of past generations, or praising the new free-market vitality of REVIEWS the twenty-first century Liberal Democrats, it would be important to pay attention to historical con- Is the future orange? text. Regrettably, this is something which the contributors to this Paul Marshall and David Laws (eds.), The Orange Book: volume are not always prepared to do. For example, it is fair to say Reclaiming Liberalism (Profile Books, 2004) that Beveridge supported a degree Reviewed by Eugenio Biagini and Duncan Brack of collectivism (‘bulk production’, p.) which would not normally be associated with liberalism, but ver the past seventy years on topics such as localism, the EU, this was in  – that is, in the the ideological outlook global governance, economics and midst of the unprecedented social Oof both the Conserva- social justice, the health service, and economic crisis caused by tive and the Labour Parties has crime, the family and pension the Second World War. Likewise, undergone radical reformations reform. The authors comprise a when discussing the post-Thatch- and counter-reformations, with number of MPs, MEPs, and Par- erite rejection of state socialism, ‘New Labours’ and more or less liamentary candidates. The central let us remember that Grimond’s new Conservatisms emerging at ‘orange’ theme is the need to important  National Liberal regular intervals, each of them rethink party policy in ways more Club lecture was the culmination, effectively refuting the legacy of consistent with the post-Thatch- There not the starting point, of his criti- their predecessors. erite consensus about market is much cism of the notion that the state By contrast, the Liberals and values, national power and citi- could take care of all our prob- the Liberal Democrats have zenship. The last one is a concept here with lems (p.). generally displayed a remarkable in great need of being further re- Arguably, proportional rep- degree of consistency and con- evaluated and restored, in contrast which most resentation – had it been imple- tinuity. Important changes have to both the Tory notion of the mented at some stage before indeed taken place, sometimes ‘British national’ as a consumer Liberal  – would have created a less amounting to real paradigm of government products, and the Democrats Manichean political system, one shifts, but always as part of some (hopefully now defunct) socialist within which economic and sort of organic evolution. Thus idea of overriding class identi- will read- class ideologies would have been Keynes built upon the traditions ties as the organising principle of moderated and their excesses cor- established by Alfred Marshall political life. ily agree. rected by coalition governments. and J.A. Hobson in the con- Obviously there is much here However, the ‘orange’ authors text of the post- crisis, and with which most Liberal Demo- What is have little to say about the con- was deeply rooted in the older crats will readily agree. What is controver- tinuing relevance of proportional free-trade economics of global controversial is the deliberately representation. In view of its interdependence. Again, after provocative, and sometimes sial is the adoption for both Scottish and the Second World War, when misleadingly provocative, way EU elections it is surprising that the party adopted the agenda of in which these ideas have been deliberately it should deserve only a cursory European integration, their new presented. In particular, the dis- mention in the chapters on local policy was closely linked to the missive references to ‘nanny-state provoca- government (E. Davey, pp.–) traditional Liberal commitments liberalism’ (p.) suggest that tive, and and the EU (Nick Clegg). to the ‘Concert of Europe’, the the party was responsible for the Devolution – another old League of Nations and, generally mistakes which led, as a reaction, sometimes Liberal cause – has been imple- speaking, multilateralism in for- to Thatcherism. In reality, while mented by Mr Blair along lines eign affairs. Beveridge and Keynes redefined mislead- reminiscent of Mr Gladstone’s Not surprisingly, the editors the intellectual boundaries of  Home Rule Bill, including and contributors to the Orange social justice and ‘positive’ liberty, ingly pro- the latter’s potential pitfalls in Book are eager to stress that they, they were not in control of the vocative, terms of the confused relation- too, work within the tradition. way in which their ideas were ship between Westminster and Charles Kennedy, in his ‘Fore- implemented (or hijacked) by way in the new coordinated/subordi- word’, further underscores this successive Labour and Conserva- nated parliaments and assemblies. point. Littered with the names tive governments. Had the Liber- which these How does this affect the two of old masters – including J. als been in office, would they have questions of local government Bentham, J.S. Mill, W.E. Glad- been able to do better? This is a ideas have and the constitutional relation- stone, L.T. Hobhouse, J.A. Hob- counterfactual which we cannot been pre- ship between the UK and the son and W. Beveridge – this book reasonably explore, but before EU? Are the Liberal Democrats consists of ten chapters focusing condemning the ‘socialist’ sins sented. going to help Mr Blair to emerge

60 Journal of Liberal History 47 Summer 2005 REVIEWS from the constitutional fogs of can provide a new excuse for community. There is every reason the late nineteenth century? unbridled liberal imperialism. to suspect that a significant and From the start (i.e. in –) The latter, besides being ques- public reversal of this trend will some critics of Gladstonian tionably ‘liberal’, would soon have the opposite effect, creating home rule pointed out that be constrained by the disastrous a virtuous circle of responsibility a federal arrangement would economic costs and military and active, participatory citizen- require a written constitution. overstretch that a philosophy of ship. (p.) Yet, while the Orange Book pro- universal intervention for the Whatever its contents, the way vides a convincing defence of protection of civil rights would in which the Orange Book was the EU constitution, it neglects entail. Moreover, let us bear in promoted and launched hardly the question of whether a writ- mind that Gladstone’s foreign made the impression its authors ten constitution would help to policy was based on the firm could have wished. In August rationalise not only the messy belief in a hierarchy of civilisa- , a month before its appear- European institutions which tions and cultures – one which ance, the Guardian led an article have organically grown over few Liberals would accept nowa- with the claim that ‘The high- the past fifty years, but also the days. Finally, insufficient con- riding Liberal Democrats are set equally messy British institu- sideration has been given to the to be shaken by a controversial tions which have evolved in a question whether some of the call from the party’s young Turks similar way during the same problems of ‘global governance’ to adopt new “tough liberal” period. In particular, addressing are so deeply rooted in local con- policies which are pro-market the reciprocally interdependent ditions and cultures and so com- and more Eurosceptic and place questions of local government plex that they cannot be quickly new responsibilities on persist- and EU reform, should we not fixed by either the UN or any ent offenders’. Similar stories first decide what to do with self-styled ‘coalition of the will- appeared elsewhere in the media, the quasi-but-not-really federal ing’. If gunboats cannot export indicating a coordinated attempt structure of the UK? liberal democracy, we should to set the agenda ahead of the The book contains proposals perhaps reconsider the value of Liberal Democrat conference which many Liberal Democrat other Liberal traditions in foreign in Bournemouth in September; readers may find disconcerting. policy – especially non-inter- they were planted, and the media For example, we may wonder vention and the respect of other operation coordinated, by David whether Christopher Huhne’s nations’ rights to regulate their Laws’ office. neo-Gladstonian prescriptions internal affairs. The timing was spectacu- for global governance (p.) Yet, there is much to be larly inept. The centrepiece of said for this book. The final the conference, the last before chapter on the Beveridge tradi- the general election, was the tion and the challenges of the presentation of the party’s ‘pre- pensions scheme is fascinating manifesto’ paper, an indication of and thought-provoking. Dav- the themes on which the Liberal ey’s strategy for the renewal of Democrats planned to fight the local democracy reminds us of election. Laws’ proposal for a the consistency between what social insurance basis for health Quentin Skinner has recently care – in reality almost the only described as ‘neo-roman’ liberty major departure from exist- and the views which the party ing party policy in the Orange inherited from its Victorian Book – naturally did not feature. founders. Both Gladstone and Furthermore, the idea had been Joseph Chamberlain would have explicitly rejected by a party enthusiastically agreed with Dav- policy working group on public ey’s prescription for the reversal services in , and Laws did of the over-centralised state: not choose to put it forward as an If political power shifts, option in the separate debate on people will shift with it. Many health policy at Bournemouth. people have been put off local Issuing a call for such a major government in recent decades as revision of policy, accompanied by local government’s powers have the broad criticism of the party’s been stripped away. Some areas approach as ‘nanny-state Liberal- have witnessed a vicious circle, ism’, could well have been accept- whereby people of talent moved able two or three years before out of local politics, as it was no an election, or immediately after longer the vehicle for them to one – but to do so just before a put something back into their campaign struck many Lib Dems

Journal of Liberal History 47 Summer 2005 61 REVIEWS as unnecessarily divisive and likely carefully considered. In keeping There is a The sum charged in warrants only to give ammunition to the with the editors’ precepts, perhaps against Balfour was £, – the party’s opponents (as it did, with those interested in the future of good case same amount as the paper profit Labour canvassers in the Hartle- liberal democracy need to make amassed by Henry Adams in the pool by-election the week after more use of another Liberal for publica- film story. the conference claiming that the tradition – the Liberal Summer Without the million-pound Lib Dems wished to privatise the School – or of a similar device to tions which note as proof of Adams’s wealth, NHS). Laws was subject to bitter encourage dialogue and cross-fer- stimulate people begin to believe he has lost criticism within the parliamentary tilisation between party politicians his fortune or that he never had party, the book’s launch meeting and the many intellectuals and and pro- the note in the first place. They at Bournemouth was cancelled, scholars who are actually ‘Liberal’, accuse him of dishonesty and and speaker after speaker in con- whether or not they are party voke new fraud and they blame him for the ference debates took the opportu- members, in order to recreate that failure of the gold-mine shares, nity to denounce the Orange Book, extraordinarily powerful unique thought shares that had been bought by its authors and its contents. In synergy which enabled Liberal on current many small shareholders on the the end the timing of the launch ideas – if not the Liberal Party basis of Adams’ good name and guaranteed a backlash against its – to dominate the past century. issues of reputation. The victims of the authors’ ideas, rendering them crash, including widows and their less rather than more likely to be Eugenio Biagini is the Reviews Edi- public pol- offspring, confront Adams with taken up in the aftermath of the tor of the Journal, and Duncan Brack the possibility of their ruination  election. is its Editor. icy. But the just like those who lost the money In conclusion, there is a good approach, they had invested in Balfour’s case for publications which stimu-  Patrick Wintour, ‘Lib Dem radicals enterprises, such as the Libera- late and provoke new thought on call for pro-market switch’, Guardian, tor Building Society. One poor  August . as well as current issues of public policy. But  For its current activities see www. schoolteacher, quoted by McKie, the approach, as well as the tim- cfr.org.uk/Events/SummerSchool/ the timing, wrote ‘I have worked as hard as ing, of such publications must be MP.htm. any woman could since I was  of such … I know not in the least what publica- will become of me … I have looked forward to my little home, tions must with my books, so longingly, save me, oh save me from the work- Of rogues and ruin be carefully house.’ The Million Pound Note being David McKie, Jabez – The Rise and Fall of a Victorian considered. the movies, there was, of course, Rogue (Atlantic Books, 2004) a happy ending. Adams gets through the month without cash- Reviewed by Graham Lippiatt ing the note, keeps his fortune on the stock market and even gets the girl, marrying into the aristoc- n the  film comedy The At one point in the plot, racy. Jabez and his victims did not Million Pound Note, an adapta- Adams lends his name to a fad- live happily ever after. Ition of a short story by Mark ing gold-mining enterprise Jabez – The Rise and Fall of a Twain, Gregory Peck plays Henry whose stock-market ratings soar Victorian Rogue can be read on a Adams, a penniless American overnight on the strength of number of levels: as a Victorian in Edwardian London. Adams his endorsement and he makes morality tale, like Thomas Hardy’s becomes the subject of a bet himself £, without invest- Mayor of Casterbridge, or perhaps between two rich brothers who ing a penny. Unfortunately his Augustus Melmotte in Trollope’s want to find out if someone with million-pound note goes missing The Way We Live Now – where a a million-pound note could live temporarily and he finds the value man rises to the top of his chosen for one month by the power of its of his shares melt away. This epi- tree and is seemingly unassailable, possession alone without need- sode provides an uncanny parallel until the truth of his position is ing to break into it. Adams finds with the career of Jabez Spencer revealed and his wealth and status that just by showing the note, Balfour, the subject of this highly unravel before his eyes. Another everyone extends him credit in readable biography by David interpretation is to see the story anticipation of future business and McKie. Balfour was a Victorian of Balfour as a parallel to the great in the knowledge that the very Liberal politician and capitalist, political, capitalist scoundrels of fact of their being patronised by convicted of fraud as a director of his own time such as George a well-known millionaire will a public company and of obtain- Hudson, the so-called Railway attract additional customers. ing money by false pretences. King, or Horatio Bottomley. McKie himself also suggests we

62 Journal of Liberal History 47 Summer 2005