have.
With time, the number of herders with Ibrahim's background will increase as there are many boys who were not born in Ghana but came with their fathers or joined them later.
Another dimension, which is not mature at this time, involves the sedentarisation of children born in Ghana. These Ghanaian-born Fulani would acquire their herd in Ghana, and not have the experience of cross-border travel with cattle and may not have to deal with settling 108 in a new area, especially if they do not migrate. It would be interesting to see how this affects their positionalitv, territoriality and whether they become lifetime pastoralists.
4.2.3 "Naba" Sedentarisation
Naba means chief Talleni/Nabt. "Naba" sedentarisation derives from the express permission herders get from local leaders to setde. In a restricted sense, Naba refers to the chief, but occasionally it includes the land custodian (ndaan). Naba setders are on excellent terms with the local leaders sometimes including the assembly member. Mostly, the Naba- herder relations develop so well herders have become untouchable as Nabas unabashedly support them when issues arise. This is why most herders covet the ears of the Nabas.
The outstanding case in this category is that of 62 year old Ham^a from Nawungo (Kouritenga). Prior to coming to the Namoranteng-Digare belt, he lived on the outskirts of Koupela, (Kouritenga) for 35 herding years. From Koupela, he moved to Yelwongo and settled for 19 years. He always had Ghana ambitions because of relatives in Wulugu (Northern Region) and assumed he would be headed there when he made the trip. At the adjudged right time, he made a trip to Wulugu, decided the place was suited to his needs and went back to organise the move. He intended to leave his family in Yelwongo, find a space in Wulugu and then bring them. On foot from Yelwongo, he travelled with his sons through the now eastern corridor and stayed in Nangodi for three weeks resting the cows. On the road again, serendipity happened: When 1 got here (the village), I decided to go and greet the chief He asked me where 1 was going and I told him to Wulugu. He asked if I knew people there or I wasjust loo king for good pasture. I told him I was going to settle with my relatives but good pasture was the reason for the trip. Then he said to look around, if I found a place I wanted I should inform him. When I showed him the place I deemed alright for settlement he suggested I move closer to the village but I declined because the cattle could destroy the farms. I told him I would settle farther away from the village. In the beginning I was closer to the tillage and then I moved around until I found this place. So, on a whim to greet the Naba he ended up with a herding contract and has been settled in the same area for the last 26 years. Ham^a admits the Naba connection has given him access to other Nabas and privileges other herders in the Namoranteng-Digare belt only dream about. He has had several brushes with the local community. Nine years into sedentarisation, he nearly became the victim of a mob as local women wanted to take the thorns used to fence his farm as firewood because they ignite easily, produce less smoke, and burn longer. On one occasion, when he confronted her the woman went home with a story that the Fulani were "disturbingher. Aboutforty men marched into the forest to confront him but the timely personal intervention of the chief (at the herder's compound) saved the situation. After an investigation, the Naba determined that the woman was not truthful so he adjudicated the case in Ham^a's favour and warned that "if anything happens to us he will be the first to cause their arrest". Ham^a is secure, he has no plans to move and the evidence abounds. His compound is built of mud, roofed with thatch; there is a bathroom, a sturdy mosque and grandchildren in school. Adults have voter's ID cards and the compound has an ambience ofpermanence. 109
4.2.4 Happenstance Sedentarisation
Happenstance suggests that the settler had an original destination in mind when he set out but did not proceed to that destination because he found a place more suited to his circumstances or needs. In Happenstance, the herder must use his own resources to secure a stay especially as other herders do not know him and had no idea he was on his way.
Iddrisu is a 40 year old from Boulsa (Namentenga) who has been living as a Zanwore Fulani for five years. At 17 he moved with his own and his father's cattle to the Fada N'Gourma (Gourma) area where he lived for another 17 years. Iddrisu has relatives in Fumbisi (Builsa DistrictGhana) whom he visits occasionally. When he wanted to move from Fada, he went to Fumbisi and ventured into the gracing areas to inspect the conditions and to decide whether the move to Fumbisi was worth it. Within a week he decided to go and bring his herd to coincide with the dry season (when moving south occurs). So he embarked on the journey toward Fumbisi travelling with his 26 cows through areas such as Koumi-Yanga, Wariga, Bittou, Yungu, Zorga, Zebilla, and travelling across and along the White and Red Volta rivers. At Zanwore, he made a scheduled stop to rest his team. Through conversation with other herders he got the impression it might be a better place so he lingered awhile, committed to stay one rainy season, and has since not left. He rather redirected his family from Fumbisi to Zanwore. During the year he made inquiries about gaining security of stay. Some suggested a meeting with a cattle dealer from Tongo whilst others suggested talking to a local from the Zanwore area (a Naba). Since the cattle dealer is just influential and the Naba has ties to traditional lands, Iddrisu decided that talking to the Naba was safer. With a token of cash, he went to see the Naba who instructed his son to go with Iddrisu, know where he lives, inspect the land he had settled on and report back to him. Since he settled, his herd increased to 38 and he has 13 cows entrusted by local farmers. Iddrisu appears well travelled as far as Ghana is concerned which is a function of the spread of his relatives: apart from relatives in Fumbisi, his sister lives in Karaga (Northern region), his distant relatives are in Yendi (Northern region) and another group lives in Tamale (Northern region). It appears those in Tamale have cows but are not personally involved in managing them.
4.2.5 Atypical Sedentarisation
Although this studv documented one case of atypical sedentarisation, references to relatives engaged in something other than herding indicates that atypicals are fairly common.
There is not enough to generalise about atypicals, but the main yardstick is the rejection of pastoralism as an economic activity- or way of life, although they may have cattle because in some respect, to be Fulani is to have cattle. They also tend to move fluidlv between local and herder communities raising the question of how they can assist in local-herder relations. 110
Abdallah is 27years old and has been living in the Namoranteng-Digare belt since 1998. He is the son of a well respected herder and has two homes, one at the Tarkwa mining site where he sells livestock medicines, cigarettes, batteries and non-perishable provisions and the other at his father's compound where his wife and three children live. His journey to sedentarisation spans three countries plus Ghana. This odyssey began in Boulsa (Namentenga) when he was born. From an early age, he lived with his grandmother as his father was in Ghana so he did not herd cattle. At 17, his father suggested he take classes to be a Koranic teacher. He went, but lasted only 20 days because he was constantly hungry but instead of going home, Abdallah fled to Benin and later to Togo unbeknownst to his father. In Benin, he found a job selling used clothing. That adventure lasted three months after which he travelled to Lome, Togo and became friends with a soldier of Burkinabe origin who had a business selling cold water. He worked with him for 6 months and then got gravely ill. Unsure if Abdallah would make it, the soldier took him to Fada N'Gourma in Burkina where he was admitted to hospital for a month. Meanwhile, a message was sent to his family in Boulsa. Within two weeks his father arrived in Fada from Ghana, thanked the man for his goodness and brought Abdallah home to Ghana. When he was sufficiently strong his father gave him 1000 Ghana cedis (about $700) to start a business but he squandered the money and spent the next five years loitering at Tarkwa mining site because he was too embarrassed to return home. In 2005, Abdallah struck a friendship with a financier (Mensa) at the Tarkwa mining site and they travelled south together where he entrusted his cows to Abdallah despite his lack of experience herding cattle. Apparently, Mensa was impressed because afterjust a year, he paid Abdallah the equivalent of $2000 dollars and feeling redeemed from his earlier financial indiscretion, went home. He used $1500 to buy five cows which he entrusted to his family and used the rest to start the business at Tarkwa. He has no plans to move as he is economically established and has a repaired relationship with his father. By 2009, Abdallahs cattle had increased to nine. He does not participate in herding the cattle in anyway and does not pay his family for increasing his wealth in cattle. He has a son and a daughter. Abdallah's father is training his grandson in pastoralism. For someone who is detached from herding cattle, spends only necessary time in the Fulani environment, and is not particularly enthusiastic about being Fulani, he is (surprisingly) adamant that he does not want his son to lose his Fulaniness (pulaaku).
Abdallah moves fluidly between herder and local communities attending local festivals, has friends in many villages and engages his friends in board games. Unlike fellow
Fulani who mav speak imperfect local languages (in this case Tallene), Abdallah is fluent in
Tallene, More and Fulfulde. He is called to assist to resolve petty fights or translate in farmer-herder conflicts. He is criticised for his lax commitment to pulaaku but becomes a cornerstone when a Fulani herder has a score to settle with a local, or the reverse. Ill
4.3 Same and Different: Fulani and Local Views of Place and Place Attachment
¥ or the Tuareg of Mali notions of space and place are contingent on "the perpetual and predictable movements ofpeople, water and of animals" (Berge, 2001, 182)
To understand the significance of territory-or any of its manifestations such as nations, states, landscapes or homelands- it is useful to begin by thinking about the raw material which supports such constructs. This raw material is something that is called space... (Penrose, 2002 , 278)
The Tuareg are semi-nomads who live in the Sahara and Sahelian countries of Africa
(Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Algeria and Libya). Semi-nomadic implies that in addition to having permanent home bases, they make to and fro journeys with their livestock. They gravitate toward wadis (ephemeral desert rivers or streams) and have conceptualisations of place that conform closely to water in the wadi and their semi-nomadic lifestyle.
Implicit, and sometimes explicit, in the vast literature on place is the idea that it is
"rootedness", "boundedness" and "dwelling". Dwelling in the sense that place is the confluence of the natural and human worlds (Heidegger, 1971, see Cresswell, 2004). Place has also been tied to human consciousness such that to be human is to be conscious and to be conscious is to be conscious of one's relation with the world (Relph, 1976). However, the evidence from Berge (2001), Massey's (1997) "Global sense of place" which celebrates "routes" over "roots" as well as nomadic metaphysics (Cresswell, 2004) suggests that although place may imply rootedness and being, it is not the only way to think about place and other spatial concepts. These developments present opportunities for the exploration of nomadism and sedentarism in ways that recognise the situatedness of knowledge, to consider herder and local views of space (%ee~), place (n\ee) and territory (n\ee) and wThat it means to explore a space or have a place in local and herder parlance, and across the cultural divide.
23 Tallene or X'abt words for space, place and territory. Notice the personalization that occurs with "n" 112
4.3.1 Conceptualisations of Space and Place
4.3.1.1 Local notions of space and place
An inductive approach was used to get at notions of space and place in local communities. These were generated from lived experiences, reasons and decisions because important information is relayed through anecdotes, proverbs and narratives. Notions of space and place mirror ideas of subsistence, family, heritage, economic stability and vacancy.
In local parlance, space has a definite connotation—there is space that everyone can explore and space that some people can explore. In the case of the former, they allude to areas where special permissions are not required beyond following common property principles or no principles at all (open access). Outside these limitations, the forest is spatially empty.
Once cognizant of their rights, people access and use resources. To establish a farm for instance, one clears the land and successive family members can indefinitely use it.
In the case of the latter, space is connected to traditional jurisdiction. For mundane activities such as harvesting nuts, burning charcoal and fetching firewood, spaces are empty and can be explored irrespective of which village one came from and how far one travelled to "discover" that space. But, in matters that have symbolic or physical significance such as acquiring land, building a house, making a sacrifice or burying the dead, many spaces are occupied. So much as there is a vast forest/land that everyone explores and benefits from, thev are cognizant of what they can and cannot do. Even the despoiled lands of small-scale mining sites are technically the spaces of certain villages that people from afar including
Togo and Nigeria have been exploring for gold since the 1990s. A case in point is the village of Digare and the mining site known as "Accra". The land belongs to Digare, so prospectors, missionaries or educators must seek permission from the Digare chief before 113 establishing their ventures. Thus, local notions of space are functional opposed to physical space where the connotation is vastness, emptiness and sometimes, availability.
To explore the question of place, locals were asked about the characteristics of a space that made it a place. Land, houses, livestock, women (not necessarily as wives), family and the general sense of livelihood security were major themes. Interestinglv, in Datoko, bragging rights were a factor in its appeal as a place with respondents citing remnants of the colonial era (particularly the elementary school built in 1951) as evidence that Datoko is on the map and is therefore a %ee24 (place). In addition, D00123, D002, D011 identified the chief s palace, a clinic and market to show that this is a "teng" (i.e. land, place worth living in).
This sense was not acute in Digare, Zanwore and Namoranteng which are younger setdements with only the chiefs palace, and except for Namoranteng that has a new school, these villages have no market, clinic or school to tout in relation to Datoko.
The established practice of seasonal migration was an important angle in the determination of what constitutes one's place or to have a place. Respondents did not mince words about where their place is, carving at issues of acceptance and belongingness.
The idea is that if one travels one will always be a "saan" (stranger) and not quite fit in. A sentiment of "being free" (e.g. N001, D012) was detected and Z006 phrased it the best: "this place is free. Even if you do not have money you can stillfind some food to eat. But in Kumasi, unless you get out and work you will he hungry. This place has more freedom". In your place, "no one thinks evil of you" said Z004. It does not matter how bad things become in your place there will be someone
24 Place here is denoted bv ^ee and not n\ee because in this context, it describes a space with desirable attributes. 23 These denote respondents and are coded by village. D implies Datoko, Z (Zanwore), Di (Digare) and N (Namoranteng). For herders, the villages initials are preceded by SF (setded Fulani). Focus groups are also identified by village so FGDDi means focus group discussion in Digare. Numbers follow all codes to signify the respondent or the discussion that is referred to. 114 to help (DiOOl, N002). Respondents too many to document, also noted that if a place is not one's place, one cannot take for granted things one would ordinarily take for granted.
Place was also associated with established familial and economic roots. This idea was pervasive, and interestingly so because of the lack of assets and opportunity in the area. In fact, economic hardships institutionalised seasonal migration, yet the prospect of an uncertain economic future creates a sense of place that draws migrants back home each time they travel after the farming season. Every respondent, including the advanced in age and women (travelling alone or with husband), had travelled someplace to do menial jobs or engage in off-farm activities (making yam mounds, weeding, harvesting crop) to supplement family income. The example provided by a 32-year old farmer illustrates the point well:
My siblings do not live in this village; I am the only son at home, if I leave we will have abandoned our mother. "Sow I have children, can I take them to a new place? That will mean beginning life and suffering. I have my farm. If I go to a new place I may not be able to get land to make a farm. I may have to change occupation and struggle before 1 get a job (D002).
It appears the low cost of living in rural areas influence ideas about place. D010 mentions that Datoko is his teng because "in Kumasi 1 can get money but it is a big place so the money finishes. That is why when 1 make some money 1 come home". Put in the perspective that seasonal migration is purely economic, travelling is not a rejection of place but an element of it. D005 is direct in this regard, "once you are born in a land you have to return to it even if there is nothing there".
Heritage is also a factor used to qualify a space into a place, and why one village is a place and not another. This can be better understood knowing that at some point, these places were frontier spaces that marked promise in agricultural prosperity. The villages have been populated by migrants from neighbouring as well as distant villages. Descendants of the original settlers (the chief or ndaan's family), have firmer convictions of where their teng is, but migrant commoners, born and raised in these villages for several generations did not 115 have that kind of zest. They equivocated because migrants usually return to their original land when they become too old to farm. For others, "going home" will become obligatory if they become the head of clan (which putativelv, is the largest extended family unit).
But nowhere is place and sense of place tied to subsistence as well as to the chief as in
Digare. The village currently has one of the best reputations for fertile land but draws people who are connected by blood or marriage to the chief. Length of stay analysis of study participants also indicates a very "young" population as no respondent had lived in the area for more than 15 years. In Datoko, Zanwore and Namoranteng, the population was considerably "older" as some 60 year old's grandfathers were born in those lands.
Bagaka is 55 years and has lived in Digare for 11 years. Prior to coming there, he lived in Langbensi (Northern Region) where he was bom. He is a father of six and has 2 wives. His family is originally from Duusi (Tallensi East), but he came to Digare seeking fertile land. Incidentally, Digare had that land and the Chief is his maternal uncle so the decision was straightforward. For the initial year, Bagaka stayed in the chiefs palace and cultivated a small area around the chiefs compound. After a year, the chief allotted him his present location to build a house and start a farm. Yields have been a little more than satisfactory. He has since helped six families to move from Langbensi to Digare. These families are related to him and somehow, the chief. He is disinterested in migrating where he will be a newcomer again. Still, he has strong opinions about the two locations he has lived in although evidently Digare is his place:
I like Langbensi but it has no opportunities for goodfarming. We always get poor harvest unless we buy fertiliser to put on the farm. That makes this place better. It is easier to get good yield. The things you do as a farmer in Langbensi are different too. When you farm in Langbensi you are not enjoined to give the chief a token of your produce, neither do you give him anything to cultivate the land. Here you have to give the chief 'something' and every year you give him something after the harvest. In that sense, Langbensi is better but if you work hard here you will get good yield.
Dab\aya is a 34 year old who came to Digare 8 years ago from the Tarkwa mining site. Prior to that, he lived in Datoko with his parents who moved to Datoko from Gare (a village NW of Datoko). The decision to move to Datoko was a function of two factors: his connection to the chief and the quest for fertile land. His wife and the chiefs wife are sisters. Upon arrival in Digare he lived in the chiefs compound for three years, cultivated the chiefs land as well as his temporaiy farm, and then the chief allotted him prime land in the village , next door to the chiefs palace and generous room for compound farming. He has even been made an elder of the village, rare for one so young and new to the place. 116
Yinmara is approximately 50years old and has lived all his life in Bawku (in extreme northeast Ghana). He moved to Digare four years ago. He lived with his parents and siblings in Bawku until his father died 6 years ago, so his father's "brother"26, the chief of Digare sent for him and asked him to come home to Digare. He took his allotment of land, built a house and brought his family. Initially, he was reluctant to move from Bawku (a large town with modern amenities) to a village of500 people, but he was barely feeding his family. With money put together from several sources he installed a mill in the village. He also farms. Comparing Bawku and Digare as places, Yinmara comments that he is related to the chief so: "This is my land. I am a child of the land. It is because offarming I am here. In Bawku if you do not have [non-farm] work you cannot make a living'. A.lthough Digare is his teng he is frustrated by the disunity and the subsequent inability to take concerted action on issues they should, as a village, tackle.
In these cases and similar ones the parallels exist: the connection to the chief, the quest for fertile land and an improved livelihood. And although some criticised the system in
Digare, they still prefer it because of livelihood, family and proximity to the chief. But the digressions from the broader notions of place are not markedly different.
4.3.1.2 Herder notions of space and place
To get at herders' constructs of space and place, an inductive approach was similarlv used drawing on their stories, amusements, puzzlements, and movements. Herder notions of space and place are welded to their penchant for pasture as provided by God2 . Their notion of space implies that no one occupies that location, at that point in time, even if that location is within the jurisdiction of a settlement. Two herders were particularlv bewildered at how locals do not occupy an area and would not want others to use it (SFN003, SFD004). The wife of a herder commented that locals did not create the land so all people could use it
(SFZ003), but they clearly had yardsticks for measuring the "space worthiness" of a location.
26 This is probably a relation, but with a distant link. "7 This is the actual word used but they imply that resources are available for all people regardless of where they come from. 117
The selection of space is unsurprisingly guided by where to get nutritious grass for the herd. To assess space worthiness, herders are guided by the choices of other herders.
Fulani herders dissociate space from a location if other herders lived in that area and moved away (SFZ002). The rationale is that if a herder left an area he must have had good reason to do so, so they are better not to linger. If it is known that herders lived in an area for a long time and migrated (for instance because of deterioration), other herders would avoid it even if the conditions have since improved (SFD005). Similarly, if herders are drawn to an area, that area's attractiveness as space is enhanced. This explains the preponderance of herders in
Tallensi East. Conversely, the 2002 violent conflict in Nangodi and Sakoti have left those places devoid of herders, although there is lush vegetation and many more watering points.
Herders' notion of space is also tied to a plant locally known as garig (SFN004). Garig is a tree herders avoid because when ingested by cows, they bloat and most often die. All the herders commented on the fact that if garig is abundant in an area it was not considered a space even if grass, water and other non-tangible factors are guaranteed. This is significant as it dictates to some extent where there is space in the Fulani psyche. Herders say the tree
(with low reaching branches) occurs sporadically in the studv area but knowing how to avoid it is the reason they live in the area. It took a research assistant 1.5 hours on a motorbike to get a sample of the plant from Datoko (which is a considerable distance away).
Fulani views on place can be understood through the importance of cattle to Fulani identity. Although herders such as SFD001, SFZ005 and SFN003 equivocated on the choice between land and cattle, it was clear that herders highly regard cattle compared to land.
SFN002 framed the attachment to catde the best when he indicated that "a cow is valuable than land the way one thousand is greater than one". Herders' sense of place is also enhanced by being in 118 a herding contract since the contract had a tendency to ground them, causing more pause to ponder the net benefits of moving. The entrusted catde also bring a sense of security regarding their stay which allows them to focus on where they are and what they are doing
(e.g. SFD002, SFZ010, SFDiOOl).
To the herder mind, a place is where cattle thrive and the herd has to be thriving within one herding year of settlement (SFZ007). If the health of a herd is compromised, there is little or no hesitation before they move on. SFD005, a newly arrived herder, (in the area less than a year) disclosed his intention to settle in Zanwore but had decided against it because in eight months he had lost three cows. When the livestock show signs of multiplying, the process of turning nature-into-culture begins. Taming nature involves making a farm and bringing the family, but essentially, when the decision to make a place is taken, herders set up a compound and become less clandestine in their activities as they need to establish their version of roots. Thus, herders associate place with new beginnings.
Herders' idea of place (or non-place) also comes to the fore because of continual insecurity and the freedom that comes with being footloose. For SFZ001 "land is big trouble", strangers cannot become vested in a land because land brings encumbrance but as a stranger,
"you cannot possess the land... you desire to be in good terms with the children of the land so that you can make a living" (SFZ001). Developing the theme of insecurity and freedom, herders submit that "land matters are complicated. If I hare my cattle and people do things I do not like, I will just leave with my cattle" (SFN003). It is also in their interest to be detached because with attachment
"movement is restricted; but we must move if we must" (SFD004). Thus, total place attachment appears tangential to their idea of place. Whereas locals can fathom the complementarity of place and space, herders practicallv consider them separate. 119
As previously established for herders, place emerges with the prospect of a new beginning, but among the Namoranteng Fulani an interesting trend was discovered. Between participants, there was about 100 years of setdement. They held an idea of place similar to the local position (family, belongings) but left room for moving. Their mud huts and drying lines are the first clue that Namoranteng is home. "This is the only place our children know" said
SFK004. 'We would stay here unless the government drives us away" (SFN001). Unlike ephemeral- minded herders who could move based solely on the condition of the grass, the
Namoranteng group stressed the "the government" as a factor indicating a place attachment not found in other herder communities.
Notions of space and place also seemed to have evolved based on the social distance between individuals within the two groups. Locals who had litde contact with the herders were more fixated on the fact that local land was not the teng of the herders. More agreeable locals recognised that the herders ought to respect local spaces by respecting locals themselves to be welcome in the land. Herders who also had contact with more local people had a clearer sense of local space and why locals are sometimes up in arms over their presence. One herder was lucid in this direction by disclosing that "a herder is a stranger and a beggar" (SFZ005) but as to whether this resonates with locals is in a different domain.
4.3.2 Talking Territory: Perspectives on Territory and Territorial Discourse
For most people, perhaps, the micro-territories of everyday life may be more significant- or at least more noticeable, than the macro-territories of global politics (Delaney, 2005, 5).
4.3.2.1 Territory and territorial discourse in local communities
Just as perceptions of space and place differ, there are differences in the notions of territory. Local respondents were asked to delineate the territory of their villages and to show 120 the ways in which they protect their personal lands. They were also asked how they approach challenges to the veracity of the boundaries of their personal land or what they will do if someone encroached on their land. To give focus and improve the relevance of territory discourse in this work, "political territory" and "subsistence territory" were coined as the conceptual base. The rationale for this approach is that the study area has not experienced significant territorial challenges to generate abstract thinking about territory, therefore
"subsistence territory" appears to be more conceptually relevant as people are attuned to practical subsistence issues and not necessarily the abstract ideas associated with those issues.
In short, in this rural, agricultural setting, the micro territories have more relevance.
Boundary was the entry point for talking about territory because that word had practical relevance for everyone. Following from those conversations, territory emerged as protecting boundaries and therefore implied possessive claims to space (i.e. territory). The word "boundary" is locally expressed as tintorig or bien, based on which respondents were asked to demarcate political and subsistence boundaries. It was apparent that locals had more nuanced view's to political boundary than was thought because of two issues: ideas of village and decentralisation boundaries; the decentralisation boundaries being a very recent development linked to the electoral boundaries introduced with decentralisation in 1988.
On the traditional boundaries and political territory, respondents described the reach of their villages using streams, rivers, hills, forests, "the last house" and major footpaths.
Traditional territory was also dictated by the jurisdiction and power of the chief. The higher the chief (that is sub-chief, divisional chief or paramount chief in ascending order), the more locals expanded their village boundaries. Respondents in higher ranked settlements on the chieftaincy scale described broader boundaries whilst those in lower ranked settlements had 121 restricted notions of the boundaries of their villages. Because Datoko is headed by a divisional chief, respondents from Datoko were prone to include Tolla, Nungu, Bapiella,
Namoranteng and Zanwore for instance, in the demarcation of Datoko (as the Datoko chief enskins the sub-chiefs in these villages). But, people from Digare and Namoranteng stayed within the boundaries of their villages and did not even stray into the boundaries of neighbouring villages. These demarcations, admittedly, are not sacrosanct but are indicative of locals' perceptions about their territory, identity and belongingness.
Locals in Datoko included previously settled places in Datoko, a trend seen with other respondents. This could be from the political position and areal extent of Datoko.
Kulpielga, Gbankagre2H, Zanwore, Karbok, Digare, Tolla, Biung all these are Datoko land but now they have become independent lillages. Where we now have ourfarms (Sartoo, Kataansie) were parts of Datoko. Now those places are not settlements anymore. To show my children the boundaries of Datoko I will tell them that this land encompasses 12 sub-communities (D003)
Formally settled areas are included in the demarcation of territory because
... you want to make sure that all the time you have all your land covered. If someone asks about your farm, you do not just show them what is under cultivation, you have to add all the rest and explain that, that is your land butfor lack of strength you are not cultivating it (D009)
Decentralisation boundaries have arisen because electoral areas are represented bv one assemblv member in the district assembly. Assembly members in rural electoral areas have a high profile and growing influence so more people consult them with their problems.
In a way, the assembly member usurps the powers of the chief. The effect is that people now link territory to the electoral area of the assembly member. Although the assembly member
(in this case) is based in Datoko, people from far off villages such as Gbane, Nungu, Bapiella and Tolla come for help and advice. Those places are included as the territory of Datoko
28 Gbankagre, Karbok, Sartoo. and Kataansie used to be settlements but now they are the sites of bush farms. 122 because they cast votes in the same electoral area to select an assembly member (e.g. D005,
D006, D012 and D007). Respondents, however, recognise that these boundaries are not traditionally binding and mean nothing in terms of traditional political structures but "since the same assemblyman calls us to communal labour and we help each other they all come under Datoko"
(D008). For resource allocation, these villages are the purview of the assembly member, so decentralisation boundaries are not only political but are socio-economically prudent.
For subsistence territon', the focus was on personal territory i.e. farms (pot) and land
(saman). Since every respondent, male or female, dealt with a bush or compound farm, there was much relevance and several delineation approaches were 'discovered'. The strategies were varied and age-old: marking trees (10 responses), planting grass (all respondents), making ridges or furrows (19 responses), using footpaths (9 responses), and burying ash (1).
The most intriguing idea for the protection of subsistence territory came from D005 who described a dying practice for protecting territon- for the long term. The technique involved mixing together a large quantity of ash and dried groundnut peels and burying the mixture at vantage points around the property'. To be successful, contents should be buried deep to prevent discover)'. To solve a dispute one just had to dig up the vantage points.
However, he advised, in consonance with several other respondents that if one plans to travel for a long time, the surest way to protect subsistence territon' is to let someone use it.
The most popular strategy for staking claim to subsistence territon- is plandng saaha
(Eragrostis atrorires (Desf.) and genkara2" along the boundaries of the property. These grasses are resilient, deep rooted and difficult to exterminate, but they do not become farm weeds and
29 The scientific name of genk-ara could not be obtained even with help from a grass expert and a search in the Handbook of West African weeds. Several species are used but these were the most commonly mentioned. 123 grow to a height of about 2ft. In the dry season, they wither but bounce back with the first rains. The grasses are so effective they are universally understood and respected.
The construction of stone ridges or furrows also features prominendy as a marker of subsistence territory. Stone ridges are traditionally used to minimise erosion on sloppy, rocky lands. The lands in the study villages are neither rocky nor sloppy but the ridges have become popular for accentuating boundaries. Unlike grass that has certain permanence, stone ridges have to be arranged each year to ensure they are not shifting. This presents both an advantage and disadvantage. A property owner keeps abreast with his boundaries and can make sufficiently deep furrows that double as gutters for runoff, but neglecting yearly maintenance could lead to future boundary disputes.
Landmarks such as trees, rivers or rocks are also used to distinguish plots. This extends from the practice of chiefs using these features to allot land to new settlers. In using these landmarks, landowners make distinctive markings on the trees and trace the boundary based on the markings. Since marked trees cannot make a fence and do not have the growing capacity of grasses, ridges or furrows are used to bolster the demarcations.
To resolve a boundary dispute, the first action is to alert the other parts' of one's concerns. Irrespective of the type of boundary, the complainant is expected to trace from an undisputed portion of the land to try to convince the other to relent or correct their error. If the person is adamant, the complainant formalises the dispute by presenting it to the head of household. The defendant is required to do the same. If the elders are deadlocked or the parties refuse their counsel, the matter is forwarded to the chief.
The meeting with the chief is the first time disputants part with cash or kind to have the merits of their case ascertained by an independent part}'. Usually the case is resolved bv 124 the chief since his decisions are final. In rare cases of continued dispute, the ndaan performs a sacrifice using chickens presented by the feuding parties. The chickens are slaughtered in the presence of contesting parties to ensure the outcome has multiple witnesses including the complainant and the defendant. The posture of the chickens at the moment of death decides the victor. If a chicken dies chest up it implies the one who presented that chicken is the victor and the matter is concluded. Usually, disputes do not go beyond the heads of household as they know enough history to render the higher rungs of mediation redundant.
Indigenously evolved strategies to protect subsistence territory hint at the possibility that territory has more subsistence than political meaning as territories allow people to participate in the economic life of their communities. The political meaning of territory emerges alongside subsistence territory when locals interact with herders, implying that the consciousness to defend political territory exists but it is not utilised to the same degree as the protection of subsistence territory.
4.3.2.2 Territorv and territorial discourse among the Fulani herders
What territory means for herders was investigated by inquiring about their territorial ambitions regarding their hamlets and a little land around them. The idea was to explore subsistence territory and not territory in the political usage of the term although admittedly, managing subsistence territorv is a political endeavour. Herder notions of territorv were inferred from their relationship to land, their status in host areas, the wellbeing of their cattle and to an extent, their age and length of stay in their current location.
Irrespective of whether or not they want subsistence territory, most herders protect their interests in their farms and compounds although there is no evidence that they intend to 125 make these areas their uncontested spaces. To protect their crop from catde damage, herders fence their farms. The practice is borne out of necessity and is adapted from the practice of making livestock holding areas using a combination of sticks, twigs and thorns. Cattle do not ponder the ownership of a farm before eating crop, but they know not to push down shelter-like structures because thev "live" in similar ones.
Herders keep a close eye on their compounds and prefer to make their activities known to as few people as possible. On approach and entry into a Fulani compound, there is an aura of reserve that visitors cannot miss nor ignore. Herder compounds utilise open concepts of home design but the compounds are imbued with deep spaces where the living and prayer spaces are located farther into the compound whilst the barns, cooking area,
"bedrooms" and bathrooms (if applicable) occupy the entrance to the compound. Praver and the living spaces are private (discussions happen there, potential settlers sit there and compatriots are welcome); the remaining spaces are public, except inside their huts.
Unlike place where generalisations could be made, with territory that was difficult but some trends emerged. Herders were protective of their privacy and crop because that is inalienable territory. They can stand up to locals who entered their compound uninvited or fight for their crop, but they cannot do the same for land. Some wanted to acquire the land that is their hamlet but had no illusions about the possibility:
If I had money I will buy land, but I will buy and build in Bolga. In the forest, it will be difficult to acquire land because the locals and landowners will not agree. I have not even considered having land in the village. If the natives will give me the land to live on temporarily, I will do that but 1 will not buy landfrom them (SFZ 005).
On one level this is an indictment of the local community. On another, it exposes the reality herders face: their identity precludes them from owning land. On a third level, it 126 shows that herders are cognisant of the deep differences between them and locals which is why they declare the intent to stay temporarily, although temporarily spans several years.
For SFZOOl landed territon' is not a priority because he is a stranger: "1 don't have land here because I am from Burkina Faso. 1 am afraid to own land because strangers do not have power; strangers only make a living not own land". Here, "stranger" generates feelings of insecurity and unacceptance by the local community and this has power implications. Strangers do not have power so it is incongruous to aspire to territory which is a power concept. For one herder sanguine in his location, owning land and calling it his territory is unnecessary:
W/hen I came here I had no idea if people lived here, whether they had died out or have moved elsewhere... since I settled here no one has come to claim this land as belonging to his grandfather or great grandfather. 1 have not come to acquire land, just to find pasture and peace (SFDi003).
But several herders expressed views approximating a right to land, settlement and spaces to call their own. Age, coupled with the exigencies of nomadism, however intermittent, played a role in deepening the need for permanence and some claim to subsistence territory3". But an illuminating way to process this is to link it to a keen sense of place: I have a kraal in which I keep my cattle... 1 have stayed in this land for twenty years. I don V think I am a stranger anymore. My wives are not strangers. Aly land is Datoko (SFD001).
1 want to have a land here because land is permanent. Cattle can finish but land will still be there. If I can get a pem/anent place here, I will prefer to stay here. The relatives there in Burkina Faso7 can come and visit and we can go and visit them too. 1 am an old man and I don't have the energy to walk and find a new place to stay. Following the cattle is a difficult life. Walking is difficult, you feel thirsty, you feel hungry, and your clothes get dirty. If you are settled you know your work clothes. There are also biting insects and we don'/ bath (SFZ006).
30 The herders cultivate maize and guinea corn around their hamlets. The harvests feed a family adequatelv as their meals are dominated by fresh milk. Desiring subsistence territon,' is therefore about formalizing access to land and the rights to cultivate such land. 127
For some herders the merits of rootedness justify having some territory anywhere as
"moving people" are looked on wearily. 'When you roam /with cattle] you suffer. When you travel, people easily accuse you of stealing cattle. You stay in a place for a short while to rest and they come and drive you away because they don't know you" (SFZ007). The difficulties and inconveniences of constant travelling influence desire for territory. However, herders realise that the prospect of owning subsistence territory in Ghana is a strong desire that is out of reach.
Despite this, two herders (27 and 38 years old) were keen on owning subsistence territory in their current places of residence and even in the community. For the younger of the two, land is (probably) more important than a herd of cattle.
Lxind is eternal. Cows can be stolen or can die, but if you build a house it will be there. A house can be rented out to buy cows. It has been in my plans for a long time. When I sleep I even dream of having land in Burkina Faso. I want to build a house, then my parents will move into it and my siblings can remain in the fores/' and take care of the animals (SFDiOOl).
Reportedly, his father supports the idea of building within a community and has a preference for the location of his son's house—Datoko— although they are not Datoko Fulani.
More aged herders wish for subsistence territory as their vigour has given way to pause: "Now I am tired. If I had the opportunity to buy land I would settle here. If the chief would sell, I would buy because this place is very productive, the land is fertile for fanning, there is peace, we are healthy"
(SFD001). SFN003 expressed a similar sentiment, "the children can move with the cows but 1 will stay. I don't have strength to travel. Even if I can'tfarm, I could get people to farm for me and my wives".
Although the underlying factors involved in herder notions of territory-strangers, entidement, nomadic fatigue, sanguinity and/or sense of place-dampens or propels the importance of territory, herders grapple with how to access a territory as planned for in their
31 A practice where older herders retire to village settlements and younger ones remain and tend the animals. 128 journeys to sedentarisation. The study found that herders use the following access strategies: sneaky, staggered and assisted entry.
"Sneaky entry" is associated with Happenstance setders and involves settlement in a location undiscovered for as long as possible. They setde far from communities, which means they utilise the deeper spaces in the forests and avoid areas where they are likely to encounter locals. This also means local leaders are unaware that they have company. The aim is to go unnoticed the first herding year, within which time they take a decision on whether to stav. Once in the vicinity, the)' contact other herders who help them to remain out of sight. This is the context in which leaders do not know who is settled in their village forest.
Yusuf settlers mosdv use staggered entry. With this entry, herders are not keen on remaining hidden because once in the area, they have contacts willing to shelter them and possibly intervene if they are discovered unduly early in the new land. The men arrive with the catde to settle and test the pulse of the area. If satisfactory results are obtained, women and children are invited. They come by car as close as possible to their destination and the men meet them. The main idea is to create the impression of a temporary stay whilst working out how to stav for an extended time.
Assisted entry is the most transparent route to accessing local territory where herders settle with the aid of a mediator who secures permissions from relevant feasible quarters before the herders arrive in the area. By inference, this is favourable for Naba or Alhaji setders. Ironically, this form of entry has proven troublesome for some leaders because "if they get permission from the chief to settle, it becomes difficult to ask them to leave. It is even impossible to expel them" (FGDN002). 129
4.3.3 Place and Behaviour: The Bones of Contention
To think of an area of the world as a rich and complicated interplay of people and environment-as a place- is to free us from thinking of it as facts and figures Other times however, seeing the world through the lens of place leads to reactionary and exclusionary xenophobia "Ourplace" is threatened Here "place" is not so much a quality of things in the world but an aspect of the way we choose to think about it-what we decide to emphasise and what we decide to designate as unimportant (Cresswe11, 2004, 11)
Daily, people move seamlessly between place and behaviour, a skill that has been so perfected litde thought is given to the fact that place profoundly influences behaviour and the context of "out of place". In many instances, disputes between people have resulted from out of place behaviour, and in the context of herders, issues have arisen from their conduct. This section filters herder conduct through local expectations to show how interactions/disputes are place-based and inherently conflictual. Three approaches were used to research the crux of this endeavour. Firstly, locals were asked to prioritise their issues with the herders and explain the order of prioritisation. Secondly, local experiences with herders that had made indelible marks on locals were elicited. Thirdly, locals were asked how they would rather the herders behave to be considered as good settlers.
Locals outlined four (4) main areas of "transgression" and a myriad of standards herders ought to live up to, to be in consonance with the place they are in. Not surprisingly, the matters revolve around livelihood security: crop damage, environmental damage, cattle theft and intimidation. Except with environmental damage where reports could not be substantiated for logistical reasons, efforts were made to corroborate other accounts.
Accuracy was a priority but embellishments could serve three analytical purposes: demonstrate the degree of local feelings of place-based violation, evidence the manipulation of facts to support claims and contextualise the expectations of appropriate behaviour. 130
Statistically, incidences of crop damage were the most common complaint with over
60 separate references and actual events combined. There were 27 mentions of environmental damage, 9 accounts of cattle theft and 24 mentions of intimidation and violence. Locals had strong opinions on expected herder behaviour. A snapshot of cases in each category will illustrate the deep interplay of place, subsistence territory and behaviour.
4.3.3.1 Crop damage as infringements on place and subsistence territory
The subsistence agricultural life of locals justifies why crop damage is the most important cause of place-based disputes between herders and locals. The vexation over crop
damage was so strong it came up multiple times in
every interview and focus group discussion and even
defined some of the research interactions. Crop
damage occurs in many forms. The first occurs
when cattle eat germinating crops that are a maximum of Figure 29: Maize tussle after damage. Photo: Author one foot high. In the second instance, crops are taller and get trampled on as the animals walk through and feed on the farm. In the third (most severe) case, the crops are tussling and the animals eat the top-middle of the tussle (Fig. 29) which contains the most potential for grain.
The actions of herders in the event of crop damage increases locals' disapproval of herder behaviour as from the farm owner's perspective, crop damage is not only a violation of his/her space, but a trespass on subsistence territory. The feelings of violation compound the issue because herders demand that locals "follow the cows home" to make an irrefutable case for the damage, which puts farm owners in a difficult position. Because of cases of 131 denial some locals do not get compensation for the havoc wreaked on their small, typically lew yielding farms. This is exasperating to farm owners because sometimes they can trace the hoof prints from their farm direcdy to a herder's compound, but herders insist that is not solid proof their cattle did the damage (SFZ001, SFN0043, SFD007); arguing "if a person sees cattle and does not follow them and comes later to complain would you agree?" (SFZ004). Much as the rationale for conclusive proof from the herder perspective is sound, damage usually occurs during night grazing when farmers are not on site. The insightful aspects are not in the demand for evidence, but the farmers' interpretation of the situation.
Herders are perceived as dishonest and locals equate that to robbery: "They are not honest people. In our land if you destroy someone's property you admit it and we rectify it. But if you go to them about crop damage they deny. That is what I don't like and that is why we clash" (Z005). D002 complains: 'When cattle destroy crop and you follow the trail to their home they deny. They will say their cattle have not been in that vicinity and we all know they are not telling the truth. That is stealing". Specific examples, with context, show how locals consider crop damage to be poor behaviour.
For D005, denying the fact is bad enough but bouncing him from one herder to another is worse. Sometimes you go to yourfarm and the cows have eaten everything. If you don't accompany the cows "home" and just confront them they would deny. His farm in Ditinbul where he cultivates mai^e, millet and beans was destroyed three years ago when herder cattle ate a portion of the millet. The damage was extensive as the cattle fed on his farm and those of his two neighbours. Notfinding the cattle on the farm, he followed the hoof prints to the house. The herder sent him to another, who sent him to another. Out of frustration of not finding the owner of the offending cows, he stopped looking but it means "my effort had been robbed from me ".
DOW recounted three separate incidents spanning eight years. He farms at Kokatung. In 2001, when a herder's cattle ate his crop he was compensated with jive bags of mai^e. In the second incident which happened 2006, he thought it pointless to report the issue to anyone, so he incurred a complete loss. Then: Only three days ago the cattle were in my farm. Because of the rain the previous night the hoof prints were clear. The prints are still there. I traced to the house to complain but they said I should he on the lookout, the next time I see cows I shouldfollow them home". That too was a loss. 132
When I interviewed D011 he was seething from his frustrations with the herders' behaviour because as at the time of the interview, the cattle had been on his farm three times in the same farming season (2009) and he has had no recourse because he had not seen anyone or any cattle on the farm.
The issues around crop damage are not merely about denial, there are structural components which entrenches the "out of place" conduct of herders. This involves the herder practice of including night slots in their grazing routine which has benefits for milk production and disease prevention (Ayantunde et al., 2000). From the local perspective though the timing is not only poor, the practice is alien which is similar to Ayantunde et al.'s
(2000) finding in Niger. Locals think crop damage is accidental as the herders fall asleep and fail to monitor the cattle (DOOl, FGDNOOl), some rationalise that the herders lose control of the herd as the herder-cattle ratio is high (FGDNOOl, N002, Di003), but for the majority that herders practice night grazing amounts to wilful negligence (FGDNOOl, FGDD001).
Locals also insist that once the herders intentionally keep night grazing slots, they should be responsible for territorial violations that happen during that time. The argument is that once they graze at night they have factored rest into their day. Barring these contestations, some locals go to extreme lengths to protect their subsistence territory. And they complain bitterly about the conduct of the herders in this regard: 'What is bothersome is that at night we are at home sleeping, we are not there to protect our farms. By the time we arrive in the morning the cattle have eaten the crop, "i'on don't know the culprit and then you get confused" (D006).
Assibi is the wife of a tillage chief and is one of the few women with a bush farm in her own right. From the start of the 2008farming season, cattle entered her farm. The cattle ate the germinating plants so she replanted to "fill in the gaps". The cows ate the crops two more times but since the crop still had a chance to yield properly she did not fret too much. At the time the crops were tussling, she discovered the cattle had made some incursions onto the farm so she took to sleeping there at night to guard her crop. On the fourth straight night in the bush, the herders begged her not to sleep there and promised they will be careful not to let their cattle onto the farm. She believed them and went home. The very next day she discovered the cattle had eaten the crop and no one was there to take responsibility. She even had fights with her husband accusing him of causing her suffering because he allowed the herders to settle in the area. 133
For some locals, however, crop damage occurs because of herder disrespect for locals, their space and their livelihoods. Others speculate, herders behave the way they do because they lack compassion for local predicaments regarding the "hunger season" when whole families don't have any grain because the yield could not last until the next harvest
(D002, Di002, FGDDiOOl). This lack of respect and compassion, according to locals, influences disregard for local opinion: "Some of them are stubborn. When you caution them that the cows are getting too close to the farms they say 'what is on the farm anyway?" (Di004). He continues:
One time I went to Duusi to attend to some extended family issues. W/hen I came back the cows had eaten the crop and pulled out some of the plants. When my wife complained to them that dawn, they told her there was nothing on the farm. No one had sowed around us at the time as we planted early. They said we were telling lies. They even asked why we sowed so early. ... but if we all wait on the other to sow before we do, we will push the sowing season back (Di004).
This discussion has shown that in crop damage, the material and emotional aspects of space emerges and solidifies the place of farms as territory. There is interplay of structure, dishonesty, and power play that accentuates herder placed-based poor judgement (denial, high-handedness, dismissiveness) and locals' placed-based reactions (exasperation, exaggeration, despair) that contextualise herder-local relations in a broader context: "We really did not have anything in common until their cows started destroying our farms. That is the conversation we have always had" (N004) but the deeper divide is about the fact that "we are all working to eat so we would not suffer for someone's cows to eat it all" (D009).
4.3.3.2 Cattle theft as a violation of placed-based appropriate behaviour
Stealing in any context is bad behaviour, but in the study area where cattle are a source of financial security, a statement of wealth, and the currency of marriage, tampering with people's cattle represents an affront on all these fronts. When cattle are stolen, a key 134 piece of subsistence territory and cultural ability has been tampered with. Cognisant that space is a source of emotional and material power (Penrose, 2002), cattle can be considered as material as well as emotional space, even though cattle may not be spatial as in "being" land, "explorable" or "of' land. This thesis argues that as long as catde can produce an emotional response, they can be labelled as space or territory and especially so because catde represent livelihoods and socio-cultural status. Working backwards from this premise, a territory is a space prior to becoming a territory; but territories evolve from place.
In local communities, the belief that herders are thieves is entrenched. At some level, this stereotyping is justified because of herders stealing catde along the Ghana-Burkina Faso border (Tonah, 2000). Cattle thefts in the general Namoranteng-Digare belt consolidate this belief, blurring the lines between fact and exaggerations of fact. Of nine accounts of cattle theft in the area, there was only one instance in which settled herders were conclusively implicated yet locals continually suggest the settled herders steal cattle.
Some setded herders raised concerns about their reputation due to the thievery of the transhumance, especially as they themselves sometimes fall victim to them (SFD001).
Others told on their compatriots stating that "some of the travellers are bad. When they see cattle they just add them to their herd and keep going and the locals blame us" f5FDi002). A local, supported that view suggesting that "the travellers steal. They are the ones that would take away your cow if they saw it in the bush. The settlers do not do that. If the settlers steal your cow they would take it home and if you search hard you will find it with their herd" (N005). But D008 counteracted this insisting that setded herders steal local cattle, they make arrangements to sell them before the act. With mounting reports from the network of local communities it is little wonder that locals overwhelmingly believe that herders are thieves: "7 believe a herder is innately a thief. ...a thief 135 knows how to steal... they even have charms for stealing" (N001). "Before the herders, if thieves took jour cattle they sent them to Kusasiland and some of them found their way back home. But as soon as herders steal your cow they take it straight to Burkina" (D009).
One of the ways herders purportedly steal cattle is to steer their's toward the local cattle so that a mixing of the herds takes places. Since the local herds are smaller, when they end up in the middle of the Fulani herd, they become difficult to spot. For this reason, local shepherds are trained to proactivelv steer away when they meet a Fulani herd. One case of cattle theft would illustrate how such an event constitutes a violation of physical space, social territory (trust), cultural territory (a leader, the symbol of territory) and subsistence territory
(source of livelihood). It would show the galvanising effect produced by catde theft not even seen in crop damage, and bolster the argument that catde-theft is a violation of place.
In Namoranteng, Fulani settlers are reported to have stolen 16 of the Ndaan's cows and gave them to other herders to take away. Locals rallied and spent months looking for the cows but could not trace them. Sometime later, herders appeared in the Namoranteng area with cows locals recognised as the Ndaan's en route to Burkina. Under questioning they admitted that the cattle belonged to herders who asked a favour sending the cattle home to Burkina. The cattle were impounded and placed in the care of unit committee members, whilst the community tried to get to the crux of the matter. "That was our confirmation that the Fulani isjust a thief How can you go to a land and stealfrom the landowner?" (N001). The settled herder (SFN002) told a slightly different story although the facts are consistent with local accounts. He said the chief accused them directly of stealing the cattle so they willingly surrendered eight of their cows to the ndaan and pleaded that they all continue to search for the cows and hope the thief would be revealed, even if it was one of them. Several months after the theft a group of herders travelling back to Burkina Faso appeared in the Namoranteng forest with cows suspected to be the Ndaan's. So as the herder tells it, they apprehended them and sent word to the village. The cows were seized, the herders fled and the chief returned their cattle. It turned out that the cattle had been stolen by a young herder whose father was very good friends with a settled herder and who brought his son to live with this family whilst he went about his highly mobile cattle business in Togo, Cote d'lvoire and Ghana. When that happened, that friendship ended and the young man never came to live with them. But the stigma of that event has stuck with this herderfamily for 15years.
Stealing cattle constitutes a violation of space and allied concepts and locals consider this behaviour inconsistent with settlers who not only are non-native (i.e. not from Tallensi- 136
Nabdam) but are non-Ghanaian. Other cases of catde theft are less dramatic, but local perspectives imply that not only are herders spatially out of place, stealing cattle is inconsistent with being in place (i.e. doing what they are supposed to be doing).
4.3.3.3 Environmental Damage and Placed-Based Behaviour
Inspiration to conceptualise environmental damage as place-based inappropriate behaviour is drawn from Williams and Stewart (1998) who argue that the physical environment is important in sense of place, and should be considered in such discourse and analysis. Place is an avenue for expression that reflects "the deeply personal connections people have to natural resources and the environment" (Cheng et al., 2003, 96). By induction, to mistreat a person's place or environment is to mistreat the person, thus establishing a link between people, their environment and other's behaviour.
Given that locals depend on the natural environment for their livelihoods and sense of human dignity, the environment somewhat defines who they are. A productive environment is more likely to generate a strong sense of place compared to a not so good environment, having factored in the significance of sentimentalism in place attachment. If people feel secure in their natural environment, it bodes well for the location and the connections to that location. Human and natural environments which support emotional or material satisfaction have formal and informal codes, and locations feel contaminated when these codes are violated. To be synchronised with people already settled in an area, settlers irrespective of their origins, ought to conform or risk being perceived as impolite to the people they meet there. In this context, placed-based behaviour is an outward expression of conduct that takes cognisance (respects) of an environment and the people who live there. 137
Local people mount a high horse when it comes to herders' environmental conduct and squarely blame them for much of the havoc: "When they settle in an area it gets 'cleared'. Some places in the deep forest were very dense, now those places have been opened up. They consider their cattle above humans. They will do anything to protect them, we also use the forest but we do not destroy it"
(Di005). The prevailing idea is that herders lack respect for locals' interest in the environment which is why they recklessly use the forest. Interestingly, some locals think that because the travelers are new to the area, they harbour stranger's inhibitions (Z002, Di006,
N006) and are "more cautious because they do not know the terrain and don't know the local response to destroying crops or spoiling the water. They don't know if they will be beaten, killed or arrested" (Z004).
Locals blame settled herders for depleting thatching grasses with the numbers of
their cattle, making it difficult for them to access
thatching grass species such as mukerug (Fig 30).
Another area locals fault herders is that herders practice
early burn so that newT shoots will sprout for the cattle
in the early dry season. But herders vehemently deny
this saying that if they do that they "burn themselves"
(SFN004, SFN002, SFD007, SFDif)04/ Locals dismiss
this counteracting: "if they say they don't burn grass they are
telling lies. They burn the grass so they can see to follow the cows Figure 30: Thatching grass stowed
outside a home. Picture: Author . , t i i i i i i i /- > at ntght (Z(J(J3). HerdersT have also been blamed tor the lack of game in the forest: "there are no animals in the forest anymore. The Fulani have settled and driven them away, now I see only rabbits when I go hunting The herders do not hunt but they have scared the animals away because the cows gra^e at night. Bush animals like quiet" (D009). 138
Locals report that herders cut trees for their cattle. Although it is possible the practice is common only three herders admitted to it. They disclosed that they cut the Nolig
(Daniella Oliiierij and Npkalig (Afelia Africana) because "when all the grass has burnt and the first rains come these are the first trees to bloom. We cut the branches for the cattle. The cattle don't get satisfied on that because the trees are few. They get by in anticipation of the grass" (SFN002). From observation though, these species are some of the commonest in the study area. Herders say they only cut the plants after the first rains but this is inaccurate as these species do not shed their leaves during the dry season and that is when herders need greener}' for the herd. Herders deny de-branching shea trees with fruit for cattle but evidence of cut branches, partially eaten fruit and numerous cattle hoofs in the vicinity of shea trees increase the likelihood that herders engage in the practice in the rainy season as their catde enjoy shea fruit.
The sense of herder complicity in environmental degradation is so pervasive locals essentially absolve themselves of their own complicity. Local cows feed on Gopiela (Acacia
Polycanta), Go ye (Acacia Nilotica) and Naa^elimpiel (scientific name could not be found) year round but most of them did not acknowledge this in discourse about uses of the environment.
Locals use firewood in their homes, commercially sell firewood and (sometimes) cut fresh trees to make charcoal for sale, yet these were not explicitly mentioned. Herders point out this double standard to indicate locals' complicity in environmental degradation (SFN003,
SFD004, SFZ007). In northern Ghana, bush fires are a perennial problem and it is known that locals initiate fires to clear fields, hunt small game or perform sacrifices, yet they blame herders for setting fires. Herders deny starting fires and three herders (one a victim, two witnesses) from the Kumbuut, Toborabok and Baanbe Kolog forestburbs recounted four instances in which herder compounds burned down (SFD004, SFZ007, SFN002). To them, 139 this proves that as forest dwellers setting fires is imprudent. It is also possible that herders are easy targets for expressing local frustrations.
That herders do not set fires could not be verified or disputed but they have good
reason to engage in "early burn" to take advantage
of the accumulated humidity of the air and soil
from the rainy season. The efficacy of early burn is
recognised in savanna ecosystem management as a
method for reducing the devastation of burning
late in the dry season (Ramsay & Rose-Innes, 1963). Figure 31: Sprouts after early burn. Photo: Author The effect of early burn on sprouting fresh shoots
(Fig. 31) at the onset of the dry season is common traditional ecological knowledge. It is doubtful that herders refrain from early burn but locals cannot walk the moral high ground either as early in the dry season, burning was rampant (Figs. 32 & 33), and the locations indicate herders could not have set them.
Figure 32: Smoke billowing into air near Figure 33: Fire within range of a Sakoti. Photo: Author compound in Zanwore. Photo: Author 140
Locals also include crop damage in environmental complaints against the herders showing that from a local viewpoint destroying crop is tantamount to destroying the environment.
But on a livelihood level, crop damage has higher significance.
4.3.3.4 Mind Games: Violence, Harassment and Intimidation
If we think of a place as where people feel safe and cared for, and if we think of place as the space that people develop a sentimental attachment to, it makes sense to think that if people feel their place is threatened, they would retaliate. Similarly, if newcomers to a location can disarm their hosts, they open previously closed possibilities for themselves. If place should elicit harmony, aggression is behaviour that will not be welcome in almost any place, and especially not from aliens, which herders are to the extent that they are a different ethnicity and more importantly a different nationality. This study found that herders exhibit some behaviour that would be deemed inappropriate in almost any social environment.
These are the harassment of women and shepherds and the display of outright violence.
There were several manifestations of intimidation which violate the local sense of place and the security that comes with it. Both current and former shepherds complained about instances in which they (shepherds) have been frightened by the herders and "if they say anything the herders do not like they will drive them out of the forest" (Z010). D006 indicated that herders instill fear in the shepherds so "as soon as our boys see the Fulani, they gather their cattle and get out of the way" although DiOOl, a shepherd had a different opinion, instead suggesting that the herders leave them to shepherd their cattle in peace. In Namoranteng, it was reported that intimidation is rife so: "we locals have to be careful what we say and how we say it. If they single you out as vocal against them they can let their cows loose on yourfarm to send a message" (N003). 141
The other aspect of intimidation was the intimidation of women when they go to pick sheanuts. The herders drive their cattle toward the trees and the women have no option
but to retreat (FGD001, D008). Other times,
the herders let the catde encircle the women
which frighten most of them (D004, D007,
N002). "The cattle have a combative behaviour. When
they do that we shout yaahui2 to also scare the bulls Figure 34: Fulani cattle resting before afternoon graze. Photo: Author away (D004). In D007's account, about 30 cows encircled six women and they could not extricate themselves until the herders called them away. This scare tactic may be very effective as herder Zebu bulls can grow to 4ft tall (Fig.
34). Some women reported that that the bulls are instigated to use their horns to attack them (N002, N004, DiOOl). If the herd consists of young and mature bulls (Fig. 35), their horns are not only long and thick but are pointed which can be dangerous. But to some locals, intimidation is about control: "if you go near a sheanut they say they want it for their cattle. If
you want to cultivate here they say that is a cattle route. If you
farm there the cattle 'will come for it'. That is not good
behaviour if people are begging to stay in a land"
(FGDN002).
In most societies, unsolicited sexual advances
Figure 35: Adolescent Zebu bull. Photo: Author toward women are not only disrespectful to the women but are provoking to some men, and especially so if the woman is married. In the
32 Intoned and understood as a war cry, to begin funeral proceedings or to signal impending danger. 142
Tallensi area, men are protective of their wives as a man who loses his wife to another is ridiculed. Therefore to have herders display inappropriate behaviour toward women and even sometimes rape them is considered humiliating to the whole community. Some caution is necessary though as this behaviour is manifested by a few perverse herders and D007 underscores this: "if a man is in the forest by himself the herders will not disturb him, but if they see a woman by herself a herder with a bad mind mil want to sleep with her" (emphasis added).
The 2005 rape of a Digare woman was the most violent encountered. She was attacked as she walked home from Accra mining site. By the time she got home and reported the incident and men rushed to the scene they found only her underwear and the perpetrator had fled (DiOOl). Other accounts are eerily similar in the sense of the attackers getting away.
Twenty years ago Z004 was 19. She was returning from a sheanut harvest when she became aware of someone following her in the Taborabok area. When he caught up with her, he asked to pay her for sex. She told him she did not have sex with strangers. When she realised he was serious she decided to play along. They walked together until they were almost out of the forest and he realised that, so he tried to grab and rip off her clothes. In the process, the pan of sheanuts spilled and she screamed for help. As there was a borehole nearby, he was pursued, apprehended and beaten by some locals in the area at the time.
One July morning in 2009, 47 year old ZOO2 recalled that just before 6am he was on his way to farm when he heard desperate screams. He followed the sound and saw a herder at the point of raping a local woman. After he intervened, the herder run away and being alone he did not pursue him. The woman had been picking sheanuts when the solitary perpetrator attacked her. According to Z002, the herder didn't seem to have any cows at the time and Z002's theory is that he might have left the group to stalk her.
Z008 is 24 years. Her experience with a herder was vivid and her description of her attacker so detailed the research team was struck by the appearance of a particular herder. He had the demeanour of a sexually charged individual and his actions with cows were uncomfortably sexual in nature. He had a buoyant personality but the countenance of one with something to hide. As she recalls her ordeal: I was picking nuts with friends and then 1 branched out to continue picking when I met this herder. He asked, "What do I want here" so I said I am picking nuts. Then he said "if I am picking nuts whom am I with?" and I said I was with my friends. He said I should call out to them. I called but they did not come. He told me I am beautiful and that he wants to sleep with me. I said no. That was when he began to touch me so I screamed. My friends heard me and guessed I was in trouble so they rushed over also shouting. That's when he stopped and melted into the forest. 143
The last dimension of herder (mis)behaviour is violence. Violence in any community, perpetuated by anyone, is unacceptable and violence perpetuated by strangers is worse. The narratives here show the violent acts herders commit which violate the security of place.
ZOO 5 is 26years old. When he was 15, he went to the farm with his older brothers. After a time of working they sent him to get drinking water from a creek. Whilst there, herders approached with their cattle. He figured that they were coming to water the animals and will muddy it. Since it takes a long time to settle to be good for drinking^ he suggested that the herders go "downstream" so that the drinking water will be kept clean for the farmers. That angered one of them who beat him "until my back was all sore". In 2003, a 12 year old shepherd from Zanwore was not as lucky. He lost his life to the herders in the most vicious of ways: hacked to death. Several respondents referred to this incident but this account is from the victim's aunt in the FGD in Zanwore.
The boy had gone to the forest with about 15 cattle from their household. Because the cows were many, he liked to go farther into the forest so he couldfind more grass. This fateful day, he had not returned by sundown (6pm, which is when local shepherds are required to be home) and neither had the cattle. Family members went looking for him into the night but could notfind him. The next day some people discovered his lifeless body and brought the news to the village. Men went to verijy the account and the women just wailed. Of course, the perpetrators were long gone so they came home and buried the body. Word was then sent around about the murder and the missing cattle so people in various villages kept an eye out. A message was received regarding suspected stolen cattle in the Kusasi area in the possession of some herders. People from the boy's family went and discovered their cows were among the impounded cows. Amid the commotion in the Kusasi area the herders absconded so no one was charged andpunishedfor the murder of the young shepherd. In the next two accounts, the same herder is implicated in separate incidents.
In 2006, a herder was confronted by a Digare-based farmer on a crop damage issue, which the herder rejected so the farmer lodged a complaint with the chief who issued a summons. The herder refused to appear on the appointed date, but rather ambushed the fanner who was on his usual route to the farm with a child from his house. That is when the herder attacked him with a knife. The child run back to the village and reported what was going on. People rushed to the scene and found the men embroiled in a full fight so they took them to the Digare chiefs palace. The knife recovered from the scene (Fig. 36) was presented to the chief. In his account the farmer said the herder
„. w, , . said he attacked him "to show him that next time he would be Figure 36: Weapon recovered in a Digare fight. Photo: Author mse not to lnvolve the chleJ (Pt007). 144
In early December 2009, rumours flew about a farmer-herder fight in Bapiella (between 14 and 16km NE of Digare) which had put the village in a state of tense calm. The research team pursued the story and found out that on December 13, a farmer turned down a herder's request to have his cattle gra^e on his farm post-harvest. That angered the herder who became aggressive and started a physical fight. Serious bodily injuries were incurred by the farmer. For that, local men accosted the herder and tied him up in a local's house, whilst threatening an assault on herders in Bapiella forest. Then they reported to the assembly member. In the meantime, the family ascertained that the farmer's injuries were serious so they arranged to take him to hospital in Bolgatanga, which took two days to accomplish!! The assembly member went to Bapiella and advised the community not to retaliate as that could escalate into a larger conflict. He also secured the release of the herder amid assurances the case will be pursued. There is no evidence that steps were taken to investigate the circumstances of the incident. After Christmas, the assembly member went for an update on the situation. The herder had gone to the dry season gracing area and the farmer had presumably moved on.
Locals have a plate full of experiences about improper, inappropriate herder behaviour.
Some herders' actions show a disregard of the local geography and culture. It is no surprise that locals have set ideas on the expected behaviour of herders, for them to be synchronised with space, place and territory.
4.4 In place: Expected Behaviour in Tallensi-Nabdam
They should behave in accordance with the fact that we are all human beings. They should recognise whose land this is and conform to the rules (Respondent ZO01)
This statement summarises the essence of local disgruntlement with the Fulani herders. It seems straightforward what locals want from herders in terms of acceptable conduct. But local expectations of herders are deceptively simple because some expectations clash with established systems of herder activity. There is reason to believe that some amount of local threats of expulsion is geared toward behaviour modification rather than outright expulsion as locals have to work with the possibility that the herders are in for the long haul. This is evidenced bv how locals begin or end their diatribes against herders:
"settlers make a settlement" (Z009), "it takes people to make a place attractive" (Di009), "they expel 145
themselves with their behaviour (D003, Di006), "our complaints are an opportunity for them to change"
(D001). Locals also talked about shared humanity: "we are all human beings so if we can live together why will I want them out of here?" (D005) or "we are all humans but their destruction is what
makes us angry" (Di004).
On a categorised level, locals' expectations of appropriate behaviour revolve round
respect of whose place this is and the protection of their livelihoods. Locals expect an elimination of crop damage, the abolition of cattle theft, and social relations that can be described as autochthon-migrant in nature. These themes are explored in detail.
The end of crop damage: One of the main issues considered in the modification of herder conduct had to do with the end, or drastic reduction of, crop damage. This point surfaced in every interview and focus group discussion and reveals the extent to which crop damage is considered a livelihood problem originating from the herders. This sense is heightened because locals abide by traditional by-laws mandating them to tether their animals in the
raining season to prevent crop damage (D005, N006). E,ven pigs are tethered because not only do they destroy crop, but like gophers, they dig up the soil and cause much more damage than other animals. Local men such as Di002 and Z010 who cannot afford a shepherd are compelled to tie their cattle although cows, ideallv, should graze unrestrained.
The complaints about crop damage are also coded messages: "when their cattle destroy
our property and we tell them we also mean that they should take care of them so that they will not destmy
our property again. If they keep destroying, then we have to tell them to give us space" (Di004). And for
responses too numerous to cite, locals were demanding that herders desist from night grazing as damage normally occurs during that time. Locals also expect herders to make catde shelters to keep their herd just as locals do. 146
These sound easy to accomplish, but for herders they entail drastic modifications in routine and practice. Although herders were restrained in conveying it, they appear uncompromising on these two issues. This illuminates the individual independence that herders fiercely protect and the rationale for their high-handedness:
We don't have elders the way you have them here. We are all independent so if you suggest something like changing the gracing routine some of us will not want that imposition. They will say they are here to take care of their cows and other people's cows. If the cattle start dying the owners will say we are not good herders. That is why we will stick to the gracing routine and practices (SFZ007).
The end of cattle theft: Precisely because locals do not have many cattle, they are economically bruised when cattle are stolen. This is because the little they have gets taken away, along with the sense of worth and respect that comes from owning catde. Locals who lose cattle also have to worry about the bride wealth and how to plough the fields.
Compared to crop damage, cattle theft is less frequent and affects considerably fewer numbers of people. There is, nonetheless, a communal sense of loss when a community member loses some or all of his cattle. The sense of helplessness that accompanies catde loss runs deep. Unlike with crop damage where locals have suggestions how to curb it, locals had no ideas on how to stop cattle theft. The resignation, anger and pleading shows through in one representational response:
Since it is clear that we cannot expel them from this land, I will say that they should build kraals and put their cows there for the night... they should not steal the cattle and go to Burkina. At least they should leave them here; one or two would find their way home. If they agree to these two things, there will be no problem. The Fulani do not eat people (D009).
Autochthons and Migrants: Locals have a strong desire to be recognised as the "owners of the land" in the sense of being Ghanaians and not Burkinabes, Tallensis and not Fulanis.
There were calls for all migrants, not just Fulani, to be cognisant that locals, although mavbe 147
themselves migrants", have a larger stake in the land based on their historical ties. The idea
for autochthon-migrants relations is loosely applied here compared to the usage of Colin et al. (2007) who describe the autochthon-migrant relationship as the modalities for the transfer of land rights, and how land is extended to setders based on the principle of the moral economy - good strangers earn land, bad strangers do not.
In this thesis, the autochthon-migrant relation is defined as the range of social and economic relations, respect and recognition of the locals as the indigenes of the land that generate corollary rules of engagement that put locals in the driver's seat. The implication is
that herders' respect for local place in the autochthon-migrant relation will lead to herder
regard for local political, social, economic and power structures to elicit a kind of behaviour
that will be acceptable to locals. Locals suggest that as long as herders cultivate a healthy outlook on local territory and its people, there will be fewer bones of contention.
If we don't have any bad words between us that will be good behaviour... a stranger should be humble. But if you try to be stronger than a local that is where we will determine that you have bad intentions (ZOO5)
A good stranger helps in the community; but participation is not enough they need to stop spoiling our things (Z006)
The Fulani should not do things that will be detrimental to themselves. 1 expect them to live peacefully and if there is a job to be done they should come and help (N002)
33 This relates to the settlement history of villages where a distinction is made between strangers (migrants) and land owners (chiefs and spiritual custodians). Migrants moved from their villages of birth (within the ethnically homogenous broad study area) to frontier lands. Their descendants are "strangers" although they can trace their roots in their adopted villages several generations back. By virtue of the internal migration protocols based on ethnic identity, migrant families are granted the full spectrum of property rights in their adopted villages but spiritual and political power rests with the original setder families (chief and spiritual custodians) who take big decisions regarding for instance who can "immigrate" and become local. My research indicates that land owning families can grant herders permission to stay but there is no evidence to support Fulani becoming "strangers" on par with local people. Other ethnicities from Ghana can become local by virtue of being Ghanaian (national solidarity) but in the traditional system, these other ethnicities are on a lower rung. There is no precedent of herders acquiring rights to land and property and becoming "local". This separates the statuses of migrants based on ethnicity and nationality and the fact that herders have little chance of becoming local 148
I hey should be friendly and mix with us. During farming if a person is not busy he can come and help with communal farming. If the person is not a farmer we can't force him to farm, if his work does not hamper another's he can do his own work. In that case he is one of us (N003)
I would like them and us to live united because we have common interest. If I need him to do something he would have to be there to do it, if he needs something I will help. If he repeatedly does not take my advice, it means that he is disrespectful (D003)
Having referred to respect, friendliness, and involvement in communal labour, the responses hint at herder-local integration, which I consider later in this thesis.
4.5 Conclusion
This chapter set out to provide the contexts in which herder sedentarisation has taken place with the aim of demonstrating how that process is linked to the "discovery" of space, the cultivation of place and the establishment of territory. Using space as a conceptual basis, 1 have expatiated on the sources of local-herder disputes and used that to construct an understanding of local expectations of herder behaviour This chapter is a precursor to the next because it sets the stage for the examination of local livelihoods in the context of place and (asymmetrical) power—based relations between locals and herders. Bv examining the livelihood portfolios of the local population, the chapter highlights the context in which locals are particularly jitter}' about herder power—their livelihood security . 149
Chapter Five: Economic Navigation: Livelihoods in Tallensi-Nabdam
The livelihoods framework regards the asset status ofpoor individuals or households as fundamental to an understanding of the options open to them (Ellis & Freeman, 2005a, 5).
5.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses the livelihood sources, trends and benefits of study participants. It is tethered to the sustainable livelihoods framework (Ashley & Carney, 1999), and contains an inventory of the assets, vulnerabilities and outcomes of respondents from the local community. It discusses herders' impact on local livelihoods and examines herder territoriality as a response to local positionality. It is written from a deductive standpoint starting with an overview of livelihoods and then focusing on the livelihood profiles of selected individuals (and households). The idea is to keep the focus on the individual for a view of livelihoods with analytical as well as practical utility.
5.2 Livelihoods in Tallensi-Nabdam: Dependence and Independence
Rj/ra! households in low income countries are pursuing diverse livelihood strategies. ... the share of non-farm income is increasing in the income portfolio of rural households. ... agriculture remains an important income source for a latge proportion of rural households. ...a proportion of off-farm diversification is linked to agriculture through forward and backward production linkages (Ellis & Freeman, 2005b, 198)
Livelihoods are discussed under farm, off-farm and non-farm activities with a focus on the prevalence, benefits and gendering of livelihoods in the study area. But before these specifics, some observations will be made regarding livelihoods. Firstly, livelihood options are limited, seasonal, unpredictable and small scale. Secondly, some numbers may be unreliable because people do not want to appear too poor or well-off compared to their neighbours. Thirdly, notions of livelihoods revolve around food security and the idea that cash is a "problem solver" and not the outcome of a dependable livelihood. Fourthly, there 150 is little evidence of non-farm Livelihood diversification among men, but such diversification exists among women. Fifthly, livelihoods can be more accurately described as natural environment-based rather than agriculture-based (see Warner, 2000). The in-depth livelihood sections draw on data from interviews with 16 local women and 23 local men, information which is necessary for tallying the livelihood numbers at points in the chapter.
5.2.1 Farm activities as livelihoods in Tallensi-Nabdam
In a poor rural environment, it is expected that the main occupation will be farming, thus information on the distribution of farms in space is used to provide context for the rest of the chapter. Indigenously, two kinds of farm exist: "bush" and compound farms. Bush farms are located several kilometres from settlements and are governed by the local rules of common property for establishment and ownership. Farmers can cultivate their farms as long as they want; farms under fallow remain off limits to others and natives can start farms with the Kdaan's blessing. Bush farms range in size between two and five acres (i.e. one to two ha or roughly two soccer fields). Bush farms tend to be small not because of the crunch for land but because of the restricted capacity to cultivate more. Women typically do not own bush farms but help men on such farms. Two exceptions were a woman in Digare who was just unconventional and another in Zanwore whose husband was too sick to farm.
Compound farms are located within communities and are smaller than bush farms.
The restricted sizes of compound farms are related to the compactness of settlements.
Larger compound farms (about V2 an acre) are owned by men. All male respondents had compound farms except in two cases. Three females had no compound farms. A woman's compound farm is allotted by her husband from a portion of his land. Two women 151 respondents procured land from outside their families. In Zanwore, one woman obtained
land from the grove custodian whilst the other
in Datoko sought help from a neighbour.
Proceeds from bush and men's compound
farms are understood to provide staple foods
for the home whilst yield from women's
compound farms are for her discretionary use,
Figure 37: Early or pearl millet. Source: including procuring ingredients for meals or http://testl.icrisat.org/PearlMillet/PearlM illet.htm income for "small" problems.
Crops grown are not farm-specific. Farmers practice mixed cropping, systematically planting maize, groundnuts, early millet (Pennisetum typhoideum, Fig. 37/ guinea corn (Holcus
Sorghum, L, Fig. 38), beans, Bambara beans
(Vigna subterranea (L.) Verde.), Frafra potatoes
or peha (Solenostemon rotendifolius), and sweet
potatoes (1pomoea batatas). In addition, women
cultivate okro, pepper, alefu (Amaranthus spp)
and bito (Hibicus sabdariffa).
Figure 38: Guinea corn for harvesting. Photo: Author Farming, Yields and Livelihoods: Respondents were asked about farming in the five year period 2004-2008 and emphasis was placed on recollections for any years within the bracket years. Obtaining this information was tricky as people had vague (sometimes unrealistic) recollections. One farmer in Datoko whose bush farm was about two acres claimed to have harvested 25 bags of maize, guinea corn and millet 152 in 2008! The numbers are therefore an impression of farm livelihoods and showcase a problem with the livelihoods framework. The on-farm activities of 16 women and 22 men (excluding a full-time shepherd) were similar among men and women but yields were generally low.
Men were harvesting one to three 100kg bags of produce combined whilst women were harvesting less than a bag of produce. Table 7 presents four scenarios to illustrate the variations on an individual level34.
Resp. Sex Farm size Yield Year Di005 M 4 acres 1 bag of maize, 1 bag of guinea corn, XA bag of beans 2008 and 2 basins of early millet3 D005 M 3 acres 3 bags of maize, millet, Bambara beans and Since groundnuts combined 2004 Z007 M 3 acres Alleged four bags of millet and six bags of corn 2008 N004 M 2.5 acres Less than two bags of crop combined Since 2004 Table 7: Farm yield of selected respondents. Source: Fieldwork August-December 2009.
In Namoranteng, no respondent harvested more than two bags of crop combined, but this was not an anomaly. Yields were less than three bags except in 11 cases. D009 could have spoken for the group when he lamented that since 2006 even on a new farm, yields have been poor. In 2006 there was an unexplained poor yield, in 2007 floods destroyed the crop and in 2008 it was raining during tussling. For N008, the 2006 yield was poor due to delayed rains, in 2007 the floods occurred and in 2008 cattle ate his crop—twice.
Food security, Sales and Livelihoods: Between 2004 and 2008 no respondent had consistently raised money by selling produce, not even among the farmers who harvested
"appreciable" quantities. Ironically, selling produce was the most cited method of raising
M Women's yields combined were generally less than a bag. " Early millet is the first crop to mature by late July and brings the "hunger season" to an end. In the two months when other crops mature, early millet is completely consumed except for the next year's seed. cash, although farmers sold produce for specific reasons and not for the cash per se. It even appears that they set prices based on how much money they needed, after which to their minds, the need for cash was eliminated. This seems like poor economics but there is a rationale. DiOOl remarked: "I am a poor woman, what do I need money for?" This does not mean she has no need for cash. It rather points to a status that puts cash and her life at odds. The statement also draws attention to the fact that she is so poor she cannot afford to want the things money can bring; so there is no point in wanting money. Other respondents did not vocalise it the same way, but interviews were pregnant with self-deprecating comments about the suggestion of selling produce to keep the money for a rainy day.
Locals refrain from selling produce because keeping produce is one thing they can control in their livelihoods and practically, they submit it is imprudent to sell produce when yields are so consistently low: "When you freshly harvest you cannot determine whether it will be enough until the dry season is over" (D002). For D003, grains can be stored for up to two years, so it is wise to store produce instead of rushing off to the market. Others store (more) produce because of the extended family: "from time to time I give my relatives some food. If I sell I will have to buy for them. If people help me with some work they must eat. That is why I don't like selling food"
(Di002). "After the harvest I keep produce until the next rainy season. Something will come up... problems involving your brothers and sisters. You know we don't have whiteman's jobs but we have to solve problems
(N001). This is perceptive given that only one of 87 local participants had steady employment as a school teacher. The sense of keeping foodstuffs for the wider family was acute as the communal culture expects stronger people to help feed the elderly and not just their aging, ailing parents. 154
Poverty seemed to encourage saving food as respondents frequendy asked "sell and eat what?" The subtext was clear: "Food can be kept; but money cannot. People will look for "work " for money and when the money finishes they cannot buy the food they sold" (Di004). So the dearth of money and the myriad of needs run so deep that selling food implies buying insecurity. The perception of being rich discouraged keeping cash: If you are known for keeping money, people will come and borrow to solve their problems. In the end, your money will dissipate and you will not have used it for anything and may not get it back (Di006).
For female respondents, produce is for the children. D007 spoke of how she gives the children groundnuts to "eat and drink water" and N004 talked about feeding the children
Bambara beans "after Christmas". Z008 harvests V2 bag of groundnut and "since it does not spoil
I just keep it. If there is a problem I take a little, sell it and help with the problem". If yields are poor, there is little penchant to sell. Nonetheless, respondents sold produce between 2004 and
2008. The task was to compute how much cash was derived, where the money went and how that contributed to wellbeing. Eleven had sold a "substantial" (more than V2 a bag) amount of produce, but selling produce was not indicative of harvest, as a farmer could harvest little and sell because an issue arose.
The most consistent seller of produce was D005 who sold produce every year since
2004, but the merchandise was pepper of which he has harvested a bag each year. He was unable to tell how much money the bag derived because his wife retailed it in small cup sizes for 20 Ghana pesewas (0.13 cents)"'. He also disclosed (rather humorously) that he does not know how much he is supposed to earn because he gets what his wife brings. The 2009 wholesale price of a bag of pepper was 28-30 GHC (SI9- $21), a decent price for a bag of
•,6 At the time of the research (2009) the exchange rate of the Ghana cedi to the Canadian dollar was 1:1.46 155 pepper until computed over a year: the farmer earned 2.5 GHC (SI .7) a month for his household of 1 wife, three teenagers and his mother. Maybe selling a bag of pepper five consecutive years is sustainable business but livelihood-wise it contributed nothing to the outcome. This respondent harvested 3-5 bags of produce in the bracket years but sold little as his household, religious (sacrifices) and extended family responsibilities were many.
For the 10 remaining farmers, millet and maize were most frequently sold (Table 8).
Except in DOOl's case where there may be an anomaly, maize was sold for c30 GHC ($20.5) and millet for c35 GHC ($24) a bag. To put the figures in perspective, the income stated represents sales for a year showing that income from produce are severely restricted.
Respondent Year Type of produce Quantity Purpose of sale Income Di002 2008 Maize 1 bag Perform funeral C40 Di004 2006 Maize = 1 bag Bought "Fulani" sheep c30 Di005 2008 Maize 1.5 bags Bought lambs for resale e45 Di006 2005 Maize, late millet 4 bags Bought a young bull el20 2008 millet 2 bags Bought goats e70 D001 2007 Maize 2 bags No particular reason clOO D009 2008 Late millet V2 bag To prepare farm c20 D011 2007 Late millet 1 bag To resolve a dispute c 35 Z005 2006 Late millet, maize 1 bag each Senior high education C60 Z006 2007 Millet 2 bags Animals for rearing e70 Z007 2007 Maize 2 bags For in-law's funeral c55 Table 8: Sales and income of some farmers in the study area. Source: Fieldwork, 2009 Shortly after harvesting, market days in Datoko were marked by young and old trooping to the market to sell bowls and buckets of produce. Farmers sold bowls of grain to meet needs that do not require a substantial financial outlay: "7 will sell a little to buy food. I will sell a lot to solve a problem" (Z007). The problem, however, is that farmers sell what little produce they have for pressing and not so pressing demands. The question thus becomes how to encourage food storage and consumption throughout the year.
Seed borrowing: Livelihood or Dependence? Seed borrowing emerged as a coping strategy rather than a livelihood option. Some farmers lent seeds to others and received it 156 with 50% interest after the harvest. In the event of a community-wide poor harvest for the crop borrowed, the borrower is not enjoined to pay the interest. People borrow seeds because they fed on the next season's seed and lacked the money to some for planting
(Di006). Di006 has lent seeds and has encountered only one case in which the borrower defaulted in payment. The practice was corroborated in Namoranteng: "Ow can clear land, borrow seed to cultivate it, hire labour to weed it and find out one day that the cows have eaten everything.
What do we do, knowing that we are in debt for seed? How do you repay the seed (FGDN002)? It thus appears that seed borrowing impedes livelihood security, not broadens options.
5.2.2 Off-Farm Livelihood Options of Local Farmers
Off-farm livelihood activities are farm-related but are carried out on another person's farm for a wage. Off-farm livelihood activities were identified as local-local and local-herder farming, alongside the largely dormant seasonal migration among respondents.
Seasonal Migration: Seasonal migration has a long history in northern Ghana and has evolved into an adaptive strategy for men in particular. It was not an active part of the livelihoods of respondents but it cannot be diminished as a livelihood option in the general population. Respondents jettisoned the option for various reasons. D006 blamed it on fatigue, D012 stopped because of ailing parents, N005 made wav for the vounger ones, and at 26, Z003 had not been drawn to it. Consequently, respondents made no income from seasonal migration. It will be interesting to probe the current communitv-wide contribution of seasonal migration to the livelihoods of the present generation of young men and women, especially as seasonal migration has historically been a significant source of monev income and status for migrants and their families (Arthur, 1991). 157
Local to Local Farming: Local-local farming derives from reciprocal communal labour where farmers get together and work on each other's farms and the host provides food. This system is practised all over Ghana (Nukunva, 2003). As times have changed, the practice has changed giving way to urban-based or rural-based farmers hiring labour in a system known as by-day (i.e. labour gets paid by the day). One explanation for the shift is the experience of seasonal migrants earning money to afford goods that reciprocal farming could not make available. Also, monetisation in rural areas has contributed to the trend. Besides, urban-based farmers pay 3 GHC for a day's work whilst local farmers pay half that price.
Farming for locals was uncommon as only five respondents earned money this way in 2009. For Di004, there has never been enough food to last through the year, so before the harvest of early millet, he works for others, buys food for his family and then focuses on his own farm. For Z003, farming by-day provided the cash to buy seed to supplement what his own. Farmers preferred to work for "urban farmers" as they could be hired for up to five days and earn enough to meet the need for which they decided to sell their labour. In all cases, however, respondents did not earn enough to significantly improve their finances.
Local to Herder Farming: This practice, which was surprisingly popular among local men, started about 15 years ago. It capitalises on the herders' lower aptitude for farming, cattle- bound schedules and unwillingness to wield hoe and cutlass. Twelve respondents admitted that local-herder farming had become part of their rainy season routine. The breakdown comprised five in Zanwore, two in Namoranteng, three in Datoko and two in Digare. Eight were conflicted about farming for the herders because they wrould rather the herders leave.
One father was frustrated with his son for engaging in "such shameful acts" (NFGD001). Some felt betrayed by those working for the herders not for the humiliation of working for 158
"immigrants", but the implication of farming for them. They complained that those working for herders had an easier time accessing resources around herder compounds, and that the
"herder market" had been restricted to a few people (N001, FGDN002).
Two systems and modalities govern farming arrangements: bv-day and by-portion. In by-day, labour is paid at the end of the day regardless of output whilst with the by-portion labour is rewarded after the assigned portion has been completed. With by-day, the price is fixed but with by-portion, price is arrived at after bargaining on the size of the portion. The stage of the season plays a role in the prices agreed on. During farm preparation, the price is highest, lower during "first weeding"1 , and lowest during "second weeding". It was reported that local people use bullock ploughs to till herder land for a fee but no respondent earned money this way so the practice and its monetary value could not be confirmed.
Herders paid 2 GHC (SI.4) for by-day and between 4-12 GHC ($3-$8) for by portion work. With by-portion, they provided food and were prone to prod labour to "hurry up. If they think you have a poor work ethic they will not give you work again" (Z002). The lowest earner for 2009 was from Datoko and earned 2 GHC for a dav's work (6am-2pm). The highest earner was from Digare earning 22 GHC (SI5) for first and second weeding. Locals could also be paid in milk, grain or eggs. No one accepted milk because it was not worth the labour. They collected (guinea fowl) eggs to hatch them for sale in the build-up to the end of year festivities or collected grain to feed their families. But it could not be established how much land needed to be weeded for what quantity of grain or 24 eggs. Farming for herders is a coping strategy rather than a livelihood option as locals' take this step haltingly. The
37 First and second weeding correspond to the weeding after the crops have germinated and just before thev flower respectively. Second weeding is cheaper because there are fewer weeds to contend with. 159 ephemeral nature of herder setdement means that livelihoods dependent on it hang in the balance and cannot be strategically developed into sustainable livelihoods in the long term.
5.2.3 Livestock and livelihoods in Tallensi East
Received knowledge about northeastern Ghana has it that livestock are important to the socio-economic fabric. This is historically accurate, as in the Frafra and Kusasi areas cows are used for bride wealth, have been a status symbol for generations and bullock ploughs have been used to till land for a long time. Donkeys are used to haul heavy loads; and sheep, goats and pigs have been kept not so much for the protein, but for the ease with which they can be turned into cash. Households also keep free-ranging birds.
Livestock is important, but an inventory of livestock possessions of both men and women (Appendix B) suggests that livestock as livelihood has lost considerable ground.
Except for cattle dealers (who typically are local elite) respondents scoffed at the idea of a local owning more than 10 cows. The data supports their cynicism: 57% of male intemewees have no cattle. Due to the small numbers of catde per local, families combine their cattle for shepherding in the rainy season. Apart from D013 who had entrusted 6 cows, no respondents had entrusted cattle to them but some locals have cattle to the herders.
Some of the birds were hatchlings at the time of the inventorv so the number of birds is definitely bloated. Donkeys are owned by few and the conjecture is that people are not economically engaged enough to need a donkey on a constant basis. Table 9 presents the averages of livestock owned. Averages may distort the individual picture but as far as livelihoods are concerned, cows, donkeys and pigs could be ruled out; but sheep, goats and birds could be viable options, although men are better placed than women in this arena. 160
Avg No. of: Cows Sheep Goats Don ceys Pigs Birds Resp. gender M F M F M F M F M F M F Namoranteng .5 0 2.6 .5 5.6 .75 0 0 2.3 1.3 19.6 11 Digare 1.8 0 5.6 1.25 6.6 1.25 0.8 0 0.8 .5 14.8 9 Zanwore 0 0 3 0 2.6 0.5 0.4 0 1.4 0 10.2 9.2 Datoko 2.8 0 5.3 .75 4.9 1.5 0.5 0 0.5 .75 12.2 7.8 Table 9: Average livestock of respondents by community and sex. Source: Fieldwork 2009
The numbers of livestock hints at the vulnerabilities associated with rearing livestock and N001 admits his frustration in rearing animals despite his best efforts:
Rearing animals could have helped but sometimes I rear guinea chickens and they die, sheep and they die. For about 4 years now livestock loss has been rampant in this village. Sometimes you can have ten animals /meaning small ruminants] and they will all die. Just days ago 1 found Jour oj my piglets dead mthout any explanation. I am not making excuses. I rear them properly; something happens and they just die. They thrive and just as easily die. When they begin dyingyou can't be sure how many will remain. You just wait and see how many God mil spare.
His strategy is to convert small animals to cows, but his three cows do not indicate the strategy has been successful. Several respondents reared chickens in anticipation of the end of year sales when the prices are highest, but without fail, they lost some to bird diseases.
N003 testifies that he has never garnered the capacity to multiply his sheep and goats because he sells them to meet pressing demands. Selling livestock to feed the family is a familiar story as many men have little else to fall back on. D003's policy is to sell livestock instead of produce. By inference, the lack of food draws households deeper into vulnerabilitv as they dissipate livestock to buy grain, healthcare and child education.
Sheep and goats sold for between 25-30 GHC ($ 17-520) and birds for an average of
9 GHC ($6). To sell small animals and birds, people in Datoko and Zanwore use the mining sites, Pelungu or Kongo markets. Those in Digare use the mining sites whilst those in
Namoranteng patronise the Kongo or Pelungu markets. Selling livestock is not a livelihood option for women because it is not a "woman thing" to sell animals. Women's hens 161 produce chickens for domestic use; and because they have so few, if the birds do not thrive, it matters not to the Livelihood outcome.
People become vulnerable when they use catde to marry. Four calves are needed for bride wealth, and since cows are expensive (a medium sized cow costs between 150-200
GHC i.e. $103-$136), bachelors borrow from the family. These need not be presented upfront, but families become indebted to their in-laws as happened to Z009 and D006 who have not managed to replenish the stock for the last 13 and 21 years respectively.
5.2.4 Non-Farm Livelihood Activities
Respondents harnessed a range of "environmental" activities to augment livelihoods.
These include selling sheanuts, thatch and charcoal, petty trading and mining. Women dominate this section because they have a broader range of livelihood instruments, but this does not necessarily put them in stronger position. Also, Di004 reported that with a friend, he helped herders sell cows for a 0.5% commission but stopped because they felt cheated.
The sheanuts trade: Shea butter derived from sheanuts is becoming increasingly familiar in
the West, used in natural lines of cosmetics.
Over the past fifteen years, sheanuts have
become the focus of many development
initiatives because it is one of the few
economic commodities in the region under the L control of women (Carney & Ellis, Figure 39: The three views of sheanuts
Source:chagrinvalleysoapandcraft.com/sheabutterexp.ht 20Q7) Jn fact> thc economic ]lves of most females revolve around sheanuts. Learning to pick sheanuts is a given for girls as 162 picking sheanuts is something women have always done. All female respondents had been involved with the nut at some point. That sheanuts contribute to the livelihoods of local women has never been in doubt. The aim is to re-assess the viability of this activity. Sheanut harvesting involves women picking ripe sheanuts from the forest still covered with the sweet, green edible flesh (Fig 39, basket at right). To expose the shell, (left, bottom basket) they boil the nuts, cool and rinse them in water. The nuts are gendy pounded, separated by hand to remove the shell, dried and stored for use (Fig. 39, left, top basket). Unanimously, respondents agreed that 2004-2008 had good sheanut yield, even suggesting that in 2006 and
2007 they could not keep pace with the harvest and 2009 has been the worst since 2004.
This is corroborated by Fulani women who cite the same years for good and poor yield.
Table 10 represents the usual quantities women harvested between 2004 and 2008.
Going by these, the average number of bags picked per season is 5.5. A distinction is
made between usual and average to keep the
focus on the individual. Quantity harvested is
not necessarily indicative of yield. Some
women are more assiduous pickers, go farther
into the forest and harvest better quality nuts
which feeds into the cumulative quantity Figure 40: The lakpikit, measure of sheanuts for sale. Photo: Author ... picked. Others devote more time to activities other than sheanut picking. Sheanuts are measured by the kruwa (bowl), lakpikit or bag but the standard measure for sale is the lakpikit (Fig 40). Two and a half kruwa fill a lakpikit, forty kruwa fill a bag. This means that 16 lakpikit fill a bag. Shea prices depend on whether thev are sold in the rainy or drv season (Table 11). 163
Respondent'8 Usual harv est per season In the rainy season, when there is D004 4 bags D007 8 bags little demand the price is low. Price spikes D008 1 bag DOM 6 bags in the dry season when farm work is done, Z002 4 bags Z004 4-6 bags sheanuts are preserved and conditions are Z008 3 bags DiOOl Up to 10 bags ideal for making sheabutter. In 2009, a bag Di007 7 bags of sheanuts cost 64-96 GHC ($45 to $68, N002 4 bags N004 8 bags Table 11), but few women earn this much N006 6 bags
Table 10: Approximate harvest of sheanuts per money as they sell in small quantities. season 2004-2008. Source: Fieldwork, 2009
Year Cost of lakpikit Cost of lakpikit Cost of bag Cost of bag ( Rainy season) (Dry season) (Rainy season) (Dry season) 2007 3 GHC ($2) 5 GHC ($3.4) 48 ($32.8) 80 ($54.7) 2008 4 GHC ($2.7) 6 GHC ($4.1) 64 ($43.8) 96 ($65.7) 2009 4 GHC($2.7) 6 GHC ($4.1) 64 ($43.8) 96 ($65.7) 2010 Undetermined at time of writing Table 11: Sheanut prices 2007-2009. Source: Fieldwork, 2009
Eight respondents sold sheanuts as well
as made first grade (unrefined) shea butter (Fig.
41). The other four concentrated their efforts on
sheabutter for added value. Shea butter is non-
money income in the indigenous home as it is
used for cooking, skin and hair conditioning, and Figure 41: Unrefined sheabutter. Photo: Author as or in, medicine. Depending on the skill of the maker and the quality of the nuts, 1 lakpikit of sheanuts will derive a calabash of sheabutter which could sell for 4-7 GHC also depending on the size of the calabash-small, medium or
38 Five respondents had stopped picking nuts due to age and stamina concerns. 164 large. A bag of sheanuts therefore contains 64-112 GHC (S44-S77) worth of sheabutter, which implies that traders make marginal profits (16 GHC) after processing and lose if they sell large egg-sized quantities at 0.1 GHC (0.06 cents) or produced low quality butter.
On face value, selling sheabutter adds value but more could be added. Cognisant that sheabutter is heavily consumed in the home, and tends to be produced on a need basis, the money income dwindles further. A high earning product like shea butter with low overhead costs therefore has potential that has not been reached.
Food, Drinks (usually akpeteshiei9) and Trading: Five of 16 local women augmented their livelihoods this way. Selling food is lucrative "if one knows how to sell" said ZOOS, indicating that the key to profitability is a good sense of proportion about food served and money received. Her experience is a peek into the workings and earnings of food vendoring.
ZOOS is from 7.an wo re but carries the food to the Datoko market and sometimes the Datoko primary schoolfor sale due to the proximity of the two villages and the larger population in Datoko. The food she sells is called waakye (rice and beans cooked together) and is normally served with sauce and eggs, meat or fish. But she uses fish powder for protein and to add flavour to the food as the demand for fish, eggs or meat does not encourage supply. To prepare a meal for a day's sale, she uses one bowl of locally grown rice which costs 4.5 GHC, and half a bowl of beans valued at 2.5 GHC. She then purchases ingredients for the sauce at 1 to 1.5 GHC implying that in total, a day's investment will be 8 GHC ($5.5). Because of intense temperatures and lack of refrigeration, selling all the food is important for profitability. When she has made the sales for a day she usually has close to 20 GHC in gross income. After deducting the capital of 8 GHC she is left with a "hefty" 12 GHC ($8.2) but she does not sell everyday so this income is irregular.
Considering Z008's (irregular) profits and the fact that people do not think money is crucial to their survival and will only seek money for a specific purpose it begs the questions:
How can selling food be lucrative? Which demographic is involved with buying food? What does this mean for family food security?
w This is a local gin typically brewed from palm wine and sugar cane and is prohibitively high in alcohol content: 40% and 50% (Luginaah and Dakubo, 2003). Akpetesbie is also preferred by problem drinkers. 165
Selling alcoholic, carbonated and rnalt drinks is present in all locations, but in Digare the vendor sells only non-alcoholic beverages as her husband is a Muslim. The prevalence of akpeteshie is surprising given that pito is the indigenous drink. Although three respondents reported involvement in the akpeteshie business, it is possible more women community-wide engage in it. Local women sell bottled drinks for more than the prices recommended by bottling companies (Table 12). Di007 started business two months after the study commenced and was unsure about its prospects. DOM, selling out of a "drinking bar" in her home, quotes prices a shade lower but still higher than the recommended prices. The price discrepancy, they say, is to cover the cost of transporting the goods to such remote locations. Akpeteshie is more popular because it is cheap and strong. Patrons claim that the spirit cures stomach ailments and enhances appetite (Luginaah & Dakubo, 2003) blindsiding the fact that it is addictive, a financial drain, a health risk and the precursor to low productivity due to intoxication. Vendors say the rainy season is a bad time for sales as the customers (men) are farming. But immediately after the harvest the business is profitable.
Location Drink Recommended price Price sold Profit Digare Coke 300 ml 70 p4" 1.2 GHC 50 p Malt 300 ml 1 GHC 1.5 GHC 50 p Datoko Coke 70 p 90 p 20 p Malt 1 GHC 1.2 GHC 20 p Beer 600 ml 2 GHC 2.4 GHC 40 p Table 12: Comparative prices of bottled drinks in Datoko and Digare. Source: Fieldwork, 2009 The price of akpeteshie could not be obtained in Digare but in Zanwore, Datoko and Namoranteng, a gallon (4.5 litres) was 10 GHC ($6.8). After retailing a gallon, N004 could earn a profit of 4 GHC weeklv with a steady market. If the market was great (i.e. no
40 Pesewas are the equivalents of cents in dollar currency, represented by p. 166 credit purchases), Z008 could make up to 10 GHC per gallon in profit. According to her, sales peak after the harvest at about a gallon a day and tapers off to a gallon ever}' 5 days after Christmas and until the next harvest. Since customers usually buy on credit, she rarely attains the upper margins of profit but does not insist on cash because customers may go elsewhere. Besides, she keeps customers by continuing to sell to them on credit.
The only petty trader among local women respondents was D007 who has spent 15 years at the Datoko market selling smoked fish, pepper (which she cultivates herself), sugar, groundnuts, salt and spices in her "spare" time and when she needs the money. In the rainv season, she goes on market days but in the dry season she goes frequendy, earning about 4
GHC ($2.7) a day on good days and 1.5 GHC ($ 1) when business is sluggish.
None of the women considered these activities as stand-alone options. D007 picked sheanuts, kept pigs and sold shea butter; Di007 had a compound farm and picked nuts;
Z008 picked sheanuts, sold food and akpeteshie, and D014 sold botded drinks and sheanuts.
Whether this trend is a cause or effect of their livelihoods depends on their livelihood profile and is subject to the demands of other activities such as farming and household duties.
Small-scale Mining: Four males and one female included small scale mining (hereafter mining) in their livelihood portfolios. Mining began in Tallensi-Nabdam in the early 1990s
and changed some livelihoods contributing to
37% and 50% of female and male livelihoods
respectively (Awumbila & Tsikata, n.d). But this
is a far cry from the reality of respondents. The
men stopped mining when it became clear after a
Figure 42: Washing system to separate sand while of digging, hauling, washing and sieving from gold bearing material. Photo: Author 167 that the quest for gold was a mirage of the savanna. Z003 mined for a little over two years ending in 2007, earned about 30 GHC ($21) within that time, quit and is concentrating his efforts on farming where there is comparative surety. Z009 worked in mining for three years
(1999-2002) and managed a mere quarter blade which he sold for 4 GHC ($2.5). He stopped because "mining involves luck". He then told of a Zanwore man who got lucky, sold a huge find for 1000 GHC ($700) and wasted it. Z001 mined from 1999-2004, earned absolutely nothing and gave up. The same applies to Z006 who mined for three years. Z006 knew locals who had cut back on farming to work as
"loco boys" transporting blasted rock ore from the pit to the surface, and "kaimen" pounding ore in metal mortars (Awumbila & Tsikata, n.d). Some
Figure 43: Worker clearing "tailings pond" to accommodate waste water. Photo: Author
worked as washers and sievers using a crude
system to separate dirt from the mineral and use
mercury to extract gold (Figs. 42-44).
The only female had been involved with
Figure 44: Sifting gold from the sand . . .. , . r . Photo- Author mining since 2000 until two months before the inten'iew as her mother in-law became sick and needed round-the-clock care. She rewashed sand hoping to find gold the original washers may have missed. Her 10 years of work were futile as she only got half a blade of gold (in 2007) and sold it for 13 GHC ($9). Her more profitable engagement had been fetching water for the miners at 1 GHC (0.7 cents) an oil barrel. It appears mining is not a viable livelihood instrument. 168
Selling Charcoal: Three women and seven men admitted involvement in the charcoal trade.
In focus groups, some respondents implied an involvement but the context prevented obtaining further details. People held back because the Forestry Department discourages haphazard tree lopping. Respondents claimed they used dry branches for charcoal but this is questionable as charcoal making appears to be a vibrant industry serving the mining sites and trucks coming from urban areas where charcoal, and not firewood, is preferred for energy.
The mining sites of Accra, Kejetia, Obuasi, and Tarkwa were their primary markets.
Yearly output ranged between two basins and 3 bags. A basin sold for 3-4 GHC ($2-$2.7) and a bag for 8-12 GHC ($5.4-$8.2) depending on the size of the bag. No respondents from
Namoranteng sold charcoal; five lived in Digare,
two in Zanwore and three in Datoko. Digare may
be the hotspot for charcoal making because the
Digare-Bapiella-Tolla forests are remote enough
for charcoal burning to go on undetected, even on
. . , „„ . , ... a large scale. Evidence of scale is provided bv Figure 45: Aftermath of "charcoal truck ° r dug out near Digare. Photo: Author wooden trucks trying to reach the charcoal areas and becoming stuck for days at a time41. Fig 45 shows a depression after a truck was dug out after four days. It is curious that Namoranteng did not record charcoal involvement, but it would be imprudent to absolve them as it is likely the trade exists. Annual income from charcoal is presented in Table 13.
41 Five stuck trucks were seen during fieldwork but photographing them was not allowed. 169
Respondent Sex Charcoal earnings (GHC) Dollar equivalents (Cdn) DiOOl F 16 11 Di002 M 36 25 Di005 M 27 18 Di006 M 9 6 Di007 M 10 6.8 D005 M 7 5 D006 M 17 11.6 D008 F 4 2.7 Z003 F 6 4 Z009 M 13.5 9.2
Table 13: Annual income from charcoal sales. Source: Fieldwork 2009 Harvesting Thatch: Only six men harvested thatch for a livelihood. In 2009, a bundle of thatch was 2 GHC (SI.4). Thatch harvesting spans October and November, when the grass
has matured and is beginning to dry. Each respondent harvested more than five bundles a season over the last five years. The highest earner in 2009 was from Zanwore earning 16
GHC ($11) and the lowest incidentally from Zanwore earned 10 GHC ($ 6.8).
5.3 Livelihoods in Totality: Livelihoods of selected individuals
When incomes are small, tools to manage income well become vitally important. The money that the poor earn too often arrives at the wrong times, can be hard to hold onto, and is difficult to build into something larger... (Collins et al.,.2009, 174)
This section attempts a holistic documentation of individual livelihoods to highlight
the "wealth" of the poor. It also records their vulnerabilities and how the herders might have
impacted their livelihoods. Each vignette ends with a short analysis on how to improve the
livelihood outcomes given the contents of respondent's asset pentagon and skills.
Zupok is 59 years, lives in Datoko, is the first of two wives and has five grown children. She and her husband, their three sons, their wives and seven grandchildren share the same compound. Her husband is in his 70s and is quite frail so foodfor the communal household is provided by her sons. Zupok does not own a compoundfarm so she helps on her sons' farms. She has no animals, not even the odd chicken. Even at her age she usually picks 4 bags (64 lakpikit) of sheanuts in the 3-month picking window. She stopped processing sheabutter six years prior because her daughters-in-law took overfrom her. 170
Sheanuts are her only livelihood instrument. In 2008-2009, she sold 3.5 bags at 4 GHC a lakpikit which earned 224GHC ($153). She actually did not know how much she earned because she sold in small quantities and used the money as she got it. By her assessment, she will not be able to pick the usual four bags as the yield in 2009 is poor. Because she has no farm, she asks for produce from the family when she needs money and admits that is not always a smooth process. This means that she is vulnerable to changes in the family dynamics. She does not keep track of her sales, \juckily, but for her aged husband, she has no dependants. Still her financial assets could be improved with a system of steady sales, book keeping and savings.
Wudanbil is 32 and has one wife. Including his brother's son, five small children depend on him for basic needs. He is a descendant of Datoko's royal family but has no privileges that could enhance his livelihood prospects. He has 2 acres of bush farm on which he squeezes mai^e, millet, groundnut and Bambara beans. Since starting the farm four years ago, he has harvested 3 bags of crops yearly and does not sell any because it is not enough. Prior to starting a family, he travelled three months a yearfor 6 consecutive years to work off-farm. That's where he earned money to many andfurnish his room. He has six sheep and guinea chickens, the number of which is in flux because the chickens are his source of revolving income. He had two cattle: a cow and a bull. The bull, which he inherited, has been stolen (he claims) by the herders. In high demand, guinea chickens sellfor about 10 GHC ($6.8) but he only sells when necessary, selling about eight or nine a yearfor a maximum of 90 GHC ($62). He recognises six sheep are too few to sell sustainably but he plans to sell two a year once they pass ten. By 2009 prices, a matured sheep cost 30- 36 GHC ($21-25) so his livelihood could marginally improve if he could increase his herd. For now, the cow isjust part of his assets and he has no economic plans for it. On the herder impact on his livelihood he says: It is difficult to leave the cattle to free range because the Fulani will steal them. I will like to make my farm bigger but I am hesitant because the cattle may eat the crop. I don't have a plough. I told you my bull was stolen. That bull could have earned 400 GHC. My intention was to sell it and buy a younger one for ploughing as the other one was too old. He feeds his young family relatively comfortably from his farm proceeds but cash is scarce. Earning 90 GHC ($62) means that but for the odd cedi here and there he marks each year with virtually no money income. That his family is young turns this into a tragedy. He has taken advantage of the free basic education and enrolled two kids in school. He apparently knows where he wants to be with the bird and sheep business. He may succeed with selling sheep because of the experience with guinea fowls. But he needs to increase the herd as that may be his opportunity for relative financial progress.
Kolog is 41 years and has one wife and three young adult children. He has 3 acres of compound and bush farm combined cultivating Frafra potatoes, millet, groundnuts and guinea com. He has no cows but keeps four goats and three sheep. He has farmed for the herders by portion since 2001 but explains that happened by chance. He went to buy guinea fowl eggs but they offered him the eggs for his labour. His yields have been terrible as he "has not been able to harvest a bag of anything" in the last three years. In 2009, he workedfor two herders and earned 18 GHC ($12). The year before, he earned 30 GHC ($21). A few times he has been paid in grain. Collecting grain started seasons ago when he was on his way home with thatch. A herder offered two bowls of grain for a bundle of thatch. Now when he needs grain he asks them for work and usually gets it. He has not sold any sheep or goats in four years because they are few. His major frustration is that the herders have all but changed his rainy season routine: 171
I used to plant the bush farm and then come home and concentrate on the compound farm and only go back when the plants had germinated to see if they germinated well and whether I need to do "second planting". Now that is risky. These days, I plant crops in the bush farm late to reduce the chances of cattle eating them. And I have to guard the farm. Kolog has little in assets and leans heavily on the herders. He got into these arrangements by their suggestion. His family has been food insecure since 2006, probably longer. By 2009, he was contemplating a new farm. His livelihood is insecure and his approach to other options increases his vulnerability. The challenge is to find what is wrong with his farming and what role his livestock can play in his livelihood. It would be prudent to wean him off the herders into activities that he has some control of.
Batamme is 38 and has been living in Zanwore for 24 years. She has seven dependants: a sick husband, three children, twin grandchildren and her parents' in-law. She has the twins because their father died. Shouldering this burden as an only wife is challenging. For her livelihood she picks sheanuts, and cultivates compound and bush farms. On the compound farm she grows early millet, beans and vegetables. She cooks fresh vegetables in the rainy season and preserves some for the rest of the year. She also cultivates a fraction of her husband's bush farm as feeding the family has become her responsibility and she lacks the capacity to do more. She cultivates groundnuts, beans, mai^e and millet but never sells because "you only sell some when you have enough She picked an unusual 11 bags of sheanuts in 2008 but as at September 2009, she had picked only 1.5 bags because the yield had been poor, but also because domestic and nursing demands occupied her. Besides, she has stock from the 2008 picking cycle. She only makes money selling sheanuts at the Datoko market. She does not take her wares to the more competitive Velungu market because she wants to be close to home. At the time of the interview, she had sold 4 bags at 3 GHC a lakpikit and earned 192 GHC ($132) over a period of 10 months. She concedes that sheanuts are important to her livelihood as she buys food and other supplies from the sale of sheanuts. Experience and persistence make a good picking season, but the herders interfere, even disrupt it: Some parts of the forest have more nuts. If you work fast you can pick six basins, heap them and carry them home in batches. But if the herders get there first you are likely to come home with an empty basin. Batamme's cramped family situation may have stunted her livelihood prospects. A lack of social capital probably restricts her movements regarding selling sheanuts. She had a room full of unsold sheanuts at the time of the interview. She works hard but the family demands may have contributed to her lean, worn look. As an avid shea picker, this may be the asset she can build on. What she needs is a system that allows her to focus on sheanuts to derive maximum benefits alongside farming for the family. Zoreba is 60years old. His household consists of two wives and eight children. His two oldest sons are married with children and they live in the same compound. His livelihood instruments comprise four acres of compound and bush farm on which he cultivates mai^e, millet, beans and potatoes, and sells charcoal and grain. He has no cattle; the reason never became clear as he was embarrassed about it. His stock of other animals is not impressive either: four goats and some chickens. He harvests two bags of crop a year which is insufficient to feed his dependents even though that does not include early millet. By July, early millet is ready for harvesting and the whole family eats roasted millet and water essentially as meals. He makes an average of three basins of charcoal a yearfrom which he derives 8 GHC. He does not sell grain unless there is a problem, but in all likelihood there may be none for that. He complains that because of the herders in the last 10 years, he has had to give up some activities and that have hurt him in a livelihood sense: 172
I used to plant yam, sweet potatoes, and Frafra potatoes. It was not necessary to plough the field. I just made holes and buried the shoots and left them there until the rains came. Now, I cannot do that, the cattle will destroy them. I used to nurse pepper at the farm, now I nurse them in the house and then transplant them. I used to harvest thatching grass to bring home after the harvest. Now I don't get much so I have stopped. His livelihood portfolio shows there is little to work with. He claims he needs little money if there is food in the house but he harvests little. Charcoal is not a viable or environmentally friendly option. Since someone was selling a bag ofpepper yearly that could be an option for him but with the aim to sell more.
Koligpoka is about 40years old and has been marriedfor more than 20years. She has six teenaged children. Two dropped out after high school, 1 is in junior high and the rest are in elementary school. Her husbandfarms, so food is taken care off but expenses for the children are hers unless they are "big". She sells sheanuts and sheabutter, akpeteshie, tends a small compound farm and has 2 sheep, 3 goats and birds. Estimates of the quantity of sheanuts she picks a season were difficult to obtain. She told me she can pick three bags a week but also said that in 2008 she picked three bags the whole season! Her estimate of 100 GHC from selling sheabutter was fairly accurate. She grows groundnuts and millet on her compound farm but estimates of yield went awry as she suggested that she harvests 4 bags of millet and 5 bags of groundnuts on the V2 acre compound farm. The story of akpeteshie was dramatically different but raised questions about her knowledge of her other instruments. It also diminished the impression that she grappled with counting. Her ease with the numbers emanating from the sale of akpeteshie was remarkable and 1 am still wondering what happened with produce and shea yield. One gallon costs 10 GHC and retails at 14 GHC which sells in a week. Therefore in a month she earns 16 GHC from selling akpeteshie which may be her major source of money income. Her view of the herders disrupting livelihoods is seen through crop damage: When you make a farm you second guess yourself. When the cattle eat the produce you have lost everythingfor that year. We pay for ploughing we plant seeds, and we pay for weeding so when the cows eat it we lose a lot. It is not doubted that Koligpoka picks sheanuts and sells sheabutter. What is concerning is that she apparently does not track what she picks and what she sells. A business cannot be run this way and this is where she needs some business coaching. It could be also that selling akpeteshie is so lucrative she pays little attention to "safer" options. That could be examined as well.
This section has revealed some trends and observations about individual and collective livelihoods in the area. Firstly, respondents did not keep track of their varied livelihood instruments which is a drawback as practitioners need to do more sifting to come up with a livelihood map with the highest chances of success. Secondly, for the individual, such a range of livelihoods diverts energy from lucrative activities. Thirdly, the links between the livelihood instruments localises risk. A person involved with farming might also lose 173 goats and chickens if the rains become copious. If that person makes charcoal, excessively wet weather will hamper the process; produce will become prone to moulding. In a sense then, acts meant to spread risk (diversification) can increase vulnerability.
Assessing livelihoods against the asset pentagon indicates that there is litde to build on for livelihood stability. This creates a unique problem as the sustainable livelihood approach is intended to work with what the poor have. Natural capital may be available but it requires other inputs to be harnessed. People's assets are limited. Even with an economic plan, the assets situation may constrain action as seen in Wudanbil's case.
Common views about rural areas in poor countries are that social capital is important for households in the form of avenues for borrowing, financial pooling or household support. However, Batamme's case shows that this generalisation must be made with caution. She has a viable low investment, a high return livelihood option (sheanuts) but she is so lacking in social support she is limited in what she can accomplish economically.
Also in terms of the asset pentagon (chapter 2), it is sometimes assumed that poor people lack many things but have some human and/or natural capital to be used for livelihood planning. This falters under two conditions. Natural capital may be available but if that capital is compromised by conflict or degradation there is litde to build on. Also, their human capital revolve around the same activity(ies) thus limiting their versatility and adaptive capacity to opportunities, even if the opportunities are accessible, secure and sustainable.
Household entanglements and irregular sales diminish prospects for accumulating/multiplying income and poses challenges for livelihood interventions. The returns on commodities mav be promising but the proceeds are spread over a long period.
Granted that rural economies may not be heavily monetised and non-money income may 174 have greater significance, low farm yields for instance guarantee food insecurity that drive a wedge into productivity and increase vulnerability to shocks.
The various ways in which locals have had to adjust to the herders has varying impacts on their livelihoods. Cattle theft, changing farm routines, crop damage, interrupted shea harvesting and less thatch are some of these livelihood disruptions. Evidently and by far, crop damage and having to change farm routines are the most consequential aspects of herder impacts on local livelihoods as livelihood outcomes are tied to yield.
The livelihoods approach considers the role of policies, institutions and processes in building livelihoods but in most poor rural areas these are absent and limit the potential of locations and their populations. In a removed location such as Digare, only accessed on motor cycle or by foot, there appeared to be no economic support although compared to the other study villages, it had more in terms of natural capital (more fertile land, higher yields, better rearing conditions), more optimism, but no market. No NGOs were working in the area and there was no government investment in the village. The Member of Parliament has not been seen since the election in 2008. The vacuum is consequential and shows that in livelihood and development discourse, location matters. The next section addresses local reaction to the herder influx, the herder response, territorial strategy and effectiveness.
5.4 Territoriality: Herders' Hunt for livelihoods
Whether employed for benign or malign purposes, by peaceful or violent means, territoriality is inherently conflictual with a marked tendency to generate rival territorialities (Anderson and O'Doivd 1999, 598)
5.4.1 Herder livelihoods and the stage for territorial competition
Chapter two discussed the links between spatiality and territoriality. Territoriality to control or influence other people or access to things in itself, is not bad posturing as it can 175 produce a negotiation of terms for access to things, places or people. But as with manv power relations, the less influential lose when such territoriality is about livelihoods.
Regardless of whether herder-local conflicts are social conflicts that implicate resources or resource conflicts that become social conflicts (see Turner, 2004), it is unwise to neglect ethnicity in the tone and direction of herder-local resources access issues.
That the herders are international migrants complicates matters as they are not only
Fulani but also Burkinabe coming into Tallensi-Nabdam from the Burkina Faso provinces such as Gourma, Nabouri, Namentenga, Sanmatenga and Zoundweogo. Also, the fact that the herders cross an international border searching for resources ignites local resistance, firstly because there is a significant lack of herder acceptance and secondly because when locals see a herder they see a border jumper, a migrant and a (foreign) competitor. Sometimes, it appears locals are obligated to feel poorly toward the herders as some respondents backtracked or equivocated if they felt they had presented too liberal a view of the herders.
Given that the local environment has been in decline for a while, locals are unwilling to share their resources with anyone, let alone aliens herding cattle bv the tens and sometimes, the hundreds. In this sense, the Ghana-Burkina border is both a gateway and a barrier to better livelihoods for herders, and a symbol for the assertion of identities and difference (Anderson & O'Dowd, 1999). Thirdly, the herder influx produces local positionality that reproduces herder positionalitv raising the spectre of territoriality in the
jostle for resources, the validation of ethnic difference or both. However, that the competition is for resources is cemented and all other issues, conflict or territorialitv related loop back to the availability of vital resources. 176
Locals do not shy away from ethnicity because they are under no pressure to be politically correct. Ethnicity underlies local reasoning that the Fulani herders should not be allowed to stay and exploit resources in Ghana, and more so because as non-Ghanaians they have no property rights. Remarks such as "we and the Fulani are not the same", "a Fulani belongs in the forest", "a Fulani is basically a thief' and "what person roams the forest at night?" hints at some motivations for local dissent. Ethnicity and nationality both frame local positionality, which draws a response from herders. Locals do not vocalise as wrong the things other locals do, but are quick to notice if herders do the same things. The position appears to be that locals can survive on local resources from local land, but aliens cannot or should not. This way, resources are deemed available for the same people (our resources) and not for all people
(human resources)(see Penrose, 2002). This also sets the tone for herder territoriality in a bid to eke out their livelihoods from the same environment locals use.
The overarching reason herders migrate into Ghana is for the pasture, but this act of economic prudence puts herders on a trajectory which ultimately clashes with locals. The main problem is that herders single-mindedly seek the best grazing avenues for their catde and the location of grass can be a bane for both groups. If the grass is in the vicinity of farms, catde destroy crops. Also, local catde (which are smaller) and Fulani catde graze differently, which puts local cattle at a disadvantage especially as the two breeds enjoy some grasses in common: Ihim (Ischaemim rugosum salisb), Naho Koba (Panicum repens linn.), Saaha
(Eragrostis atrovires (Desf) Trin. Ex Steud), and Muuh/Prema (andropogon gayanus Kunth var. gayanus). Whereas local cattle eat about a third of 150cm (5ft) high grasses, Fulani cattle eat about two thirds of the grass. If the grass is short, such as the Naho Noba, Fulani cattle almost eat it into the ground. Fulani catde also "clear the grass" and leave a visible path Ill when they have grazed in an area, but local cattle barely leave a trail (Di008, Z001, Z003,
D006, D011). Local farmers typically own less than 10 cows, but a herder could personally own up to 40 cows. Including entrusted cattle, the numbers could surpass 100.
Another source of competition arises over sheanuts between local and Fulani women and the catde. Fulani catde enjoy ripe sheanuts. From the local viewpoint, allowing cattle to eat sheanuts is bad enough, but cutting branches with fruit for catde is beyond reason
(N004, DiOOl, Di007, D008, Z004). Fulani women, renowned for selling milk, pick sheanuts once in Ghana. Both local and Fulani women report verbal exchanges when they meet, with local women telling Fulani women to go back and sell milk; Fulani women reply: the forest belongs to everyone (SFZ003, SFZ008, SFD004).
The competition for grass plays out in the dry season. For the continuous nourishment of cattle, Fulani herders cut branches from Nolig (Daniella Oliveri) and Nkpalig
(Af^elia Africana) trees (SFN002) which infuriates locals whose catde subsist by gleaning whatever they find. Locals cite the ways in which the herders have disrupted their livelihoods as more reasons the herders are unwanted competition in their livelihood world and reports of intimidadon and harassment consolidates most locals' animosity' toward the herders.
The local position has always been to expel the herders, but herders have persisted.
Thev go about their dudes, send some of their children to school, seek health care and make
"friends". This begs the question of how herders eke out their livelihoods in spite of local resistance. Taking a cue from Sack, I think the territoriality of the herders is the clue.
In Human Territoriality, Sack describes primary combinadons as the "general import of
,these1 tendencies within social hierarchies" (Sack, 1983, 60) and in his matrix of tendencies and primary combinadons, "enforcement of access" is a tendency that does not treat territoriality 178 as an end. However, the definitions of social relations, divide and conquer and inequalities proceed from this tendency (Sack, 1983, 61) leading to the proposition that for the setded herders, territoriality is not about controlling area (except maybe their hamlets), but access to resources. An analysis of territoriality in the study area suggests that the herders meet their livelihood needs through the perfection of territoriality vis a vis locals using subtle and overt means categorised as persuasive and aggressive territoriality respectively.
With persuasive territoriality, herders employ subde tools to garner goodwill. Focus groups in all study communities, however, showed that when herders overdo it, locals push back. Persuasive territoriality is an ongoing process with communities in which herders present themselves as not-so-bad, open to cooperation and cognizant of their status as aliens with no landed entitlements as poignantly captured by SFZ005: "Wejust beg to be allowed to stay. 1J we beg and they don't agree we will move. Strangers do not have power. We just pleadfor permission to stay". The idea is to be viewed favorably by leaders and locals alike and as would be shown the strategy has proven to be effective. Four strategies can be employed singly or in combination: befriend leaders, help harv est, pay compensation or conform to rules. Some locals absolve herders of unacceptable deeds because of these encounters, rationalizing that they may cause harm but hostility toward them is extreme (FGDN002). These processes are imperfect but herders earn an improved image or approval that softens their stay.
With Aggressive territorialitv, herders use threats to gain or maintain access to resources. Thev flaunt power which locals, for the most part, cannot deflect. Herders capitalise on locals' weaknesses to their advantage, do away with niceties and trv to manipulate local actions and outcomes. Aggressive territoriality is overt and intended to draw submission. Strategies include bragging, claiming cattle routes, posturing cows, 179 snitching and violence. The dynamics of herder territoriality ensures that herders come up the winners. Herders may not be entitled to territory, but they can be territorially effective.
Thus, controlling territory is not a pre-requisite for territorial behaviour; territory does not always precede territoriality, just as territoriality is not an end but a means.
5.4.2 Persuasive Territoriality
Leader Alliances: The intuitive step herders take for ecological benefit is to develop strong alliances with leaders at the local level who most often are the chief or assembly member. It has been suggested by Bassett and Turner (2007) and shown by sedentarisation accounts that herders make alliances before accessing an area. But they continually need these alliances and new ones to guarantee that their interests are met. Since some leaders willingly deploy their power when necessary in support of herders (see Naba sedentarisation), herders use these alliances to cement their settlement and access to resources. This is why herders, irrespective of sedentarisation history, strive to be on good terms with leaders.
With decentralization, some assembly members have become more powerful than chiefs so herders seek their approval also. In fact, in parts of Tallensi east, the leader who matters is the assembly member, although in some cases historical relations with the chief/regent has diminished the value of the assembly member's friendship to the herders.
This is the case with Hamza and his brother, Saba settlers have such a water-tight bond with the now deceased chief and current regent locals begrudge the relationship. Hamza and his brother convey surefootedness uncommon with other herders mainly because thev have a seal of approval from the chief. Once the chief approves them, local demands are useless, so in a sense, the herders have become immune to local resistance: "leaders speak as if they are 180 ready to eiict the herders. They even give dates for action. We don't know if the herders go to 'see' them but somehow they just become silent and we never find out why. The chiefs do not want to evict them, because to them the herders are not causing any problems" (N001). Conversely, "ordinary" Alhaji and Yusuf setders find it beneficial to be properly positioned with the assembly member.
The bond between some herders and some leaders is so privileged locals feel their leaders have been installed for the herders: "We know that in this land the chief and assembly member are with the Fulani. .... When the Fulani are concerned our father is the chief our mother is the assembly member, the Fulani are the children and we are the orphans" (D006). The leader-herder relations are difficult to decipher in terms of extent and depth as both sides are reluctant to reveal their involvement with the other. Chiefs are more explicit in their support of the herders which locals dislike, but which the herders embrace to the point of declaring that as long as a chief wants them to stay, the local opinion does not matter (SFN003). It also says something about leader alliances when in the only instance where herders were expelled in
Tallensi-Nabdam (Nangodi, 2002) leaders were not onside with the herders42.
Common Property Access Rules: The herders have adopted locally established rules of grazing and watering livestock in village forest (common property areas), despite the fact that their cows are bigger and eat more than local cattle. The approach is effective as some locals give herders high marks for cooperation especially as their herds are several times larger than local herds, can crowd local cows off resources because they are more numerous, and shepherds are vounger than herders. Shepherds can be as voung as eight whilst with herders, bovs do not herd cattle unaccompanied until they are about 15 years old. If the herd has manv bullocks, early teens do not herd them. Herder behaviour is purposefully persuasive
42 See Appendix A 181 because they can switch between persuasiveness and aggressiveness on cue. If herders want to bully shepherds, they advance the cattle and crowd out local cattle, but shepherds report that such behaviour is rare. The intentionality of herder action is captured by Di008: "when we meet we are friends but the friendship can end when we get to a good pasture. When we get to the pasture, we beg them to let our animals gra^e first because theirs eat Nolig and Nkpalig, but ours eat only the grass, and they agree." The rules will be discussed in Chapter 6 but suffice it to say that locals, amidst a grumble or two, confirm that herders cooperate at fodder and water sources.
The intent is to convey to shepherds that they are not as bad as they are made out to be. Yusufs for instance alluded to how locals can testify to their "good behaviour" as proof of their cooperativeness and why they should continue to eke out a livelihood in the study area. Locals also reported only one incident in which herders mistreated someone directly because of grass or water (Z002, Z009). Even here, the victim was not a shepherd, but a farmer's son who complained that the cows were muddying the water they drank whilst on the farm. That infuriated one of the herders who roughed him up. But in the larger context, herders have a good reputation regarding their adoption of local common property principles, and as 1 argue in Chapter 6, a new etiquette of resource access between shepherds and herders has evolved. From a territoriality perspective, this counteracts the bad-herder image giving them goodwill to keep their access and use privileges.
Compensating crop damage: Chapter 4 has shown that locals feel strongly about herder crop damage and for good reason: people have low cash potential and relv on farm produce to subsist. So when cattle destroy a farm, locals feel robbed, helpless and incensed. Handled poorly, rifts develop quickly and some rifts do not mend with time as shown in Chapter 4, where locals still bore the wounds of crop damage that happened up to 5 years prior. The 182
underlying problem is disagreement about herder grazing times that include "night" slots
between 6pm and 6am. Some locals contend that the herders fall asleep leaving catde to stray
onto farms, others speculate the herders lose control due to catde numbers, another segment think the herders are negligent and others claim they let the catde loose on purpose.
The Fulani grazing schedule proceeds throughout the day with breaks for changes in shift, milking the cows and simple down time. For example, Mustafa's routine is 9am-3pm,
6pm-10pm, 2am-5am and 9am-3pm. Iddrisu's herding cycle is 4am-9am, llam-4pm, 6pm-
10pm and 4am-9am and Fatawu's is 10am-5pm, 7pm-10pm, 12am-7am and 10am-5pm. This shows that irrespective of individual preferences, grazing schedules always include night- dawn slots which are when locals are not onsite to protect their farms.
Losses from crop damage can be extensive, livelihood altering and erode herder goodwill, so to salvage their reputation they pay compensation with cash or grain if the
farmer has irrevocable proof: meet the cows on the farm and bring them to the herder's compound. Locals grudgingly accept this burden of proof as part of the scheme of things, and some herders are anxious to compensate to stake the claim of being responsible for their complicity'. Locals report that initially, herders were obstinate about paying but case
adjudication by local chiefs sowed the seed of compensation and now they pav compensation // there is irrevocable proof their cattle ate the crop.
The key is not to pay appropriate compensation but locals feeling (even grudgingly)
satisfied with the settlement: 'We don't have the power to do as we want that is why we collect
compensation. If you do not hare control over one it is difficult to get them to do what you want. I don't like the compensation because we never get adequate compensation. W7e only console ourselves with what we get
(Di006). Provided locals come away feeling satisfied with a 6500 CFA compensation from 183 an original asking of 25000 CFA (Breusers et al., 1998) for instance, some goodwill has been earned. Locals were split on the utility of compensation, but it appeared to decrease sentiments about expulsion. Yields are predictably inadequate from one farming season to another, so if a farmer is expecting a failed crop, compensation becomes appealing as he is likely to get more than the potential harvest as a result of the "supplement". Locals also agreed that if herders compensate crop damage, there would be fewer quarrels. Herders protect their interests by paying compensation although this process is fraught with haggling.
The Harvest: Some herders have learned to cultivate "friendships" by interacting with locals whilst negotiating on-farm grazing privileges. Whilst some locals are put off by this behaviour, others welcome it as free labour.
Helping with the harvest is ingenious because herder southward journeys coincide with the harvesting season when the farms still contain fresh stalks and remnants from the harvest. Herders drive their cattle onto farms to graze on, and fertilise, them. Capitalising on the labour intensive harvesting process, which lasts about a month, some herders pick from a variety7 of options in return for grazing privileges: "One year they said if I want they will help me with the harvest. Some of them follow on the farm and converse with us whilst we are harvesting. Others wait for us to finish and then come on" (FGDN002). Friendships have developed this way and locals comment on how some herders are "helpful", "good" or "thoughtful" as thev even help with the harvest before bringing cattle onto the farm.
Three advantages accrue to herders in this process: they do not need to travel far to find fodder, the cows enjoy the fodder, and with the interaction, herders dispel wrong notions such as they fly in the night. Compared to the previous strategies, this is sparingly 184 adopted. It also appears that, Yusuf and Happenstance settlers engage in more "harvest territoriality" compared to Naba and Alhaji settlers.
The persuasive tactics which herders use are decidedly about influence, access and local support and not controlling area. The data suggests that herders are succeeding.
Herders influence individuals differently, but the collective effect is the most important. The local position toward the herders is fluid and that is a gamble the herders take at different points in time, hoping for dividends in the future. It is uncertain whether that fluidity encourages aggressive territoriality, but it is used by herders quite commonly.
5.4.3 Aggressive Territoriality
Flaunting influence: The favourite strategy that herders aggressively employ to elicit a cowering effect in locals is to brag about their proximity to power. The majority of locals believe that herders bribe local leaders in return for protection and favours similar to the
"belly politics" described by Moritz (2006). Many Ghanaians believe that Fulani herders bribe people in positions of power to have cases dismissed or resolved in their favour.
Herders do little to dispel this notion; they capitalise on it as what matters is how the perception affects local positionality. A local woman was eloquent in this regard: "when something happens and we threaten to tell our assemblyman, they tell us 'that the leader you are going to tell knows about me' " (Di007).
Although only two herders admitted to bribing leaders in return for favours, all the male herders admitted that they flaunt the perception to bolster their standing. Herders did not deny any allegations of bribery, but their utterances confirmed "gift giving". Herders insist, after a time of living in an area, thev "greet" the chief and selected individuals with cola nuts, a sheep, goat and a token sum which are intended to acknowledge the chief and inform him that they live on his land, so that if something happens he already knows they are there (SFZ005, SFZ006, SFD004). If they do not "greet' the chief and something happens, they say, they cannot go to him. This can be read on two levels: the gifts are really acts of courtesy (not allegiance), but could as well be intended to draw undeserved favours.
Herders also flaunt their ties to chiefs and their "masters" who have a stake in whether they stay or leave. The most blatant utterances emanated from Naba herders openlv declaring that "the only opinion that matters is that of the chief' (SFN 001). Responding to local displeasure and possible expulsion, another herder dismissed them as empty threats: "these local people do not know anything they have not been to school, and do not have power, they only make noises" (SFN003/ Several locals recounted an event from the late 1990s to illustrate the weight of master's demands. The assembly member for Sakoti came close to expelling the herders from the Sakoti area but a phone call from a high ranking district official abrogated the plan. The official said that "the herders cannot be driven away because they pay cattle rates to the assembly" (Source withheld). The respondent also disclosed that the officer had entrusted cattle in that area so the cattle rate story was a smoke screen.
Locals are aware that herders' masters can have them arrested to send a message. In
Digare, Kamoranteng and Datoko there were, in three vears, six incidents of local men arrested and detained because of altercations with herders. In one instance, the brother- in-law of the village chief was among five detained for four days (Di002). The power of the masters is brought into sharper focus in this event because not only is the respondent a local of relatively high standing; the chief was given a scolding before the men were taken away. The master told the chief that thev are Ghanaians and that if the chief cannot deny them land in 186
Ghana, he cannot deny land to their visitors. Finally, the chief went to Bolgatanga, the
Regional capital, to plead for their release with a promise to rein them in as told by Di002.
Such incidents explain why locals usually back off when herders play their trump card.
When herders say leaders "know about me", they draw on the politics of influence to stake nonterritorial claim to resources although they have no inherent rights in common property areas as these are accessed based on village membership. The research showed that locals are frustrated with their leaders because herder bragging holds them hostage and dares them to challenge herder exploitation of resources. When local complaints are unaddressed, it confirms the herder-leader league creating a rift between locals and their leaders allowing the herders to essentially "divide-and-rule" which is an important combination within the tendency to enforce access to resources (Sack, 1983). Interestingly in this tendency, territoriality is identified as a means not an end, and is consistent with herder motivations.
Cattle routes: Herder cattle, due to their number, use a wide space when they graze. The average trail width herder catde leave is about that of a neighborhood street, which is significant because the trails wind for several kilometers and take up space locals could use as farms. Although the Namoranteng-Digare belt is vast and locals should be able to cultivate crops unimpeded, they avoid some areas as herders advise them not to cultivate near or on them as they make themselves vulnerable to crop damage. Frustration with so called cattle routes was evident among respondents and usually emerged amidst other complaints: If you go near a shea tree they say they want to cut it for their cattle. If you want to cultivate here they say that is a cattle route, if you farm there the cattle will eat it (FGDN002). Herders claim cattle routes because they know that like us (locals): we are all strangers in this land. Some are Gurunis, some are Nabdams 187 and have settled here, and the chief accepted all of us in the land". He also accepted them. We and the
Fulani are on the same level. So we don't have power to stop them (FGDZ001). Herders audaciously warn locals not to cultivate near catde routes because: 'The chief has given them the power to say that. When they say that and we try to defy them, they go and tell the chief who tells us to stop using that land. When they started talking like that we used to ignore them and the cattle were eating the crop. That is when we realised we cannot compete with them on this issue" (D011).
Claiming cattle routes is a direct and successful act of resource aggression because complaints to leaders have not been addressed and locals cannot risk crop damage.
Therefore, those stretches of land, along with the resources, are available de facto for the use of the herders representing, the one instance herders annex area in their territoriality. In their defense, herders say they aim not to takeover area and insist that their motivations are pragmatic. They need access routes to and from the kraals, compounds, watering holes and pastures. Locals perceive that the admonition goes beyond pragmatism; the territoriality is not just in the consequences of noncompliance but the message.
Aggressive Cattle: Herder cattle interestingly thrive on shea fruit so herders activelv seek it for them. They admittedly cut branches loaded with fruit for the cattle but mostly they let the cows eat off the ground. Putting cows in "combat mode" relates to herder conduct toward women harvesting sheanuts in order to prevent them from picking the nuts, thus making them available to the cattle. Women report that when the herders notice them coming to well-yielding trees, they issue commands to agitate the cattle and upon further
"talk", the bulls circle them and trv to push them down with their horns (DiOOl) (see Fig.
34). They say that when the herders determine they have been amply scared, they call off the
4 i See footnote 33 for contextualization of this quote. 188 cattle to eat the sheanuts the women came to pick (N004). Women's only defense is the war cry (yaahui): "We bad gotten the nuts and were on our way borne and the cattle encircled us. We left the nuts and intonedyaahui to scare them away. When they left we took our nuts and came home" (D007).
Herders did not confirm nor deny the purposeful agitation of catde but some indicated that they know how to calm them. Herders may indeed "talk" to their herd as an incident at SFDOOl's compound gives cause to corroborate the women's claims. Whilst waiting for an interview, the herd were brought in and we "socialized" among them. After the interview, the respondent said the herd was agitated because we were strangers so the boys "talked to them" until we moved away. Local women avoid areas of cattle attacks and some pick around their homes to prevent run-ins with herders.
Physical attack: Herders occasional!}' resort to outright violence to make clear the nonterritorial boundaries. It is common knowledge that every herder is always armed and when provoked hesitates litde to draw his weapon. Violent conflicts with communities have started because of these weapons. The majority of local men claim that they refrain from arguments with the herders because of the potential for violence. Reinforcing this position is the local perception that herders are courageous and assertive and herders make no effort to diminish this perception. Respondents shared accounts of rape, attempted rape and even murder inflicted by herders (see Mind Games) which scares many people from the forest. In one incident, a herder ambushed a farmer en route to the farm for insisting his catde had damaged his crop. The incident was reported to the chief who summoned the herder but he refused to show up and the case went cold (D007). Much as herders claim otherwise, physical violence is a common tool in their territorial portfolio and usually succeeds bitter crop damage disputes. In the previous six years (2003-2008), respondents reported 14 189 separate incidents of violence involving herders, not counting accounts from the wider community. In as many months in 2009, two incidents occurred in Bapiella, a village southeast of Zanwore (Mind Games). Faced with attack, women flee and men try to defend themselves and what is theirs. Stories of sons, brothers, or nephews who have been attacked by the herders were common but have not been reported because of inaction.
5.5 Conclusion
The manner of herder territoriality confirms that herders' acdons are the rehearsed acts of people used to earning a living on foreign territory. It is in consonance with the idea that herder resource access strategies are not unreflecdve scrambles for resources but the calculated acts of herders who have amassed enough tact, political clout and fearlessness to pursue their livelihood interests. Based on the forms of territoriality herder's employ and the results they elicit, it is evidenced that herders exercise power that exceeds what locals with their numbers can garner for their common good.
What must be noted is that the forms of territoriality discussed are employed depending on the situation, the personality of the herder, sedentarisation history, and who is involved. Each herder has methods that are effective for expressing his territoriality. Also, people are differentially affected by the methods herders employ. So whereas one farmer and his familv might be touched by the herders compensating crop damage, another may be unfazed but deeply affected by their willingness to obey the grazing rules as it keeps their sons safe. Similarly, one woman may stop picking nuts in a particular place and be very angrv about it, whilst another will be sympathetic because of the help she got during the harvest. 190
The analysis of local livelihoods reveal that individual's asset pentagon contain litde or nothing except for their skills as farmers, traders or gatherers. The evidence also suggests that not only are Livelihoods land and forest dependent; non-farm livelihoods make litde difference to total livelihood outcomes. In tandem with herder territoriality, local livelihoods become more precarious. What is needed to create a win-win situation for stakeholders is good leadership, a regime of cooperation and a system of resource management that safeguards both local and herder livelihoods, which are explored in chapter six. 191
Chapter Six: Resource Access and Conflict Negotiation
In-depth investigation of farmer—herder conflicts in the Sahel often reveals that these seeming simple competitive struggles over resources are in fact the result of broader social tensions, moral/ ethical stands, and longer-term strategies within and among the groups in conflict (Turner, 2004, 883).
6.1 Introduction
To set the context in which herders and locals interact on resource access, I reiterate that the study area is governed by common property resource regimes in village forests and attendant forestburbs, and open access regimes in areas farther from villages, where no particular village has jurisdiction and where use rights are guaranteed as long as one makes it there. This is taken from Bromley who situates common property regimes where members can exclude others and where "individual members of the management group have both rights and duties with respect to use rates and maintenance of the thing owned", and open access regimes where there is "no defined group of users and the benefit stream is available to anyone" (Bromley, 1991, 94).
For this study, resource access is within the context of village forests and forestburbs, implying that common property principles are at the heart of the discussion.
The crux of indigenous resource access is that resource users participate in a process of collective choice that sets the stage for individual and collective action (Sanginga et al., 2007) and which summarises the essence of resource access in the study area. This chapter discusses the systems of resource access which evolved in an adaptive management context, the etiquettes of resource access in and off-community, and with herders.
The chapter also describes the systems in place for negotiating categories of conflict within existing local level structures and shed light on some linchpin issues involved in negotiating long term management of local-herder conflicts. Later, the positionality of local leaders will be considered within the arena of how locals view the positionality- of their 192 leaders, whether they prefer local or higher level leader support and how leaders themselves view or explain their positionality. The chapter concludes by bringing together all the issues discussed to generate the state of affairs as a precursor to a framework for conflict management and improved livelihoods.
6.2 For The Cattle: Sharing Grazing Patches and Water Sources
Mobility allows herders to exploit multiple niches distributed across space, ...the boundaries of gracing areas or of transhumance corridors as well as group membership are ill-defined or "fu%%y". If...fu^y is used not to represent ambiguity... regarding who has rights to what, when and on what terms, thenfu%%y rights are not necessarily at odds with social and spatial exclusion (Dohrn & Mwangi, 2007, 241)
The political ecology of herder migration and sedentarisation has made clear that herders move for the benefit of their livestock and by extension, themselves. This movement is necessary because pastoralists live in a disproportionately large area of "non-equilibrium environments" characterised by erratic rainfall and poor land. This compels herders to seek
"equilibrium environments" (Hesse & Trench, 2000; Scoones, 1995) for the advancement of their livelihoods. Mobility is also advantageous because it can increase the earning capacity of grazing areas (Behnke & Scoones, 1993), improve herd resistance to disease, access to palatable grass and reduce the incidence of invasive species (Niamir-Fuller, 2005).
The mobility of pastoralist livestock is associated with "fuzziness" (Dohrn &
Mwangi, 2007) where fuzziness occurs in landscapes in which the natural resources are rarely neatly delineated into territorial packages for specific groups or individuals; rather any defined area is likely to be used by various ownership groups with overlapping claims to resources (Behnke, 1994). In this sense, fuzzy resource access conforms to open access regimes which local community members may be exposed to but to a lesser extent compared to common property resource regimes. 193
Herder and local notions of space and place reveal that herders have a liberally defined notion of space and which is diametrically opposed to the local notion where space is delimited according to political jurisdiction irrespective of evidence of utilisation; notions which appear to correspond to nomadic metaphysics (Cresswell, 2002) and sedentary metaphysics (Malkki, 1992) respectively. Against the backdrop of the herder-local space/place dichotomy, and herders' tendency toward fuzzy/open access resource regimes, it seems preposterous to suggest herder resource access is about place as it is about pasture
(Adriansen, 2008) but the suggestion is valid to the extent that for many herders, herd management involves considerable herd mobility (venturing far on a daily basis and oscillating between dry and wet season grazing areas) but less mobility for the herder's family who usually stay put providing opportunities for place attachment.
As agriculture and pastoralism have co-existed in a variety of contexts in west Africa
(Moritz, 2006), fuzzy resource access creates room for herd mobility, whilst leaving open the option to minimise human mobility. Open access models miss the fact that grazing area boundaries are imprecise as is access to pasture (Goodhue et al., 2005) and partly explains why fuzziness does not necessarily mean ambiguity and chaos but rather inclusion, as participants acknowledge that there is no defined group who can benefit from a resource.
Fuzziness features in resource access and use in the study area and has contributed at least to the tolerance of herders in open access areas with suggestions that thev move out of village forest farther away to avoid conflicts (FGDD001). This implies fuzziness does not operate in village forests and has been the source of herder-local conflict as fuzziness is not synchronised with flexible grazing where stakeholders are bound by their rights and responsibilities and participate based on membership in the community (Beyene, 2010; 194
Sanginga et al., 2007). This implies that outsiders cannot participate unless with permission.
In principle then, herders cannot participate in village forest as they do not belong to anv indigenous descent unit and are a different nationality..
Indigenously, resource access is thought to function in five contexts: customary territory, flexible grazing areas, group or individual resource areas, sub-clan primary resource areas and dry season areas (Niamir-Fuller, 1994). Not only are these categories present in the study area, locals must be mindful of their access permissions and rights, including avoiding the state established forest reserves (see Fig. 14). The equilibrium environment means locals must share with fellow farmers and contend with herders. Resource access is also governed by whether people have primary, secondary or tertiary access rights (Niamir-Fuller, 1994).
Primary access denotes the highest priority within a territory, secondary denotes seasonal resource access in that territory, and tertiary means that if resource scarcity arises, tertiary right holders may be deprived. Among locals, primary access is the norm, but they have no agreements with herders regarding secondary and tertiary rights.
Almost even' family in the study area, and indeed in much of northeast Ghana, keeps livestock. Livestock management to prevent crop damage, maximise access to water and grass, and protect the resource base is very similar to what pertains in Mali (and across
West Africa) where livestock may be tied, left to free graze, confined or shepherded depending on the season of the year (Ballo & Ouattara, 2004). During the rainy season, every farmer's priority is to prevent his animals from eating crop.
As will be shown, resource access in the study area favours process (rules and mechanisms for regulating access) rather than substance (the allocation of rights) (Dohrn &
Mwangi, 2007; Mwangi & Dohrn, 2006). And to an extent, the access of resources bv both 195 herders and locals (however tensely) shows an understanding that functionally, property rights are not confined to ownership, but include use rights and the obligations of actors in relation to the resource (Meinzen-Dick et al., 2005). Consequendy, the local system has expectations that all resources users should adhere to for mutual benefit.
In sedentary livestock management in West Africa, shepherds are an important human resource. In Tallensi-Nabdam, they are rewarded for their labour by the catde owner(s) who pay some of the bride wealth when they are ready to marry. If the shepherd has not found a partner, the animals are given to his family for that purpose. Respondents remarked that it is difficult to recruit shepherds because more boys attend school and even the promise of the traditional send-off does not persuade boys, their parents or guardians.
The lack of shepherds has introduced changes in livestock management. Some farmers take cows to the bush farm and leave them to graze whilst they make preparations to start the day's work. Before focusing on the farm, the farmer ties the cows and rotates them as he would sheep or goats and brings them home at the end of the day (Di002).
6.2.1 In-community Resource Access
The first places in which local people are faced with the etiquette of resource access are within the community. Livestock owners are enjoined to pay attention to their animals to prevent crop damage. The protocols livestock owners follow derive from the tvpes of animals they keep, but catde, sheep and goats are the main concern. Feeding livestock is season dependent so in the dry season, livestock free range or are fed dried groundnuts leaves. In the rainy season, farmers tie their animals as soon as planting begins. When people delay, germinating plants may be eaten but the damage is minimal as the culprits are small 196 ruminants (Z001, Z010, D004). Locals also do not litigate local crop damage, instead the farmer is alerted and the incident is forgiven, unless the animals are repeat offenders (D013).
In the rainy season, there are two ways
that livestock owners can provide fodder for
their animals: 1. Using private grazing land
carved out of compound land or 2.
Community designated grazing areas. In the
dry season, community grazing areas blend Figure 46: Community designated grazing
area near Datoko. Photo: Author mtQ thg kndscape but m the ramy season5 they are conspicuous as they are uncultivated.
Community designated grazing areas (Fig. 46) are demarcated by the chief and are off limits for farming and other activities. In-community grazing areas are available for use all day including when shepherds bring cattle for a rest or dowrntime before confinement for the night. Many people patronise the community designated areas because these areas are located in the less populated areas of villages and also because of land fragmentation,
families do not have space for private grazing
areas. Private grazing lands (Fig. 47) are for the
exclusive use of the owner and authorised
persons, who know it is a privilege that can be
revoked (D001, N007, D006). Sheep and goats
are tethered and systematically moved for fresh Figure 47: Private grazing land in Zanwore. Photo: Author fodder and shade. Shepherds guide cattle to the grazing patches and monitor them to prevent crop damage. 197
For watering livestock, methods depend on water sources available for a community.
Watering in the rainy season is not a challenge as rivers, ponds, streams and other water bodies are full. The rules for accessing these waters are quite lax as the local cows are relatively few and there is little danger of scuffling. Shepherds report that three or four groups of local cattle can share a watering hole as they (the shepherds) enjoy some down time (Di008, Z002, N001). As a later section will show, this is not an option when local and herder catde meet.
In the dry season, water for livestock is scarce especially if the community has no borehole. Households virtually share their water with the livestock. In Datoko, shepherds use the dam located about a kilometre from the centrally-located market. livestock are also watered at nearby villages with boreholes. For instance, the proximity of Namoranteng and
Kulpielga makes it possible for livestock from Namoranteng to drink in Kulpielga. Catde from Zanwore travel the 4km to the Datoko dam as there is no water source for that village in the dry season. Luckily, the dam is big enough to accommodate the extra demand.
6.2.2 Off-community Resource Access
6.2.2.1 Shepherd-Shepherd Resource Dynamics
For access to resources off-community, herders and shepherds find themselves in one of three categories: shepherd-shepherd, shepherd-herder and herder access. Shepherd- shepherd encounters off-community is uncomplicated as the shepherds have similar characteristics in terms of age, language, community, friendship and herd size. A cardinal grazing principle is that "different sections tillages' gra^e in different parts of the forest. We do not allow crossing over to gra-^e in non-designated sections " (D003). Thus, livestock from Namoranteng cannot 198 graze in Datoko, and those from Zanwore cannot graze in Digare. Within a village's designated forest however, livestock are not restricted to specific areas so forests resources are accessible to all village members.
In accessing resources, shepherds respect time of arrival at a resource of interest.
This means that subsequent arrivals must wait their turn. Shepherds are relaxed about co- grazing and co-watering due to the negligible chances of abuse or theft. But they must gauge the mood of the approaching herd to decide if co-grazing or co-watering is safe. If an approaching herd makes aggressive sounds, it indicates they are not willing to share at that time so shepherds change course or keep the animals separate as they eat or drink (Di008).
The nature of a watering point determines the approach whilst respecting dme of arrival. At a pond, later arrivers wait their turn; at a stream or river, the approaching party goes upstream to drink (Z003). Catde are also organised according to family or section making sure that cows from separate geographical areas do not drink together (N005).
Sometimes, the friendships shepherds cultivate interfere with their dudes and results in catde battles. This has led to cattle injuries and conflicts between locals regarding who is at fault and who should pay resulting damage (N001, Di006, D006, Z004).
6.2.2.2 Herder—Shepherd Resource Relations
The relations between herders and shepherds are characterised by a negotiation for space. Z005, 26 years old and a shepherd until 10 years ago, submits that relations between herders and shepherds could be worse but for the herder's willingness to share with them.
But sometimes "if the shepherds say anything they do not like they will drive them out of the forest by frightening them" /DO 06/ Another shepherd suggested that the herders do not disturb us "we 199 keep our activities separate and they keep their activities separate... if we are really friendly with a group of herders7 and suggest they go elsewhere they sometimes agree, sometimes when we get to a good pasture we beg them to let our cows eat first and they agree" (O1OO8/ This is insightful because it ties in with the strategy of persuasive territoriality that herders use to secure resources for their herd.
Due to the introduction of new actors in the study area, the local structure does not take the security of the shepherds lightly and has responded with preparedness plans for shepherds to ensure that at all times local and Fulani cattle remain separate not only because of the size of the herd, but "herders have a technique that lets the cows change pace of movement. We don't have that. If we want to overtly compete they can use the opportunity to steal our animals" (N003,). It is therefore in the local interest to act defensively and sometimes cede ground to the herders.
If a mix occurs, the boys are to quickly get inside the herd and extricate their animals (Z002).
Because cattle and shepherds meet frequendy, Fulani cattle know the shepherds so they are not put in harm's way when removing local herds from the mix (Di008, N006).
Here also, grazing and watering is based on time of arrival, but with heightened vigilance. For the most part, herders follow the dme of arrival rules locals have followed for generations. The norm is that the cattle can use the resource at the same dme but herders and shepherds must stand between them in the patch to keep the herds separate and guide them to graze in opposite directions. If more groups come, they join the initial group; but cows and people cannot cross a certain threshold within the pasture. The consistency between herder and shepherd accounts of opposite direction grazing is remarkable.
Herd separateness is achieved by changing course when another group is approaching. The approaching group is expected to yield but sometimes shepherds voluntarily get out of the way: "It is a matter of choice but I advise my sons to run in front of the cattle 200 and drive our cattle in another direction" (0011/ Because of the herders, a new system for choosing pasture has evolved. Originally, shepherds could visit the same grazing area up to three days in a row, but that has changed due to the continued stay of the herders and herder night grazing practices. If shepherds spot herders in an area en route to the forest in the morning, they discount that place for up to six days on the assumption that the herder catde might have decimated it (N001, N005, Di002, Di004, D006, D012). Shepherds thus seek alternative areas with fresh fodder, necessitating the development of a new skill: speculating where herders might be based on where they last saw them and then going to places they are unlikely to be (Di008). That "the cattle gra^e near the villages and herders gra^e away from the milages and deeper into the forest" (Di003) promotes herd separateness; and suggests that herders access more open access forests where common property principles do not apply.
The priority approach is used at watering points just as the protocols for keeping herder and shepherd cattle separate are vigilantly followed. This keeps access organised and the water drinkable. In herder-shepherd encounters, it is mandator)' for the approaching group to wait their turn mainly because the cows are of unequal strength (Di008). That is why when either herders or shepherds go to the water, they send a scout to find out who is there so they can select an approach (Di002, Z007, SFZ002, SFD004). Interestingly, if the approach to the water is simultaneous, herder cattle drink first. If they are taking too long, shepherds can ask their turn or find an alternative.
The organisation of resource access demonstrates that contrary to the chaotic picture painted by the proverbial local-herder conflicts, shepherds and herders have been able to cooperate in resource sharing. Obviously, shepherds and herders are not on the same page in terms of age, herd size and herd strength, which stacks the odds against shepherds probably 201 making their cooperation coerced. In a larger context though, the situation illuminates the possibility of cooperation between herders, shepherds and local communities.
6.2.2.3 Herder Resource Dynamics
This involves the actions herders take in response to seasonal changes. The crux is
that livestock must have continued access to fodder
and water. The rainy season presents no availability
and access problems to herders but in the dry season
they must work harder to feed the herd. In the dry
„ _ . .... season, catde free graze and sometimes the herders cut Figure 48: Rainy season holding ° area (Zanwore Forest) during dry season relocation. Photo: Author desirable trees for their animals (SFN002, SFN004,
SFDiOOl). But as a matter of course, younger herders send the cows to dry season grazing areas for blocks of time. Kraals in forest-burbs are deserted intermittently within the 5 month period (Fig. 48) as herders try to control excessive cattle weight loss. Herders in the
Datoko, Zanwore, Digare area, move toward Tolla and Nungu to the White Volta whilst those in the Namoranteng area go toward Nangodi and Sakoti for proximity to the Red
Volta. As these rivers have rich gallery forest in the middle of the dry season, cattle can have food and water. Because local farmers are not cultivating in the dry season, herders have no problems with local communities regarding crop damage. Some herders however, fall victim to fishermen. SFN002 reported that the biggest hurdle they face in the dry season is that
"when we take the com to the river some of them die because there is DDT in the water. Others abort and some get sick" as fishermen use DDT to increase the catch from fishing. To solve this problem they watch fishermen to decipher where the poison may have been used. They then go 202 upstream of those spots to water the animals. After two weeks they return to the poisoned spots hoping there is litde to no residue in the water. In spite of this system, events put herders and locals at odds in relation to resources and livelihoods. The next section addresses the local mechanism used to resolve these issues.
6.3 The Crops, the Cows and Harassment: Negotiating Conflict at the Local Level
Since conflict over West Africa 's diminishing natural resources is impeding development efforts... conflict resolution is necessary to ... diffuse disputes and avert violent clashes. Perhaps, more important... is ensuring that resource users have the skills to improve consensus building and build the social infrastructure necessary to manage conflict situations (Goebel, A.mpagoomian, <& Toure, 2004, 101).
This section discusses the specifics of how locals and herders manage their differences using local level conflict management approaches. The section illustrates how leadership intersects with conflicts and underscores the importance of leader positionality to the broader issues of this study. The analysis accentuates how resource access intersects with resource management and conflict management issues (Sanginga et al., 2007).
In discussing crop damage and compensation, it was observed that groups, probably with manipulative intent, going back to the point about place and conflict (Cheng et al.,
2003) projected powerlessness unto themselves. This strengthens the case for devolving agency to stakeholders to curb episodes of self-victimisation. In this regard, a "framework within which interested parties could legitimately put forward claims to resources, the administrative/jural institutions which should process claims, the criteria for choosing between opposing claims, and enforcement procedures" (Behnke, 1994,15) could streamline claims and conflict management procedures.
What is missing is a well established institutional framework to specifically absorb herder-local issues. Cousins (1996) has argued in favour of concrete institutional frameworks 203 because such institutions are suited to the socio-economic and political fabric of the conflict context. Locally grounded conflict management is relevant because state-led devolution of power to the local level provides virtually no system for managing disputes which increases the appeal of Alternative Conflict Management, as it addresses "how people can make better decisions together, particularly on difficult, contentious issues" fGoebel et al, 2004 , 102). This analysis produces knowledge toward improving the existing conflict management systems.
6.3.1 Negotiating Crop Damage
Crop damage is the most important grudge locals bear against herders because the implications on food security are stark as they are concrete. The intensity of crop damage disputes also reflects the differences in the way parties experience the event. Whilst farmers are driven to rage over the implications of the loss, herders appear nonchalant as for them,
"the encroachment is small in and of itself' (Turner, 2004, 878). Some locals insist that the herders let their cattle onto the farms intentionally (Breusers et al., 1998), a commonly held position among respondents. It is little wonder locals are intense about eliminating crop damage the same wav they demand compensation. Similarly, reports of extortion and abuse of power are rife as each group tries to portray themselves as victims of the other.
A vast majority of respondents (about 70% from both interviews and group discussions) w-ere of the view that if herder cattle stopped destroying crop, there will be no reason to threaten expulsion (D004, FGDZ001). For others, that is immaterial — herders must pay because thev deliberately allow their catde to eat crop (Di006), and others think that they must compensate locals because "we are not brothers. If you want to borrow a cow to marry a woman they will not give you. If they decide to leave they willjust pick up and go" (D005). Some felt 204 their leaders were not doing enough to help them: "whenyou complain to the chief he will askjou why you think the Fulani cattle ate your crop, and when you tell the herders they ignore you" fN 001).
More liberal minded locals (in the minority) were of the view that people exaggerate crop damage to strengthen the case for herder expulsion. The fact of the matter is that crop damage is a serious problem in the area as I personally witnessed four cases in the month of
October alone, and in one case, the farmer was still haggling over compensation a month later. A substantial number thought compensation will never be enough but still feel satisfied that the herders show responsibility for their loss.
In self defense, herders claim that most times when damage occurs, they are not aware because those with the cows at the time fail to report the incident for fear of exposing their inattention on the job: 'If they tell us, it is our duty to find the farmer and try to make amends"
(SFZ005/ Some disclosed that disagreements result from farmers' unrealistic demands of compensation: "if cattle enter a farm we have an idea of how much damage was caused and how much we should reasonably pay. If the debt is two bags and the farmer is asking ten or twelve bags, that becomes a problem" fSFDOOl/ Some herders did not understand local high-handedness as their livestock also stray onto farms: "a cow does not know its owner's property. If our cattle even eat all the crops on someone's farm, we will never appear before a chief if the person does not want us to. They should not judge us so harshly; they should not be out to fight. We can solve problems without the assemblyman (5FN002).
Others said they disagree with farmers because several herds roam the forest so accepting blame without absolute proof is naive behaviour for a herder (SFD004).
Herders from Digare were critical of their compatriots because "if they allow cattle to eat crop what do they expect them to eat? U'e should take care of our cattle and be careful until they harvest" fSFDi003^. In another's view, young teens should not herd catde when planting starts: "Aden 205 are more experienced and responsible. With the boys, when the grass is high and the cows are many control is difficult. The grown-ups are also more aware of where the farms are and act accordingly" (SFDi002).
SFDiOOl, at 64, agreed saying he accompanies younger herders to avoid accidents.
Most herders denied their cattle destroyed any crop, yet they were frustrated with crop compensation claims and were familiar with the process and problems. SFN003 inadvertently confessed his culpability in the account that cast himself as a victim. A researcher's place is not to judge respondents, but it appears local accounts of crop damage are more credible—complete with names, dates and numbers whilst herders are more evasive.
Presented with details of particular events of crop damage, herders admit they could be more vigilant with their cattle. This is encouraging, and it helps that a system is in place for resolving crop damage issues.
The system is built on the burden of proof which rests with the farmer, following from which negotiations proceed. Some compensation happens between individuals without the intervention of local leaders and is based on goodwill and keeping peace. This implies that when cases are brought forward there is some impasse (Assembly member, Datoko).
Nonetheless, when crop damage allegations are made there is an acceptance, an outright denial and/or contestation which are the loci of resolving crop damage issues (Fig. 49).
In "accept" cases, the herder takes responsibility for the damage and the farmer names his price. They bargain and agree on the terms and conditions of the transaction without the intervention of a third party. The herder may pay or ask for a few days to inform cattle entrustees who would foot the bill. Locals who had been compensated agreed that the time frame of 3-7 days was usually respected and with the agreed quantities. Locals go to the 206 herder's compound to receive the compensation irrespective of what it is, but occasionally compensation is left at the Datoko market for pick up.
The "deny/contest" scenario does not involve leaders but leaves locals feeling bitter.
This is based on locals' perception that pursuing litigation will eventually be futile. Most locals grudgingly accept that following the cattle home is the proof of who did what, but are frustrated by that because without that proof they cannot pursue a case and most certainly will receive no consolation. If there is any shred of doubt herders wriggle free. Persistent and deeply aggrieved farmers draw in local leaders and at this point, disputants believe they deserve their day in "court" and this ushers in the "further recourse" phase.
"Further recourse", is sought when a farmer refuses a herder's denials or when the parties cannot agree on the compensation. Disputants could go to the chief or the assembly member. It appears people choose the assembly member over the chief because of some chiefs' blatant support of herders, the obligation to pay the chief and the longer time chiefs take to conclude cases. That the assembly member conducts farm assessments enhances his desirability as an arbiter. At the recourse stage, the outcome is uncertain as recourse is a contest of influence and or the lack thereof as the following vignettes illustrate.
D003 is well advanced in age and has stopped active cultivation. His last problem mth herders was in 2004 but he remembers the circumstances vividly. The cattle had eaten his crop so he confronted the herder and reported to the chief of the village. The herder was still uncooperative so the chief invited the herder, his master and some elders to his court for a meeting. At the meeting D003 claims he told the herder his peace and insisted he pay him 6 bags of grain because the damage on his farm was extensive. The herder said he could not afford that many bags and asked for a reduction but D003 was adamant. The elders pleaded for the herder and requested a reduction in respect of the chief. He still refused, saying that the chief may own the land but he does not cultivate his (D003) farm so that deference was uncalled for. Eventually, the chief arbitrarily told the herder to pay three bags and concluded the matter. D003 is still angry afterfive years.
And to illustrate the unpredictability in recourse cases consider D006's account. 207
D006 is tenacious and matter-of-fact. In 2005, he met herder cattle on his farm but when the herders saw him they absconded. He drove the cattle to the compound and demandedfive bags for the damage. The herder said most of the cows belonged to a cattle dealer (Inusah) and that he will get in touch with him. After two days, the herder offered two bags which he declined and threatened to report to the chief. The herder bragged that the chief "knows about him and his cows". That angered the farmer so he told the herder that if the chief knows about him, he is also a subject of the chief D006 reported to the chief and prepared to accept the chiefs word as final. When the herder answered the summons to the chiefs court, the chief told him he does not get milk from him and supported the farmer. Inusah challenged the chief but the chief insisted, saying he must pay the five bags because "it is not the hoof of a cow that made him chief'. So they relented and paid.
The next account depicts the dynamics of herder-leader relations as told by a herder.
SFN003 recounts that in 2004, some of his cattle got lost whilst gracing so he invested the next day looking for them. He got information that the cows may be at Accra mining site so he left the remaining herd with his family and went searching. Eight of the cattle strayed onto a local's farm a little close to his compound. The farmer met the cows and drove them to the herder's compound where he met small children who said their father was out. The farmer drove the cattle onto the herder's mai^e and guinea corn farm, in retaliation for the damage on his farm. The children ran to the nearest compound and reported what was happening. When asked why he did that the farmer said he wanted the herder to taste the pill of crop damage and vowed to kill SFN003 if he saw him. The farmer then went back to the village and reported his demandfor compensation to the chief But he "forgot that the chief has his cattle with me ". When the herder narrated the incident to the chief, the farmer denied issuing death threats but admitted everything else. The chief told the farmer that whether people are strangers or natives he is the ruler and dismissed the case. The herder's swagger was not that he had been wronged but his strong relation with the chief got him exonerated.
In an account involving the assembly member the differences are apparent.
As SFN001 tells it, in 2007 his son's cows caused damage on a farm. They did not deny the allegations but went to the chief to negotiate the payment. They offered to pay 2 hags of grain instead of four but the farmer was adamant. The farmer further suggested that the chief was supporting the herders and wanted to consult the assembly member for the area so they (the herders) agreed. When the assembly member came he went with them to see the farm and together they went to the chief s court. The AM pleaded for understandings implored the farmers to accept 2.5 bags and asked the herders to increase their offer to 2.5 bags which they did. Crop damagi
Establish owner
Deny Accept
Responsibility (Compensation Terms (time (Herder/Master) (cash, grain, frame, value) collection point, delays, Further Recourse and defaults)
Herder refusal Farmer resignation Assembly Chief representative (Authoritative, (Mediatory, final word) Conciliatory)
(Compensation Paid No compensation Unpredictable Outcome
Figure 49: Negotiating Crop damage. 209
6.3.2 Dealing with Cattle theft, Harassment and Intimidation
Crop damage has the most concrete platform for seeking redress, cattle theft has a less defined system and cases of harassment and intimidation have virtually no such avenue.
The reasons for this can only be conjectured. Compared to crop damage these two occur with less frequency allowing no time for a system to evolve. The less defined immediate livelihood impact puts theft and harassment notches behind crop damage cases. This does not, however, imply that they are less damaging than the previous two. The problem is limited capacity to deal with theft and harassment at the local level. Unlike with crop damage where one can trace the source, locals cannot tell with certainty who stole cattle or where they went, and they rarely find the perpetrator in assault cases.
There were nine cases of cattle theft reported by respondents but only three in which some of the animals were recovered, so there is a shortfall in information on how to proceed. No herders admitted involvement in catde thefts except in a father and son case where the thief lived with them for a while. They recounted the incident to emphasise their vindication and make a point about stereotyping herders as thieves. Cattle thefts are complicated because either travellers or settlers could take the cattle, not to mention that locals could be involved. Locals w-ere split on which herders likely steal cattle but agreed that irrespective of who steals cattle, they will attempt to take them out of the vicinity.
The existing mechanism is based on relaying information far and wide. When cattle theft occurs (especially in large numbers) it is a community loss so almost everyone is concerned and joins in the search. There is solidarity between communities about catde loss so villagers in far off places go on the casual lookout for odd occurrences. If thev suspect illegal activity, by community edict, they can impound the animals and widely circulate 210 information about the suspicious herd. During fieldwork, a message was received from a village in west Tallensi, so people were on the lookout and relayed the information to other villages. This system was crucial in retrieving catde stolen from Zanwore scores of kilometres away in the case involving the death of a 12 year old (see vignette on page 143).
In the Namoranteng case, the setded herders were in the thick of the controversy so the course of events are atypical. The herders actively participated in the search for the cattle and set out to prove their non-involvement in the case. They offered their catde as proof of their declared innocence and did not get them back until the lost catde had been found several months later (see vignette on page 135). D005 was searching on his own for three cows when someone identified one of his missing cows in the animal market at Bolgatanga
50 km away. He went to Bolgatanga and managed to get one cow back but never found out who stole the catde. D002 never found his bullock as well, and an elderly focus group discussant in Namoranteng never found his bullock. But for the high-profile of the
Namoranteng theft, herders would have stayed uninvolved.
In assault cases, there is no community arbitration system. If herders commit assaults against locals, the cases are essentially without recourse. In Digare, the perpetrator of a violent rape was never found. For an attempted rape in Zanwore, the herder was beaten and taken to "the white people"44 at Accra mining site who warned him of the unacceptable conduct, and the murdered pre-teen never got justice. No harassment and intimidation cases have been resolved and the reasons can best be described as logistical.
44I could not establish the role of "the white people". Some accounts suggest they were investors, others said they were missionaries, and others said thev were health workers. They could have been involved in all. 211
Both the indigenous and state judicial systems lack the capacity to investigate and prosecute assault cases. Most villages lack a formidable chief, which compromises herder respect for the local political and judicial enforcement structure. The assembly member is so under-resourced he is only as effective as the weak local governance structure so assault cases, especially those involving herders are relegated45. Cases are also difficult because:
When they report they don't pinpoint where he was or where he stays so we can trace him. One harvest season, a woman reported a sexual assault so 1 picked her on my motorbike and we went to the area. When we got there, people with cutlasses were looking for the man. As a representative, the only thing I can do is to report to the police. Some saj "a Fulani" did this and that, how can I follow a case like this? (Assembly member, Datoko)
That accounts of murder, beatings, and intimidation are so far from big towns keep local stories untold to public officials. Victims and the assembly member confirmed that women are not examined, and the Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit have not assisted anyone (man or woman) with a herder related complaint. It is unclear why locals have not done more to protect their families. It may be linked to the economic tangibility of the offences. A woman's ordeal with herders does not affect crop yield, the case of a murdered shepherd will be etched in memory as an injustice and local victims will bite back their pain and sorrow. In this regard, a vacuum should not be allowed to exist.
6.3.3 The height of the hand: Compromises and Non-compromises
The overarching place of crop damage in local livelihoods justifies the obsession with it and it has permeated multiple facets of herder-local relations. This section focuses on themes that could become the linchpins for improved relations and more secure livelihoods.
45 To show why herder issues are relegated, take September 2009— 3 local cases—the murder of a 13-year old girl, the spousal assault of a woman, and a business-related attack on another woman went unim-estigated despite reports to the Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit of the Police Service in Bolgatanga. 212
6.3.3.1 Reformations: Grazing Routines, Cattle Relocation, Enclosing Cattle
The most important reason locals dislike the herder influx is the increased exposure to crop damage and herders' non-cooperation to change the trend (Tonah, 2006). In a nut shell, having the cattle in the forest round the clock is problematic: "tkey are always in the forest.
The fartheryou go the more herders you see. At dawn we see the cows waiting whilst the herders sleep. We pass quietly and by the time we come back they might have moped to a new place" (Z004). Much as locals are opposed to the herder presence, it appears their resolve will be weaker if crop damage were eliminated: "if the cows destroy nothing how can you ask them to leave"? (DiOOl J or "if they restrain their cattle you cannot sack them from the land" (D004/ The local consensus about herder reform pinpoints two issues: grazing routines and unrestrained cattle. Some locals maintain that herders' continued use of forests around farms are acts of malice as herders are aware that farmers are not on site at night yet they continue to practice night grazing (N001,
D012). That locals bring up malice in Ghana is intriguing because among some herders in
Cameroon, a shrewd herder allows his cattle to feed on farms whilst preventing others' cattle from doing the same (Moritz, 2006).
Some herders fence their farms to protect them from the cattle. Locals were asked why they have not adopted that practice to bring a measure of protection to their farms.
They responded that it is not normal practice, their farms are larger and they cannot spend time fencing farms in the already short rainy season. Besides, herders can afford to work into the night but they, as locals, must leave their farms at sundown.
Locals also want herders to enclose their cattle at night, assuming that they will modify the grazing times. For sedentary people who have always kept animals enclosed at night, it is completely logical to have a sturdy cattle pen to enclose cattle at night and in the 213 traditional compound, the front left of the entrance is reserved for livestock. If the livestock are many, a kraal is built outside the home but on family land. Herder compounds on the other hand consist of two or three huts (Fig 50) for a family numbering nine on average
(Mini Census of respondents). There is no provision
to keep the animals at home and the off-compound
cattle pens are nothing more than an open-space (see
Fig. 48). Locals also suggest that herders should take
Figure 50: Typical herder shelter/hut their cattle as far as possible from farms to minimise Photo: Author cattle-farm contact. Since dry season relocation is an established practice among herders, locals think it is reasonable to ask for perpetual relocation. Others want herders to tether their animals.
The number of cattle involved rules out tethering animals, but the other suggestions are discussion points. On the call to graze catde only in the day, herders replied that "the cows are used to that. The time becomes fixed" (SFZ007), "it is our practice to move the cattle according to the regime, so we cannot just turn around and say we will take them gracing only in the daytime" (SFD002).
Pressed on the fact that "night grazing" spawns local dissent, herders were almost unanimous in declaring that a change in routine will be unenforceable mainly because they do not have leaders in the sedentary usage of the word. They respect long settled herders and defer to them in petty squabbles, but that is as far as their influence goes (SFZ007).
Herders rejected perpetual relocadon, a stance steeped in herder routine. Just as locals reject farm-fencing, herders say perpetual relocation does not fit with the wellbeing of the herd. These bolster the case for straightening out socio-cultural and economic departures if locals and herders are intent on reducing crop related conflict to the barest minimum. 214
6.3.3.2 Nurturing the Golden Hen: The Environment
1 have suggested that locals cannot put blame on herders for poor environmental stewardship, although herders have had their share of environment related bad publicity from the media, academic literature and policy statements (Thebaud & Batterbury, 2001; ghanaweb.com). That herders cut trees to feed their catde (this work; Gautier et al., 2005) reinforces the image of herders as despoilers of the environment. This section analyses herders' willingness to participate in environmental protection and whether local-herder environmental cooperation is attainable.
Locals are suspicious of herders because they believe herders cannot reform their ways, especially as locals measure herder cooperativeness by their efforts to curb crop damage. For environmental co-management, locals expect herders to bear more responsibility because they live in the forest (FGDD001). Others expect the dudes to be shared but kept separate to establish clear lines of responsibility' and culpability (Di006,
FGDN001). But a profound view was developed around the problematisation of unity:
Unity means that their cattle and their activities do not disrupt our activities. Unity will happen if we can go to them and they will give us milk for ourfarmers, donate cows for ploughing, ask for our help; then we can say we bare unity and want to move forward together. They should help us and we should help them. But if we stay separate only a section of the community benefits (FGDJS001).
This quotation is revealing because it means that for any form of cooperation, the intangible issues must be addressed. For practical purposes, disunity accompanied by mistrust has led to the rancour in the area. Therefore, unity and allied concepts are the goals to strive toward. But herders' stance on environmental involvement could widen the divide.
Herders avoid environmental roles because "we cannot control nature, we flow with it"
(SFZ001). Others shirk the responsibility because they cannot control locals' actions: "if we accept to protect the forest and natives come and start cutting trees we cannot tell them to stop. We will be 215 as king for a fight. If they are making charcoal we cannot stop them. We don't use charcoal but the damage can be blamed on us. We can even be accused of leaking secrets" (SFZ005). Herders think locals should be the environmental protectors as they like to sit on a high horse: "it is the local people who can manage the forest... I don't want to be part of it. They say we are destroyers. They say it on the radio, at meetings and everywhere" (SFN003). But herders' strongest defense is they won't saddle themselves with duties they know they cannot fulfil: "I cannot take care of the forest. I will not even accept materials to work. When a fire is raging we know we cannot control it. When it is one mile away we feel the heat. The fire burns treetops bow can that be fought by a person or even ten?" (SFN002). When fires rage herders attempt to protect their compounds, evacuate or allow fires to burnout.
Some herders were inclined to environmental roles but only if leaders will admonish community members about unfounded blame and steer parties toward the center. The dialogue about co-protection is indicative of the human and human-environment relations in the area. That neither herders nor locals unreservedly embrace environmental stewardship is troubling as their livelihoods and relations are intertwined with it.
6.3.3.3 Fulani Herder Integration
The idea with integration is to find common ground on which to tackle points of departure. In Ghana's Volta basin, the spatial separation of Fulani and locals also keeps them sociallv separate, although they have many opportunities to interact and integrate. They share markets, schools, wells and grinding mills, but:
Farmers generally consider the Fulbe as having a unique culture. Many indicate that the Fulbe are not only different because they are semi-nomadicpastoralists who concentrate on herding livestock but also because they consider their language, dressing, and eating habits to be different from those of the sedentary farming population (Tonah, 2006, 159). 216
Local-herder integration is minimal because of the cultural/ethnic divide and differing ideas of what constitutes integration. Some locals completely rejected integration whilst others had
"ifs" and "buts". Herders wanted to integrate, but maintain distance.
Locals cite herders' non-participation in communal activities as proof that they do not want to integrate with the local population (D001). Some respondents in Datoko are angry that herders come to the health centre when they did not contribute anything to building it. Those in Namoranteng complain that herders' children attend the school but when it was being built, they did not join in the effort (FGDN001, FGDN002). Herder responses were emphatic: they are not invited. Namoranteng herders even pointed out that during the building of the thatch-roof elementary' school several years back, each herder was asked to contribute a bundle of grass and some money which they did. But they also maintain that other amenities such as the borehole are so far they cannot access them and thus do not see the need to contribute (SFN003).
The reasons locals reject herder integration are many: ethnically, they are different; sociallv they are difficult, and they are secretive. Locals do not want to pave the way for more settlers. The fact that herders are Burkinabe works against integration as locals like to interact with people they know well: "if you are friends with someone you should go to their hometown.
1 don't want to go there so we cannot be close" (D003). Others were intent on keeping the groups separate. Authorities can provide amenities for them but "they should take it to the forest. Left to me alone they should give them nothing. If u>e make a mistake and it's time for them to leave, there will be a struggle because they will want to take the things away (D009). Another view is to "sack them from here the way we sacked them from the voting queue" (Z010). The underlying argument is that if herders become secure it can complicate matters in the future. 217
A scattering of locals were slightly liberal about herder integration, but insisted herders should not settle close to the community, they should keep cattle in check, participate in the community and share milk. One local conceded that because of different socio-economic arrangements, asking herder participation in communal labour is excessive but "their contribution mil be to pay the correct cattle rate46 to the assembly for development" (DO12).
Others suggested that once their children come to school, learn English and Frafra, and play together with local children, they may develop fewer inhibitions and mix more freely (N005).
Romantic relations between locals and herders are rare but for the oft-mentioned marriage of a local woman to a Fulani man4 . Herders look within the family or other herder communities for spouses for their children (also see Oppong, 2002; Tonah, 2005). SFN003's two daughters married herders and moved to other Ghanaian village forests. SFDOOl's daughters are married and settled in Manga, Burkina Faso, whilst his son got a wife from
Manga and settled in Datoko. The two wives of SFZ001 are his distant relatives. SFZ008's wife is not related to him; they met in Burkina Faso, married and started a family in Ghana.
Some locals want so little to do with herders they insist if a child is born to a Fulani and
Frafra, the child is Fulani in spite of the fact that both descent systems are patrilineal (D008).
Herders are under no illusions that they can win the hearts of the local community but they have expectations of their own. Whereas the majority of locals will not want herders to join with locals in conflict management dialogue, all herders wanted to be a part of that process and was well underscored by SFN002: "ifyou and your brother need to meet your father for a discussion and your brother does not want you present, it means he wants to make you appear worse than you
46 As at 2009, the cattle rate per head was 1 GHC or 0.7cents. 47 In the course of fieldwork I met the woman. She joined her husband in the forestburb but I did not interview her as her experiences were not relevant to the orientation of this study. 218 actually are". But from the local perspective, their reservations are not about unfair advantage but preventing themselves from being targets. They want to wash their dirty linen in private by keeping their divided front from view. The local consensus is to have a discussion, decide on what they want to tell the herders and leave the rest to the community leaders. The local position is that if discussions result in herders amending their ways in terms of crop damage, then they may reconsider other positions such as social interaction and outright expulsion.
Locals entrusting their concerns to leaders is somewhat misleading as most are disappointed with their leaders. The next section features these paradoxes through local views on leader positionality, choice of leaders and an insight into the positionality of local leaders.
6.4 Leaders, Leader Positionality and Herder-Local Conflicts
In a context of precarious livelihoods and a potential for escalating conflict, leadership is crucial for maintaining stability7 for as many stakeholders as possible. Engaging the "political" in political ecology, Moritz (2006) examines the role of "belly-politics" in herder-local conflicts. Moritz' central argument is that there is a difference in the image of the African state in resource management and the role of the political state. The supposed competence of the state in resource management paves the way for leaders to engage in rent seeking behaviour (belly politics) under the guise of following the laws and provisions of the state. The result is that leaders cater to their own interests at the expense of smallholders who steadily lose out to the wealthy, powerful, and connected elite, better positioned in negotiations (Moritz,2006). Following local accusations of leaders "eating" from the herders' palms and aligning themselves with the highest bidder, the positionality of some leaders has been blamed for the herders' relative power and influence over locals. 219
Local-herder conflicts are social dilemmas in the sense that cooperation is at the core of what each group intends to achieve (Fleishman, 1988; Kollock, 1998), but cooperation is elusive because mistrust characterises the relations between leaders and stakeholders. In social dilemmas, mistrust between leaders and groups hinders cooperative dialogue and action (Rothstein, 2000). Similarly, cooperation will be stifled if stakeholders believe that leaders are pursuing personal rather than group interest (De Cremer, 2002).
This section examines local perspectives on leader positionality, which leaders they would trust with their concerns and the rationale for leadership positionality. Since chiefs, the assembly member (AM), District Chief Executive (DCE) and the Member of Parliament
(MP) are the leaders respondents referred to, this analysis focuses on the positionality of these office holders. These leaders are also locals' only channel to higher government and or play a significant role in events at the local level. The AM represents Datoko Electoral Area in the district level governing body in Ghana's decentralisation system, the MP represents
Tallensi constituencv in the national legislature, whilst the DCE is the highest political leader in the district. The chapter will be concluded by bringing together all these issues in preparation of charting a strategy for livelihoods, conflict and resource management.
6.4.1.1 Local perspectives on Leader Positionality
Data from the studv suggests that leaders earned a net unfavourable report for their protection of local interests. The local gold standard for measuring leader positionality is the leader's effort to expel herders as locals consider expulsion the panacea to their problems with herders. However, some respondents stood by the chiefs, suggesting that they are also victims of more powerful people: "It is not the chief who asked them to stay here; it is the people from 220
Bolga. The herders look after their cattle and they look after the herders. So even if the chief wants to act thej will come and ask him to stop" (FGDN002). Some discussants in Digare said their chief had no knowledge of some settlers and that those he knows about refuse to pay tenga karyaana4* claiming to have paid it to another (unspecified) chief (FGDDiOOl).
Respondent Z006, like others, felt that the chief and AM work for locals but: "the problem is with the officials. The Fulani have already "seen " them so any complaints that are taken to them are ignored. Our local leaders do not have power". Respondents too many to cite highly commended a former AM for attempting to expel the herders, only to have this efforts thwarted by officials. Others felt the chiefs can admonish the herders but not enforce anything as the herders are not their subjects (Di004, FGDDiOOl). Beyond these, leaders were thought to be positioned toward the herders, politically negligent or indifferent to the local plight.
The majority of respondents believe that leaders are positively positioned with the herders because no one can live in a land without permission from leaders. Besides, some continue, if leaders are not inclined to the herders they will do more to address their constituents' complaints. The reason leaders support herders is that "the leaders and herders are united in thought" (D003), "the chiefs and AM 'own' the Fulani" (D006), "the leaders are tricksters, when herders have a problem they complain to our leaders and they support them" (Z004). Leader inaction is seen as leader positionalitv and it goes without saying that locals believe leader inaction as a result of belly politics.- "the leaders are the reason we cannot send the herders out of our land. They have cattle there so when we complain it gets nowhere" (D004); our leaders speak as if they are
48 Means "maize from the land". Maize is a metaphor for any produce, usually grain that settlers or constituents of a village give to the chief after the harvest in gratitude for settlement or allegiance. The practice is dwindling in some villages but in Digare, it appears to be firmly grounded. 221 ready to eiict the herders. The)1 even give dates for the action. We don't know what happens but they just become silent. We neverfind out what happened (N007).
linked to leader positionality is the sense of local collective powerlessness, a sense that they are only as powerful as their leaders' support. Collective powerlessness is directly related to leader positionality. At the time of the study, the people of Namoranteng were feeling abandoned and angry because the AM had allegedly told them he "does not consider them part of his area as in the last election they did not vote for him" and that "if we are doing anything we should not involve him" (FGDN001). After an established crop damage report in Digare, the same AM is alleged to have dismissed a complainant saying "what does a woman's farming amount to to warrant any compensation?" (FGDDiOOl)4'. After a fight with Fulani women, some local women reported to the chief who asked them "why did you go and pick nuts where the herders live in this big forest?" (FGDN002)'". As the account goes, the chiefs wife led the women to resolve the issue by flaunting her power as the chief s wife, going twice with the women to harvest the sheanuts which brought an end to the quarrels. Thus, but for the chiefs wife, there was no support from the local establishment.
Collective powerlessness is also rooted in local illiteracy and limited ability to access power: "As I sit here I am talking loudly and confidently in my language about what I want", "even if I can get to Accra", I will speak this language and no one will understand me. So my trip will be useless"
(D003). Thev are also powerless because they cannot properly visit the DCE: "The DCE receives complaints from everywhere so he needs constant reminders if not how will he remember members of this community came with this matter and should be attended to?" (FGDD001).
4l' I took this up with the assembly member who denied he spoke those words but not the incident in question. 511 This regent declined to be part of the study so I could not follow-up on this account. 51 Accra, the seat of government of Ghana 222
There is local powerlessness embedded in the conviction that because the DCE will spend resources to visit their communities they should get a gift that sufficiently expresses their gratitude. This impression is related to the tradition of not meeting important people empty-handed. Once that capacity is lacking, they will not invite the DCE. Politically, the scant attention some communities receive from the district is indicative of (maybe) unintended abandonment which is interpreted as the DCE's positionality.
6.4.1.2 Lodging Trust: Local or National
Whom locals trust to resolve their issues with the herders is linked to collective powerlessness. Respondents choose local leadership in spite of the poor track record on achieving what locals want. This choice can be understood within the indigenous context where observing protocol when accessing authority is a highly valued traditional ethic; or as
Z003 put it "in our tradition, you do not by-pass a monitor lizard to hunt a rat".
The reasons for selecting local leaders over external, more influential leaders are rooted in the consequences: "ifyou by-pass the local leaders and go to higher authorities, they will listen and go back to where they came from. If u>e have a problem we can't find them, so we have to go to the local leaders. They can tell us they were present when we complained to higher powers so we should go back there.
Then what will we do?" (FGDDiOOl). Governance-wise this is a problem and an opportunity.
Leaders such as the AM, by virtue of proximity to the people and district governance, can channel support into political leverage. Access, a strong argument for decentralised governance, played a role in almost unanimous decisions to stick with local leaders. The national leaders are strangers and "we cannot tell them what we want to say without inhibitions. The local leaders are with us and know our problems so we will be more comfortable telling them" (D007). 223
Locals also expressed a preference to reach more powerful leaders through the channel of authority, implicidy recognising that their local leaders have limitations. This is a good sign for the (re)positioning of local leaders. But more deliberative respondents wanted to use the channel of authority to pinpoint the origin of inaction: "for me, if all the leaders are gathered, I will complain to the highest leaders and wait to see if the problem is from there or rests with our local leaders" (Di002). This is spot on because many respondents wondered about the information they were receiving from leaders: "the AM, DCE and Chief hide information from each other... they say they will report to the higher authority, come back and say they sent the matter to the national government, then say the cost involved in sending the people away is too much and we will be waiting meanwhile nothing of the sort has been said" (D001).
Locals felt a deep disconnection from their MP, not because of belly politics (that was never insinuated), but the feeling of having been summarily abandoned after campaign support was unmistakable: "the officials only come here when it is time for voting. Some even sleep here.
When the elections are over they never come back. When they have left and we want to tell them something we do not find them (from FGDDiOOl). Similar comments were encountered in all communities.
In FGDN002 respondents said the MP had provided his telephone numbers but they have never successfullv contacted him even after several attempts. Locals disagree with leader positionalitv regarding the herders and their disillusionment is clear. The view of a leader is discussed for balance and an insight into leader positionalitv from a leader's perspective.
6.4.1.3 Leader positionalitv: A Leader's Perspective
This section is a conversation about the decisions, difficulties and opinions of the
AM for Datoko electoral area. He was selected because the study is set in his jurisdiction. 224
Besides, an interv iew with an AM is mandator)' at the local level because of their increasing role in the daily governance of communities. This section ideally should profile each category of leader but field constraints interfered with that process. The chief of Datoko was continually unavailable, the regent of Namoranteng was embatded and preferred to keep a low profile and Zanwore is a satellite of Datoko. But an insightful conversation occurred with the chief of Digare. It is impossible to guarantee anonymity for the leaders so, as a precaution, possibly jeopardising details have been removed.
The AM for Datoko has held the office twice from 1996-2000 and since 2006. He is forthright that he has cattle with the Fulani. His motivation for entrusting cattle is not to increase his herd per se, but to free his children to go to school. He has good relations with the herders and appears centrist in his positionality although many respondents think he has an uncommon tolerance for the herders. His positionality has been shaped by the herder's service, the ECOWAS protocol on free movement and the fact that his job as AM is practically voluntary. Besides, he theorises, when herders begun to setde, leaders did not envisage that they will become so many or that locals will cultivate so far into the forest.
On being unduly tolerant of herders and failing to champion local courses, he explains local expectations of him are so vague it is difficult to pursue them. He maintains that he intervenes, and recounts numerous crop damage adjudication sessions (a few 1 witnessed) to support his position. He, however, admits that assault and theft are so difficult he is limited in what he can do. The AM is principally opposed to expelling the herders because he believes if a violent conflict erupts locals will be the net losers. Besides, he cites procedure and responsible leadership for his positionality: "If the people are complaining I have to get a petition to the district office for approval. If farmers are complaining that they don'/ want the Yulanis I 225 cannot tell them to go and drive them away". He predicts that herder setdement is a phase that will pass as the area gets unpopular. Nevertheless, he has been accused of "belly politics":
They saj because my cows are with the Fulani I have been bribed. But I can go with a veterinarian to vaccinate the cows. In return the herder can give me a fowl because he is grateful. Since I am coming from the forest with the fowl and went there without one, people will see me with one fowl and say they saw me with many fowls.
On managing the herder situation his view is that "we should bring the herders under our control. They should have a number of cattle they cannot exceed per herder and we have to get a Fulani leader so that if there is any problem the assembly will go to that leader. If they are scattered and something happens they deny any knowledge of it". "Bring the herders under our control" means some engagement between locals and herders to give communities a voice in happenings in the forest:
We want ever)' child to go to school. When my cattle were here, I went to a friend and got his child to follow them. Then I decided I could do the same with a Fulam. But I would have preferred to bring this Fulani closer to me. Make a fence and keep the cattle there and then I can monitor them. But now they are in the forest doing their own thing. The A.lhajis (absentee cattle owners) are in towns and do not come here to monitor or advise them on how to live with the community. But if I am a native and I want a Fulani man to take care of my cattle, 1 can then give my conditions, register him at the assembly, know about his hometown, his family house, so if there is a problem we can trace them there. But now, they move in and leave without our knowledge.
On efforts to address local concerns except expulsion, he concedes he has done little but he has challenges the least of which is that his only means of transportation is his motorbike which he maintains himself. The Datoko electoral area is large and undeveloped; and dispersed settlements make access difficult. To complicate matters, access in the rainv season worsens and that is also when herder-local problems peak. He rationalises that is win- locals think he does not prioritise their concerns. As to convening meetings to discuss the herder issue none has been held since 2006. But he says at community gatherings where public officials attend, he touches on the topic. The problem is that in the six months of fieldwork none of these meetings occurred in any community within his jurisdiction. 226
He is also convinced that he is a "mere" assembly member. Locals believe he has more power than he lets on. He also raised concern about his personal safety as he often travels solitary paths and spoke about treading carefully not to upset the powerful people:
For a volunteer like me, I can get killed. I travel in the forest at night. If the herders know 1 am opposed to them some can harm me so I am cautious. If a decision is to be taken the [national] government must be involved. If the DCE and AM take a decision alone, in two orfive months you will hear on the radio they have been dismissedfrom their post.
Aspects of the conversation with the AM are reminiscent of belly politics: entrusting cows frees children to be in school, but hundreds of children of school going age are not in school. The people he appears to help (local parents) do not entrust cattle to herders. He refers to petitions and procedures dealing with government, alludes to the ECOWAS treaty and peddles with political victimisation (although as an elected official, an AM cannot be dismissed from his post by the state). In the meantime, his cattle are with herders and his relationship with them growrs, and locals and herders continue to clash on various issues.
Notably though, his centrist position has kept tensions between herders and locals from escalating. His leadership has produced consolation for locals in terms of crop damage compensation, and he continues to play a role in steering herder-local disputes. This leader may be implicated in some belly politics but under the current circumstances, assembly members like him are best positioned to mediate conflicts given resources and selflessness.
The chief of Digare was frustrated with herder conduct but made no secret of the fact that he is also powerless to do something about it. His powerlessness is related to his position as a sub-chief with no wealth or influence, no education and no contact with local officials. His people do not trust him to handle the herders because they believe he lacks verve, confidence and contacts. He also explained that his village is small and remote and the cattle owners dictate how to relate to the herders, making him a victim just as his 227 constituents are. That the AM had assumed some of his duties appeared to be a relief to him as his authority is feeble. At the time of the study, he was intending to install a "Fulani
Chief' to coordinate Fulani activity, liaise between the Fulani and the traditional authority and keep track of herder arrivals and departures. He considered this option because he believes the herders may be inclined to take directives from their own, which may make moderating acceptable conduct effective. By December 2009, the installation had not occurred. Whether the chief had changed his mind is unclear but the AM, with whom he is collaborating, said the problem was with timing.
6.5 Prioritising for conflict resolution
This section (re)presents the sources of conflict based on the data. This information is intended to be the backdrop of a framework that can be adopted or adapted to manage herder-local problems. The basic premise is adapted from Burton and Dukes (1990) who isolate management problems, disputes and conflicts in their discussion of conflict management. Management problems deal with arguments over the choice of alternatives among persons with the same goals and interests. Disputes deal with competing, negotiable interests, and issues of gain or loss; whilst conflicts concern non-negotiable human needs and questions of identity. Consequently, different issues require different focuses: management problems on dialogue, disputes on negotiation and conflicts on cultural understanding (Burton & Dukes, 1990 in Cousins, 1996). This is the backdrop for the prioritisation of the causes of disputes which can be managed with negotiation and the involvement of leadership which caters to the management dimension of things so that disputes do not morph into conflicts. 228
Violent conflict could occur
Increasing Peripheral issues escalate propensity for disputes to degenerate into conflict
Core concern(s) not addressed
\ A i j
Leadership/Management of Core Concerns
\ i f f
Core concern(s) addressed
Decreasing propensity for conflict Peripheral from concerns effective dissipate management
Narrowing potential for conflict
Figure 51: Dispute and conflict issues as a function of leadership. 229
Figure 51 explains the relationship between core concerns and peripheral issues.
Based on the data, I believe that harassment, catde theft, the environment and social integration are peripheral issues because these events are not as common as locals make them out to be and also because locals dwell on them to draw attention to their displeasure with the herders. Core concerns, on the other hand, are defined as the hard-hitting issues that cut to the core of local livelihood security. Based on the analysis of incidence and the depth of impact, crop damage by far is the biggest problem between herders and locals. The data also suggests that if core concerns are properly contained, locals would be more open to negotiation, which is the key to managing disputes before they escalate into conflicts.
Therefore, core concerns are containable whilst peripheral issues, which are comparatively less containable, in tandem with core concerns could escalate into conflicts. The relationship between core and peripheral concerns is contingent on leadership and management.
Using proportional ovals to represent peripheral concerns, Fig. 51 shows the propensity of peripheral concerns to become less important because of the positive moderation of core concerns. Conversely, mismanaging core concerns will encourage locals to exaggerate peripheral issues and spawn conflict. The impression from locals is that if core concerns are addressed, peripheral complaints will dissipate. I think locals also dwell on
Fulani identity to strengthen the case for incompatibility. The crucial factor is the handling of management problems, as progress in core concerns can garner leader legitimacy to continue along the path to mediating conflict and securing livelihoods. The concluding chapter draws on this information to develop a framework and discuss some suggestions on how to moderate disputes toward mutually beneficial livelihoods. 230
Chapter Seven: Livelihoods from Conflict: Planning for a "harmonious" future
Whether we talk of conflict or conflict resolution, we are not dealing with discrete either-or events. Conflict is often not "resolved" and the accommodation made in one conflict situation can become the foundation for other conflicts and disagreements (Worchel, 2005, 747)
7.1 Introduction
The author recognises that the ideal situation would be to resolve all issues between disputants, but some issues will never be put to rest. Despite this, the chapter seeks to discuss mediation as a tool for securing herder-local cooperation by pre-empting disputes and their possible escalation into conflicts. Although livelihood improvement is an important end, controlling herder-local conflicts is not the panacea to locals' livelihood problems, as some problems rest on Ghanaian duty bearers rather than the herders.
To properly contextualise planning for a harmonious future and to build a solid background for the discussions that follow, I highlight the findings of the study and follow that with a discussion on mediation. The discussion then proceeds to rights and resources and culminates in two frameworks: the first is aimed at mediating conflict and the second at strengthening livelihoods. Although these two models are built in tandem, they are structured to work independently depending on the situation and the assessment of mediators or development practitioners. These frameworks are not intended to be blueprints but provide insights into how problems can be addressed.
7.2 Summary of findings
Fulani herders have been settled in Tallensi-Nabdam since the mid-1980s and mosques, mud huts and bathrooms indicate that they intend to stay settled for a while.
These result from the relative flourishing of the study area compared to herders' native 231
Burkina Faso and the fact that some herders seem to have jettisoned travelling pastoralism in favour of sedentarisation because they consider the former burdensome. Thus, local calls for herder expulsion are unlikely to succeed, just as the herder influx is unlikely to decrease in the foreseeable future. The way forward would be to manage the arising problems and not allow them to fester. This section summarises the pertinent issues that could provide hitherto unrecognised background information for appropriate intervention strategies:
1. Herders and locals treat differently the notion of space, place and territory; these notions
are mainly derivative of their culture and lifestyles.
• Whereas herders consider space to be empty if it is not conspicuously utilised, locals
count space in terms of the jurisdiction of village chiefs and sometimes, the hierarchy of
traditional authorities spanning sub-chiefs, divisional and paramount chiefs. In local
parlance, as long as a piece of earth falls within the jurisdiction of a chief, that piece of
earth cannot be considered as empty, but most herders think it is a wasteful use of good
land. This difference in notion spurs herder settlement and generates local protest.
• Herder and local notions of place are also different. Herders associate place with new
beginnings, where new beginnings are contingent on the health of the cattle during one
herding year. They avoid sentimental attachments to location due to settlement insecurity
and the freedom of movement that detachment bestows. For locals however, place is
about heritage, continuity and stability. These emerge as they discuss their connection to
their villages ('7 was born here"), commitments ("1 need to farm for the family", "it was my
brother's turn to travel"), and progress ("If I go elsewhere I will have to start over"). This is why
seasonal migrants irrespective of their income return home to meet family, social, 232
economic and cultural responsibilities. Besides, they are uncomfortable with the label
"migrant" which is why they develop a strong preference for being "at home".
• In conceptualising territory in the sense of possessed space, local notions vield two
views: political and subsistence territory, of which the latter is more vigilantly protected. To
demarcate political territory, locals use the jurisdictions of chiefs and more recentlv, the
Electoral Areas of local assembly representatives. The Electoral Areas span several
villages, making this aspect of political territory a loose association of people sharing a
sense of community- mainly in terms of civic duty and developmental needs. Locals are
attuned to subsistence territory because it provides their livelihoods. Subsistence territory
is protected by indigenous methods using stone bunds, furrows, ridges, grasses and in
rare cases, buried groundnut peels and ashes. Respondents did not report encroachments
on their subsistence territory by fellow locals; nevertheless, they are attentive to
protecting subsistence boundaries and react swiftly when herder cattle stray onto their
farms. They appear less bothered with political territorv because thev have had no
territorial confrontations with neighbouring villages. Besides, indigenous leaders are
responsible for that aspect of communitv life.
• Herder notions of territory* are linked to inalienable territoty symbolised bv their cattle,
crops and the protectiveness of their compounds. This protectiveness does not relate to
the land but to their property and preference for privacv, a preference that is shown by
'open concept' compounds that contain very deep spaces. Most herders did not appear
interested in territory in the sense of ownership and control of land. This is linked to
accepting that owning land is out of the question and a sizable number intimated that
land is constraining. Interestingly, Atypical and IS,aba (see point 7) herders expressed an 233
interest in owning land which they could protect, develop or use as they see fit just as
locals do, but Alhaji, some Yusuf and Happenstance setders did not appear so inclined.
2. This study confirms published works in terms of the causes of disputes and conflict
between locals and herders. These are in the areas of crop damage, cattle theft,
environmental damage, and violence, intimidation and harassment (Breusers et al.1998;
Mark Moritz, 2006; Tonah, 2003; Tonah, 2006). Departures from expected behaviour
emerged as a major cause of herder-local conflict, although it is usually implied or
ignored in extant herder-local literature. Locals have made it unequivocally clear that they
do not expect the herders to compromise local livelihoods in any way. They expect
herders to maintain the autochthon-migrant status quo, thus explicitiy recognising their
place as guests and acting accordingly, instead of disregarding local interests and socio
political structures. Since herders default on this, local disquiet increases and elevates
expected behaviour to the status of a major cause of conflict.
3. In spite of the previous point, the data is unequivocal that the bulk of herder-local
problems are about crop damage, which if curbed, could reduce disputes and potential
conflict. Some locals even think that if herders control crop damage incidents or
accidents, co-existence might be more easily embraced. But for others, the herders are
too different, difficult and clandestine for an attempt at co-existence.
4. Due to the frequency of crop damage and the tenacity with which most locals approach
incidents of damage, a system has evolved for handling compensation, but the same
cannot be concretely said for other issues. With crop damage, there could be herder
acceptance, denial of responsibility or acceptance with disagreement about the reparation
(Fig. 49). In the first scenario, locals receive (arguably inadequate) compensation, in the 234
second, nothing is received and in the third, the chief or assembly member resolves the
issue and the outcome is unpredictable for either locals or herders. There is no recourse
for physical and sexual violence or murder. Inter-community solidarity sometimes results
in the recover}' of stolen cattle, but there is no record of perpetrators being apprehended
and brought to jusdce. Herders cut fresh leaves for their catde, but there is no
programme to address this issue from the indigenous or modern governmental setup.
5. Herders portray themselves as guests who are aware of their place in a foreign land. They
usually negotiate for permission to stay and want to live peacefully with local
communities, and some say they worry about their continued stay and property.
However, herders have not taken the initiative to negotiate with locals the terms of their
settlement or anything else. Rather, most are uncompromising on core issues such as
crop damage or grazing routines and are non-territoriallv assertive. Integration of the
two groups is slim as locals maintain that herders are a devious people with a superiority
complex who belong in the forest. Some economic relations (contract farming) could
pave the way for economic cooperation, but not integration per se.
6. Local grievances against herders, based on intensity and destructive potential, have been
categorised as core or peripheral. Core concerns are so named because thev directlv affect
local livelihoods whilst peripheral concerns are exaggerated to strengthen the local case
against the herders. Crop damage and grazing routines have been determined to be core
concerns whilst catde theft, shepherd intimidation, physical and sexual assaults (not to
diminish them) have been deemed to be peripheral in the sense that when core issues are
resolved, the peripheral will wane. Conversely, unaddressed peripheral issues could 235
degenerate into conflict (Fig. 49). However, these outcomes are tethered to leadership in
the sense that conciliator}' leadership could spawn cooperation instead of conflict.
7. Herder settlement can be categorised based on herders' 'journey to sedentarisation'.
These categories are: Alhaji, Yusuf, Naba, Happenstance and Atypical. Alhaji settlers gain
access to, and setde in the area through the actions of an Alhaji who is usually a catde
owner/facilitator and not necessarily a person who has made the pilgrimage to Mecca.
The Alhaji arranges permissions with the village leaders before the herder moves into the
area. Yusuf setders are aided by a facilitator who is a friend or relative of the incoming
settler, whilst Naba settlers are invited to settle by a village chief. Happenstance settlers
happen upon their ideal location, whilst atypical setders have somewhat disengaged from
the herding lifestyle and evidence fluidity between the Fulani and local communities. It
appears that the longer herders stay in an area, Yusuf setders increase. This confirms the
local view that 'new' herders are connected to settled herders, although they are unsure
of the nature of these herder-herder relations.
8. Sedentarisation history appears to influence territorial behaviour. Naba setders are
blatant about their ability to trump locals and tend to do as they please. Alhaji settlers
act based on the counsel of their chief or master and are uncertain about the tide. Yusuf
and Happenstance settlers are less secure, sensitive to locals, and conciliator}' in outlook.
However, Yusufs raised in Ghana appear to take their territorial lead from their fathers.
Atypicals are not evidenced to be involved with territorial behaviour so their territorial
inclinations are unclear. But their fluidity between local and herder communities could
play a role in mediation and conflict management. 236
9. Herder territoriality is strong compared with local territoriality which is weak. Access to
power, and not legitimate claim to land, influences effective territoriality. Local territorial
weakness is linked to locals' status as strangers in their current villages although most
trace their roots several generations back. As "strangers", they cannot demand the
expulsion of the herders from the indigenous authorities who are the original settlers of
the land and have the final word in such matters. Herders appear to have perfected the
art of territoriality probably because they have had to adapt to several locations over
time. Besides, local territoriality is only as strong as leaders' support and most leaders
lack the capacity or are too removed from the situation to appreciate the local plight.
10. Herder territoriality is persuasive or aggressive, but usually a combination of both. With
persuasive territoriality, herders appeal to the sensibilities of locals by sometimes helping
them harvest, cultivating leader friendships, compensating crop damage or conforming
to common property principles. On the aggressive spectrum, they explicitly boast about
their proximity to power, claim cattle routes, make cows combative on cue and
sometimes resort to physical violence. Aggressive herder territoriality is evident when
herders and locals clash on an issue, such as crop damage, and is more common because
it delivers more consistently the outcomes the herders seek or prefer. Although
territorial behaviour mav depend on the sedentarisation history of the herder, it is linked
to the temperament of the herder and the circumstances.
11. Indigenous resource access regimes are based on in-community or off-community protocols
with herders and locals interacting on off-community platforms. The system operates on
a prioritv basis for equal access to water and pasture. So grounded are these structures
that herders have largely adopted them. Herder and shepherd cattle enjoy good access to 237
fodder and water on a priority basis, sometimes the system fails and it appears that herd
size, strength and the difference in age between shepherds and herders plays a role in the
disruption. Shepherds reported that when they arrive at the same time as herders at a
resource they (shepherds) ask to go first depending on who the herders are, but usually
they pull back and return after the herders have left. However, there is cooperation there
that can prove herder-local harmony is attainable.
12. The livelihoods of locals are seasonal, unpredictable and small scale. Men mainly engage
in some or all of these activities: farming, selling farm produce, animal rearing, contract
farming, making charcoal and harvesting thatch. Women tap into options such as food
and drink vendoring, petty trading, shea production and actively participate in farming,
selling charcoal and even small scale mining. In individual portfolios however, women
engage in a wider variety of activities compared to men.
• Reliable sources of cash income for respondents are selling grain, sheanuts, livestock or
birds. Locals seek cash for specific purposes and once that has been met, the need for
cash is eliminated. They complain about herders disrupting their livelihoods, but the
evidence shows that the claims have been exaggerated except in the case of crop damage.
Some respondents mentioned the inability to farm in the dry season due to the herders,
but there are no conditions favourable for dry season farming within economic distance
of the study villages. Others complained about being unable to store food on the farm
but that practise has dwindled due to obsolesce and poor harvests, not the herders.
• Women complained that the herders interfere with the sheanut harvest, but the harvest
of sheanuts does not appear to have been affected as on average a woman harvests 5.5
100kg jute bags of sheanuts a year. In fact, women's top complaint regarding the herders 238
was not about the shea harvest, but crop damage. Similarly asked to mention their
greatest concern regarding the shea business, women prioritised the unavailability of
market ahead of herder interference with harvesting. In a nutshell, herders are not the
sole reason for local livelihood insecurity thus local livelihoods ought to be re-examined
through a more holistic lens and not the impact of the herders alone.
13. Since settling in Ghana, some herders have expanded their livelihood options and
improved their livelihood security. The men have diversified into trading cash, eggs and
grain for local farm labour. Some have developed contacts for selling their healthy cows
to catde dealers and others sell ailing animals to butchers before they die to minimise
loss. Herder women participate in the sheanut trade and have found a niche market at
the mining sites. They continue to sell milk in local markets, mining sites and from house
to house. Herder farming appears profitable as they offer grain as payment for contract
labour. Their farms attest to their farming fortunes: they appear lusher and produce
bigger heads of grain compared to local farms. This could be related to dung fertilisation
and setding off the beaten path.
14. The asset pentagons of local respondents are both incomplete and virtually emptv. In
some cases, even natural capital (environmental resources) is lacking. The skill set for a
wide variety of livelihood activities are present but poor financial capital holds locals
back. People's social commitments (supporting family), entanglements (seed borrowing,
in-law indebtedness), and gaps (few support agencies) produces low social capital. At
between $44 and $66 a 100kg jute bag of sheanuts, industrious women could make a
decent livelihood out of shea harv esting but they have been losing out on a sustainable 239
livelihood because of market inaccessibility, poor client base, poor value-added pricing
and social obligations, but not competition from Fulani women.
15. The study examined granting rights to herders and accompanying these rights with
responsibilities in the hope of eliciting transparent herder activities and cooperativeness.
Overwhelmingly, locals rejected the proposition of rights but appear to favour granting
privileges as those can be revoked. Others were open to granting privileges but with
conditions so stringent the herders will falter thus causing their own expulsion. Herders
were not keen on structured privileges saying that they may be unable to live up to the
attendant responsibilities, revealing their independent and unbound approach to things.
16. Leadership is a critical factor in locals' perception of herders, where leaders refer to the
chief and the assembly member. The local consensus is that their leader's support of the
herders emboldens the herders to be daring and sometimes insolent. But the leaders cite
their own subordination to more powerful people (catde "masters", political structures)
as the reason for their seeming neglect of the interest of community members. Locals
generally mistrust local leaders to take care of their interest viz a viz the herders.
Counter intuitively though, they prefer local leaders to regional and national leaders to
effectively manage their herder-related problems. The rationale is that they could lose all
avenues for assistance if their plight receives topmost leader attention and then falls off
the radar. This position is bolstered by poverty, illiteracy and inaccessibilitv to the
corridors of power. They would rather problems follow the channels of authority to the
highest level as traditionally, "one does not bypass a monitor lizard to kill a rat". Locals also
suggest that by acting on crop damage, leaders may earn legitimacy to tackle other issues. 240
These findings point to potential cooperation between herders and locals but show the cracks in herder-local relations, implying that mediation is inevitable to resolve the resource and livelihood issues therein. They also show the interconnectedness of leadership with the fortunes of poor, rural people. The next section discusses mediation, the options available, and what may work to resolve herder-local impasses.
7.3 Ground with foundation: Preparing for mediation and conflict management
One of the issues to emerge most strongly from the study of intractable conflict is the importance of the normative environment in which dispute resolution takes place. Much research has tended to strip this away and to treat the successful resolution of conflict as a purely technical matter... specifyingj how to make the right moves at the right time in the right sequence ... Such work is important... However we need to think about the value frameworks within which interveners operate and the challenges, opportunities and constraints that these present (Dingwall, 2002 , 251)
This dissertation would be incomplete without a consideration of mediation and how it can improve herder-local interactions. Management problems, disputes and conflicts can be tackled with dialogue, negotiation and cultural understanding respectively (Burton &
Dukes, 1990), but mediators must decide when to apply what techniques for improved outcomes. Mediation refers to the activities of an individual who comes between conflicting parties with the aim of offering a solution to their dispute and/or facilitating mutual concessions (Barkun, 1964, 126). Mediation is linked to mediator orientation (manner, worldview, paradigms) which in turn influences the mediation process (Alexander, 2008).
Synthesising mediation approaches to derive the mediation metamodel, Alexander distinguishes between interaction and intervention mediation which will be considered later but which echoes aspects of Picard and Melchin (2007) on mediation approaches.
Picard and Melchin's (2007) discussion of mediation connects mediation approach, with mediator emphasis and expected results. They submit that in interest mediation, 241 mediators encourage parties to pay attention to information critical to resolving the problem and not the problem itself. In transformative mediation, the mediator draws attention to the empowerment of disputants and allows them to develop, mature and evolve positive attitudes based on new perspectives. In narrative mediation, the mediator focuses on an alternative story to better understand the underlying issues. This is achieved by helping disputants collaboratively create accounts of events in an atmosphere of mutual respect. This approach then contextualises the relations of disputants based on any number of factors including the historical, social, cultural or political. With insight mediation, the watchword is
"communication" to help parties understand relationships by exploring the events and emotions that perpetuate the problem.
Mediation styles differ depending on the preference and skill of the mediator and the problem. In some cases, mediators are neutral and intervene based on the merits of the case
(Kruk, 1998). In others, the mediators are partial toward the less powerful group(s)
(Honeyman, 1991). In herder-local conflicts, it may help to balance impartiality and power as the situation involves an influential foreign group and an indigenous less tactically sophisticated one. Besides, the interveners may be Ghanaians, for which reason ethnic sentiment cannot be excluded. Therefore mediators could evaluate their positionality as they attempt to balance power and neutrality.
Wall Jr. et al's (2001) astute review of mediation offers a wealth of information regarding successfully concluding a case. For a good start, it is recommended that disputants request a mediator who must agree to function in that capacity. The mediator need be aware that "disputants will seek mediation from a third party to the extent that each expects his or her own net outcomes.. .from the mediation to be greater than those of the current interaction or from an alternative 242 approach" (Wall Jr et al., 2001, 374). The review also includes their take on mediation, detailing the sequence, techniques and sensibilities that mediators could consider (Fig. 52).
To begin with, mediators are to be aware of disputants' interactions to correctly contextualise the intervention. They ought to decipher whether relations between disputants are strained, bitter or mildly strained, and whether they have worked together in the past.
Approaches Media tor's
Third Parties' Outcomes
Figure 52: The Mediation Framework. Source: Wall et al. 2001
If relations are fragile, it may be wise to meet with parties separately and carry information between them until the groups are ready to meet with the mediator at the same time. If the mediator determines that the relations between the groups are not dangerously acrimonious, that the groups have collaborated previously or show commitment to work together, then thev could work together from the outset. In hindsight, in this research, locals knew what they wanted when almost the whole sample elected to caucus and task leaders with communicating their stance to the herders. This is consistent with the fact that locals have not collaborated with the herders in the past and harbour mistrust for them. At the same time, the relations have not become so volatile as to preclude joint negotiation at some 243 point. In this context, mediators should use the two-step process to get stakeholders to the same negotiating table.
The point cannot be stressed enough that herder-local conflicts are not about culture but economic interests, although culture and ethnicity have wound their way into them. This is because culture shapes people's responses to conflict (Marsella, 2005) and is consistent with Inter-Group Relations theory which posits that cultural groups co-exist peacefully until resource competition emerges or one group feels cheated (Worchel, 2005). Despite this, culture can stall conflict development or be valuable in conflict mediation by providing a filter that clarifies the nuances in a conflict. Culture highlights the fact that people have different conflict management approaches (Marsella, 2005), which expands the scope for understanding the other in relation to ourselves and the possibilities for mediation.
Culture is an important determinant of mediation as people relate to mediation based on these filters. For instance, westerners generally do not seek (unpaid) mediation as it is not considered appropriate, but in eastern cultures mediation is an important strand in the fabric of society (Wall Jr. et al., 2001). This is true in African cultures as illustrated by the Nuer and
Dinka of Sudan (Barkun, 1964). Culture influences a mediator's involvement and mandate in a case. In North America, mediators cannot impose outcomes; instead, they guide parties to modify their relations with each other by perceiving the same problem differently (Picard &
Melchin, 2007). In eastern cultures, however, not only can mediators impose a decision, they can also have vested interest in the case (Wall Jr. et al., 2001).
In Ghana, mediation is accepted in conflict management where mediators are invited to tackle even-thing from sibling rivalry to chieftaincy disputes. This makes the distinction between "insider" and "outsider" mediators (Alexander, 2008) relevant as the positionalitv 244 of mediators is linked to their role. Outsider mediators are "neutral, disinterested" professionals whilst insider mediators such as family members and community leaders "are actively and equally concerned with the interest of all parties" (Alexander, 2008, 98). This dichotomy is useful here because it implies that herder-local mediation could benefit from both insider and outsider perspectives, with insiders providing contextual information and outsiders providing technical support. That herders have consulted local leaders to adjudicate crop damage suggests that mediation is practiced in that community as well. What is new is mediation involving both groups at the community rather than the individual level.
Wall Jr. et al (2001) also discuss choice of mediation approach advising that mediators must consider methods based on their status, knowledge, track record and mandate. To choose an approach, mediators can draw on heuristic or compensatory logic.
When they draw on heuristic logic, they opt for approaches that require minimal information, shorter time to resolve and the consideration of fewer alternatives with parties.
If the mediator chooses a compensatory logic, he would explore many angles and spend more time gathering information relevant to the case. A compensatory or heuristic approach depends on the volatility of the situation and importance of the dispute and not on the whim of the mediator. 1 believe if the issues are charged a quicker solution should be sought to diffuse the situation to be followed by a more involved compensators' process.
On the outcome determinants of mediation, Wall Jr. et al. (2001) reiterate the intuitive position that as the level of conflict increases, there is a diminishing probability that the conflict will be resolved successfully. Timing matters because "mediation is apt to be less effective early in the dispute when the parties have not experienced the high costs from the conflict, as is also likely to prove futile if applied so late that the conflict has escalated" (Wall Jr. et al., 2001, 384). The as 245 of yet absence of a violent conflict in the study area suggests that the costs of conflict may not have been incurred, but the frequency of complaints about the herders implies that the stakeholders feel the pinch and want help. Thus, the timing is optimum for mediation.
A mediator's ability' to organise resources (not necessarily money) is positively correlated with successful outcomes. However, disputants' receptivity of the mediator is critical. Mediators need a social license to boost disputant receptivity, which is achieved if the parties hold the mediator in high regard. Mediation visibility engenders progress but in excess, disputants may "not have a 'safeplace' to openly discuss issues with the mediator, admit their faults or follow suggestions and cooperate with the mediator" (Wall Jr. et al., 2001, 384). This is why mediators need to strike a good balance between mediation visibility and discreetness.
This discussion so far has addressed the components of mediation, mindful that it is a value-laden process which should not be pre-occupied with the normative environment but on the active environment in which mediators and disputants negotiate. Despite this, mediators need be aware of the approaches and techniques that they could adopt or adapt.
Table 14 details techniques a mediator could use to carry out his/her mandate. These are the disputant oriented, disputant-disputant and disputant-third party relationship techniques.
Much as the categorisation is clear, the techniques should not be seen as mutually exclusive, just as they require the framework of a mediation approach to be useful. Alexander's (2008) brilliant mediation metamodel (Table 15) incorporating the "interaction" and "intervention" dimensions of mediation offers a continuum of choices ranging from interaction to integration, process to problem that mediators can draw on to advance the collective agenda. 246
Mediator's Techniques Technique Example Disputant oriented Information gathering From disputants or written documents Pressing Threatens a party in some way Compensation Rewards for making a concession Education/advising Calls for specific agreements or concessions Reflective Uses humour or lightness Empowerment Suggests disputants reach a solution on their own Distributive Criticises a side's position Inaction Simply monitors the dispute
Disputant-Disputant Relationship Smoothing and cooling Develop trust Agenda Meets together with disputants Sidling Sells one side's case to the other Integration Packages issues Problem solving Looks for facts in the case Representation Asks one side to state the other's position
Disputant-third-party relationship Use of third parties Obtains assistance from third parties Making the dispute public Shares conflict with others
Table 14: Techniques for Mediating Conflicts. Source: Wall Jr. et al., 2001
The mediation metamodel is hinged on the relation between the intervention and interaction dimensions of mediation. The interaction dimension, which refers to the discourse accompanying mediation, is represented in the center (horizontal) row spanning the positional bargaining, interest-based and dialogue-based discourses. Positional bargaining seeks to arrive at mutually acceptable settlements within the legal or technical specifications of the conflicts, so parties engage in concession making and progressively lose something until one partv comes up the winner. With interest-based discourse, mediators encourage parties to overcome the zero sum game mentality and focus on long term win-win solutions. 247
Settlement Facilitative Transformative Process Mediation Mediation Mediation c _o Tfl c a>£ s Positional Interest-based Dialogue c bargaining negotiation o •*—» g c: u c Problem Expert Advisor}1 Wise Counsel Tradition-based Mediation Mediation Mediation
Interaction Dimension
Table 15: The Mediation Metamodel (Alexander, 2008)
The essence of interest-based mediation is parties focusing their interests, needs, motivations and concerns rather than their positions, demands, legal rights and claims" whilst dialogue-based discourse seeks to elevate parties' interaction to the point where they are able to "communicate constructively and with respect so they can solve their differences themselves" (Alexander, 2008, 102) .
The intervention dimension of mediation deals with "the subject matter and on the merits of the dispute" (problem) or the "structure" and "dynamics" of mediation (process) (Alexander,
2008, 103), Structure refers to the arrangements such as seating, sessions, agenda a mediator makes to accommodate parties; whilst dynamics focuses on how parties communicate and relate to each other during the mediation. In the metamodel, process interventions occur in the top row- and problem interventions occupy the bottom row. The inclination toward interaction and intervention brings out the array of approaches a mediator might adopt although the methods are not mutually exclusive or entrenched (Alexander, 2008). Details of mediation approaches are presented in Tables 16 and 17. 248
• Aimed at access to justice • Promotes autonomy of parties • Mediator establishes enabling environment for negotiation • May push hard for concessions Settlement • Mediators selected for technical expertise of conflict issues • Mediators straddle process and problem dimensions
• Aimed at interests of parties relative to the conflict Process • Perceive disagreements from others perspective Interven • Do not provide problem advise or legal information tions • Mediator interested in interest-based negotiation Facilitative • Apt for future-based solutions and parties continued ties • Selected for mediator's process and communication skills • Less emphasis on mediator's technical competence
• Aims to show parties relations with each other • Concerned with reconciliation and restorative justice Transformative • Parties encouraged to see others view of things • Transformative dialogue about feelings, needs, interests • Mediators selected for process and relationship skills, knowledge of causes of the conflict Table 16: Features of Process Mediation. Adapted from Alexander, 2008
Synthesising the information from Wall Jr. et al (2001) and Alexander (2008), the best fit for herder-local mediation on the interaction scale is interest-based mediation. On the intervention scale, mediation could involve problem approaches straddling wise-counsel and tradition based mediation and to a lesser extent facilitative mediation. These appear appropriate because emotions are usually high, people on both sides conflate the issues, some exaggerate them and the rest have lost clarity on what the conflict is about. A mediation approach that bridges the community gap, upholds community preservation and moderated by insider mediators has a chance at making significant breakthroughs just as mediation that draws attention away from the other and addresses common interests.
Similarly, the disputant-disputant mediation technique is appropriate because it seeks to calm tempers, develop trust, encourage joint mediation, increase disputants understanding of the other's perspective and tease-out the problem solving facts (Wall Jr. et al., 2001). 249
These insights would be valuable for the mediation aspects of a framework for modifying herder-local relations and would be incorporated into the framework to make herder-local mediation a holistic process involving the resources and the people.
• Used for fast and legal/technical settlements • Geared toward suitable setdement terms • Provide advice on specialised technical issues Expert- • Advise on consequences of inaction and alternative steps advisory • Mediators selected for expertise and seniority in their field
• Fair forum for efficient conflict management • Mediate on merits of the case not rights, positions and claims Wise-counsel • Geared toward long-term solutions Problem • Pinpointing interests, walk-away options and solutions Interven • Mediator's partial responsibility for mediation outcome tions • Mediator: status, wisdom, fairness, and communication skills
• Restorative justice aimed at stability and harmony in setting • Prioritises community and not party interests Tradition- • Community members all seen as stakeholders based • Could mediate in public and with community participation • Mediators insiders relative to conflict: chiefs, leaders, elders • Aims to restore relationships, reconciliatory, preserve values • Mediator: wise, persuasive presence, communicator • Technical competence not required Table 17: Features of Problem Mediation. Adapted from Alexander, 2008
The next section svnthesises information on rights and livelihoods with the study's perspectives on mediation to chart a path forward in herder-local relations and livelihoods.
7.4 Rights, Resources and Mediation: Toward livelihood security
We are often told that this is the core skill of dispute resolution that the parties are brought to see that they have fungible stakes and goals that can be offset against each other so that each disputant leaves with some measure of satisfaction. The moral tightness of the outcome is less relevant than an agreement that is minimally acceptable to each party (Dingwall, 2002, 322 )
In the early 2000s, international NGOs such as Care International and OXFAM incorporated sustainable livelihoods into their policies and programmes as a human right, 250 and were criticised for inventing rights independent of the Convention on Human Rights
(see Brouwer et al., 2005). Much as this criticism is valid, the basic premise is intriguing and has influenced this study in terms of 'voiceless' stakeholders and the role of leadership.
Earning a livelihood is central to individual and collective feelings of worth, but local livelihoods are precarious. Thus, the inability to earn a living is at the core of the essence of being productive for self, family and community, which is why some political careers ride on the state of economies. Citizens expect leaders to make policies that foster job creation, livelihoods and employment across space, and irrespective of wealth or poverty.
In situations of neglect or poor performance of duty, people need concrete avenues for seeking accountability. Leaders should not be let off the hook because their constituents are poor and vulnerable. If sustainable livelihood is recognised as a right, then it can be demanded from elected, appointed or employed officials, which means it behoves them to deliver on their responsibilities. Since farming is central to rural livelihoods, crop damage can be devastating for a family. To the extent that locals lose crops to herder catde, leaders should take steps to protect their constituents, especially as most herders are fairlv setded.
For structured intervention, livelihoods and rights must intersect and the case for rights and development has been made by Moser and Norton who argue that:
With a focus on rights, policymakers can grasp the power dynamics in development processes. Setting issues as rights provides meaning to "empowerment" because the ability to make claims effectively is a significant livelihood capability'. For poor people to effectively make claims, it requires a number of complementary strategies such as access to infoi~mation, group solidarity, organisational and communication skills and channels for advocacy at various levels. With a rights focus, it is crucial to have maximum local level support to galvanise the critical mass of civil society ready to participate in the negotiation of their socio-economic interests (adaptedfrom Moser Norton, 2001, X).
These justifications inspire the rationale for this study's emerging frameworks which are anchored in Moser & Norton's (2001) Uvelihood security, Human rights and Sustainable 251 livelihoods (IJiS) framework and adapted to the herder-local context. The emphasis on mediation and cooperation are significant departures from the LHS, and especially so with the herder dimensions. Herder privileges are substituted for rights to broaden the latitude for negotiating within the mediation choices suggested.
Moser and Norton (2001) use a three-stage normative, analytical and operational base to present the LHS framework. The identification of rights takes place in the normative space, hinged on notions of human freedom, equality, contextual well-being, participation, empowerment and sustainability-factors that are necessary for experiencing human dignity.
The analytical level focuses on how claims can become desirable outcomes and can be viewed as the lens for understanding how power affects the consolidation of livelihoods.
Information from the normative and analytical stages form the basis of the operational stage concerned with the strategies for attaining specific livelihood outcomes for stakeholders
(Moser & Norton, 2001). Adopting this schema, two separate but connected frameworks would emerge from the three stages as a result of separating the operational stage from the previous two to provide more detail and tailor the frameworks to herder-local circumstances.
These frameworks have become necessary because of shortcomings of the Moser &c Norton framework and the subsumed Sustainable Livelihoods framework.
Firstly, the Moser and Norton framework fails to address social equitv in a detailed manner. Cognisant that a sense of social injustice and powerlessness belav herder-local conflicts, these new frameworks are intended to put a measure of control in the hands of the
"voiceless" and awaken a sense of capability regarding individual and group agency.
Secondly, the livelihoods framework does not address livelihood disputes but rather discusses vulnerability, the asset pentagon and the transformation of vulnerability into 252 positive livelihood outcomes. This is sufficient in cases of abundant natural capital, poor financial or physical capital and presumably, stocks of human and social capital. But with disputes, the dynamics change and calls for a new approach at Livelihood consolidation that factors in the disagreements and how to overcome them.
Local complaints about herders are not of the same magnitude and addressing core concerns could dissipate the momentum of the peripheral. It is thus strategic to focus on the core issues and allow the rest to resolve. The Herder-Local Mediation framework (Figure 53) which drawrs on Mokhiber (2001) and Waks (1996), is intended to clarify and consolidate use rights and privileges for locals and herders as well as usher in the Resources and Livelihoods framework (Figure 54) which draws on the sustainable livelihoods framework. However, both frameworks are intended to be local, dialogue-based, iterative and data-driven.
Waks' simple claims model inspired the normative base of this framework because it sets out the process that awakens people to the deficits in their entidements. Since this study aims to establish a framewTork for peacefully sharing use rights, it seems possible that dialogue can be rechanneled to formulate privileges and conditions, rights and responsibilities within the broad interest-based, wise counsel- tradition mediation milieu. The idea of common civic culture, the "common ground" on which groups in society meet
(Waks, 1996, 139) is apt here because common ground is the space locals and herders need to occupy together to move forward. With common civic culture, the goal is to stir enough discussion to increase public attention to the issues at stake. Moser and Norton (2001) echo a similar idea with their reference to the critical role of civil society in the success of a livelihood-rights approach to development. They argue that "without external assistance the poorest and most marginalised will generally lack the capacity to negotiate effectively for their rights "(Moser 253
& Norton, 2001, X). Civil society is critical for galvanising support for the pursuance of common interests. The guiding principle is that participants should be citizens of a country, which has been appropriated to community'. To the extent that local communities voice their dissent of herder activities, there is civic culture but it is unorganised, un-channelied and excludes the participation of herders. The challenge is to harness this energy in ways that increase community participation in calm negotiation.
The overlaps in the uses of the environment and evidence of collaborative resource use imply that stakeholders could work together. This has appeal for the developing framework and would allow for other agreements to be negotiated. It is vital to state the express right — the greatest concern of stakeholders (Mokhiber, 2001) to establish the boundaries for conduct, expectations and the pursuance of interests, rights or privileges. It also provides "the substantive justification for people to secure an acceptable standard of livelihood... one sufficient for dignified living" (Moser & Norton, 2001, viii). Evidently, the local express right is to abate the core issue—crop damage—but other issues could surface based on discussions.
In the analytical stage, stakeholders identify the details, compromises and non- compromises toward consolidating the interests of respective parties. The data is clear that locals expect herders to eliminate "night" grazing but herders are opposed to this. Locals want herders to tether their animals but this is impractical given the herd sizes. Locals expect herder stewardship of the forest but this is problematic because locals lack moral authority, and herders do not want to be saddled with conservation obligations.
Under such circumstances, mediation is crucial for directing events. Mediators should keep in mind that they are working toward fairness for all involved. Although wise counsel mediation deemphasises claims and rights and focuses on interests and long term 254 solutions, rights, claims and privileges cannot be eliminated from these 'resource conflicts' because at the core of the problem are use rights issues. Eschewing rights as contained in wise-counsel mediation will therefore be antithetical to the resource sharing that we expect to foster between herders and locals. Nevertheless, the principles of interest-based interaction, tradition and wise counsel intervention hold sway for the overriding aims and would be maintained. Stakeholders should clearly establish who has rights, how rights are specified, what rights would be shared, what duties, if any, would accompany rights and how rights would be allocated, if applicable (Hanna et al.1996). Details from the normative and analytical considerations constitute the Herder-Local Mediation framework (Fig. 53).
Prior to the normative and analytical considerations, the Support Group (SG-the broad intervening agency), must deploy an Oversight Group (the core group of frontline practitioners) to decipher the most effective community access point. The access point is the manner in which Oversight Groups (OGs) enter a community and introduce themselves, their mission and goals. If locals put the OG on a pedestal, they may be inclined to see the intervention as a magic wand and not a collaborative effort. As they access communities,
OGs could use a Participatory Action approach to galvanise, educate and aim at concrete results. The SG could provide financial and logistical support, whilst the OG constitutes the mediation body, assigns the terms of reference and provides orientation if necessan'. The
OG could then retreat but be available for clarifications whilst mediation commences.
The mediation bodv could be directed to submit a preliminary mediation approach, mediation technique and confirm the nature of the dispute(s) to sift the remote from the immediate and the core from the peripheral. Much as I elect tradition-wise counsel interest- mediation, and a disputant-disputant technique, as a proponent of contextualisation, 255 mediators could borrow from other persuasions if that would advance the original mediation goals. After these preparatory decisions, dialogue can begin about people's normative concerns, keeping in mind that this lays the foundation for the analytical stage.
The Resources and Livelihoods framework (Fig. 54) is a hybrid of the operational stage of the LHS and the sustainable livelihoods framework, and is intended to be a platform for the utilisation of livelihood assets, structures and processes to improve the livelihoods of stakeholders. As with the first framework, SGs could provide broad directives, finance and logistics whilst the OG decides on effective access points to prevent expectations of plenty7 for little work. For instance, instead of Participatory Action, OGs can access communities as
"learners" instead of "directors". After successful access, OGs could begin building livelihoods by taking an inventor)7 to create 'livelihood maps' to target interventions using locally available sustainable resources, presumably from the environment. Activities such as improving the sheanut business, livestock trading, improving farm produce and weaving or making spices could be tailored to individual human capital.
If using both frameworks, OGs should ensure that gains made in mediation cam7 through to the livelihoods stage. For efficiency, the OGs could be limited to three persons and the mediation body between five and seven. Members of the mediation body could be the assemblv member, women's leader, vouth leader, indigenous leader, an official from the district assembly and a cattle "master". It would be helpful for the OG to recruit open- minded people to the mediation body to avoid unnecessary disruptions and stalemates. After consolidation (see fig. 53), attention can turn to livelihoods, as mediators have completed their work. The second model appears to favour locals not because herder livelihoods are unimportant, but because resistance to herders is related to local livelihood insecurity. 256
After deciding what is necessary to diversify livelihoods, the next task involves financing the initiatives, mindful that the livelihoods approach is not about doling out monev but multiplying what people have. Since people are generally financially poor (Chapter 5)
OGs and SGs could help with cooperatives, rotating savings groups, financial training, equipment or socio-business networks. If SGs are not from the government, they could seek collaboration with it. However, the transforming structures should be closely considered to ensure equity in the distribution of assistance.
Since transforming processes set the stage for actual livelihood intervention, the agreements reached in consolidation should be taken into consideration. The selection of beneficiaries, livelihood viability decisions and peer support pairs could be arranged at this stage. As part of their mandate, OGs could conduct an inventory of livelihood outcomes to watch for positive results, negative outcomes and unintended consequences, to determine the extent of the various impacts so as to make adjustments and improve undesirable results. 257
Support Group Access Point Oversight Group
What is the conflict? Mediation Body Confirm remote and immediate causes Decipher core from peripheral concerns
Mediation approach and techniques: Interest-based interaction, Wise Counsel-Tradition Intervention, Disputant-Disputant focus
Advanced Mediation: Normative Considerations Analytical Considerations
Preliminary Mediation Express right (s): Modalities of mediation Interest, Claims and privileges: Crop damage? Joint mediation platform Who has rights? Why are claims Grazing routines? Impact discussions made? How are rights specified? Steer toward centre How are rights allocated? What privileges are allowed? Points of compromise Consensus What is expected behaviour? Current use rights regimes
Consolidation: Agree on feasible changes Work around non-feasible expectations Discuss and confirm current use rights Duties and responsibilities of stakeholders Invite credible people to validate and witness consolidation. In the event of default?
No consensus Consensus
Proceed to practical/operational stage or exit
Figure 53: Herder-Local Mediation framework Support Group Access transforming structures Transforming Processes • Personal assets • Double check agreements in consolidation • Cooperatives • Identify viable livelihood strategies • Rotating savings • Match beneficiaries to livelihood strategies • Micro-credit Oversight group access point • Roll out direct support • Income Generating Activities • Make peer support pairing
Livelihood Interventions • Implement livelihood interventions Livelihood deliberations with people • Launch predictive LATs (diversify vulnerability) • Present pre-prepared exit strategy • Use descriptive and explanatory Livelihood Assessment Tools to determine needs, connected issues and intervention • Identify individual and group vulnerabilities Assess Livelihood Outcomes • Identify alternative livelihoods • What choices can be made with Monitor progress of mainstream and contents of asset pentagon? new livelihood strategies • What choices would they utilise? Livelihood outcomes Attitudes towards herders Perceptions of social satisfaction Propensity for conflict
Poor progress Satisfactory progress
Figure 54: Resources and livelihoods framework Gradual community exit
N> L/l oo 259
Livelihood outcome assessments could include local attitudes towards herders, the propensity for disputes, local satisfaction with outcomes and evidence-based livelihood improvement. If noticeable changes have occurred in individual's asset pentagons, livelihood resilience and economic adaptability, there has been positive impact so the OG can withdraw from the community. If negative results are recorded, they could reconsider the livelihood interventions and make changes toward positive outcomes. Positive outcomes are required for an OG to withdraw from an area. It is important to psychologically prepare beneficiaries before the OG leaves so that they can continue successfully on their own.
7.5 Conclusion
Herders migrate to improve their livelihoods and few have intentions of returning home after settling in Ghana. After all, previous behaviour indicates they would migrate further south or even to a different country. Their dexterity at territoriality implies that expulsion orders are unlikely to have any impact. Besides, expelling them from an area does not solve local livelihood problems. The Herder-Local Mediation framework is a preparedness plan for adapting to, and managing, the herder presence for the protection of livelihoods, physical safety and to an extent, the environment based on a better understanding of herder activity and local-herder agreements; whilst the Resources and Livelihoods framework is targeted at local livelihoods to help make them more economically resilient, even with herder competition. In the concluding chapter, these frameworks, with other recommendations are submitted to contribute ideas that interventionists can draw on to address the "new" political ecology of herder migration, herder-local disputes and broader livelihood securitv. 260
Chapter Eight: Policy Recommendations and Conclusion
A policy recommendation is a statement that makes a specific proposal for action. Polity implications interpret data in ways that are useful to policymakers, but without specifyingprecisely what should be done (Glover, 2002, 2)
8.1 Policy Recommendations
The difference between policy recommendations and policy implications is outlined above. The preference is to produce policy recommendations which, if implemented purposefully, could build herder-local relations and livelihoods, given the remote locations of the conflicts and the wide cast of characters who could intervene. Besides, policy changes could emanate from recommendations, retrospectively invoking policy implications and potentially increasing the reach and impact of this study.
There is no illusion that herders and locals can live together seamlessly; however, the lack of baseless animosity toward herders signifies that locals take issue with herders not because they dislike them per se, but because it is convenient to pin their livelihood insecurities on them. It is hoped that the financial outlay of Support Groups, the hard work of Oversight Groups, and the cooperation of stakeholders will produce improvements for the majority of people involved. These recommendations are thus geared toward local government institutions, national and international duty bearers and the donor community as meaningful change involves significant investments in time, expertise and resources which are lacking to varying degrees at the level of herder and local communities. The recommendations have been grouped to reflect the circumstances in each case and propose action accordingly. The recommendations span the notions of spatial concepts to local livelihoods, the asset pentagon and violence and where feasible, include "simple things" locals and herders can do to help themselves with some guidance from leaders. 261
8.1.1 On the conceptualisation of geographical concepts
This work confirms that locals and herders view space and place differendv which conforms to Berge's (2001) finding that the nomadic impressions of space and place tend to be fluid. The herders of Tallensi-Nabdam base 'spatial' decisions on the presence of good grass, and as long as this is the case, their influx needs to be recognised and managed.
1. Due to the herder view that space is vacant unless it is actively used, they tend to settle
without permission and keep their presence and activities covert for as long as possible,
as evidenced by their preference for sneaky and staggered settling (see Ch 4.3.2.2.).
Herders, as 'guests', could be sensitised on local feelings of affront when they act this
way and be urged to respect local protocol, the importance of such decorum, and the
benefits prospective settlers could accrue. It may help to make assisted entry appealing to
would-be settlers so herders can seek proper permissions before "encroaching" on a
space. Toward this end, the following are recommended:
• Each community' should select a local liaison (not necessarily the assembly member) to
synchronize activities between leaders, herders and communities. The liaison would be
of high regard and be able to get attention from stakeholders when necessary.
• The respective liaisons, working with the assembly member for their community could
systematically visit herders and disseminate basic, yet important information pertaining
to modes of entry, local reactions and the benefits of assisted entry.
• Most prospective settlers make contact with settled herders before moving into an area.
To build a foundation for assisted entry, current herders should within one month of
their arrival within a village jurisdiction, introduce newer settlers to the designated liaison
who would in turn inform the indigenous authorities of the development(s). If a herder decides to stay after a year has elapsed, the liaison should be informed again, he would update the assembly member and indigenous leaders. Then at bi-annual sessions presided over by the indigenous leaders to coincide with the herder 'moving season', the liaison would inform family heads of herder arrivals and departures. The indigenous leaders would then instruct family heads to inform their households, in effect
updating the whole community of the developments.
For a sense of collaboration, a herder, chosen by fellow herders, could work closely with the liaison in establishing who has arrived and what their intentions are. To avoid the ambience of hounding herders, they could explain the rationale to settled herders and assure them that the exercise is to stay informed of happenings in their area and not to witch-hunt. In spite of this approach, leaders should be firm on one point: if any herder resists the new protocols, they should be asked to leave the vicinity.
To consolidate the recognition of local territory, new setders should be educated on what is freely accessible, accessible by permission or completely inaccessible with respect to the property rights regimes in the area. This would help diffuse some tension and bring a measure of place-based autochthon-migrant expectations to bear.
Local rules of subsistence territory and resource access are respected by locals across the board, so it is proper for herders to follow suit. Local representatives, indigenous leaders and liaisons could as one unit reinforce this by spearheading herder-local meetings on respecting subsistence territory, crop damage and forest product access when the rainy season starts. The assembly member could preside over these meetings, and thereafter meet with herders during the cropping season to remind them to keep catde off the
farms and observe open access rules. Three spinoffs could result: control of crop 263
damage, empowerment of indigenous leaders and instilling in herder regard for local
socio-political structures.
These recommendations require interveners to spend time with herders explaining the new paradigm viz a viz the alternative— expulsion. This could be done with a mindset of conciliation to bring legitimacy to the deliberations and specify the boundaries within which to operate. Positionality is key to success, therefore collaborators could adopt a 'friendly positionality' whilst balancing it with firmness.
8.1.2 On mediation choices
Mediation is integral to the relations between herders and locals because of the many areas of disagreement and frustration on both sides. However, negotiators must keep in focus that for herders, pasture access rules are fuzzy (Mwangi & Dohrn, 2006) whilst for sedentary people such access is flexible (Beyene, 2010). Mediation involves many decisions but the choice of mediator(s), approach and technique are the most important for their bearing on disputant receptivity, mediation goals and workable compromises. This section suggests choices best suited to herder-local mediation.
1. Considering the non-compromise and unrealistic demands from herders and locals
respectively, mediation is needed to moderate relations in a manner that fosters
cooperation and livelihoods. The hlerdcr-l Jtcal Mediation framework can be harnessed as
the basis of consensus building for resource access and dispute management.
2. Regarding mediation, approaches that emphasise long term solutions and parties' interest
are recommended. Thus, tradition-wise-counsel intervention and interest-based
interaction as well as the disputant-disputant filters are recommended to continue to 264
focus on stakeholder's interests, motivations and concerns and not their legal rights and
claims per se. As interest foci address future issues, they are good capsules for directing
discourse and anticipating problems before they occur.
3. Working with the Herder-Local Mediation framework, a mediator may not be sufficient to
broker a deal. Instead, a mediation body is recommended and it must have the resources,
status and experience to prompt disputant receptivity, but this is not to suggest that the
body be composed of formally educated urban dwellers. Village members of high
integrity - integrity even herders acknowledge - should be members. Also, people in
"mainstream" positions with a centrist attitude could bolster the credibility of the body.
The mediation body could comprise the assembly member, women's leader, youth
leader, an indigenous leader, a local government official, a catde "master", the liaison and
two commuruty members. This composition indicates that the body could have outsider
and insider mediators complementing the strengths and weaknesses of the other.
8.1.3 On reducing herder-local conflicts
The social dilemma theory, a theory of cooperation, strongly suggests that leadership is a watershed in terms of negotiating cooperation and group stability (Van Vugt et al., 2004) just as the manner of negotiation or decision framing (Fleishman, 1988), trust (Rothstein,
2000) and social identification (De Cremer & Van Vugt, 1999) play crucial roles in the cooperativeness of competing parties.
There is reason to believe that successfully managing herder-local conflicts would partly depend on the positionality of leadership. Local accusations of leader neglect and corruption have contributed to herder-local antagonisms, and as the calibration of conflict from Chapter Six suggests, leadership could improve or worsen the situation. To tackle 265 herder-local issues, mediators could aim at diffusing two underlying inhibitors: local distrust of leaders and herders' unusual guardedness.
The positionality of leaders in relation to the herders can fuel local (over) reaction to the herders. Although an accepting stance can prevent the escalation of disputes into conflict, local discontent should not be ignored as it could eventually boil over. Therefore,
Oversight Groups could train or advise leaders on their rhetoric and positionality, but specific steps need to be taken to reduce disputes and prevent conflicts.
1. For many reasons, local leaders have considerable influence with locals. The centrist
positionality of the assembly member in the study area has managed to keep peace
between herders and locals. Therefore, positionality workshops for local leaders to
provide the skills for walking the line between herders and locals without being indulgent
of one group would be beneficial. Community programmes could explain the rationale
of leader positionality to orient local receptivity' to leader's decisions and actions.
2. The local stance on crop damage should be that locals should not lose crop on account
of herder cattle. This message needs to be explicit from a unified leadership front to
compel herders to take notice. In addition, the following modalities should be put in
place for when crop damage occurs:
• The penalties for crop damage should be clearly stipulated to erase ambiguity' and
should be substantial enough to deter herder carelessness.
• Herders, farmers and leaders could institute a compensation scheme to correspond
with farm size, time and extent of damage, and the number of times a particular herd
enters the same farm. 266
• A designated leader e.g. the liaison or assembly member could inspect the damage to
ascertain its extent, the veracity of the claim and corresponding compensation
• Herders should be enjoined to avoid routes within damage proximity of farms and
must pay compensation for being in contravention of routing rules if
o A farmer found the catde feeding on his farm or,
o Can trace the hoof prints from his farm directly to the herder's compound
Once the rules and conditions are clear to stakeholders, haggling and power play could be reduced as farmers cannot make unrealistic and opportunistic demands and herders cannot deny culpability for crop damage.
3. Much as catde also enjoy sheanuts, herders should avoid the hotspots of local women's
picking activity, thus they should seek alternative shea areas away from women's picking
hubs. Delineating catde and women areas by forestburb could reduce ambiguity and
prevent cattle-women encounters.
4. Some of the herders have "friends" within the local communities who have less
stringent, albeit not necessarily liberal, views of the herders. Herders could release their
guardedness and engage in the community as it would be in their interest to do so. They
could, for example, participate in activities related to facilities they patronise to build
community rapport and dispel local xenophobic perceptions especially as locals take
herder aloofness as signs of shadiness, maliciousness or arrogance.
8.1.4 On the sustainable livelihoods framework
The sustainable livelihoods framework is a versatile tool for tackling livelihood problems and its emphasis on making targeted interventions (Partington et al., 2004) is laudable. However, the research, not surprisingly, showed that locals suffer severe deficits in 267 some or all areas of their individual and collective asset pentagon, jeopardising livelihood strategy development and subsequendy, positive Livelihood outcomes. These issues could be addressed drawing on the following recommendations:
1. The majority of rural livelihoods are forest dependent (Twvman, 2001; Warner, 2000)
which means that natural capital is an important component of livelihoods. Since many
rural communities are plagued with declining environmental resources, natural capital
cannot be taken for granted. Thus:
• Prior to committing resources and/or logisdcs, support agencies should require
oversight groups to conduct current assessments of natural capital to ascertain what
is available and viable. That two locadons occur in the same area does not necessarily
imply they have the same conditions on all fronts as shown by Datoko and Digare
separated by just 13km. Soils in Digare appear more fertile compared to Datoko, and
the forest is comparatively less degraded compared to Datoko and even Zanwore.
2. In the African context as well as in the study area, it is often assumed that there is
abundant social capital. This is true to the extent that people can entrust their children to
others and go to the farm or be assured that neighbours will pour out in support during
a funeral, marriage or naming ceremony. But social capital that advances livelihoods is
lacking as people have few or no socio-business contacts. Others are constrained by
social capital commitments such as nursing the sick or assuming wider family
responsibilities. The practice of seed borrowing (Ch. 5) which stems from goodwill wTith
another person could in fact indebt a person to another in the event of crop failure.
These necessitate a rethinking of social capital in terms of the livelihoods framework. 268
• Thus social capital could be redefined as an individual's relationships, networks and
connections that assist in the development and positive outcomes of livelihood strategies. Support
groups and oversight groups could make it a policy to ascertain the strength and
reliability of individual socio-business networks before, concluding on the availability of
social capital to improve the asset prognosis for well-targeted interventions.
3. This research was conducted conscious of the impact of positionality on trust and project
outcomes. I think research positionality (transparency) about the goals and capabilities of
the research dispelled participants' unrealistic expectations and was necessary to combat
local neglect of their agency that has carried through from colonialism, band aid
assistance, poverty and powerlessness. For effective sustainable livelihood interventions,
it is important to diffuse local dependency mentalities, therefore it is recommended that:
• Oversight groups condition potential beneficiaries of their aims, alliances and
capabilities before they begin working with them
• Oversight groups should be clear about the role and expectations of beneficiaries.
• To impact how the sustainable livelihoods framework is utilised, Support Groups
should require frontline workers to possess positional and ethical sensitivity skills.
This will mean requiring this of prospective employees and training already
employed frontline workers to acquire them.
4. The lack of government or non-governmental (support group) presence in Digare
highlights the effect of location on access to support. Digare has about 500 inhabitants,
with a frontier-like quality but no access road, which is a reason local people cannot
exploit their human or natural capital commercially. 269
• It is therefore recommended that support groups design their policies to require
oversight groups to work in places without access routes or other physical capital inputs.
This could compel duty bearers to re-examine locations and provide basic physical
capital so that oversight groups can intervene to augment local and governmental efforts.
5. The Resources and Livelihoods framework (Ch. 7) is recommended to local leaders and
oversight groups regarding cultivating rural livelihoods or revitalising existing ones.
8.1.5 On female livelihoods: Sheanuts as filiere feminine
Sheanuts are a significant, sustainable, yet underdeveloped resource, more so because farm yield, a local go-to source of cash, is unreliable. Cognisant that picking and processing sheanuts is a female domain, that sheanuts are a designated non-traditional export, and there is a market for sheanuts both domestically and internationally, (Carney &
Elias, 2007), promoting sheanuts in a systematic gender-sensitive manner could immensely benefit women's livelihoods in areas where the shea harvest is predictably good. The following are recommended to develop sheanuts as a viable Livelihood:
1. Women could be supported to establish village-anchored cooperatives to enable them to
scout for buyers at large regional markets, bring more business and eliminate backlogs of
unsold sheanuts that depreciate each succeeding year. This would help to avoid problems
such as poor market and excess produce which drives down prices.
2. Assembly members and Oversight Groups, with funding from Support Groups, could
set up buying points and collection schedules, and encourage women to use the serv ice.
They could also use their networks to link-up with businesses to sell the produce and use
the proceeds to establish more buying points and other business enhancing investments. 270
3. Women carry small quantities of sheanuts to the market because of problems
transporting the bulky, weighty product even though there is the capacity to supply
more. Oversight Groups could help women to use their cooperative unity' to arrange
with transport owners to cart their wares to the markets at a discounted price. They
could also arrange to transport reasonable quantities of the wares by donkey cart
although it is slower and punishing to the animals. They could also be assisted to guard
against exploitation by men who own the vehicles and donkey carts.
4. Women should be given basic training by support groups such as the Ministry of
Women and Children's affairs on how to competitively and profitably price items. This
is necessary because women spend many labourious days churning sheabutter and sell it
too cheaply to make a profit, whilst vehemendy insisting that they make more income.
5. Women with complex social capital obligations could be assisted to find socio-business
contacts with whom they can work for mutual benefit. These contacts could sell the
produce for a commission instead of the entangled owner incurring losses and leaving
bags of unsold sheanuts each year.
6. To increase sheabutter production and profitability, women could be assisted with mills
and crushers to reduce processing time. Through pooling, participants could pay for the
"factory overheads". However, there should be measures to prevent a gender takeover,
which is where men infiltrate female economic domains due to mechanisation.
7. It is also recommended that Oversight Groups connect with financial institutions to
guide women to increase financial capital by helping them to save income, participate in
rotating credit schemes and access minor loans to expand their businesses. 271
8.1.6 On violent acts: Sexual and physical assaults, shepherd intimidation
The issues of sexual and physical violence are very difficult to deal with because of
the lack of capacity to investigate, track down and bring perpetrators to justice. These issues could be addressed by drawing on the following recommendations:
1. Traditional authorities could be prompted to wield their power and send a clear message
to the herders regarding the seat of power. To do this inexpensively and effectively,
leaders could keep track of who lives where, and who to look for in the event of trouble
by sending non-abrasive delegations to familiarise themselves with heads of household,
background and family information. This could produce herder restraint as they become
aware that they cannot vanish after allegedly committing a crime.
2. Women could protect themselves by changing their movements in response to the
herder presence, as those assaulted were either commuting or working alone in the
forest. With so litde capacity to protect women, they could protect themselves by:
• Being vigilant about where they go, how they go and how to behave when they go.
• Avoiding going into the forest by themselves even in the day time.
• Avoiding wandering off from their group when harvesting sheanuts or anything else.
• Oversight Groups helping to educate women on staying safe whilst in the forest.
3. Generally, local women avoid the herders because of past incidents so the majority of
them only know the herders from a distance. Leaders also complain women's
information after an alleged crime is so sparse they cannot pursue the issue. Because no
assault has been investigated to its logical conclusion, women could be proactive bv
gathering as much information as they can about individual herders so that in the event
of a problem, the victim can categorically identify the perpetrator. This could help with 272
the investigation and eliminate the practice of men rushing to the scene of an alleged
crime in search of a perpetrator who has long absconded.
4. Locals overstate the prevalence of violent acts because they have never gotten justice in
relation to herder violence. To provide an avenue for redress:
• Villages could be assisted to form standing committees comprising the chief s elders
and upstanding citizens to probe violent incidents involving herders and locals.
• The committee should be empowered to find the alleged perpetrator(s), establish the
facts and seek redress for victims.
• Membership would be voluntary which would make it inexpensive to run.
Provided a committee is well constituted as regards gender, age and purpose,
incidences of un-investigated violence could reduce and confine the violent-herder-
narrative to the periphery thus reducing the tendency toward violent conflict.
8.2 Future research
1. The Herder-Local Mediation and livelihood and Resources frameworks need to be piloted over
a vear to eighteen months to ascertain their practical applicability.
2. To deepen our understanding of local territoriality, which is arguably weak, it is necessary
to unveil the dvnamics of local territoriality in greater detail as valuable lessons could
emerge to help in the positioning of locals for enhanced territorial effectiveness.
Regardless of the outcomes of the llerder-J Meal Mediation framework, herder-local
conflicts would not be eliminated. New angles of conflict management are therefore
necessary. The unique sedentarisation of atypicals and Yusufs raised in Ghana compels an 273
examination of this group of settlers to determine their interaction with communities,
territorial style, approach to disputes and prospective roles in conflict mediation.
3. In Cote d'lvoire, the government encouraged the herder influx for their contribution to
the beef industry (Bassett, 1988; Tonah, 2003), but this has never officially occurred in
Ghana. Some herders have extensive knowledge of Ghana from selling cattle all over
the countr\r raising the question of the input of the herders to Ghana's beef supply. It
would be revealing to establish the magnitude of their contribution, who their consumers
are, and the networks and methods employed in the herder-local catde trade. This could
help Ghanaians as individuals and as a state put in perspective the herder influx, and
more generally produce knowledge for the research community.
4. Currently, Ghana has no policies to deal with the herder influx, and the ECOWAS
Treaty and the Protocol on Free Movement do not adequately cater to the sub-region's
nomadic or semi-nomadic populadons. These leave gray areas that need to be properly
pigmented. For instance, what are the obligations of a state like Ghana to the herders
under the ECOWAS protocol on free movement? What is the status of Fulani herders
in terms of ECOWAS citizenship and state protection? In what ways are the herders
provided for under the ECOWAS protocol on free movement, if they have not been
specifically addressed as a group? Why do ECOWAS states bear down on the herders
without a reaction from the sub-regional body? What are the implications of these on
ECOWAS countries' foreign relations? These questions address the international
dilemmas involved in the Fulani herder situation in the hope of plugging both national
and sub-regional gaps in relation to herder migration and semi-permanent settlements. 274
8.3 Conclusion
Four a.m., July 4 2002, is when the seed was sown for this dissertation. When
natives of Nangodi, a village in Tallensi-Nabdam clashed with herders in the Red Volta
West Forest reserve resulting in loss of cattle and property, arrests and detentions, my
reaction, like that of many locals, was indignation. Thus began the resolve to chronicle
the vices of the herders and prove that they are a menace in Ghana and their influx
should be nipped in the bud. The trajectory of the dissertation has shown that a lot
happens given time, space, literature, and some maturity.
In 2007, when 1 began studying literature on herder-local/herder-farmer relations
in West Africa, a shift begun to occur in my thinking and by 2008, when I found a
theoretical encasing for this work, the transition from social indignation to enlightened
interest had crystallised. It is little wonder that nine years after the violent clash, the
project bears no semblance to the original concept regarding its purpose and (potential)
outcomes. This is a triumph for academic and practical purposes. This dissertation has
become a study of geographical concepts, herder sedentarisation processes, common
property modalities, territoriality and livelihoods, power and community frustrations,
leaders and leadership, positionality and mediation. It has culminated in a hierarchy of
causes of conflict and frameworks for mediation and livelihood improvement.
The study finds that locals and herders have varying notions of space and place,
herders are territorially stronger and their territoriality appears to be linked to their
sedentarisation history. Much as locals practice flexible grazing and herders adhere to
fuzzy resources access, shepherds and herders have adjusted and readjusted to produce a
slight imbalance in resource access (tipped in favour of herders) that suits shepherds. 275
Locals believe leaders are partial to the herders but still prefer local leaders to tackle their herder related problems. Crop damage is the most serious problem facing locals and herders, and it also turns out to be the only evidence-based impact the herder presence has had on local livelihoods. Shea picking is a potentially lucrative business for women if they can access market, good socio-business networks and financial and pricing training.
By bringing together these findings, mediation and livelihoods, the Herder-Local mediation framework which navigates the multi-layered field of resource access, interests, claims and consensus emerges; whilst the Resources and Uvelihoods framework is an in- depth example of considerations and sensitivities necessary to turn resources into positive livelihood outcomes. In addition to these frameworks, the study unveils recommendations addressing specific areas in the herder-local tussles: the prevention of conflicts, managing different notions of space and place, women's safety in the forest, female livelihoods, rethinking the asset pentagon and mediation choices.
The recommendations assign roles to local representatives, indigenous leaders,
Oversight Groups, international and local Support Groups, community' volunteers and private individuals in what is aimed at being a collaborative effort with many hubs, mundane and complex approaches, and individual and group efforts to tackle this hvdra- headed issue. In the end, the aim is to challenge others to consider this "enlightened" view of the herder influx, deconstruct the negative status quo and refocus locals' livelihood problems from the herders to more holistic approaches for improved livelihood security for the local population. 276
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Appendix A: Newspaper article about July 2012 incident, Nangodi
TT~?T-r- . -t 'J' ?> Assembly woman leads attack on herdsmen? to flush out the Fulani herdsmen From A. A. Mbord, and threatened that-the people Bolgatanga , would do that themselves if the HE Assembly member for government failed to do so by July Tthe Nangodi Electoral Area, 4. <• f Mrs Stella Yembillia and her According to the Bolgatanga husband, Mr Nicholas YembiHa District Police Commander, of the Bolgatanga Central Superintendent Emmanuel Hospital, have allegedly Amarnoo, following the threat, mobilized some youth and burnt members of the Bolgatanga District tv*5 id down two houses and a farm Security Committee (DISEC) went belonging to Fulani herdsmen in i k to Nagodi on July 4 to ascertain the the area. extent of the alleged destruction of io Their action was said lo be in. S r- farms and property. reaction to the persistent Mr Rockson Bukari, Bolgatanga destruction of farms in the electoral District Chief Executive, reacting to area by the herdsmen and in pro the incident on behalf of DISEC at m test against the seeming lack of con a press conference yesterday, cern by the authorities. recalled that last week a news, item Yesterday, the couple was was carried on National radio by arrested by the Bolgatanga police residents of Nangodi threatening to to help in investigations into their flush out norniad Fulani herdsmen alleged involvement in - the by July 14, if the authorities failed disturbances. to do so. B They were, however, released The reason for their threat was oh self-cognizance bail and a$ked that the Fulani herdsmen and their to report daily to the polic,e while cattle were destroying crops on investigations continued. ; people's farms. Two youngmen, Isaac f^ong, 25 To avert the threat, the Regional and Kurug Tumur, 35, arrested on Commander of Police, Mr Bernard suspicion of burning the two houses Dery, invited Mrs YembiHa, the and farm, are still being held in po assembly member and leader of the lice custody. purported crusade, and advised her ll is recalled that two weeks to rescind their decision since ef fazing ago, Mrs YembiHa, a retired Direc forts were being made to flush out sllg to tor of Education, was reported in the alien Fulani countrywide. 'jo the press of complaining (hat According to the Policc ill and Fulani herdsmen and their cattle Commander, Mrs YembiHa were deslroying farms in the elec promised not to carry out the I. toral area and impoverishing their with planned auack. owners. A statement released lo the lleLo- She also reported that the press said, in spite of the promise, lanof people had appealed to the govern- security reports continued to ment"(authorities) to intervene and _ Contd on Page 3 Col. 7 Appendix B: Livestock holdings of respondents as at 2009 Resp. Sex Cows Sheep Goats Donkeys Pigs Birds N001 M 3 5 3 0 7 3 roosters, 7 hens, 15 chicks N002 F 0 0 0 0 0 4 hens N003 M 0 3 4 0 0 7 roosters N004 F 0 0 3 0 0 2 roosters, 5 hens N005 M 3 0 9 0 0 1 rooster, 8 hens, 18 chicks N006 F 0 0 0 0 2 5 hens, 12 chicks N007 F 0 2 0 0 3 2 hens, 14 chicks
DiOOl F 0 1 2 0 2 3 hens and 6 chicks Di002 M 2 4 5 0 0 5 roosters, 9 hens Di003 M 0 0 5 1 0 14 guinea fowls Di004 M 0 6 0 1 0 7 fowls, 8 g. fowls Di005 M 0 5 13 0 4 5 roosters, 3 hens, 12 chicks Di006 M 7 7 10 2 0 1 hen, 10 guinea chicks Di007 F 0 0 3 0 0 About 15 Di008 F 0 0 0 0 0 0 Di009 F 0 4 0 0 0 2 roosters, 3 hens, 7 chicks
Z001 M 0 4 3 1 0 3 roosters, 4 hens, 8 chicks Z002 F 0 0 2 0 0 4 hens, 1 rooster Z003 M 0 4 0 0 0 0 Z004 F 0 0 0 0 0 0 Z005 M 0 3 0 1 0 About 10 Z006 M 0 0 8 0 4 12 guinea fowls Z007 M 0 2 2 0 3 5 ducks, 2 turkeys, 7 hens Z008 F 0 0 0 0 0 2 hens, 13 g. chickens Z009 F 0 0 0 0 0 5 hens, 12 chicks
D001 M 0 3 2 0 0 1 hen, 12 chicks D002 M 1 0 0 0 2 4 hens, 3 roosters, 5 chicks D003 M 5 9 11 2 4 4 hens, 15 guinea chicks D004 F 0 0 2 0 0 4 hens D005 M 0 4 6 0 0 3 ducks, 2 roosters, 6 hens D006 M 5 6 7 0 0 4 hens, 13 chicks D007 F 0 3 4 0 3 0 D008 F 0 0 0 0 0 5 hens, 6 chicks D009 M 4 6 4 1 0 0 D010 M 0 5 3 1 2 3 turkeys D011 M 7 2 9 0 0 5 roosters, 5 guinea fowls D012 M 3 2 3 0 0 1 rooster, 9hens, 12 chicks D013 M 3 6 4 1 2 2 roosters, 4 hens, 10 chicks D014 F 0 0 0 0 0 4 hens, 1 rooster, 11 chicks 288
Appendix C: Verbal Explanation to Obtain Oral Consent
My name is Rita Yembilah and I am a doctoral student at the University of Calgary, Canada. As part of my studies, I am required to do research work and I have chosen to study the presence of the Fulani herders in your community to find out how to manage this problem.
In order to conduct this study, I will interview local community members, local leaders and herders. I am therefore seeking your permission to include you in this research project.
The following information on your role in this research project is provided to help you decide on whether to participate. You will need to participate in an interview or focus group discussion (depending on your preference) in which you will answer questions related to the topic under study. In an interview, you will have a research assistant and me as your audience. In the focus group discussions, there will be seven other participants plus the research assistant and me.
During the interview or focus group discussion, you may decline to answer certain questions, or withdraw completely from the study, and you will be within your rights to do so. In the event that you completely withdraw from the study, information you have provided will be retained and included in the study. However, due to the difficulty of disentangling your contributions from that of others in the context of the focus group discussions, all your contributions during focus group discussions will be retained and used.
It is entirely your choice as to whether you participate in this study. Do not be intimidated by my high-level of education, position or peoples comments if you do not participate.
You reserve the right to be completely anonymous. All information collected will be confidential But you can choose to be identified if you so wish. Should you decide to participate, you will provide your first name, age, gender, occupation, and community. To protect your identity, you will be assigned a code known only to me, to be used anvtime the research is discussed.
Here is some information to guide you in the decision to be cited publicly. If you wish to have vour contributions to this research publicly acknowledged, details such as your name, occupation and community and the contributions you make will be included in the final project. When the research is orally presented information such as your age and occupation (if relevant to the presentation) will be used. You can also wish be quoted directly or paraphrased. Note that dissemination of the findings could occur widely (both aboard and locally) and increase the likelihood of people being privy to what you said during the research. If vou are not comfortable with any of these, you can remain anonymous.
I will also like to audiotape the interviews as well as group discussions and take some footage of the interaction, some of which would be used when research is written or presented orallv. If you do not wish for your visual materials to appear in my work you are within vour rights to decline this request, although quotes from your audio materials will be used anonymously unless you choose otherwise. 289
After the study has been completed, I will take all materials gathered back to the University of Calgary, Canada for analysis and completion of the whole project. Parts of the research may be shown to my academic supervisor to facilitate my academic work. Apart from this, be assured that the materials gathered will remain in my indefinite possession.
Your participation in this research entails litde or no risk to you or your status. However, there is a time commitment should you consent to participate. An interview may last two hours, and a focus group two to two and half hours. If you participate in an interview, the researcher may request a follow-up interview but you can accept or decline this request.
1 will now address your questions and concerns.
If you decide to participate and are sure, you can indicate that now so that we can continue with the arrangements. If you would want to think about your position, we can set a day when I can come back for a response.
Thank you for your time. 290
Appendix D: Interview Guide — Local community respondents
Section One Awareness of the Fulani influx 1. When did you first notice the Fulani herders and their herds in this community? 2. What relationship initially existed between the herders and locals? 3. Where do you normally find the Fulani and their herds in this vicinity? 4. How are you able to tell that the Fulani and their herds are in an area? 5. Describe the movements of the Fulani and their herds in this community e.g. are there times they disappear and reappear? What are the approximate time intervals? 6. How many catde do herders typically have?
Section Two Perceptions of place, territory and boundaries 1. How long have you lived in this community? 2. What is your attachment to this community e.g. marriage, migration, first settlers etc? 3. What have you come to like about this community? 4. What places do you include in demarcating this community's area/land? 5. Wrhy do you include those places in your demarcation? 6. Traditionally, how do you differentiate your land from other's land? 7. If someone challenged the truth of the landmarks, how will you prove your claim?
Section Three Territoriality and Positionality 1. Have you had to defend your land/area at some point in the past? Why? 2. What experience(s) do you have that indicate that Fulani are a threat (or not) to your land? 3. Irrespective of the herders, how have you ensured access to common resources? 4. Regarding the herders, how have you ensured access to resources? 5. What is your most important complaint to authorities regarding the herder influx? 6. What are your other concerns? 7. Would your concerns or complaints be different if the herders were Ghanaians? Explain. 8. How has your cultural position/experience influenced your actions towards herders? 9. What is your social position in your community? 10. Is this position linked to your ancestry, wealth or gender? 11. How does your social position influence your view of the herders? 12. Which of these may be an obstacle in choosing to negotiate with herders? (a). Their socio-cultural difference (b). Herders' activities in the land. Explain 13. By virtue of your situatedness as a native of this land, do you believe you have an edge over the herders in this matter? Explain your answer. 291
Section Four The Local Economy and Livelihood Security 1. What occupation(s) do you rely on for income or subsistence? 2. How long have your been in these occupations? 3. How frequendv do you farm your 'bush' farm? 4. Apart from crops grown on the farm, what other things do you obtain from the farm? 5. Are you able to sell any of your agricultural produce (crops/animals) for profit? 6. How will you describe your livelihood situation in the last 5 years? 7. What is your greatest concern regarding the Fulani presence? 8. Give some specific examples of things you can or cannot do because of the herders. 9. How will you describe your feeling anytime a conflict erupts?
Section Five Use rights, Expected behaviour and Resource management 1. What aspect of the land is most important to your livelihood security (rangelands, watering holes, farms, forests)? 2. How are rights to land shared with the larger community? 3. What are your responsibilities to the land and the community? 4. How do non-natives (e.g. southerners) access rights/privileges to land? 5. What behaviours do you expect from such immigrants? 6. What kinds of behaviours from herders would be acceptable to you? 7. If there is a possibility to grant the herders some privileges, what will you recommend? 8. What would you recommend for joint management of the watering holes, forests, and rangelands?
Section Six Leaders, leadership and herder-local relations
1. What is your opinion of how local leaders (Chiefs and Assemblypersons) handle the herder situation? Explain. 14. What will you prefer them to do to change your opinion? 15. Which of these will you prefer: Public meetings to discuss this problem with all parties' present OR to have the meetings without the herders? Explain. 16. If you were to choose between local representatives and higher officials to address your concerns about the herders whom will you prefer? Why? 17. In what ways have your local leaders influenced your perception of the herders? 18. Describe any circumstances where leaders positively or negatively impacted your encounters with the herders.
Biodata Name: Code: Sex: Age: Communitv: Occupation: Consent for follow up: 292
Appendix E: Interview Guide — Settled Fulani Herders
Section One Space and Migration History 1. What is your country of origin? 2. How long have you been settled here? 3. Why did you decide to move to Ghana? 4. How do you select local areas where you setde? 5. Why did you decided to setde for this length of time in one area? 6. What factors influence your decision to stay for any length of time in an area? 7. What permissions or local help did you seek before settling in this area? 8. What are the longest and shortest times of your stay in a area before moving on? 9. What places did you travel through (migration route) before arriving at here? 10. How many of your family members live with you here? 11. What is their relationship to you?
Section Two Place and Territory, Expected Behaviour 1. What are your feelings or impressions of lands you travel through? 2. Are those feelings comparable to the attachment you have to livestock? If yes, explain the feeling. If no, what is different? 3. Does the amount of dme you spend in an area help you like that area? Explain your answer. 4. When you like an area what do you do to "properly" settle there? 5. Could you describe the sense of ownership (if any) you have from properly settling in an area? Is it comparable to your ownership of cattle? 6. Have you acquired land in this community or elsewhere? Why or why not? 7. If you have acquired land, what did the process entail and what difficulties did you face? 8. What are your feelings about that land? 9. What behaviours do you expect locals regarding your stay here? 10. What efforts are you making to improve reladons with locals? 11. In what ways could locals be more tolerant of your presence here? 12. Do you agree or disagree that your behaviour in this area is poor? Explain vour answer.
Section Three Leadership and Positionality 1. Do you know any local leaders personally? 2. Under what circumstances did vou meet? 3. Describe your current relationship with any local leader(s) 4. Why, if at all, is this leader important to your stay here? 5. Why do you give gifts to leaders in this area? 6. Do you sense a willingness by locals to accommodate vou? Why or why not? 7. How relevant is being accepted by communities connected to your livelihood goals? 293
8. As 'guests' in this land, what sacrifices are you willing to make to be welcome to vour hosts? 9. Do you think if you were citizens of Ghana, locals will treat you differently? Explain.
Section Four Resource Access and Multi-Stakeholder Resource Management 1. What rights/privileges do you have any with regard to resource access and use here? 2. What arrangements do you have in place for access to resources for you herd? 3. Is there an organised system you follow, and what does it entail? 4. When you meet shepherds, what protocols do you observe for resource access? 5. How far do you travel from your compound for fodder and water for the herd? 6. If locals were granting herders privileges what would be your top priority? 7. What roles would you play in regard to active engagement in forest management? 8. What suggestions do you have regarding herder-local joint forest management? 9. What do you expect locals to change toward you regarding resource access? 10. If there are things you need to do differently to improve relations with locals what will those things be?
Section Five Your practical experiences 1. What was the reaction of local people when you settled here? 2. What steps did you take in order to continue to stay here? 3. What benefits do you derive from being settled? 4. Do you plan to move from here or become nomadic again sometime in the future? 5. What advice would you give a fellow herder looking to settle in this area? 6. What has your livelihood history been since settling here? (e.g. farming, trading etc) 7. Could you detail the topmost causes of conflict between you and community members? 8. How in the past have you resolved these issues? 9. What can be done differently to smoothen how vour issues with locals are tackled?
Biodata Name: Code: Sex: Age: Community: Occupation:
Consent for follow up: 294
Appendix F: Guide for Focus Group Discussions with locals
Section One Awareness of the Fulani influx 1. What kind of relationship initially existed between the herders and locals? 2. How has the relationship between locals and herders changed over the years? 3. What has contributed to the changes in this relationship either positively or negatively? 4. Can you describe the movements of the Fulani and their herds in or near this community e.g. are there times they disappear and reappear, what are the approximate time intervals
Section Two Perceptions of place, territory and boundaries 5. What is it about this land that engenders the urge to protect it from the herders? 6. What areas will be included in defining this community's area/land? 7. What makes you include those places in your demarcation? 8. What is the greatest concern regarding the herder influx into this area?
Section Three Territoriality and positionality 9. How have you in the past ensured access to forests, grassland and watering holes? 10. Does your social position determine the view you take of the Fulani presence here? 11. How does this affect your view of their presence here and what you demand of them? 12. Which of these may be an obstacle in choosing to negotiate with herders? (a), socio- cultural difference (b). alleged activities in the land.
Section Four The Local economy and livelihood security 13. How have your livelihoods been affected by the herders? 14. What aspect of your livelihood is threatened the Fulani presence? 15. Are men and women are affected in the same way by the herders? How? 16. What could be done to improve livelihoods in view of the herder problem?
Section Five Use rights, Expected behaviour and Resource management 17. What behaviours do you expect from the herders when they are in this land? 18. If we were to grant the herders some privileges, what will your recommendations be? 19. What agreements may you come to with herders for joint management of the resources? 20. What will you suggest for the monitoring such a programme? 295
Section Six Positionality and Local leadership 21. Discuss the role of local leaders in handling of the herder situation. 22. What local institutions or personalities could be harnessed to regulate use rights? 23. If you were to choose between local representatives and the national government, whom will you prefer to manage this situation? 24. What sacrifices could the community make to help the community enjoy the resources for livelihood security?
Bio data of Members
Community Name Code Gender Occupation Age Appendix G: Respondents by category Group Number Males Females Fulani herder 20 15 5 Local community 39 23 16 Focus group discussion 48 27 21 Assembly representative 1 1 0 Chief 1 1 0 Totals 109 67 42
Appendix H: Breakdown of respondents by community, age, sex, marital status
Comm. Age No M F Married Comm. Age Cohort No M F
Datoko 18-20 2 1 1 0 D. Fulani 18-20 0 - -
21-29 2 1 1 1 21-29 0 - - 30-39 7 6 1 5 30-39 2 1 1 40-49 10 5 3 10 40-49 2 2
50-59 3 2 1 3 50-59 0 - -
60-69 3 1 2 2 60-69 0 - -
70+ 1 1 0 1 70+ 0 - - Total 28 17 11 22 Total 4 3 1
Zanwore 18-20 0 0 0 0 Z. Fulani 18-20 0 - - 21-29 5 3 2 5 21-29 1 0 1 30-39 6 4 2 6 30-39 1 0 1 40-49 2 2 0 1 40-49 3 2 1 50-59 3 1 2 3 50-59 2 2 0 60-69 1 1 0 1 60-69 1 1 0
70+ 1 1 0 1 70+ 0 - - Total 18 12 6 17 Total 8 5 3
Digare 18-20 3 3 0 0 D. Fulani 18-20 0 - - 21-29 3 1 2 3 21-29 1 1 0
30-39 4 2 2 4 30-39 0 - - 40-49 4 3 1 4 40-49 1 0 1
50-59 3 2 1 5 50-59 0 - - 60-69 2 0 2 3 60-69 1 1 0
70+ - - - - 70+ 1 1 0 Total 19 11 8 19 Total 4 3 1
Namoranteng 18-20 1 1 0 0 N. Fulani 18-20 0 - -
21-29 5 3 2 3 21-29 0 - - 30-39 4 3 1 4 30-39 1 1 0
40-49 7 3 4 7 40-49 0 - - 50-59 3 1 2 3 50-59 1 1 0
60-69 3 2 1 3 60-69 0 - -
70+ 1 1 0 - 70+ 2 2 0 24 14 10 20 Total 4 4 0 Grand total 89 54 35 78 20 15 5 Herders + Local respondents (89+20) == 109 Note: All male and female Fulani respondents were married at the time of study.