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" with a Vow to Defend": Indigenous Direct Mobilization in Canada

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“With a Vow to Defend”: Indigenous Direct Mobilization in Canada by Michael David Morden A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Michael Morden (2015) “With a Vow to Defend”: Indigenous Direct Mobilization in Canada Michael Morden Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto 2015 Abstract Since 1969, Indigenous contentious mobilization has become a fixed feature of public life in Canada. Demonstrations, marches, blockades and occupations are important repertoires of action for Indigenous peoples pursuing historical redress, contemporary recognition, and redistribution of lands and resources. Moreover, institutionalized action channeled primarily through Indian Act band councils and associated peak advocacy organizations increasingly faces legitimacy challenges in Indigenous communities. Adopting theory from the comparative study of intergroup conflict, this dissertation explains the emergence of Indigenous contentious mobilization over the past forty years, and explores the dynamics of individual protest actions. I argue that Indigenous mobilization is best explained by models that emphasize norms and value rationality over interests and instrumental rationality. Historical change cannot be explained without reference to the changes to the complex of norms and institutions that govern Indigenous-Settler relations. Micro-level protest action follows a “calculus of right”, wherein mobilization swells and declines with the perceived righteousness of contentious action, rather than material cost-benefit analysis. ii Acknowledgments I am immensely grateful for the support and guidance I have received throughout this project, from many different sources. I would first like to thank my supervisor, Graham White, my committee members, Courtney Jung and Jacques Bertrand, and my internal and external examiners, Patrick Macklem and Christa Scholtz. All approached my work with care, patience, and thoughtfulness, and have strengthened it immeasurably. Graham in particular was present from very early stages, and was willing to commit to the project before anyone knew what it was. I am lucky to have caught him towards the end of an astonishingly rich scholarly career. I have also benefited profoundly from the stalwart and generous support of Michael Stein, who has been constant in my academic career since I was an undergraduate. And I am grateful for the instruction and challenge from professors including Christopher Alcantara, H. Donald Forbes, and Richard Simeon. This project could not have come to fruition without the participation of individuals from Six Nations of the Grand River, Kettle and Stony Point, Haldimand County, Lambton County, and the governments of Ontario and Canada. I was amazed by the generosity of spirit with which I was often received, and that people were willing to donate their time and knowledge to a stranger. The promise of anonymity prevents me from naming here some key individuals, who chose to find value in my project and become my champions ‘in the field’. My appreciation is bottomless, and I hope that I will have the opportunity to reciprocate somehow in the future. I have a hard time imagining making it out the other end of a PhD without good colleagues, and I had plenty. Many thanks are due to my comrades-in-arms, including Alexandre Paquin-Pelletier, Jerry Sabin, Carey Doberstein, Andrew McDougall, and Nicola Hepburn, to name just a few. Thank you to the University of Toronto and Ontario Graduate Scholarship program for financial assistance. My deepest appreciation is reserved for my family. My wife, Alice Sommerville, has been unendingly patient and kind. My brother, Rob Morden, is a vastly more sophisticated scholar than me. My parents, Max and Pat Morden, have always thrown themselves behind our iii education – and will end up with several PhDs in the family as a result. This is perhaps evidence that no good deed goes unpunished. But if there is accomplishment in this, it belongs to them. Finally, and most importantly, acknowledgement is due to the Indigenous peoples who are the focus of this project. The Mordens have benefited disproportionately – to put it mildly – from a relationship with the Onkwehon:we that dates back to our time as tenant farmers on the estate of Sir William Johnson. In more recent generations, we have been fortunate to count Anishinabe as our neighbours. I am conscious of a deep debt, which came due a long time ago. iv Table of Contents Table of Contents Acknowledgments .......................................................................................................................... iii Table of Contents ............................................................................................................................ v List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. ix List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. x Chapter 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Case Selection and Limitations ......................................................................................... 13 1.2 Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 17 1.3 Outline of Chapters ........................................................................................................... 20 Chapter 2 Macromobilization: A Theoretical Framework ............................................................ 22 2.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 22 2.2 Studying Indigenous Mobilization as Intergroup Conflict ............................................... 23 2.3 Theories of Intergroup Conflict ........................................................................................ 27 2.4 Institutions, Myths, Symbols ............................................................................................ 33 2.5 National Models and Indigenous Contentious Politics in Canada .................................... 37 2.6 Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 47 Chapter 3 Micromobilization: Interpreting the Occupation .......................................................... 49 3.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 49 3.2 Theories of Ethno-Political Mobilization ......................................................................... 51 3.3 Macro-Foundations of Micro-Politics ............................................................................... 57 3.4 Leadership ......................................................................................................................... 60 3.5 Causes ............................................................................................................................... 61 3.6 Evolution and Resilience .................................................................................................. 63 3.7 Counter-Protesters ............................................................................................................. 66 v 3.8 Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 69 Chapter 4 Continuity in Indigneous-Settler Relations (Contact-1960) ......................................... 71 4.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 71 4.2 The Cooperative Period .................................................................................................... 72 4.3 The Character of Conflict (Contact-1760) ........................................................................ 77 4.4 William Johnson and the Royal Proclamation .................................................................. 79 4.5 “Pontiac's War” ................................................................................................................. 81 4.6 The End of the Cooperative Period ................................................................................... 84 4.7 The Control Period ............................................................................................................ 86 4.8 After the War of 1812 ....................................................................................................... 88 4.9 Changes in Indian Administration .................................................................................... 89 4.10 Continuity in Intergroup Relations ................................................................................... 92 4.11 The "Northwest Rebellion" ............................................................................................... 97 4.12 Indigenous Protest during the Control Period ................................................................. 100 4.13 Conclusions ..................................................................................................................... 105 Chapter 5 Critical
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