Awareness of Privilege 1

RUNNING HEAD: INCREASING AWARENESS OF PRIVILEGE

White and Male Privilege:

The Consequences of Increasing Awareness of Privilege

Jessica Copeland

Rhodes College

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Bachelor of Arts degree

with Honors in Psychology Awareness of Privilege 2

Abstract

Research shows that educating people about inequalities is a delicate process that must be approached carefully. The Privilege Game was designed to educate about privilege through presenting empirical data and experiential learning. The present study investigated the success of this game by comparing it to other multicultural education tools (The Game of Oppression and The White Privilege video) and no treatment. The

Privilege Game was more successful than The Game of Oppression and the control condition but was not always more effectual than the video. Additional modifications to

The Privilege Game are recommended in order to make it more effective, particularly when compared to the video. Awareness of Privilege 3

White and Male Privilege: The Consequences of Increasing Awareness of Privilege

The 2008 presidential race provides a unique mix of issues involving race and sex comparisons. In particular, the competition for the Democratic nomination provides an interesting juxtaposition of the African American situation with that of the female situation. For the first time ever in history, the Democratic candidate for the presidency will not be a White male; it will either be an African American male or a White female, both of whom have not had the privileged experiences of their White male predecessors.

Personnel from both Barack Obama’s campaign and Hillary Clinton’s campaign have made comments about the competing candidate and advantages they have due to factors such as their race and sex. For example, Geraldine Ferraro, a fundraiser for the Clinton campaign, is no longer with the campaign after making the following statements regarding Obama: “If Obama was a White man, he would not be in this position. And if he was a woman (of any color) he would not be in this position. He happens to be very lucky to be who he is. And the country is caught up in the concept” (Maddaus, 2008).

Ferraro points out that there are huge disadvantages to being a female, while also making comments that reflect the ignorance that surrounds race issues in this country.

The Revered Jeremiah Wright, former spiritual advisor to the Obama campaign, made similar comments regarding Clinton and her race: "Hillary was not a black boy raised in a single parent home. Barack was. Barack knows what it means to be a black man living in a country and a culture that is controlled by rich White people…. Hillary has never had her people defined as a non-person” (Mooney, 2008). Rev. Wright followed Ferraro’s ignorance in ignoring the hurdles that Hillary faces due to her sex. He was wrong when he said that her people have never been defined as a non-person because Awareness of Privilege 4 although Whites have not been treated this way, women have. Although these comments are negative in how they rank order types of disadvantage, at least their comments point out how the United States continues to struggle with these issues.

Instances of overt racism and sexism, such as burning crosses in someone’s yard or espousing the idea that women are not as intelligent as men, have lessened in polite society. Because blatant discrimination is less frequent than it has been in the past due to such events as the women’s suffrage movement and the overturning of Jim Crow laws, individuals in the dominant group (i.e., Whites, males, etc.) are often seduced into thinking that discrimination is a thing of the past (Lehrman, 2003; McIntosh, 2003).

However, closer examination shows that discrimination has just taken the new form of privilege that creates inequality, despite the fact that we are “taught to see racism only in individual acts of meanness, not in invisible systems conferring dominance on [the privileged] group” (McIntosh, 2003, 191). Consequently, education about racism and sexism need to dissuade people from the notion that gender and race inequality are ancient history.

White privilege and male privilege are two ways in which inequalities are created between the races and sexes (McIntosh, 2003). Although Whites no longer force African

Americans to use separate bathrooms or drinking fountains, Whites still enjoy privileges that are results of their skin color of which African Americans do not have the benefit

(McIntosh, 1992; McIntosh, 2003; Wise, 2004). Males, too, benefit from their sex in ways that females do not (McIntosh, 1992). Because certain individuals are given advantages due to the color of their skin or their sex, others are put at a disadvantage. For example, African Americans can often have a hard time relating to their supervisors and Awareness of Privilege 5 teachers more often than Whites do because people in these positions are often White themselves (McIntosh, 2003). African Americans’ lesser rapport with authorities impedes their success and decreases the likelihood that they will win a promotion. Whites are exempt from the stress that results from working under someone of a different race, so they feel comfortable at work, unencumbered by the hassles that African Americans face.

Similar arguments can be made about women working for men because it occurs much more often than men working for women, which can admittedly be difficult for men too. However, it is much less common for men to work under women; therefore, men are privileged in this way. Gender discriminations start even at a young school age because beginning in nursery school, it has been demonstrated that teachers on average give eight times more individual instruction to boys than they do to girls (O’Reilly &

Borman, 1984). These inequalities persist throughout life because as these females enter the workplace, they will find that their yearly earnings are substantially smaller than those of men with the same qualifications in the same positions (Durden & Gaynor,

1998).

The purpose of the present research is to refine a game designed to promote awareness of two types of privileges that many individuals are awarded on a daily basis:

White privilege and male privilege. Experiencing how these advantages play out in the game will hopefully raise awareness about the prejudicial benefits that certain groups enjoy and the subsequent disadvantages of other groups. The ultimate goal is that this awareness will lead privileged individuals to make efforts to counteract the injustices that plague their disadvantaged counterparts. We examined the effectiveness of a game the experimenters created to educate about privilege, while also comparing its effectiveness Awareness of Privilege 6 to that of other education tools that are utilized in the field of multiculturalism. A “Game of Life” styled board game was created in which participants experience life as a privileged individual as well as a nonprivileged individual.

Educating privileged individuals about the concept of privilege, its effects, and its pervasiveness in society is the goal of this multicultural awareness research. With the game, we hope to not only enlighten its players about the privileges some people groups enjoy but also about how association with such privileged groups makes individuals personally privileged. We hope to motivate privileged people and nonprivileged people alike to take steps to reduce inequality in addition to making constructive changes in the players’ race-related and sex-related attitudes in the most positive manner possible. With the study itself, we hope to learn more about the effectiveness of some multicultural tools that are manufactured and widely distributed in education circles. Plus, we want to see how The Privilege Game measures up to these successful educational devices.

It is important to remember that discrimination awareness is not sufficient to institute social change. Because overt discrimination is largely absent today, people often feel that action is either no longer necessary or the action needs to only be creating laws against discrimination. But with 25 years of anti-discrimination laws, social inequities are still thriving, so something else must be perpetuating inequity: privilege. So the next step in creating equality is eliminating privilege, but it is a hard concept to see and may be even harder to eliminate.

Even when Whites and males acknowledge the fact that their situations are better than their counterparts, they are often resistant to accept the fact that African Americans and females have a poorer lot due to the advantages males and Whites receive everyday Awareness of Privilege 7

(Lowery, Knowles, & Unzueta, 2007). By telling Whites and males that they receive the jobs and salaries that they do because of their skin color or sex, their self-image can be threatened. When a White male is told that he achieved his career partly due to his sex and skin color, this could communicate to him he is not as intelligent or talented as he thought. Because this can be threatening to Whites’ and males’ self-worth, they might deny the existence of privilege altogether. It appears to be easier for the privileged groups to admit that nonprivileged groups are disadvantaged, but making the link that you cannot have disadvantages on one side without having privileges on the other is not something that privileged individuals are quick to do. This is due partly to the threat to their self- identity mentioned above, but also due to the fact that making this link implies a responsibility on the part of privileged individuals for the poorer situations of nonprivileged groups. It is easier for privileged individuals to say, “Since I do not discriminate, the inequality is not my problem.”

Modern Sexism and Racism

Just as it would be entirely unacceptable for someone to commit an overt act of racism, there are severe consequences for acting overtly sexist towards females. Sexism has gone underground in our modern society. Modern sexism consists of subtle adaptations of past sexism and hostility towards women’s causes by claiming that they are asking for too much or that gender differences are natural, biological preferences or inclinations (Glick & Fiske, 1996). Since women can no longer be explicitly discriminated against, men have often denied that discrimination on the basis of sex is still occurring today (Miron, Branscombe, & Schmitt, 2006). Men can claim that sexism no longer exists because there are rarely any overt instances that can be cited, and they Awareness of Privilege 8 can further explain away inequalities between the sexes by considering the disparities to be proportional to men’s and women’s distinct biological capabilities.

A common modern sexist belief maintains that the playing field upon which men and women compete is level; therefore, any disparities are due to factors other than discrimination. For example, one potential modern sexist explanation is that any under- representation of women in certain career positions must be due to women’s choice or their inadequacy (Barreto & Ellemers, 2005). Failing to endorse such modern sexist beliefs can keep men (and women) from being a part of the informal circle that surrounds authorities, which are usually men (Watkins, et. al, 2006). The informal, “good old boys” inner circle that surrounds people of power are made up of men who are capable of maintaining male privilege through “dominance bonding,” which is a cooperative bond through which the circle affirms and reaffirms its superiority (Farr, 1988). Without access into this circle, the chances of being promoted are decreased because of the lack of comradery. Thus, modern sexism perpetuates itself and goes unchallenged.

Modern racism can defend the dominant group’s image (Branscombe, Schmitt, &

Schiffhauer, 2006). Modern racism asserts that racial disparity is not due to discrimination but to other factors, such as fundamental differences between the races.

Believing in these differences justifies White dominance and makes the equality demands by African Americans seem excessive and unnecessary.

These modern adaptations of sexism and racism are quite different from the forms of sexism and racism that anti-discrimination laws were designed to eliminate. Because these prejudicial institutions are maintained through underlying assumptions and attitudes, it is a whole different beast with which educators must deal. In order to contend Awareness of Privilege 9 with the nature of this beast, our well-tailored multicultural game was created in order to effectively and sensitively inform people about privilege and its damaging effects.

White and Male Privilege

The greatest privilege that Whites and males enjoy due to their skin color and sex is not having to think about their skin color and sex or the privilege that results from them. The fact that they do not have to think about their privilege contributes to their resistance to admit its existence and magnitude. African Americans and females, on the other hand, are constantly reminded of their skin color and sex and the hardships that result from them. Modern sexism and modern racism maintain male and White privilege with a denial to see the real reasons for disparities, which allows individuals from the dominant group to float through life without thinking about how their attributes make them advantaged.

Colorblind Racism

Privileged individuals can often run to a haven represented by colorblind politics.

Colorblindness is based on the assumption that being White or African American has no effect upon one’s comparative position in the social hierarchy (Gallagher, 2003). The belief that the United States is a meritocracy is one often held by individuals in support of colorblind policies because they believe that the successes Whites achieve in life are purely the result of working hard, smart investments in education, and being determined in achieving goals. This idea means that the disparities between White and African

American successes are due to class and culture, not racism woven and ingrained in society. Colorblind racists and sexblind sexists even maintain that affirmative action is a form of reverse discrimination against Whites and males (Matheson, Warren, Foster, Awareness of Privilege 10

Painter, 2000). They would say that by implementing such a program in college admissions, Whites and males who are equally as qualified as African Americans and females will miss out on admission because of their skin color and sex.

The point that they are missing is that they have received privileges and advantages, sometimes subtle and sometimes not, all their lives while African Americans and females have not had this benefit. For example, males benefit more from teaching in the classroom starting as early as elementary school because they are called on more by teachers. Additionally, African Americans are often zoned to poorer schools than Whites because of where they live and do not have the opportunities that their privileged counterparts have (Bankston & Caldas, 1997). The privileged groups may claim that it is unjust for nonprivileged groups to be admitted to college over them, but they must realize that they have not been treated the same. African Americans and females have not had the same opportunities as Whites and males. If they were given these privileged opportunities, then they could surpass the privileged individuals that complain about affirmative action. Colorblind ideology is naïve because it does not account for the subtle forms of discrimination that have been woven into the functioning of our society.

Affirmative action is one method of leveling an unequal playing field by trying to compensate for race and sex disparities.

Collective and Personal Guilt

Guilt is another factor that contributes to the complications of educating people about different types of privilege. The guilt that might be experienced by a privileged individual is not a result of something that (s)he did; instead, it is the effect of associations with the privileged group and its dominance (Harvey & Oswald, 2000). Awareness of Privilege 11

Privileged groups might find it distressing to hear that their lives are easier because of their skin color or sex. Guilt can also be produced within White students and male students by having them observe discrimination against nonprivileged people by dominant group members (Harvey & Oswald, 2000, Study 1). Learning of the social hierarchy may produce feelings of discomfort in students who are a part of the dominant group (Branscombe, 1998). However, this guilt seems to be a necessary stepping stone to recognizing the presence of privilege.

There are two types of guilt that can be experienced by the privileged group: personal guilt and collective guilt. They may feel collective guilt for what others have done in the past and do now, but once privilege is acknowledged, collective guilt should increase, but more importantly, personal guilt should as well because now one’s own personal gain becomes someone else’s loss. Personal guilt may be necessary to experience because if an individual does not feel personally guilty for the privilege disparity, then they may not feel personally responsible to work toward reducing the inequity. Because stimulating social change is the ultimate goal in educating about privilege, collective guilt in addition to personal guilt might be necessary in order to motivate people to take action.

White guilt and male guilt are by-products of seeing that the situation does not only consist of disadvantaging the nonprivileged group but also privileging the dominant group (Iyer, Leach, & Crosby, 2003; Swim & Miller, 1999). In addition, collective guilt appears to be greater when the role of the dominant group is discussed as opposed to just pointing out the disadvantages of the minority group with no mention of the dominant group’s contributions to the inequality (Iyer, Leach, & Crosby, 2003). In other words, in Awareness of Privilege 12 order for guilt to be fully experienced, disparities must be framed as privilege on the part of the dominant group as opposed to simply discrimination against the minority group.

Swim and Miller (1999) found that White guilt (their measure is a combined assessment of collective and personal guilt) is a precursor to stronger beliefs in the validity of White privilege, more accurate estimations of discrimination against African

Americans, and lower prejudicial attitudes towards African Americans. Subsequently, belief in privilege (as opposed to discrimination against nonprivileged individuals) can lead to more positive attitudes towards compensatory programs such as affirmative action

(Iyer, Leach, & Crosby, 2003). However, since collective guilt is a self-focused emotion, it does not increase support for noncompensatory affirmative action programs aimed at increasing equality and creating more opportunities for the nonprivileged group.

Appraisals of the legitimacy of privilege have been shown to affect whether collective guilt is experienced or not (Miron, Branscombe, & Schmitt, 2006). So in order to produce this change-promoting guilt, it seems that one must first see the privilege as a legitimate concept. Then if this is done, one way to defend against the flood of guilt is to find ways to rationalize the privilege with forms of modern racism or even White or male supremacy. Perhaps one of the reasons that people resist admitting the presence of privilege is because when they do consider the possibility of its existence, individuals experience the discomfort of this guilt and quickly decide that this intergroup inequality is invalid to remove the negative feelings. Claims that legitimize inequality, such as the biological differences between males and females as justification for their differential treatment, bolster privilege by rationalizing it. These beliefs function as a method of reducing distress and guilt of the privileged individuals over their privileged status. Awareness of Privilege 13

Is Guilt Really Necessary?

The subject of guilt in light of privilege awareness is a topic of debate because although guilt can help promote prosocial action, this arousal of negative emotions could feasibly cause people to get defensive and deny the existence of privilege in order to remove these negative feelings. So it is preferable to increase belief in privilege without bringing about guilt, but can awareness of privilege occur without creating guilt? If so, then maybe guilt creates more problems than solutions to racial and sexual disparity by causing people to turn to modern racism and sexism.

Prosocial Behavior and Self-efficacy

Although educating privileged people about the problem of privilege is a necessary first step, they will hopefully take what they have learned and apply it to their lives through constructive prosocial action that can improve the disparities that exist.

Educating privileged individuals about privilege, and thus creating the negative arousal of guilt, and then leaving them at that can sometimes cause people to harbor even more prejudicial attitudes than before hearing about privilege (Branscombe, Schmitt, &

Schiffhauer, 2007). This “boomerang effect” could be due to the identity threat that results from questioning the privileged group’s deservingness or the threat to the moral value of the privileged group. Multiculturalism educators could provide people with constructive, prosocial actions they can take to reduce privilege in hopes to prevent a paralysis of inaction or an escape to inequality justifications.

Harvey and Oswald (2000) found that enabling White college students through self-affirmation by listing positive things about themselves after learning about privilege increased the likelihood that they would provide prosocial support for African American Awareness of Privilege 14 programs on campus. Perhaps by pointing out their positive attributes, they felt more encouraged and capable of bringing about change. This self-encouragement could have made the participants in their study feel as if they had the tools to make changes. An often cited reason that privileged individuals do not bring about change in the area of inequality is that it is too daunting of a task because people wonder, “What kind of difference can one person really make?” (Bandura, 1997). An individual will work towards prosocial change if it is portrayed to him/her that the social system can be revised, and that (s)he and the dominant group can be effectual. Without this encouraging recipe, it is unlikely that change will seem possible to the individual, and thus change will not occur. Giving privileged people a greater sense of self-efficacy when they become aware of an inequity has led to decreases in prejudiced attitudes and increases in anti- discrimination (Stewart, Latu, Branscombe, Phillips, & Denney, 2007, Under Review).

So it appears that self-efficacy has a great deal to do with bringing about improvements in the area of inequality.

The game utilized in the present study attempts to address the concern of overwhelming futility that surrounds privilege by providing the players with ideas of prosocial actions that could be carried out in order to either take a stand against privilege or alleviate its effects. A measurement of prosocial action was also incorporated in the study to see if providing the tools for change increases people’s support for nonprivileged groups. Willingness to forfeit privilege was measured by asking participants to indicate their level of support for changes in college recruitment, admission, and financial aid policies. This measurement incorporated the literature on the effects of self-efficacy by explaining that the support (or lack thereof) that was expressed would be shared with the Awareness of Privilege 15

Provost of the college. High self-efficacy was communicated to the participants because they knew that their opinions would be reaching someone with authority who can make change happen. In addition, there was an opportunity within the study for the participants to make donations to women’s and African Americans’ causes. This opportunity hopefully increased self-efficacy in the participants as well because it showed how they could take steps to improve the injustice.

The Privilege Game

Since educating people about privilege can actually increase prejudicial beliefs and attitudes if not approached correctly, it must be handled carefully. Because there are so many obstacles to increasing awareness of privilege, The Privilege Game (see game board in Appendix A) was created as a unique multicultural tool that takes these concerns into account. The game employs a more indirect approach that allows for personal discoveries, which we hoped would be more effective than being directly taught by a person outside of the self. Experiential learning takes place as opposed to someone learning through being told. Facts are delivered and inequities can be perceived without anyone bombarding the learners with statistics and lecturing. The experiential aspect engages the participants so they can see and feel, in a concrete way, how privilege creates inequity. Playing the role of a nonprivileged person can hopefully help to evoke empathy for the nonprivileged. The colloquial, fun atmosphere of a game was intended to alleviate some of the tension surrounding these issues in hopes to foster discussion about these issues.

The Privilege Game was originally developed as The White Privilege Game and did not incorporate male privilege. Participants were assigned either an African American Awareness of Privilege 16 or a White identity. Each session of the game involved an African American character competing against a White character. In the study pertaining to this first version, all-

White pairs of same-sex participants were randomly assigned to play one of three games.

The White Privilege Game’s effectiveness was compared with that of a comparison multicultural board game “Life as a Black Man” and a neutral control game “The Game of Life.” The participants received pre- and post-measures of race-related constructs.

In the second version of the game, a switch point was incorporated in order for all the players to experience the effects of having a White identity as well as the effects of have an African American identity. The game was compared to “The Game of Life” and a video on White Privilege. Observers were added in this version in order to see if the act of playing a game created a different experience from vicariously experiencing the game.

All-White, mixed-sex pairs played the games. The measures of this study consisted of the pre- and post-measures of the first study with the addition of measuring participants’ consequential willingness to revoke race, sex, and class privilege. The first and second versions of the game involved only two players (one that was assigned a White identity and one that was assigned an African American identity), and they competed against one another. In this third version of the game, we wanted to create a more cooperative atmosphere between the players, so teams were incorporated. The two teams involved in each session both consisted of a privileged player and a non-privileged player.

The game that is of interest for this study was designed in an effort to not limit the education to one area of privilege but to integrate White and male privilege in order to create a more comprehensive tool for understanding privilege in society. We had mixed- race and mixed-sex conditions since we made these revisions. Another addition to this Awareness of Privilege 17 third study of the game included moderators for the game conditions, sex-related attitudinal measures, and a behavioral measure of revoking privilege. Explanations of the card types and examples are provided in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Game Card Descriptions with Examples

Card or game factor Example Blue Support Cards illustrate If you are White, you don’t have to worry as much advantages of privilege. as African Americans do about confirming negative stereotypes about your race (Steele, 1997). For many African Americans, this worry creates cognitive stress that interferes with doing well. • If you are White, give yourself an extra turn and reduce stress by 1 point for not having to worry about your race's stereotypes. • If you are African American, take 2 stress points for what is called “stereotype threat.” Red Stress Cards illustrate the Many women fear the consequences of standing minor stresses and insults in the up to sexual biases and harassment in the lives of no nprivileged individuals. workplace because they could get a reputation as a difficult employee or even lose their job. As a result, women often feel that they have to let instances of discrimination slide for the sake of job security. • If you are female, take 1 stress point for having to stifle your discomfort. If you are male, do nothing because you rarely are harassed. Green Adversity Cards show the For many years, the only experiments on effects of dispari ty and stress effectiveness and safety of new drugs were accumulation upon health performed on men. Because of this, women were often met with complications from drugs that were unexpected because no experimentation was performed with the anatomy and makeup of a woman. You are taking a new medication. • If you are female, lose a turn for complications. If you are male, do nothing because the drug works smoothly for you. Orange Life Events Cards Young women new to the workplace often receive demonstrate the conseq uences of temporary positions because the individuals hiring Awareness of Privilege 18 racism or sexism, many of which do not want to award a stable permanent job to the are indirect. new employee that could become pregnant. Men never have to worry about this, and they will rarely be the parent expected to stay at home with a newborn. • If you are female, take 1 stress point for worrying over receiving a stable position. • If you are male, do nothing. Yellow Consequences Cards African Americans are more likely to get illustrat e how decisions or actions stopped and searched while driving (Citation precipitated by racism and sexism 28). have consequences that exacerbate • If you are White, roll a 6 to be stopped inequality. and searched. If you are African American, roll a 3-6 to be stopped and searched. If stopped by the police, continue on to the next bullet. • Regardless of your race, you must roll a 1-3 to be caught with something illegal. If caught, lose 2 turns, pay $500 and keep this card. If you already have a criminal record (yellow card), lose 1 additional turn for a total of 3 lost turns. Light Blue Ally Cards provide When a nonprivileged person points out prosocial actions in order to inequitable treatment, you don’t dismiss it. You develop self -efficacy and promote listen in a supportive manner. This sympathetic change. behavior can be used on any turn to reduce your partner’s stress by 2 points.

The main objective of the present study is to test the effectiveness of a multicultural tool while also comparing it to other forms of education on multiculturalism. In light of what is known about privilege education, it is expected that

The Privilege Game will prove to be more successful than the control condition in educating about privilege because no mention of privilege is made to the control participants before they complete the dependent measures. More than likely, mentioning privilege in any way (whether through a board game or another approach) will be more effectual than not saying anything at all. The Privilege Game is also anticipated to be more effective than the video condition in educating about privilege and reducing Awareness of Privilege 19 prejudicial beliefs and attitudes because of the experiential approach of the game. An evaluation of the usefulness of The Privilege Game in relation to The Game of

Oppression will be conducted with the hopes that the former is more powerful than the latter in reshaping prejudicial attitudes and enlightening the participants about inequality.

We expect some negative emotions in The Privilege Game since this is the condition predicted to be the most successful because negative feelings, such as guilt, have been associated with positive revisions of prejudicial beliefs and a willingness to make inequalities equal. The Privilege Game is also projected to make its participants more willing to revoke privileges (even when there could be real consequences) and perform a social act to reduce injustice than any other condition because of recent revisions to the game that have been implemented in order to make people more proactive.

Method

Participants

The 88 participants of the study were from a private southeastern college. Of these participants, 63 were female and 25 were male. The race distribution of the participants was as follows: 74 were White, 9 were African American, 3 were Asian, 1 student was Hispanic, and 1 student was multirace. We excluded the 14 non-Whites because there were too few to analyze on their own, and they were not evenly distributed across the four conditions. Forty-seven of the participants were first-year students, 16 were sophomores, 15 were juniors, and 10 were seniors. They were recruited from foundational psychology classes through email and class visits. The participants signed up for the study under the impression that it was an experiment on group dynamics and Awareness of Privilege 20 group interactions. Each student was aware that (s)he was participating in the experiment because they all signed an informed consent form (Appendix B) prior to beginning the study. Participants received one and a half hours of research credit and three dollars for completing the study.

Procedure

Participants signed up for one of 15 slots on a sign-up sheet that tested 2-3 sessions per night. The participants who showed up for the experiment were randomly assigned to one of four conditions. The four possible conditions were The Privilege

Game, The Game of Oppression, The White Privilege Video, and the control condition.

The Privilege Game is a game in which players learn about White privilege and male privilege by experiencing the situation of either a privileged or nonprivileged individual in a “Game of Life” format. All of the cards employed in this game can be found in

Appendix C. The Game of Oppression, created by the National Association of Student

Personnel Administrators (NASPA) “to encourage and challenge individuals from different backgrounds and experiences to engage in authentic dialogue,” involves a more holistic look at inequality as opposed to just comparing the situation of Whites to that of

African Americans or the situation of males to that of females (NASPA Publications,

2008). It involves self-disclosures of times when the players have experienced oppression, witnessed oppression, or been a party to oppression. The White Privilege

Video entails experts on the subject of White privilege discussing this subject, while also incorporating the thoughts of people who attended the White Privilege conference in

Colorado Springs, Colorado. The participants in the control condition simply completed the dependent measures. Another aspect of the control condition that differed from the Awareness of Privilege 21 other conditions was these participants read and provided feedback on The Privilege

Game cards after completing the dependent measures.

The participants’ condition was determined by having them draw slips of paper out of a box. Four participants were assigned to The Privilege Game, four to the Game of

Oppression, and the remaining participants were assigned to either the control condition or the video condition. Participants then received an index card on which was written their participant number, their condition, the role they played, and their session time. This information was provided in order to make it easier for the participants to make the transition from the game portion of the study to the dependent measures. The roles that were initially assigned for The Privilege Game were either privileged (White and male) or nonprivileged (African American and female). In an effort to have participants experience a situation different from their own, at least one of the identities of each participant was different from their own (e.g., White females were assigned to the role of either African American females or White males). However, as can be seen in the instructions (Appendix D), the players switched roles at a midpoint during the game so that the privileged and nonprivileged situations could be experienced by all. The roles that were assigned for The Game of Oppression were either observer or player, but at a certain point in this game, participants switched roles as well.

After assigning participants to their roles, they were led to the room in which their game condition was arranged. Both game rooms had an experimenter in place in order to moderate the activity in the game. Each moderator was provided with training on how to moderate prior to conducting the study as well as instructions to read during the actual experiment. Although the moderators took note of certain things that happened within Awareness of Privilege 22 each session, there were also hidden video cameras in each room in order to capture everything that occurred. The cameras were positioned near projectors that were in place on the ceiling in order to decrease the likelihood that they would be noticed. The cameras only taped the overhead view of the game and the tops of the participants’ heads so that they were not too intrusive but still captured the necessary information (game board activity, voices of the people in the room, etc.).

After settling the participants into their rooms, they read the instructions for about five minutes and then played the game for approximately 40 minutes. After playing the game for the designated amount of time, participants went to the computer laboratory to complete the dependent variables. The measurements they received were the PANAS mood inventory, the GNAT implicit prejudice test, racial attitudinal measures, and explicit measurements of sexism and attitudes towards women and male privilege, which were all in an Authorware computer program. These measures are described in greater detail below. When they first arrived in the computer lab, an experimenter typed in the code on each participant’s index card into the computer program. The experimenter then surreptitiously wrote the participant’s condition on three one dollar bills and gave the money to the participant for their participation.

After completing the computerized measures, participants were instructed to proceed to a room down the hallway for debriefing. On their way to this room, participants passed an experimenter who posed as someone collecting money for various causes. Behind the experimenter, there was one poster that said “Support Gender

Equality” in large letters and “Contribute money to the Memphis Women’s Shelter and

NOW (National Organization for Women)” in smaller letters and another poster that read Awareness of Privilege 23

“Support Racial Equality” in large letters and “Contribute money to Memphis Common

Ground and the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People)” in smaller letters. There was a jar designated to collect money for the women’s organizations and another jar for the African American organizations. The marked dollar bills were used to track which condition gave more to which cause.

When the participants arrived at the debriefing location, a survey was administered to check for any suspicions about the experiment. This purpose of this feedback was to check for any suspicions about the study but particularly the charity table. The participants were then debriefed. They were informed that their giving (or lack thereof) could not be tracked to them personally, only their condition. They were also given the option of refusing to let their videotape be viewed by the experimenters.

Design

Independent Variables

A variable that was manipulated in this study was the condition. Participants received one of the following treatments: The Privilege Game, The Game of Oppression,

The White Privilege Video, or the control condition. Those who played The Privilege

Game initially played either the privileged role or the nonprivileged role. The participants in The Game of Oppression either had the role of observer or active player. Although participants began the games under these characters, the switch points allowed for each person to experience both situations in both conditions. Neither the video condition nor the control condition distinguished between participants.

Dependent Variables Awareness of Privilege 24

The dependent variables were administered in a computer laboratory and several measurements of implicit and explicit racism and explicit sexism were administered. The variables that were measured in this study were the PANAS Mood Inventory which was administered directly after finishing the games, followed by the GNAT (a test of accuracy and reaction times that serves as an implicit racial attitudinal measurement), the Race-

Related Attitudes Battery, The Sex-Related Attitudes Battery, consequential willingness to revoke privilege, and the amount of money given to the charities.

Because negative emotions, such as guilt, are associated with positive changes in prejudicial attitudes, mood was assessed immediately after the experimental treatment in the present study. This measurement is important to see if negative emotions are mediating factors of privilege awareness and prosocial action. The mood inventory involved measuring both positive and negative moods toward one’s self and others. Each item was rated on a five-point scale. The negative mood sum ( α = .934) consisted of measures of sadness, distress, feeling bothered, feeling ashamed of one’s self, being upset, inhibition, disappointment with one’s self, being scared, hostility, anger at one’s self, being afraid, negativity, tension, uneasiness, feelings of depression, frustration, helplessness, regret, feelings of despair, guilt, and anxiety. The positive mood sum ( α =

.889) consisted of measures of gratefulness, contentedness, optimism, enthusiasm, pride, hopefulness, happiness, and satisfaction with one’s self. The positive items were summed to create a positive mood score, and the negative ones were summed to create a negative mood score. Positive and negative mood sums correlated ( r = -.25). Two other sums were created: negative feelings toward the self (α = .885) and negative feelings directed toward others (α = .868). The four feelings that were combined in these sums were Awareness of Privilege 25 disappointment, shame, guilt, and anger (either toward the self or toward others).

Negative feelings toward the self and negative feelings toward others significantly correlated ( r = .32). Negative feelings toward the self was considered to be a measure of personal guilt and negative feelings toward others was considered to be a measure of collective guilt.

The implicit test is a variant of the Go/No-Go Association Test (GNAT), which itself is a variant of the famous Implicit Association Test (IAT). The GNAT provides two different types of measures of implicit associations for each race. Participants were told to look for either one of two types of targets: words or faces. On each trial, they were told that the target was one of four possible combinations of stimuli: an African American face or a dislikeable word, an African American face or a likeable word, a White face or a likeable word, and a White face or dislikable word. These combinations varied randomly from trial to trial. On each trial, either a word or a face was flashed, and the participant’s response was to press a “match” key if the type of face or word matched the target within a given time limit. So, when a trial had a target of “black or dislike,” the participant should have pressed the match key as quickly as possible when an African

American face appeared (or when a dislikable word appeared such as “painful”). If either a White face appeared or the word “glad” appeared, the participant should have waited and done nothing until the time limit was up (0.8 seconds). There were 192 trials across two blocks of trials, and it took participants about 20 minutes to complete the GNAT.

One GNAT variable was a reaction time measure which ias how fast categorizations were made of faces and words when the participant was looking for one of two “congruent” things (if a White person was prejudiced, this would be an African Awareness of Privilege 26

American face and a dislikeable word or a White face and likeable word) compared to the incongruent ones (an African American face or likable word and a White face or dislikable word). A difference score between the incongruent and congruent trials separately within each race indicated how much the incongruency slowed down decision time. This slow down was assumed to come from prejudiced associations: the more one was prejudiced, the harder it was to respond as quickly to the incongruent trials as it was to the congruent ones. An advantage over the IAT is that the GNAT produces separate favorability scores towards African Americans and Whites. Positive scores indicated more positive associations than negative ones, a score of “0” meant equally positive and negative associations, and negative scores indicated stronger negative than positive associations.

Another measure was based on signal detection theory (Green & Swets, 1966).

The signal detection part of this measure examined the accuracy of the categorizations

(e.g., did the presented face match the target category – either White or African

American), not the speed of reaction to them. It looked at “hits” (e.g., if an African

American face was the target and an African American face was displayed, the subject hits the ‘match” key); it looked at “misses” (e.g., when an African American face was the target and was shown and the subject did not hit the “match” key). It also assessed false alarms, which happened when a White face was displayed but the participant pressed the match key, or correct rejections, which occurred when a White face was displayed and the participant did not press the match key. The relationships among these 4 types of responses were mathematically combined to create a D-prime or sensitivity score, sometimes called a discrimination score. It was presumed that the more prejudiced one Awareness of Privilege 27 was, the better the discrimination (accuracy) when the target faces and words were congruent with racial prejudice than when they were not. In other words, fewer classification errors (both misses and false alarms) should have occurred when one was asked to identify whether a stimulus was a Black face or an unpleasant word than whether the stimulus was a Black face or a pleasant word. As with the reaction time data, separate discrimination scores were calculated towards Whites and towards African

Americans. Positive scores indicated more positive associations than negative ones, a score of “0” meant equally positive and negative associations, and negative scores indicated stronger negative than positive associations.

Explicit measures were obtained through the use of a race- and sex-related attitudes battery. Participants noted their agreement with attitudinal statements (examples can be found in Figure 2.) on a seven-point Likert scale. Consequential willingness to revoke privilege and the amount of money given to either charity cause were also treated as dependent variables.

Figure 2. Explanations of Dependent Measures.

Scale Measures Example Racial Identity An individual’s “I feel very close to the other (Luhtanen & incorporation of their race members of my ethnic group.” Crooker, 1992) into their self-concept. α = .441 Social Dominance Whether or not an “To get ahead in life, it is Ideology individual believes that sometimes necessary to step on (Pratto, Sidanius, the dominance of one other groups.” Stallworth, & group of people is Malle, 1994) acceptable ( linked to α = .717 racist attitudes ). White Privilege Awareness of the “White people have certain (Swim & Miller, privilege that all Whites advantages that minorities do 1999) receive because of their not have in this society.” α = .786 skin color. Nonracial/General Awareness that some “Physically attractive people Awareness of Privilege 28

Privilege forms of privilege exist have certain unearned (Lindner, 2002) other than race privilege, advantages that physically α = .447 including beauty, class, unattractive people do not have sexuality, etc. in this society.” Personal White Awareness of one’s own “I have unearned advantages Privilege privilege due to their because of my skin color.” (Wetzel, 2004) race. α = .816 White Belief that Whites are “I have personally experienced Disadvantage disadvantaged because of disadvantage for reasons related (Woodzicka, 2006) their skin color. This to my skin color.” α = .802 belief is linked to racist attitudes. Privilege Link to Understanding that “If Whites are advantaged, Discrimination unearned privilege for people of color must be (Woodzicka, 2006) one group results in disadvantaged.” α = .743 discrimination for other groups. Discrimination Extent to which the “A lot of Black people are Awareness (Katz & participant is conscious of treated unfairly because of Hass, 1988) discrimination against race.” α = .797 African Americans. White Guilt Personal or collective “I feel guilty about the past and (Swim & Miller, guilt due to one’s own present social inequality against 1999) race for the racism Black Americans (i.e. slavery, α = .824 African-Americans have poverty).” suffered. Abstract Whether or not the “I am willing to forgo the Willingness to participant is willing to privileges that I have because of Revoke Racial give up the privileges my race.” Privilege they receive unfairly. (Wetzel, 2006) α = .709 Prejudiced Symbolically racist “Irish, Italian, Jewish and many Attitudes attitudes against African other minorities overcame (Henry & Sears, Americans. prejudice and worked their way 2003) up. Blacks should do the same.” α = .545 Colorblind Racism Belief that all people “Everyone who works hard, no (Neville, Lilly & receive equal matter what race they are, has an Duran, 2000) opportunities and thus equal chance to become rich.” α = .575 should be (and are) treated the same. Student Modern Modern racism pertaining “It is unfair when Black students Racism (Boniecki to education issues. are admitted to college over & Jacks, 2002) better qualified Whites.” Awareness of Privilege 29

α = .699 Principled Idea that Affirmative “Affirmative action is reverse Objections to Action and other discrimination.” Affirmative Action programs attempting to (Federico & equalize inequalities are Sidanius, 2002) unfair due to political α = .842 ideologies ( linked to racial attitudes ). Support for Equal Support for having “I think universities should try Opportunity African Americans to increase the number of Black (Iyer, Leach, & receive the same people in their applicant pool, Crosby, 2003) opportunities as Whites. perhaps by sending more α = .692 representatives to high schools with large Black populations.” Support for Support for programs that “Black people deserve Compensatory would enable African reparations from the American Policy Americans to “catch up” government in the form of (Iyer, Leach, & as a form of reparation or affirmative action.” Crosby, 2003) compensation. α = .733 Welfare Expansion Desire to increase a “Social programs such as after- (Wetzel, 2006) support system for racial school care, job training, health α = .721 minorities. care, etc. should be expanded for racial minorities.” Internal Motivation Extent to which the “I get angry with myself when I to be Unprejudiced participant is motivated to have a thought or feeling that (Plant & Devine, act in a non-racist manner might be considered 1997) by personal beliefs or prejudiced.” α = .598 values. External Motivation Extent to which the “It is important to me that other to be Unprejudiced participant is motivated to people don’t think I’m (Plant & Devine, act in a non-racist manner prejudiced.” 1997) by societal pressure. α = .584 Just World Beliefs One’s belief about how “In a free market economy, the (Furnham & fairly society operates. only excuse for poverty can be Proctor, 1989) laziness and lack of enterprise.” α = .601 Ambivalent One’s double-edged way “Many women are actually Sexism: Hostile of thinking: attitudes of seeking special favors, such as Sexism (Glick & contempt towards hiring policies that favor them Fiske, 1996) women. over men, under the guise of α = .805 asking for ‘equality.’” Ambivalent One’s double-edged way “Women should be cherished Sexism: Benevolent of thinking: attitudes of and protected by men.” Sexism (Glick & adoration towards Awareness of Privilege 30

Fiske, 1996) women. α = .783 Modern Sexism Belief that sexism is in “Over the past few years, the (Swim, Aikin, Hall, the past and women make government and news media & Hunter, 1995) excessive, unwarranted have been showing more α = .75 demands for equality concern about the treatment of women than is warranted by women’s actual experiences.” Old-Fashioned Traditional overtly sexist “Women are generally not as Sexism (Swim, beliefs about women smart as men.” Aikin, Hall, & Hunter, 1995) α = .457 Attitudes Towards Attitudes regarding the “The intellectual leadership of a Women (Spence & roles, rights, and community should be largely in Helmrich, 1978) privileges of women. the hands of men.” α = .748 Consequential Willingness to revoke "I support an increase in the Willingness to one’s privileges due to college’s tuition in order to Revoke Sex their sex. provide more money for Privilege women’s athletics and club α =.449 sports."

Consequential Willingness to revoke “I support designating more of Willingness to one’s privileges due to the scholarship budget for Revoke Race their race. minorities, resulting in less Privilege money available for non- α = .723 minority students." Consequential Willingness to revoke "I support getting a college Willingness to one’s privileges due to donor to finance recruiting Revoke Class their socioeconomic working class/first generation Privilege class. students, which involves paying α = .743 for travel and hospitality expenses while visiting the college."

Results

Preliminary Analyses

Preliminary analyses were performed in order to strengthen the numbers within the control and video conditions. Because previous implementations of this experiment in years past have included video conditions and control conditions, we hoped to add these Awareness of Privilege 31 data to our video and control conditions. However, we still wanted to make sure that there were not any fundamental differences between the present experiment and past experiments, so we compared the control groups through a multivariate ANOVA and found that the control data, which were collected on four groups of occasions (i.e.,

January 2006, December 2006, March 2007, November 2007), differed significantly on only three of the attitudinal measures and three of the implicit measures. The attitudinal measures that were significant, or close to being significant, were belief in White disadvantage due to their race ( F(3,189) = 2.602, p=.053), internal motivation to be unprejudiced ( F(3,189) = 2.688, p<.05), and awareness that sex privilege exists ( F(3,189)

= 2.644, p=.051). The implicit measures that were significant were favorability towards

Whites based upon reaction time and penalties for incorrect associations ( F(2,197) =

3.085, p<.05), favorability towards African Americans based upon reaction time with penalties for incorrect associations ( F(2,197) = 2.878, p=.059), and favorability towards

Whites of D-prime, which ignores reaction time yet takes accuracy of associations into account ( F(2,197) = 6.091, p<.05).

Although there were some differences between the groups, it was not the case that one of the collection times was always unlike the rest. The significant differences between the years appeared to be random as opposed to systematic. Since there was no consistent pattern of differences between the collection times, we combined them with our control data because the increased statistical power outweighed increasing the error variance. We also wanted to combine data from the video condition from a previous experiment with our data from the video condition. A Chi-Square indicated that the two data sets significantly differed only on one of the attitudinal measures, which was abstract Awareness of Privilege 32 willingness to revoke privilege, out of 26 areas of measurement (X 2(1)=7.586, p<.05).

Since this was the only significant difference between the two collections of data we used both sets in our analyses of the video’s effectiveness.

Only White participants were included in the following analyses because of the small number of participants from other races. In addition, the differences between the sexes are sometimes investigated, but in some cases, there were too few males to compare males and females, so we collapsed participant sex. I will note whenever this is the case.

Mood Measures

The number of males across the four conditions was too thin to analyze sex in addition to condition, but the number of males is proportional to the number of females across the conditions. Therefore, we collapsed gender for the mood ratings. A one-way

ANOVA did not reveal any significant findings for the mood measures.

GNAT (measure of implicit racism)

These analyses include only White males and females because there were so few members of other races represented. A 2x4 between-subjects ANOVA revealed a significant participant sex main effect for the D prime measurement of favorability towards African Americans ( F(1,244) = 4.268, p<.05) such that females ( M = 0.005) showed more favorability towards African Americans in the accuracy of their responses on the GNAT than males ( M = -0.023). There were no other significant findings for these implicit racism measures.

Attitudinal Measures Awareness of Privilege 33

There are four participants whose data were not included in these analyses because of missing data due to computer complications. Once again, these data consist of only White males and females.

Gender Differences

Table 1 Significant participant sex marginal means for attitudinal measures

______Participant Sex ______Measure Male Female ______Racial Identity 3.59 3.95 Social Dominance Ideology 2.89 2.52 Racial Prejudice 3.77 3.39 Principled Objections to Affirmative Action 5.12 4.63 Internal Motivation to be Unprejudiced 5.23 5.51 ______

A multivariate ANOVA revealed a series of sex differences in the participants

(see Table 1). These sex differences suggested that females were more conscious of their racial identity, less prejudiced, and desired more to be unprejudiced than did males.

Specifically, there was a significant participant sex main effect on racial identity

(F(1,232) = 3.989, p<.05) such that females ( M = 3.95) had more incorporation of their race into their self-concept than males ( M = 3.59). This greater identification with their race makes females more aware of race issues and helps explain some of the subsequent significant findings. A significant participant sex main effect for racial prejudice

(F(1,232) = 8.003, p<.05) was found where males ( M = 3.77) had significantly higher prejudicial beliefs towards African Americans than females ( M = 3.39). There was also a significant participant sex main effect for internal motivation to be unprejudiced Awareness of Privilege 34

(F(1,232) = 5.139, p<.05) such that females ( M = 5.51) had more internal motivation than males ( M = 5.23). There was a significant participant sex main effect for principled objections to affirmative action ( F(1,232) = 6.320, p<.05) where males ( M = 5.12) had significantly more than females ( M = 4.63). Sidanius et al (1996) found that these principled objections are correlated with racial prejudice and may be one of the ways in which modern racism gets expressed. In other words, principled objection are partially an expression of racists’ sentiments in a socially acceptable manner.

There was a significant participant sex main effect for social dominance ( F(1,232)

= 5.565, p<.05) where males ( M = 2.89) indicated a greater belief than females ( M =

2.52) in the acceptability of the dominance of one group of people over another. Social dominance ideology is correlated with racial prejudice (Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, &

Malle, 1994). Advocacy of social dominance is based upon the assumption that some people are deserving of superiority while, subsequently, others are not. The belief that some people are superior to others and that inequality is natural can be used as a justification of current racial power hierarchies.

These five effects suggest that males exhibited more racism, especially its modern form, than did females. Whether this sex difference occurred before the experiment or was the result of reactions to the independent variables cannot be determined without pre- test data, which we lacked. But race and gender research frequently find these gender differences, suggesting that the independent variable did not cause them.

Not surprisingly, the sex-related attitudinal measures yielded some gender differences. Since the ambivalent sexism inventory takes two types of sexisms into account (hostile and benevolent), both dimensions were considered in our analyses. Awareness of Privilege 35

Males ( M = 4.26) indicated higher hostile sexism than females ( M = 3.63, F(1,63) =

4.237, p<.05). Males ( M = 4.45) also exhibited significantly more benevolent sexism than females ( M = 3.73, F(1,63) = 5.023, p<.05). So all together, males demonstrated more ambivalent sexism than females. Another sex main effect was found on the attitudes towards women scale ( F(1,63) = 9.16, p<.05) where females ( M = 5.34) had significantly more positive attitudes towards women than males ( M = 4.58) did. Along the same trend, there was a significant difference between the sexes on the measures of modern sexism

(F(1,63) = 5.634, p<.05) such that males ( M = 4.03) had significantly higher levels of modern sexism than females ( M = 3.32). It was encouraging that there was no significant difference between males and females on the measures of old-fashioned sexism because the ideas promoted by this form of sexism are severely prejudiced.

Condition Differences

Table 2 Condition marginal means for attitudinal measures

______Condition ______Measure Priv Opp Video Control ______White Privilege 5.37 a 4.17 b 5.26 a 4.47 b Personal Privilege 5.07 a 4.31 b 5.57 a 4.27 b White Disadvantage 2.59 a 3.57 b 2.25 a 2.78 a Student Modern Racism 4.29 a 5.31 b 5.09 a,b 4.67 a ______Note: Priv = The Privilege Game; Opp = The Oppression Game. Within a row, means with the same subscripts are not significantly or marginally different from each other.

A string of significant effects due to the experiment condition were found (see

Table 2). There was a condition main effect for White privilege awareness (F(3,232) =

8.382, p<.001). The Privilege Game ( M = 5.37) and the video conditions ( M = 5.26) Awareness of Privilege 36 showed significantly greater belief in White privilege than both The Game of Oppression

(M = 4.17) and the control condition ( M = 4.47). A condition main effect for personal privilege ( F(3,232) = 8.255, p<.001) was found where The Privilege Game ( M = 5.07) and the video conditions ( M = 5.57) showed significantly greater awareness of personal privilege due to race than both The Game of Oppression ( M = 4.3) and the control condition ( M = 4.27). These findings relating to race privilege demonstrate how talking about privilege brings about greater awareness of privilege. Simply being exposed to discussion of oppression and inequality will not insure that awareness of privilege will follow.

A condition main effect for White disadvantage also occurred ( F(3,232) = 3.401, p<.05) such that The Game of Oppression ( M = 3.57) had significantly greater beliefs in discrimination against Whites because of their skin color than The Privilege Game ( M =

2.59), the video condition ( M = 2.25), and the control condition ( M = 2.78). Considering that The Game of Oppression was the only condition that did not address privilege or anything else about the race situation explicitly, it is not surprising these participants maintained the belief that Whites are somehow disadvantaged more than the other conditions. Additionally, in coming up with personal examples of oppression, our White participants may have brought to mind examples of what is commonly called “reverse discrimination,” which is assumed disadvantage Whites.

There was a condition main effect for student modern racism ( F(3,232) = 3.55, p<.05) such that The Game of Oppression ( M = 5.31) had significantly higher student modern racism dealing with education issues than both The Privilege Game ( M = 4.29) and the control condition ( M = 4.67). According to the analyses, there was only a Awareness of Privilege 37 marginally significant condition main effect for colorblind racism ( F(3,232) = 2.603, p=.053) where the participants who played The Game of Oppression ( M = 4.53) had higher rates of colorblind racism than all of the other conditions (The Privilege Game [ M

= 3.68], the video condition [ M = 3.45], and the control condition [ M = 3.78]). Once again, because The Game of Oppression Game did not unequivocally deal with race and challenge racist attitudes, it is expected that many beliefs such as colorblind racism would persist.

Considering these findings as a whole, The Privilege Game was more successful in changing race-related attitudes in the desired direction than the control condition, much more effective than The Game of Oppression, and equally as effective as the White

Privilege video. Awareness of Privilege 38

Findings Qualified By Condition and Participant Sex

Figure 3 . Participant sex by condition interaction for making the privilege link to discrimination.

As can be seen in Figure 3, there was a significant interaction on the linking privilege to discrimination ( F(3,232) = 4.058, p<.05). Compared to the control condition, males increased their awareness of this link to an equal degree among The Game of

Oppression, The Privilege Game, and the video condition. Females on the other hand, increased their awareness only for the video condition, and they decreased their awareness in The Game of Oppression. Contrary to our hypothesis, females in the video condition ( M = 4.17) had significantly greater awareness of the link than those in The

Privilege Game condition ( M = 3.42) and the control condition ( M = 3.08). In addition, Awareness of Privilege 39 the females in The Privilege Game condition and the control condition had higher rates than the ones in The Game of Oppression condition (M = 2.32). However, males showed a quite different trend in that The Privilege Game ( M = 3.81) had significantly higher rates of linking privilege to discrimination than the males in the control condition ( M =

3.07). There was also a marginally significant difference ( p = .059) between the males in the video ( M = 3.08) and control conditions ( M = 3.07). So even though The Privilege

Game helped males make the connection between privilege and discrimination the most, the video best helped females compared to the other conditions. It is disappointing that

The Privilege Game does not appear to be better than the video condition (at least for females). Awareness of Privilege 40

Figure 4 . Participant sex by condition interaction for White guilt.

There was a significant participant sex by condition interaction for White guilt

(F(3,232) = 4.544), p<.05) (see Figure 4). The females who played The Privilege Game

(M = 4.61) had significantly greater White guilt than those who played The Game of

Oppression ( M = 3.55). They also tended to have more White guilt than females in the video (M = 3.86) or control condition (M = 4.1), but these were not significant effects.

However, males who were either in The Privilege Game condition ( M = 4.38) or in The

Game of Oppression ( M = 4.85) had significantly higher rates of Whites guilt than males who were in either the video condition ( M = 1.75) or the control condition ( M = 3.27). Awareness of Privilege 41

Therefore, The Game of Oppression was the greatest generator of White guilt for males but the worst in generating White guilt in females.

There was a significant participant sex by condition interaction on the abstract measure of revoking White privilege (F(3,232) = 5.731, p<.001). Females were significantly more willing to forfeit their privilege due to their race in the video condition

(M = 4.717, p=0.63) than in The Game of Oppression condition ( M = 3.57) and almost more so than The Privilege Game (M = 3.75) but not to a statistically significant level. On the other hand, males were more willing to forfeit their privilege due to their race in The

Game of Oppression ( M = 4.55, p=.067) than in the control condition ( M = 3.62). Also, although only a marginal effect, males who played The Privilege Game ( M = 4.28) had higher levels of willingness to abstractly revoke racial privilege than either the video ( M

= 3.58) or the control condition. This interesting crossover interaction is demonstrated in

Figure 5 and shows how The Game of Oppression had an opposite effect on males and females. Awareness of Privilege 42

Figure 5 . Participant sex by condition interaction for abstract willingness to revoke privilege.

There was a significant participant sex by condition interaction for principled objections to affirmative action ( F(3,232) = 3.284, p<.05) such that the females in The

Game of Oppression ( M = 5.16) had significantly greater rates of these principled objections than females in the video condition ( M = 4.07). Conversely, males in video condition ( M = 6.58) had significantly greater rates of these principled objections than males in both the control condition ( M = 4.88) and The Privilege Game condition ( M =

4.38). The video condition was more beneficial in reducing these objections for the Awareness of Privilege 43 females but males had the reverse effect in the video condition (see Figure 6), making them more principled in their objections to affirmative action.

Figure 6 . Participant sex by condition interaction for principled objections to affirmative action.

A compelling significant participant sex by condition interaction was found for support for compensatory policies ( F(3,232) = 4.852, p<.05) (see Figure 7). Females in

The Privilege Game condition ( M = 2.86), the video condition ( M = 3.11), and the control condition ( M = 2.58) had significantly higher support for compensation than females in

The Game of Oppression condition ( M = 1.85). Oddly enough, males in The Game of

Oppression ( M = 3.07) were significantly more supportive of compensatory policies than Awareness of Privilege 44 males in the video condition ( M = 1.0). Surprisingly, The Game of Oppression had polar effects for males and females upon support for compensation. It is extremely promising that The Privilege Game elicited more support for these policies than other multicultural tools.

Figure 7 . Participant sex by condition interaction for support for compensatory programs.

Disappointingly, there were no significant effects for nonracial/general privilege, discrimination awareness, support for equal opportunity, welfare expansion, external motivation to be unprejudiced, and just world beliefs. For nonracial privilege, old- fashioned sexism, external motivation to be unprejudiced, and just world beliefs, the alpha coefficients of internal consistency were below .70, suggesting that these scales Awareness of Privilege 45 contained much measurement error. This makes it harder to discern significant effects.

Since this study was the first one in the series of Privilege Game experiments to incorporate ambivalent sexism, attitudes toward women, old-fashioned sexism, and modern sexism, I could not use the prior research studies to boost the sample sizes of the control and the video conditions. I was left with too few males to include participants sex as a factor, which means that I could not examine the most interesting effects on these measures: the sex by condition interaction.

Consequential Willingness to Revoke Sex, Race, and Class Privilege

Participant sex was collapsed for these analyses because these measures were unique to the present study and no prior collections of data could be added to increase numbers of males. Although there was no significant condition main effect for the measure of consequential willingness to revoke privilege due to sex, paired comparisons showed that The Privilege Game ( M = 4.41) produced significantly more willingness than the control condition ( M = 3.7, p<.05). Even when the suspicious participants are removed from the data set, the effect is still significant ( M = 4.38 and M = 3.5, p<.05, respectively).

Although there was no significant condition main effect for consequential willingness to revoke privilege due to class, paired comparisons showed that The Game of Oppression ( M = 3.24) had significantly lower willingness to revoke class privilege than The Privilege Game ( M = 4.01), the video condition ( M = 4.06), and the control condition ( M = 3.92, p<.05).

Contributions to Organizations Awareness of Privilege 46

There was no significant difference in the contributions that were made to the

African American organizations and the women’s organizations according to condition.

Because these two measures were new to this study, the tests of significance were low in power due to small sample sizes.

Discussion

Many of the hypotheses posed prior to the experiment were supported with the findings in that The Privilege Game had some success in changing racial attitudes, increasing privilege awareness, increasing support for affirmative action programs, and encouraging participants to revoke their personal privilege. The findings of the present study were promising for The Privilege Game, but the negative effects of The Game of

Oppression were somewhat disturbing (see Table 3). Awareness of Privilege 47

The Game of Oppression Compared to Control Condition—Table 3

Effect Effect Type Gender

Belief in Discrimination Against Whites Worse Both Student Modern Racism Worse Both Colorblind Racism* Worse Both Linking Privilege to Discrimination Worse Females Feelings of White Guilt Better Males Support for Compensatory Policies Worse Females Consequential Willingness to Revoke Privilege Worse Both due to Class

*Marginal effect Note: When the effect type is said to be better, this means that The Game of Oppression was better in the desired direction of the means than the control condition. Conversely, when the effect type is said to be worse, this means that The Game of Oppression was worse than the control condition on this construct.

The Privilege Game was expected to be more effective than the video condition because of its experiential qualities. The Privilege Game did outperform the video condition in reducing males’ use of principled objections to affirmative action and increasing their White guilt, but the video condition did better than The Privilege Game in increasing females’ linkage of privilege to discrimination. Other than these three effects, The Privilege Game and the video performed similarly (see Table 4).

The Privilege Game Compared to the White Privilege Video—Table 4

Effect Effect Type Gender

Linking Privilege to Discrimination Worse Females Feelings of White Guilt Better Males Principled Objections to Affirmative Action Better Males

*Marginal effect Note: When the effect type is said to be better, this means that The Privilege Game was better in the desired direction of the means than the video condition. Conversely, when the effect type is said to be worse, this means that The Privilege Game was worse than the video condition. Awareness of Privilege 48

The Privilege Game Compared to Control Condition—Table 5

Effect Effect Type Gender

Awareness of White Privilege Better Both Awareness of Personal Privilege Better Both Linking Privilege to Discrimination Better Males Feelings of White Guilt Better Males

Note: When the effect type is said to be better, this means that The Privilege Game was better in the desired direction of the means than the control condition.

My expectation that The Privilege Game would outperform the control condition was frequently borne out (see Table 5). I was disappointed to find that The Privilege

Game (as well as The Game of Oppression and the video condition) did not differ from the control condition in participants’ contributions to the organizations and in the consequential revocation of race privilege. With but one exception, The Privilege Game was superior to The Game of Oppression (see Table 6). More surprising was how frequently The Game of Oppression was worse than the control condition. It looks like this multicultural tool created boomerang effects in its players.

The Privilege Game Compared to The Game of Oppression—Table 6

Effect Effect Type Gender

Increase in Awareness of White Privilege Better Both Increase in Awareness of Personal Privilege Better Both Belief in Discrimination Against Whites Better Both Student Modern Racism Better Both Colorblind Racism* Better Both Linking Privilege to Discrimination Better Females Feelings of White Guilt Better Females Support for Compensatory Policies Better Females Consequential Willingness to Revoke Privilege Better Both due to Class Awareness of Privilege 49

*Marginal effect Note: When the effect type is said to be better, this means that The Privilege Game was better in the desired direction of the means than The Game of Oppression. Conversely, when the effect type is said to be worse, this means that The Privilege Game was worse than The Game of Oppression on this construct.

One possible explanation for why The Privilege Game did not outperform the video condition could be that all of the participants come from a generation that does not play board games but instead watches television. Considering this characteristic of the subject pool, it is understandable that the video condition was more powerful in changing prejudicial attitudes because it is a medium that this cohort is familiar with and can relate to more than a board game.

A method of seeing if this generational influence was really the case would be to put The Privilege Game into a video or computer game format since these technological virtual games were the types of games that were popular for our participants’ generation.

This extension would provide insight into whether the video’s occasional superiority over

The Privilege Game was due to its subject matter and approach or its up-to-date technological design.

The Privilege Game and The White Privilege video appeared to be more successful on measures of privilege (awareness of White privilege, awareness of personal privilege due to race, and linking privilege to discrimination) than The Game of

Oppression. Since invisible privilege is the perpetrator of inequality today as opposed to more visible oppression, raising awareness of privilege is necessary in multicultural education tools. Although the lessons that are intended to be learned in playing The

Game of Oppression are valuable, expecting players to make the leap from general Awareness of Privilege 50 oppression to understanding more subtle realms of disparity (including privilege) is unreasonable.

Across most measures, The Privilege Game and the video were more effective than The Game of Oppression and control condition. One reason might be because they increased awareness of privilege which in turn created collective guilt. They increased the means on the White guilt scale, which measured collective guilt for past discrimination, replicating past work by Swim & Miller (1999). Conversely, negative feelings about the self (i.e., personal guilt) were not elevated. This was true despite the fact that both The Privilege Game and the video increased awareness of personal privilege. Thus, it appears as if personal guilt may not be necessary to change race-related attitudes. It may, however, be necessary for motivating behavioral changes like the financial donations to race or gender related charities or for changing privileges that have consequences for the self, where I found no significant effects.

A basic comprehension that White privilege exists is necessary to experience collective guilt because this expresses an understanding that the White race as a whole is privileged. However, admitting to one’s self that (s)he is personally privileged due to race is essential before personal guilt can be felt. The experimenters’ hopes were that since

The Privilege Game produced awareness of personal privilege in conjunction with suggestions of prosocial action in the ally cards, participants would be more motivated to perform some sort of equalizing act. However, we were unable to powerfully compare the conditions on the behavioral measure to determine if The Privilege Game was more effective in provoking action because of the sparse numbers of participants in each condition. Awareness of Privilege 51

As would logically follow from increased awareness of White and personal privilege, The Privilege Game produced the greatest feelings of White guilt in males and females. The game presents information that shows how privileged individuals benefit from the disadvantage of others, so guilt should be a consequence of the game. Guilt has shown to stimulate acknowledgment of responsibility and encourage change as well

(Swim & Miller, 1999), so guilt is actually a constructive consequence of The Privilege

Game even though it sounds harmful.

There was no significant difference in the amount of money contributed to women’s organizations and African American’s organizations in the behavioral measures, but this measure may not be an accurate index of sentiment. At the switch point in The Privilege Game, the moderator asked the privileged players which identity

(either their White identity or their male identity) they would most want to keep.

Conversely, she also asked the nonprivileged players which identity (either their African

American identity or their female identity) they would most want to abandon. Almost all of the privileged players wanted to keep their White identity and almost all of the nonprivileged players wanted to get rid of their African American identity, which suggests that White privilege is more severe than male privilege in their minds. Even though people essentially said that being African American hurts you more than being female (as well as being White helps you more than being male), there was no significant difference between the amount of money given to the women’s organizations and the

African American organizations. This suggests that participants are not equating degree of privilege with the need to reduce privilege by making financial contributions. Awareness of Privilege 52

Another possible reason for a lack of difference between the organization contributions despite the fact that people tended to see the African American situation as more injurious than the female situation is that the proportion of females was extremely large in the study. So the females might have tried to help out their the female sex more despite the fact that they understood that African Americans could use more support than females. An additional explanation for these findings (or lack thereof) is the experimenter who sat at the contribution table was also a White female, so perhaps she produced more feelings of empathy for females than African Americans. The participants might have even felt obligated to contribute to the women’s organizations more because she was female. It would have been interesting to see if a White male (no empathy for either organization type) or an African American female (empathy for both organization types) experimenter at the contribution table would have resulted in higher contributions for the

African American organizations because of the equal empathy (or feelings of obligation) that they might have evoked in the participants.

The several condition by participant sex interactions demonstrate how differently males and females respond to the same multicultural tool, especially The Game of

Oppression. These interactions also show how an approach to educating about privilege and other inequalities can be successful for one population but not for another population.

For example, The Privilege Game worked well for females but only fairly well for males on some of the measures, and The Game of Oppression was somewhat successful for the males but horribly unsuccessful for the females in this study. Support for compensatory policies demonstrated this conundrum: The Game of Oppression was the worst out of all Awareness of Privilege 53 the conditions on this measurement for females, but, for males, it was the most effective in creating support.

On most measures, males and females reacted similarly when playing The

Privilege Game; the participant sex by condition interactions largely occurred with The

Game of Oppression and video conditions. The Privilege Game worked slightly better for males than females (relative to the control condition) on making the link of privilege to discrimination, increasing White guilt for past discrimination, abstract willingness to revoke racial privilege, and reducing principled objections to affirmative action. One reason for this greater effectiveness might be that the males got a double dose of exposure to privilege (male and White privilege) which they probably were not aware of prior to playing the game. But the females got a dose of male privilege, which they probably were aware of before, and a dose of White privilege which they probably were not aware of before. In creating the next version of the Privilege Game, I suggest that other forms of privilege (class, age, beauty, etc.) be incorporated in order to make the concept of privilege more acceptable to all players.

Admission of a potential experimenter effect is in order because The Game of

Oppression was moderated by a White male, The Privilege Game was moderated by a

White female, and an African American female was in charge of the video condition.

These characteristics of the experimenters could explain some of the findings in our study. A possible explanation for why The Game of Oppression was the least successful condition could be because the White male moderator did not evoke empathy for nonprivileged individuals as much as the video and The Privilege Game experimenters did. It was expected that The Privilege Game would be more effective than the video Awareness of Privilege 54 condition, but the fact that the experimenter in the video condition was African American

(and The Privilege Game moderator was White) could possibly explain why the video did so well. The “double-dose” of nonprivilege illustrated by the African American female experimenter could have heightened this condition’s empathy for nonprivileged individuals, making it more effectual than it would have been if it had had a White female experimenter as The Privilege Game did. In future investigations of The Privilege

Game’s effectiveness compared to other tactics, there should be more uniformity among the experimenters in order to rule out this confounding.

Perhaps combining some of the strengths of both of the games that were investigated in this study would improve the situation of interactive multi-cultural tools.

For instance, The Game of Oppression is open to dealing with all forms of oppression, such as types due to race, ethnicity, sex, gender, affectional orientation, class, or beauty to name a few. The Privilege Game, on the other hand, looks at only two areas of inequality, so it is more limited than The Game of Oppression is in this aspect. However,

The Privilege Game proved to be superior to The Game of Oppression in explicitly talking about specific examples of privilege as opposed to the open forum setting of The

Game of Oppression in which the participants could direct the conversation however they wanted. Since the players of The Game of Oppression were asked to disclose some personal experiences of oppression (whether they were subject to, a party to, or a witness to oppression), the game puts oppression of males and white people on an equal footing to that of African Americans and women.

The moderator for The Game of Oppression provided some insight into why it was not as successful as The Privilege Game and actually was worse than the control Awareness of Privilege 55 condition in some instances. There evidently was some confusion over what was meant by the term “oppression” because it is not defined in the game, especially not as well as privilege is defined in The Privilege Game. Participants’ testimonies of encounters with oppression often consisted of examples that were not actually oppression. One such instance provided by an African American female player of The Game of Oppression was not making the basketball team because of her height. This is obviously not the type of self-disclosure that was intended to be shared and discussed in the game, but The Game of Oppression does not effectively keep its players, in this study and probably real-life settings as well, from providing these examples and reinforcing the belief that everyone has been oppressed. Since The Game of Oppression does not appear to direct players to the most systemic forms of oppression, this African American female missed an opportunity to provide an example of oppression that was due to her race or sex.

These interpretations of differences between the experiment’s games on the part of the moderator are consistent with the data because the moderator’s recollections and the attitudinal measures show that The Game of Oppression’s players were not benefiting from its multicultural education as much as other conditions. The Privilege Game did not have the issues of ambiguity that were problematic for The Game of Oppression. So merging the specificity of The Privilege Game with the comprehensive nature of The

Game of Oppression could help to increase the effectiveness of The Privilege Game. In order to determine if this would improve The Privilege Game, additional types of privilege should be incorporated into its repertoire, and this tool should, once again, be compared to The Game of Oppression. Awareness of Privilege 56

Overall, this research supports the use of The Privilege Game to educate students about modern inequalities. The revisions incorporated into the game in order to improve it seemed to still produce promising changes in the players of the game. The game obviously had a positive effect on its players, and I believe this is due mostly to the fact facts were presented to the participants in a non-pedantic fashion so that they could not dispute them. Instead, participants discovered and observed the facts. Many of the purposes of the game were fulfilled, and if the sample size had been larger and had more males participated, then there would have probably been more significant results for the new measures, such as the behavioral measures and the sexism measures.

The changes brought about by The Privilege Game that were observed in participants’ attitudes were encouraging, but they only provide information on short-term changes since participants completed the assessments immediately after playing the game. What would be interesting to compare would be the long-lasting effects of The

Privilege Game and the video condition. Future research should investigate to see if The

Privilege Game is more effective than the video condition in the long run. I would expect the game to have much more of a lasting effect than the video for some of the same reasons that I earlier gave for why the video was better on some measures in this study of short term effects. College students today watch television everyday so the video might well be lost in the bulk of television media that these people are exposed to. However,

The Privilege Game is novel and unusual so it might make more of an impression upon explicit and implicit attitudes in delayed assessments a week or two later.

The Privilege Game proved to be a more effective, more positive multicultural game than The Oppression Game. This information is valuable because The Game of Awareness of Privilege 57

Oppression is marketed to and used by educators in the field of multiculturalism as opposed to the more effective Privilege Game. The Game of Oppression seems to even have some detrimental effects when it comes to changing people’s racial attitudes. This reinforces many multicultural educators’ cautions that race and sex privilege are difficult issues to discuss effectively. Awareness of Privilege 58

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Appendix A

Game Board of The Privilege Game

LIFE LIFE CONSEQ- LIFE STRESS SUPPORT STRESS STRESS STRESS SUPPORT STRESS EQUALITY STRESS RENT ADVERSITY EVENTS EVENTS $ UENCES EVENTS

STRESS SUPPORT

LIFE LIFE CONSEQ- SUPPORT STRESS ALLY ADVERSITY SUPPORT EQUALITY STRESS ALLY ADVERSITY STRESS EVENTS $ EVENTS UENCES

CONSEQ- STRESS EQUALITY $ UENCES

LIFE CONSEQ- CONSEQ- STRESS ADVERSITY STRESS RENT ALLY STRESS EQUALITY SUPPORT EVENTS UENCES $ UENCES

LIFE CONSEQ- LIFE RENT EVENTS $ UENCES The Good, EquitableEVENTS $

CONSEQ- SUPPORT STRESS SUPPORT ADVERSITY EQUALITY STRESS UENCES Life

CONSEQ- LIFE STRESS SUPPORT STRESS ADVERSITY STRESS RENT ADVERSITY SUPPORT UENCES $ EVENTS

LIFE EQUALITY ADVERSITY ADVERSITY ALLY EVENTS

LIFE CONSEQ- LIFE STRESS STRESS ALLY STRESS RENT ADVERSITY SUPPORT STRESS SUPPORT EVENTS $ UENCES EVENTS

CONSEQ- RENT UENCES START LIFE CONSEQ- ALLY SUPPORT ADVERSITY STRESS SUPPORT STRESS ADVERSITY EQUALITY SWITCH STRESS EVENTS $ UENCES Awareness of Privilege 66

Appendix B

Informed Consent Form

Experiment Title: Group Interaction and Group Dynamics Study

Description of Study: In the following study, you will either play a board game for 45 minutes or watch a video for 45 minutes and then you will go to the library computer lab and do three computerized tasks, which will take 45-55 minutes. You will receive 1.5 hours of credit for participating plus a payment of $3 tonight.

By signing this informed consent form, you are indicating that you understand the nature of the research study and your role in that research. Please consider the following points before signing:

1 I understand that I am participating in psychological research.

2 I understand that my participation will be anonymous (that is, my name will not be linked with my data) and that all information I provide will remain confidential. Only the experimental investigators, the sponsor, and myself will have access to the data.

3 I understand that at the conclusion of the experiment, I will be provided with an explanation of the research in which I have participated.

4 I understand that my participation in this research is not required, is voluntary, and that, after any individual research project has begun, I may refuse to participate further without penalty.

5 If I am upset by this research, I understand that I can seek assistance at the college counseling center. I can also contact the senior researcher, Dr. Chris Wetzel.

By signing this form I am stating that I am over 18 years of age, and that I understand the above information and consent to participate in this study being conducted at Rhodes College.

Name: ______(Print)

Signature: ______Date: ______Awareness of Privilege 67

Appendix C

Background Card:

Research Finding: Whites are more likely to have familial inheritance and parents abovabovee lower class than are African Americans (Shapiro, 2004). • If you are White, you start out with $4500. • If you are African American, you start out with $100.

Developmental Background Card:

If you are a person of color, you have had a rough childhood. ChildrenCh ildren of color are more likely to come from father absent homes, have environmental poisoning such as lead and arsenic in the blood (interfering with brain development), go to lousy schools and daycare programs, and live in crimecrime----riddenridden neighborhoods. TheTherefore,refore, you start out your life with 2 stress points to reflect some of these disadvantages.

Salary Card:

There is an earnings gap between Whites and African Americans for many Blue Collar jobs (Hogan, Kim & Perrucci, 1997). Women hold 46.5% of United StatesS tates jobs yet they earn 72% of the salary of their male coco----workersworkersworkers.... • If you are a White male, you make $500 each pay day. • If you are an African American female, you make $300 each pay day.

Work Ethic Card:

KEEP THIS WORK ETHIC CARD FOR USE WITH ANOTHER CCARDARD Some disadvantages can be overcome by persevering and hard work. For example, if you went to a lousy high school, you can sometimes compensate for this in college by studying more, doing extraextra----creditcredit work, seeking extra help, etc. However, this hard wworkork doesn’t always eliminate disadvantages. When you use this card,card, roll the die to see if your work ethic pays off. If you roll 11----4,4, it does pay off and you can ignore the card thatthat you wish to use with this card and draw another. If you roll 5 or 6, thethenn youryour hard work does notnotnot pay off. Do whatever the card says.

Awareness of Privilege 68

Equality Card:

Use this card only if you are nonprivileged and only once. If you are a privileged player, you may give this card to your partner. This card gives you the advantages that a prprprivilegedpr ivileged individual often receives in modern societsocietyy on any 1 space of your choosing. 1. Affirmative Action Myth: Affirmative action may have been necessary 30 years ago, but the playing field is fairly level today (Plous, 1996).

Ally Cards:

1. You can givgivee $5,000 and free your partner or yourselfyourself from jaijaill (they become an exex---- con), or you can give $10,000 and hire an attorney who gets the conviction overturned.

2. You can contribute $5,000 to the innocence project to free your partner from prison if on dedeathathathath----rowrow or serving a lifelife----sentence.sentence.

3. You can initiate a diversity program to help underder----representedrepresented people get a job, go to college, get training, or get a promotion. For $1,000 for each card, your partner can get the same odds or outcomes as a privilprivilegedeged person on the next blue card they/you draw. YoYouu can buy up to 5 cards (for $5,000) for your partner or yourself.

4. You can take political action to eliminate, for one of the nonprivileged players, the effects of racial and/or gender discrimination on thethe next turn. You must pick which identity to “equalize.” This costs $1,000 for each turn, up to a maximum of 5 turns.

5. You can create “no interest” government loans forfor yyourour partner by raising your taxes. You can contribute in taxes the loan amamountount that youyou want your partner to receive, up to $10,000. You can use this card at any time.

6. You can set up a medical research facility which leads to a cure for cancer or other illness for your self or someone else. You must contribute $5,000 to gegett the benefit.

7. When a nonprivileged person points out inequitableinequitable treatment, you don’t dismiss it. You listen in a supportive manner. This sympathetic behavior can be used on any turn to reduce your partner’s stress by 2 points.

Awareness of Privilege 69

Gender Support Cards:

1. Men are often given jobs from bosses (who are often men too) that women are passed up for even though women are equally or more qualified. • If you are male, you are offered a promotion. Your competition was a female that is more qualified than you. Do you choose to accept the promotion? If you do, thenthen you will earn $100 more every payday. If you choose to take a proactive stance against male privilege and suggest your competition for the promotion, you will not receive the raise, but you can take an eextraxtra turnturn for fighting against disparity. • If you are female, do nothing.

2. The average man with a community college associate’s degree earns the same amount of money as the average woman with a master’s degree (The Office of FederalFederal Contract Compliance Programs (1995). 1990 Census Data ). • If you are female, take 2 stress points for having to work harder than males for the same outcome. If you are male, reduce your stress by 1 point for not having to get as much education.

3. Men are rarely victims of sexual harassment in thethe workplace. • If you are male, take an extra turn because the workplace is non-non ---threatening.threatening. • If you are female, lose a turn for lower work performance because you are uncomfortable all day long at work. ********* Why are women subject to more sexual harassment thanthan men?

4. Women are judged more harshly than men when they leleadad sexually adventurous lifestyles. • If you are male, take an extra turn for having to worry less about being called names and looked down upon for choices you make in your sex life. If you are female, do nothing.

5. You are unhappily married. You have a chance to have an affair with a coco----worker.worker. If you are a female, the coco----workerworker is a wealthy older man. If you are a male, tthehe coco----workerworker is an attractive, freefree----spiritedspirited yyoungerounger woman. • If you choose to run away with your coco----worker,worker, your stress points are reduced by 2. Do you make the leap? If you don’t choose to leave your family, put the card away. Otherwise, roll the die. • If it is odd, the affair ends soon and you lose youryour job (and salary) for 3 turns. If it is even, you are in a new relationship.

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Gender Adversity Cards:

1. Eating disorders and distorted selfself----viewsviews of the body are disproportionately more common in females than males ((HoekHoek et al, 1995)1995).. • If you are ffemale,emale, roll a 11----44 to develop an eating disorder. • If you are male, roll a 1 to develop the disorder. • If you develop an eating disorder, you must pay $1000 for rehabilitative treatment and take 1 stress point for the anxiety that the process causes you. ********* ***Why are women more susceptible to eating disorders than men?

2. Women have greater life expectancies than men ((NNationalational Center for Health Statistics, 20062006).). • If you are male, take 1 stress point for knowing that you are not predicted to live as long as yyourour female counterparts.

3. Women have greater life expectancies than men ((NNationalational Center for Health Statistics, 20062006).). • If you are female, lose a turn for your loneliness in the last several years of your life. • If you are male, do nothing. ********* Why do womenwo men on average have longer lives than men?

4. Heterosexual women are more vulnerable than heterosexual men to infection from HIV because of the greater area of exposure in women than in men and the greater amount of fluids transferred from men to women ((WHO,WHO, 20082008).). You have had a sexual encounter with someone who is HIV+. • If you are female, roll 11----55 to contract the virus. If you are male, roll 11----33 to contract it.it.it. If you contract HIV, take 3 stress points for anxiety over your illness and subtract $100 frofrofromfro m every pay day to pay for medical expenses.

5. For many years, the only experiments on effectiveneeffectivenessss and safety of new drugs were performed on men. Because of this, women were often met with complications from drugs that were unexpected because no experiexperimentationmentation was performed with the anatomy and makeup of a woman. You are taking a new medication. • If you are female, lose a turn for complications. If you are male, do nothing because the drug works smoothly for you.

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Gender Life Events Cards:

1. Young women new to the workplace often receive temporarytemporary positions because the individuals hiring do not want to award a stable permanent job to the new employee that could become pregnant. Men never have to worry about this, and they will rarely be the parent eexpectedxpected to stay at home with a newborn. • If you are female, take 1 stress point for worrying over receiving a stable position. • If you are male, do nothing.

2. Domestic abuse is more likely to happen against women than men ((DomesticDomestic Violence Facts, 20072007).). • If you are female, you have an abusive husband. Do you want to leave him? If you choose to leave him, you will be a single parent which will cut your pay day in half. However, it will also cut your stress points in half. • If you choose to stay with himhim,, take 3 stress pointspoints for fearing someone in your own home. • If you are male, do nothing.

3. Women must pay much more than men on their looks for makeup and hairstyles if they want to meet society’s expectations. • If you are female, pay $1000 for a lifetlifetimeime of expensiveexpensive jeans, shampoos, and salon visits. • If you are male, do nothing. ***Why do women spend so much money on appearance?

4. Women who have children and pursue a career are more likely than men in the same position to be seen as violating gendegenderr roles. • If you are female and earning money, lose a turn for the negative judgments that you will have to experience from others. If you are male, do nothing.

5. If a man has his car repaired, chances are that he will pay less than a woman would. Your car needs a repair. If you are a man, you will not be assumed to be naïve about cars, so the likelihood of unnecessary charges is low. • If you are a female, pay $200 for the repairs. If you are a male, pay $100 for the repairs.

Gender Stress Cards:

1. W1. WomenW omen are expected to wear high heels in certain sitsituations,uations, but men are never under this same expectation. • If you are female, take one stress point for always having sore feet. • If you are male, take an extra turn. Awareness of Privilege 72

2. Married women are expected to work a triple shift on top of any job they might have. The 3 “shifts” are to care for the children, tend to the husband, and still look beautiful. • If you are female, lose a turn for the extra jobs you have after you get home from work. • If you are male, do nothnothing.ing.

3. Women in the armed forces cannot engage in combat, which is the main way that a soldier advances to a higher rank. This inhibits women from rising in rank. • If you are female, lose a turn for being limited in what you can do for your country and fforor feeling underunder----appreciatedappreciated in what you are capable of. • If you are male, do nothing. ***Why are women not allowed to engage in combat?

4. Women are not drafted into the military as men are. • If you are male, take 1 stress point for having to worry about bbeingeing drafted some day. • If you are female, do nothing.

5. Many women fear the consequences of standing up to sexual biases and harassment in the workplace because they could get a reputation as a difficult employee or even lose their job. As a result, womwomenen often feel that they have to let instances of didiscriminationscrimination slide for the sake of job security. • If you are female, take 1 stress point for having to stifle your discomfort. If you are male, do nothing because you rarely are harassed.

6. In some coucountries,ntries, women are not allowed to drive cars,cars, show ttheirheir faces, or be in public without being accompanied by a male relative (Narayan, 1997). • If you are female, take one stress point for the extreme limitations that your gender faces in certain parts of ththee world. • If you are male, do nothing.

7.7.7. 84% of spousal abuse victims are female ((DomesticDomestic ViolenceViolence Facts, 20072007).). • If you are female, take 1 stress point for worry over your gender’s abuse. • If you are male, do nothing.

8. Women are 14 times more likely than men to be victimsvictims of rape or sexual assault (((http://www.icasa.org/uploads/adult_victimss.pdf ). • If you are female, take 2 stress points for frequently worrying about the incidence of sexsexualual assault. • If you are a male, do nothing.

9. Chances are that your elected representatives areare aalmostlmost all male. Awareness of Privilege 73

• If you are female, lose a turn for feeling “voiceless.” If you are male, do nothing.

Gender Consequences Cards:

1. Courts are often malemale----dominateddominated and the result is that only a few of the severe instances of male privilege are treated with just action (Baer, 1991). You accused your boss of discriminating against you because of your sex. • If you are female, chances are the courts will not decidede cide in your favor. Roll a 1 to win the case; all other rolls, you lose. If you lose, pay $1,000 in court costs. • If you are male, you are likely to be a victim of sexual discrimination; ignore this card. ***Why aren’t women’s cases decided more favorably?

2. Female defendants receive significantly shorter jail sentences than male defendants (DeSantis & Kayson, 1997). You have been convicted of a crime. • If you are female, roll 11----44 to receive a short jail sentence. If you are malemale,, roll a 1 or 2 to receive a short sentence. A short sentence results in losinglosing 1 turn. • If you receive a greater jail sentence, lose 2 turns and miss out on your next payday for being in jail so long that you lose your job.

3. When vying for custody of children, mothers are often ggiveniven more custody rights than fathers. You are in the middle of a custody battle. • If you are female, roll 11----55 to receive the majority of custody. • If you are male, roll a 1 to receive the majority of custody. All other rolls you only get to see your childrchildrenen everyevery other weekend. Take 2 stress points for being lonely and missing your children.

Race Support Cards:

1. The African American community is traditionally closely knit. • If you are African American, you can rely on friends and family for support, so your current stress points are reduced by 2. • If you are White, do nothing.

2. African Americans are less likely to get an apprenticeship than Whites ((Royster,Royster, 20032003).). • If you are White, you get a pay raise of $200 per pay day for skills learned at your aaapprenticeship.apprenticeship. Your current stress points are redureducedced by 1. • If you are African American, you get nothing. ***Why does this disparity occur?

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3. You have the opportunity to go to therapy. • If you choose to work out some of your problems, you mumustst pay $2000, and half (rounded up if you have an odd number) of your stress points will be cleared.

4. If you are White, networking in your company has allowed you to climb the company ladder. You now have people working under you to whom you can delegatedelega te work. Your current stress points are reduced by 3. • If you are African American, you do not have the advantage of networking, so do nothing.

5. If you are African American, Affirmative Action programs have helped you advance at work. Your current stress points are reduced by 2, and you get $100 momorere every pay day. • If you are White, do nothing.

6. Church plays a major role in the lives of many Whites and African Americans, but for many African Americans, the church can also help bail them out of trouble and provide solace. • If you are White, reduce your stress points by 1 for church attendance. • If you are African American, reduce your stress points by 2.

7. If you are White, chances are your teacher or supersupervisorvisor is too. When she/he gives you feedback, you can trust it because you won't wonder if the feedback is racially biased, either negatively or positively ((Harber,Harber, 19981998).). • If you are White, take an extra turn because you can benefit from feedback. • If you are African American, you lose a turturnn becausebecause of doubt aaboutbout how good you really are.

8. Whites can relate to their supervisors/teachers mormoree than a person of color can because people in these positions are often White themselves. Whites’ greater rapport gives them an extra turn or a second chance. • If you are White, take an extra turn. • If you are African American, your lack of rapport causes you to lose a turn.

9. If you are White, your supervisor/teacher is moremore llikelyikely to be of your social class than if you are African American. ConseqConsequently,uently, you know better what to expect from him/her and how to act. • If you are White, give yourself an extra turn to reflect your greater chances of advancement. • If you are African American, you lose a turn for failing to connect with your supervisor.

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10. If you are White, you don’t have to worry as muchmuch aass African Americans do about confirming negative stereotypes about your race ((StSteele,eele, 19971997)))).. For many African Americans, this worry creates cognitive stress. • If you are White, give yourself an extra turn and reduce stress by 1 point for not having to worry about your race's stereotypes. • If you are African American, take 2 stress points for what is called “stereotype threat.”

11. Interacting with someone of another race can be a vveryery positive experiexperience.ence. You make a friend of another race and thus come to better understand people who are different from you. Reduce your stress points by 2.

12. Whiteness is the norm and White people largely control political and economic power in America. As a WhiteWhite,, you have the freedom/power to deny racism exists, and you don't have to think very often about how your behavior reflects on "your people." When Timothy McVey blew up the Oklahoma Federal Building, White males didn't get stopped at airports, frisked whewhenn they entered buildings, etc.etc. • If you are White, reduce your stress by 1 point. • If you are African American, do nothing.

13. The opening of the U.S. constitution, "We the people…." referred only to White males who owned property. African Americans were ccountedounted as threethree----fifthsfifths of a White person. This privilege has been subtly built into our social institutions of education, law, and government. For example, Social Security was set up originally only for White, male wage earners. • If you are White, take ananotherother 2 turns for 200 yearsyears of advantages accrued bbyy your ancestors. • If you are African American, do nothing.

14. James Baldwin says, "Being White means never having to think about it." "Whiteness" is the norm and White people largely control political anda nd economic power in America. As a White, you can ignore race issues and you don't need to learn about other ethnicities. • If you are White, take another turn. • If you are African American, do nothing.

15. African Americans have less rigid standards of acacceptableceptable body size and shape than Whites ((Baugh,Baugh, 2006; Tomlinson, 20062006).). • If you are African American, reduce your stress points by 1. • If you are White, do nothing.

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16. African Americans do not get skin cancer as often as do WhitesWhites.... • If you are AfricAfricanan American, take away a stress point.point. • If you are White, do nothing.

Race Adversity Cards:

1. African Americans have higher rates of breast and prostate cancer than do Whites. However, African Americans are referred for cancer testing less than are WhitesWhi tes (O’Malley et al., 2001). You are at risk for cancer. • If you are White, you must roll a 11----33 to get referred for testing. If you are African American, roll a 1 or 2. All other rolls: Your cancer is caught late (go to step 2). • If you are White, roll a 1a 1-1 ---33 to respond to treatment. If you are African American, roll a 1 or 2. All other rolls, you are terminally ill. Take 2 stress points.

2. Health practitioners give African Americans significantly less time to ask questions than Whites during visits ((Nazroo,Nazroo, 2003). • If you are African American, take 2 stress points because your doctor did not explain your diagnosis thoroughly. • If you are White, do nothing.

3. Mortality rates of younger people are much higher among African Americans than Whites partly due to deficits in healthcare (Nazroo, 2003). How is your health? • If you are White, roll a 11----55 to be in good health. • If you are African American, roll a 11----33 to be in good health. All other rollsrolls---- you are perpetually sick. Lose a turn and pay $100 eaeachch payday for medical expenses.

4. Experiencing subtle forms of racism contributes to high blood pressure and other health problems (Harrell, Hall & Taliaferro, 2003). • If you are African American, take 2 stress points for being a victim of racism. If yyyouryour stress points are now over 5, you must roll a 1---3-3 to be in good health. All other rollsrolls---- you suffer a sudden heart attack or a stroke! LoseLose 2 turns. • If you are White, do nothing.

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5. Minorities receive fewer tests and poorer treatment for cancer evenev en when their insurance and income are the same as Whites (USA Today, 2003). Cancer runs in your family. • If you are White you must roll a 11----33 to have been screened recently. • If you are African American, you must roll a 1 or 2. All other rollsrolls————youryour cancancercer is advanced and you are terminally ill. Take 2 stress points.

6. Minorities receive fewer tests and poorer treatment for diabetes even when their insurance and income are the same as Whites (USA Today, 2003). • If you are White, you must roll a 11----33 t3 tot o have your diabetes caught early and properly treated • If African American, roll a 1 or 2 to have your diabetes caught early and properly treated. All other rollsrolls---- your diabetes is caught late and treated poorly! LLoseose 3 turns and pay $1000 in medical expexpenses.enses.

7. Minorities receive fewer tests and poorer treatment for HIV/AIDS even when their insurance and income are the same as Whites (USA Today, 2003). You have been exposed to the AIDS virus. • If you are White, roll 11----44 to find out early enough to gegett the cocktail and be symptom free. • If you are African American, you must roll a 11----3.3. For all other rolls, you are not diagnoseddiagnosed early enenoughough and are constantly sick. Lose half of your salary for medical expenses.

8. Minorities are less likely to receive proper education about safe sex practicepractices,s, resulting in a higher prevalence of STDs among African Americans (McQuillan et al., 2004). • If you are White, you must roll a 11----44 to avoid acquiring an STD. • If African American, you must roll a 11----3333 to avoid acquiring an STD All other rollsrolls---- you have acquired an STD. Take 2 stress points andand pay $500 in medical fees for testing and treatment.

9. When talking to African American patients, doctors use a more negative tone than with Whites (Johnson, 2004). • If you are African American, you may be less likely to view the doctor’s office as a friendly place. Lose 1 turn for a negative medical visit. • If you are White, do nothing.

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10. Low socioeconomic status, racism and financial strain are correlatcorrelateded with depression, leading to higher rates of depression in African Americans (Bromberger et al., 2004). Stressors are taking their toll. • If you are White, roll a 11----44 to stay mentally healthy. • If you are African American, you must roll a 1 or 2 to ststayay mentally healthy. • All other rollsrolls---- you become clinically depressed! Lose 2 turns.

11. Negative healthcare experiences and poor education about vaccinations among minorities result in disparities in vaccination rates (Chu et al., 2004). It is flu season.seaso n.n.n. • If you are White, roll a 11----33 to have gotten the vaccine. • If you are African American, you must roll a 1 to have gotten the vaccine. All other rollsrolls---- you missed an important vaccination! Lose 2 turns due to medical problems.

Race Life Events Cards:

Research Finding: 1. African Americans are stigmatized as ineffective workers, making it harder for them to find work (Coker, 2003). Your current employer is doing a criminal background check on all employees. If you have been convicted of a crime (you were required to keep a yellow card), you lose your job. • If you are White, roll a 11---- 4 to find a new job. • If you are African American, you must roll a 1 or 2.

All other rolls, stay put on this space, rolling each turn until employment is found (for a maximum of 3 lost turns). Your new job will have the same salary.

2. If you live in a very unsafe neighborhood, your house has just been robbed. You lose $500 in assets, which you must pay to the bank.

3. You have a positive experience with someone of anotheranother race (whether White or African American). Your current stress points are reduced by 2.

Awareness of Privilege 79

Research Finding: 4. African American students perform better in predominantly White or racially mixed schools because the quality of education is higher (Bankston & Caldas, 1997). • If you are White, you must roll a 11----44 to have gone to a wellwell----fundedfunded school. • If you are African American, you must roll a 1 or 2 to have gone to a wellwell----fundedfunded school. All other rollsrolls---- your school was underunder----funded.funded. Lose 2 tuturnsrns for a lousy education.

5. You are able to apply to a local college or grad school if you choose to do so. If you are White, you are more likely to have a connection (you know somebody in admissions) in the school system. If you are African American, it’s unlikely that you’ve got any networking set up. • If you are White, roll a 11----44 to get in. • If you are African American, roll a 1 to get in. If you do get in, pay $2000. Keep this card and take a $300 pay raise every pay day. If you cannot pay, you may apply for a loan. If you have a criminal rrecordecord (if you were required to keep a yellow card), you cannot attend.

6. Minorities are more likely to lose their jobs than are Whites during a recession. "Last hired; first fired." The economy slumpslumps.s. • If you White, roll a 11----33 to keep your job. • If you are African American, roll a 1 to keep your job.

If you lost your job, skip your next pay day. After that, you will get your old job back.

7. African Americans are stigmatized as lazy, unproductive workers (Coker, 2003). The economy slumps and people get laid off. • If you are White, roll a 11----44 to keep your job. If you are African American, rrolloll a 1 or 2 to keep your job. All other rollsrolls---- you lose your old job and must find a new job (go to the secosecondnd bullet below) • If you are White, roll a 11----44 to find a new job. If you are African American, roll a 1 or 2. Stay put on this space, rolling each turn until employment is found (for a maximum of 3 lost turns). Your new job will have the same salary. 8.8.8. Congratulations! You and your spouse have had a bababyby girl! You must pay $100 per pay check back to the bank for expenses. You must take out a loan of $1,000 for hospital expenses. Keep this card.

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9. You have the opportunity to participate in small scascalele drug trafficking. If you choose to participate and don’t land on a yellow consequences space in the next 3 turns, you will make $1000. If you land on a consequences space in the next 3 turns, you are automatically convicted of whatever crime is listed on the card. If you choose to participate, keep this card for the next 3 turns. 10. You may have the chance to acquire a new skill at trade school! If you are White, you are more likely to be presented with this opportunity as an internship or apprentapprenticeship.iceship. • If you are White, roll a 11----44 to have this opportunity if you want it. • If you are African American, you must roll a 1 to have this opportunity. If you get the chance to go, you may pay $1000 this turn, and take a $200 pay raise for every pay ddayay after this. If you cannot pay, you maymay apply foforr a loan.

11. You have an opportunity to obtain some extra cash:cash: • If you are White, you can embezzle $5,000 dollars from your company. • If you are African American, you can steal $5,000 from a liquor storestore.... Do you commit the crime? If so, keep this card, and pay yourself the money. Otherwise, put it back on top of the stack.

Race Stress Cards:

1. Teen pregnancy is more likely to occur in lowlow----incomeincome areas where many minorities grow up. • If you are White, roll a 11----44 to never have a girlfriend or friend get pregnantpregnant.. • If you are African American, roll a 1 or 2. All other rollsrolls---- a girlfriend or friend is pregnant! Take 2 stress ppoints.oints.

2. You are at a party and you hear a White person telling a racist joke.j oke. If you are African American, take a stress point. Then roll the dice: • If a "6" is rolled, another White person calls the joke-joke ---tellerteller on his racism. This act reduces your stress level by 1 point. • If a 11----55 is rolled, everyone laughs and no one says aanythinything.ng. Take a second stress point, because White silence can hurt as much as the racism itself. If you are White, ignore this card.

3. A friend comes to you with a major problem that he/she wants to talk about. Take 1 stress point.

4. A trafftrafficic jam on the way to work causes you to bebe late. TTakeake 1 stress point.

Awareness of Privilege 81

5. White culture is the norm in America. Because of this, Whites do not have an ethnicity in which to belong. This keeps Whites from forming an identity as a member of a special cucuculture.cu lture. If you are White, take 1 stress point.

6. InterInter----racialracial interaction takes up cognitive resources (cr(createseates cognitive stress), which can reduce your ability to persist through difficulties, resist temptation, inhibit impulses, and even form memories (Richeson & Shelton, 2003). BecauseBecause African AmericaAmericansns have more frequent interinter----racialracial interactions than do Whites, this depletion of resources creates an additional burden above and beyond any racism. If you are White, add one stress point. If you are AfriAfricancan American, add 2 stress points.

7. White culture is the norm in America. Because of this, Whites do not have an ethnicity in which to belong. This keeps Whites from forming an identity as a member of a special culture. If you are White, take 1 stresstresss point.

8. By virtue of being part of the dominant culture, Whites do not learn multicultural skills, which are needed in this global environment. Because Whites lack these skills, they are limited in who they can relate to. If you are White, lose one turn.

9. You hear an ambiguously racist remark. Take 2 stress points if you are African American for feelings of doubt.

10. African Americans are more likely to live in poor neighborhoods. If you are African American, take 2 stress points for your own poverty and/or stress over the poverty of other members of your race. ***Why does this disparity occur?

11. African Americans are underrepresented in the U.S. government. If you are African American, take 1 stress point for feeling “voiceless.”

12. The press disproportionately shows violent images on ththee television and in the newspaper that include African Americans. As a result, African Americans are seen by many as violent criminals (Mauer, 2004). If you are African American, take 1 stress point forforfor feeling stereotyped as a violent criminal. ***Why does this disparity occur?

13. You have a fight with a family member. Take 1 stress point.

14. A snowstorm causes the power to go out in your houshousee for two days. Take 1 stress point.

Awareness of Privilege 82

15. AfricanAfrican----AmericansAmericans are more likely than Whites to find themsthemselveselves in situations where they are the ONLY person of their skin color. This creates stress because they feel the pressure of having to represent their ethnicity ((ThThompsonompson & Sekaquaptewa, 20022002).). They feefeefeelfee l as if they are “on stage.” • If you are African American, take 1 stress point for feeling “solo.” • If you are White, do nothing.

16. When interacting with African Americans, many WhiteWhitess feel uncomfortable, fearing that they may be accused of racism. IIIfIf you are White, take 1 stress point for anxiety, ffear,ear, or guilt resulting from past White oppression of minorities.

17. While taking a notoriously difficult class, your classmates form study groups. There is only one person of color in the class. • If you are White, you get an extra turn, reflecting the adadvantagevantage you gain from the groups. If you are African American, none of your White classmates think to invite you to join them because you are not part of their social circle. You lose a turn.

18. You’rYou’ree changing managers at work. Take 1 stressstress point.

19. If you are African American, a security guard at a department store is more likely to follow you around because of your race. Take 2 stress points if you are African American. • If you are White, do nnothing.othing. ***Why does this disparity occur?

20. If you are African American, you are more likelylikely to be ignored by department store employees because of your race when you need help. • If you are African American, take 2 stress points. • If you are White, do nnothing.othing.

21. If you are African American, you cannot find Bandnd----AidsAids in your skin color at the drug store. • If you are African American, take 1 stress point. • If you are White, do nothing.

22. If you are African American, many stores do not carry dolls and children’s toys in your skin color. • If you are African American, take 1 stress point. • If you are White, do nothing.

Awareness of Privilege 83

23. Most of the blockbuster films coming out of Hollywood feature White stars. • If you are African American, take 1 stress point for feeling underrepresented. • If you are White, do nothing.

24. Most major fashion magazines disproportionately feature White female and male models on the cover. • If you are African American, take 2 stress points for the standard of attractiveness and beabeautyuty in the U.S. being “White.”“White.” • If you are White, do nothing. • *** Why does this disparity occur?

25. When cast for characters in movies, African AmericaAmericansns are portrayed in more negative and racially stereotyped roles than are Whites. In addition, African Americans are less likely to be in the leading roles. • If you are African American, take 2 stress points for having fewer opportunities to identify with positive characters in blockbuster movies. • If you are White, do nothing.

Race Consequences Cards:

ResResearchearch Finding: 1. African Americans are more likely to get stopped and searched while driving (Coker, 2003). • If you are White, roll a 6 to be stopped and searched. If you are African American, roll a 33----66 to be stopped and searched. If stopped by the popo lice, continue on to the next bullet. • Regardless of your race, you must roll a 11----33 to be caught with something illegal. If caught, lose 2 turns, pay $500 and keep this card. If you already have a criminal record (yellow card), lose 1 additional turn foforr a total of 3 lost turns. ***Why does this disparity occur?

2. It is easier for a victim/witness of crime to selecselectt the correct perpetrator if he/she is the same race. You are selected as a suspect for an armed robbery, which you did not commit. The wiwitnesstness is White. • If you are White and roll a 5, you are chosen in the line up. If you are African American and roll a 11----3,3, you are chosen. Continue to the next bullet. • If you are White, roll a 11----44 to be found innocent. If African American, roll a 1 or 2. AlAlll other rollsrolls---- you’re convicted. Lose 3 turns and keep this card.card.

Awareness of Privilege 84

Research Finding: 3. African Americans are more likely than Whites to receive the death penalty for the same crime (Mauer, 2004). Your stress has built up and you’ve broken down and mmmurderedmurdered someone. • If you are White, roll a 11----44 to be found innocent. If you are African AmericanAmerican,, you must roll a 1 or 2 to be found innocent. All other rollsrolls---- you are convicted (go to the next bullet). • If you are White, roll a 11----55 to receive a prison sentence and lose only 2 turns.turns. If you are African American, you must roll a 1 or 2. All other rollsrolls---- you receive the death penalty If you were convicted but escaped the death penalty, keep this card.

4. Only 3% of lawyers in the U.S. are African AmAmericanerican.. You are accused of a misdemeanor and must appear in court. The odds of getting a lawyer of your same race to whom you can relate are unlikely if you are African American. • If you are White, roll a 11----44 to be found innocent. • If you are African AmAmerican,erican, roll a 11----33 to be found innocent. All other rollsrolls---- you are convicted. If convicted, lose 2 turns and keep this card. If you already have a criminal record (yellow card), lose 1 additional turn for a total of 3 lost turns.

5. You rob a bank anandd are arrested. Whites can oftenoften afford an attorneattorney;y; many African Americans cannot and must use a public defender who is underpaid, overworked, and frequently not as skilled. • If you are White, roll a 11----55 for a high profile attorney. • If you are African American, you must roll a 1 or 2 for a high profileprofile attorney. All other rollsrolls---- you get a public defender, and you lose. If you lolose,se, lose 2 turns and keep this card. If you already have a criminal record (yellow card), lose 1 additional turn for a total of 3 lost turns.

6. If you have done a drug deal, you have been caught.caught. Assume your racial identity. Due to racial disparities in sentencing: • If you are African American, your sentence will be to lose 3 turns. • If you are White, you lose only 2 turns. • FoFoForFo r example, by law the jail time for possession of ccrackrack is about 3 years longer than the same amount of cocaine powder. ((ConCongressionalgressional Report: United States Sentencing Commission, 20072007).). Powder is the White person’s drug of “choice,” crack is the African AAmerican’s.merican’s.

Awareness of Privilege 85

Research Finding 7. One in 3 African American men (ages 2020----29)29) are being monitored by the Criminal Justice System at any given time (Coker, 2003). • If you are White, roll a 11----55 to avoid being caught for illegal activity. • If you are African AAmerican,merican, you must roll a 11----33 to avoid being caught. All other rollsrolls---- you are caught! If you are caught, lose 2 turns anandd keep this card. If you already have a criminal record (yellow card), lose 1 additional turn for a total of 3 lost turns. Research FFinding:inding: 8. Racial disparities exist in drug arrests. African Americans are more likely to get arrested for drug possession, trafficking and/or use than Whites, even though the rate of usage is the same for both races (Mauer, 2004). You are involved in drugdr ug trafficking. • If you are White, roll a 11----44 to not get caught. • If you are African American, roll a 1 or 2 to not get caught. All other rollsrolls----youyou are caught and arrested! Keep this card, lose 2 turns and pay $500 bail. If you already have a criminacriminall record (yellow(yellow card), lose 2 additional turns for a total of 4 lost turns. Awareness of Privilege 86

Appendix D The Privilege Game Instructions (4 to 8 players plus a moderator)

OBJECTIVE: Getting to the “Good, Equitable Life” with the smallest disparity in assets between you and your partner.

SETTING UP

STEP 1: Each team (of 2) assigns Privileged Roles and Nonprivileged Roles to its members STEP 2: Take a Background Card STEP 3: Take Salary Card STEP 4: Choose a Housing Card

GAME PLAY

ON YOUR TURN: Roll the die, then move your character the number of spaces on the die.

IF YOU PASS OR LAND ON A…… White Space: Collect your salary if there is a “$” on the space; Pay your rent and/or loan payments if there is a “Rent.”

IF YOU LAND ON A… Red Space : Draw a Red Stress Card, read it aloud, & follow the instructions if they apply to your identity. Blue Space : Draw a Blue Support Card, read it aloud, & follow the instructions if they apply to your identity. Orange Space : Draw an Orange Life Events Card, read it aloud, & follow the instructions if they apply to your identity. Light Blue Space : Draw a Light Blue Ally Card & read it aloud. You can use this card right away or save it for later. Pink Space : Draw a Pink Equality Card, read it aloud, & follow the instructions if they apply to your identity.

2 SPACES HAVE SPECIAL RESTRICTIONS: If you have fewer than 2 stress points when you land on these spaces, you do nothing. With 2 or more stress points, draw the appropriate card, read it aloud, and follow the instructions if they apply to your identity. Green Space : Draw a Green Adversity Card – something bad may happen to you. Yellow Space : Draw a Yellow Consequences Card – you are involved with the legal system. If you accumulate 2 yellow cards, you go to prison. You stay in prison until you roll a “6” or your partner bails you out with an Ally card. If you end up with 3 yellow cards, you are sent to prison for life (three strikes rule) until you are freed by your partner.

*Read ALL cards aloud, even if a card doesn’t apply to you. Put cards back in the bottom of the pile unless instructed to keep them.

STRESS POINTS During the game, if your stress points become negative, you can pass this negativity to your partner. So if your stress point total is -1 and your partner has 2 stress points, you can make Awareness of Privilege 87

Appendix D (continued) your partner’s stress total be 1 point. Also, you may buy off your stress points if they get too high. The cost is $1,000 per stress point. Stress points left over at the end of the game are negative $1,000 each, resulting in some debts that you may have to pay off.

THE WHY ACTIVITY When a “WHY” appears on a card, each player must generate an explanation for the racial or gender disparity/bias described on the card. Each player’s explanation must be plausible and different from the other player’s explanation, as judged by the moderator. All the players must verbalize their explanations by the time the 1 minute timer runs out. Failure to come up with an acceptable explanation adds 2 stress points to that player’s stress level. After the team is done, the other teams can also provide their explanations if they wish. If the moderator accepts them, they can reduce one of their player’s stress levels by 2 points.

LOANS If you are out of money, you can take a loan. See the loan instructions about how loans operate.

Loan Instructions:

1. You can take loans in $1,000 increments up to $5,000 if you are nonprivileged, or up to $10,000 if you are privileged. Because of their greater potential assets, banks are willing to loan Privileged people more money. 2. When you take out a loan, your stress points go up by 1 per $1,000 rounded up until you pay off the entire loan. 3. Interest is 10% of the loan amount if you are privileged or 20% if you are nonprivileged. This reflects the fact that interest rates for loans are higher among the nonprivileged, reflecting the practice of “loan sharking” or predatory lending (Renuart, 2004). 4. You pay off your loan plus interest at the end of the game. However, at any point during the game, you can pay of the loan and eliminate your stress points.