The Role of Religion in Development: the Case of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands from 1890 to 1968

The University of Dodoma University of Dodoma Institutional Repository http://repository.udom.ac.tz

Humanities Doctoral Theses

2014 The role of religion in development: the case of christianity in the Matengo highlands from 1890 to 1968

Kapinga, Mandiluli Osmund

The University of Dodoma

Kapinga, M. O. (2014). The role of religion in development: the case of christianity in the Matengo highlands from 1890 to 1968 (Doctoral thesis). The University of Dodoma, Dodoma. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12661/986 Downloaded from UDOM Institutional Repository at The University of Dodoma, an open access institutional repository. THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN DEVELOPMENT:

THE CASE OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE MATENGO

HIGHLANDS FROM 1890 TO 1968

Mandiluli Osmund Kapinga

A Thesis Submitted for Award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History

of the University of Dodoma

The University of Dodoma October, 2014 CERTIFICATION

The undersigned certify that they have read and hereby recommend for acceptance by the University of Dodoma thesis entitled: ―The Role of Religion in Development: the case of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands from 1890 to 1968” in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History of the University of Dodoma.

………………………………………………………………… Professor Eginald P.A.N. Mihanjo SUPERVISOR

………………………………………………………...... Dr. Sinda Hussein Sinda SUPERVISOR

Date …………………………………….…………

DECLARATION

AND

I Mandiluli Osmund Kapinga, declare that this thesis is my own original work and that it has not been presented and will not be presented to any other University for a similar or any other degree award.

Signature …………………………………………

No part of this thesis may be reproduced, stolen in any retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written permission of the author or the University of Dodoma.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This thesis is the result of efforts by several individuals and institutions. I therefore take this opportunity to thank them all who in one way or another assisted me in the production of this work. Some persons who participated in this work as informants have passed away, may God rest their souls in eternal peace.

For the accomplishment of this task my sincere gratitude goes to God who provided me with strength and courage to overcome all challenges in this endeavor. Without

His support and endless blessing this work would not been possible.

Secondly, I thank the University of Dodoma (UDOM) for allowing and sparing me time to pursue this programme and assisting in funding the fees and supervision components of the research. Without which the programme would have been extremely a heavy load to shoulder.

Thirdly, I am deeply indebted to Dr. Sinda Hussein Sinda, of The University of

Dodoma and Professor Eginald P.A.N. Mihanjo of National Defence College of

Tanzania for being critical but helpful supervisors from the beginning of development of this thesis. In particular, I commend Dr. Sinda for his direction to the research inquiry from the socio-economic perspective. I am deeply indebted to

Professor Mihanjo for his guidance in shaping the study from historical science point of view hence adding the historical flavor to the study. Professor Joshua S.

Madumullah the founding Dean of School of Humanities was so inspirational towards the success of this study. His successor Professor Frowin P. Nyoni deserves mention for taking trouble to read the drafts and provide useful comments which helped to shape this research. He did not hesitate to grant me permission whenever I

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requested to go to collect data. Members of Department of History (UDOM), School of Humanities and students provided encouragement, inspiration and useful comments during the preliminary presentations of the research proposal. To them all

I owe many thanks.

I also extend my deep gratitude to my infomants in the Matengo highlands. These include the respondents at Kigonsera, Litembo, Mbinga, Nangombo, and Maguu parishes. The Peramiho Abbatia administration and specifically Retired Abbot

Lambert Doerr allowed me to get some data from their archives and also allowed me to interview them.

The National Archives of Tanzania (TNA) deserves my sincere gratitude for allowing me to use the abundant resources at their disposal. The staff at TNA offered me great support searching for files from the cabinet shelves full of dust. I avail special thanks to them all.

My wife Asela and my children Asumpta, Michael and Noela made a lot of sacrifices and took the whole burden of the success of this work as their own. They were patient and lovely during my work hence making it less cumbersome. To all of them

I extend my deep gratitude for this success.

DEDICATION

I dedicate this PhD thesis to late parents, my father Silvanus Mandiluli Kapinga and my mother Martina Sumuni Kapinga, who despite having no formal education except rudimentary Christian teachings; encouraged and inspired me to go to school. They sacrificed the meager income they had to finance my education. Being the second generation of Christians in the Matengo Highlands, my parents raised and molded me in an accepted Christian life and morally accepted values. What I am today is a reflection to a great extent of their moral obligations as parents. My late parents never lived to witness the fruits of their dedicated efforts which have produced this thesis.

ABSTRACT

This study investigated on the role of Christianity (Roman Catholic Mission) and the extent to which it influencedin the socio-economic development of the Matengo

Highlands. This study analyzed the evolution, existence, practice and role of traditional religious values and missionary (Germans nationals) strategy of conversion through the support of German colonial administration.The study further investigated why during the British colonial rule up to 1945 there was phenomenal expansion of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. The study also investigated why from 1950s Missionaries prepared smooth transition to indigenous clergy, local church and finally in 1968 the missionaries retreated to Peramiho Abbatia. The evidence gathered through archival, observation, group discussion, interviews and the secondary data methods concluded that until 1918 when German Benedictines were interned and finally deported to German in 1920 Christianity did not yet had root in the Matengo Highlands. But the mission centers rose from 2 in 1926 to 12 in

1968, the number of converts rose from 4000 in 1920 to 150,000 in 1968 subsequently ranking number one in the whole of Tanzania.

Until 1961 when independence was achieved in Tanzania, the Matengo Highlands did not have any education and health services apart from those offered by the

Roman Catholic missionaries. However, evidence does not conclude that these services were liberative and developmental to Wamatengo. To the contrary evidence suggests that Christianity made Matengo people dependent and submissive to missionaries. When in early 1969 the missionaries retired to Peramiho Abbatia, the

Matengo remained helpless and dependent.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CERTIFICATION ...... i

DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT ...... ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... iii

DEDICATION ...... v

ABSTRACT ...... vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vii

LIST OF TABLES ...... xiv

LIST OF PLATES ...... xvi

LIST OF MAPS ...... xvii

LIST OF APPENDICES ...... xviii

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... xx

CHAPTER ONE ...... 1

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

1.0 Introduction ...... 1

1.1 Background to the Problem ...... 4

1.2 The Statement of the Problem ...... 30

1.3 Objectives of the Study ...... 35

1.4 Rationale of the Study ...... 37

1.5 Significance of the Study ...... 41

1.6 Theoretical Framework and Literature Review ...... 42

1.6.1 Theoretical Framework on Religion and Development Linkage ...... 42

1.6.2 Views of Traditionalists on Religion and Development ...... 49

1.6.3 Views of the Modernists on Religion and Development ...... 50

1.6.4 Views on Religion and Development in Developing Countries ...... 52

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1:7 Empirical Reviews ...... 55

1.7.1 Studies on Religion and Development ...... 55

1.7.2 Studies on Religion and Development in the Matengo Highlands ...... 60

1.7.3 Conceptual Framework ...... 64

1.7.4 The Knowledge Gap...... 66

1.8 Research Methodology ...... 66

1.8.1 Location of the Study ...... 69

1.8.2 The Study Population ...... 70

1.8.3 Sampling Procedure and Sample Size ...... 72

1.9 Validity and Reliability ...... 76

1.10 Data Processing and Analysis ...... 78

1.11 Ethical Issues ...... 79

1.12 Conclusion ...... 79

CHAPTER TWO...... 81

THE HISTORY OF PRE-COLONIAL MATENGO HIGHLANDS UP TO THE COLONIAL CONQUEST (1850s-1890s)...... 81

2.1 Introduction ...... 81

2.2 The History of Matengo Highlands before Colonial Conquest...... 81

2.2 The Evolution of Religion in the Matengo Highlands ...... 88

2.3 Studies on Religion and Development in the Matengo Highlands ...... 90

2.4 Location of the Area ...... 90

2.5 Demographic Dynamics of the Matengo Highlands ...... 92

2.6 The Economic Organization...... 93

2.7 Socio-Political Organization ...... 96

2.8 Evolution of Transcendental Sense (Religious Ideas) in the Matengo Highlands 99

2.9 Conclusion ...... 110

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CHAPTER THREE ...... 112

THE INTRODUCTION AND SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE MATENGO HIGHLANDS DURING THE GERMAN RULE (1890S TO 1918) ...... 112

3.0 Introduction ...... 112

3.1 Evolution of Religion ...... 113

3.2 Origin of Christianity ...... 114

3.3 Christianity in Africa ...... 114

3.4 Benedictine Missionaries in German East Africa ...... 115

3.5 The Formation of the Benedictines of St. Ottilien 1884 ...... 116

3.6 The Treaty between Fr. Amrhein and Dr. Carl Peters April 1887 ...... 118

3.7 Carl Peters in German East Africa ...... 120

3.8 DOAG Invites the German Benedictines of St. Ottilien to Tanganyika 1887. .. 121

3.9 The History of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands ...... 127

3.10 History of Evangelization in the Matengo Highlands ...... 128

3.11 The Introduction of Christianity by the Benedictines of St. Ottilien ...... 129

3.12 Background to the Work of Evangelization in the Matengo Highlands ...... 145

3.13 The German Occupation in the Matengo Highlands ...... 150

3.14 The Missionary Enterprise in the Matengo Highlands...... 157

3.15 Theoretical Approaches to Conversion to Christianity ...... 159

3.16 Conversion in Africa ...... 160

3.17 Conversion in the Matengo Highlands ...... 162

3.18 Why Matengo Were Reluctant to Accept Christianity before 1918? ...... 173

3.19 Christianity and Socio-economic Development of the Matengo Highlands up to

1918 ...... 180

3.20 Development of Missionary Education ...... 185

3.21 The Medical Services in the Matengo Highlands ...... 194

3.22 Christianity and Construction of Infrastructure in the Matengo Highlands ..... 195

3.23 Christianity and Marriages ...... 196

3.24 Conclusion ...... 198

CHAPTER FOUR ...... 200

CHRISTIANITY IN THE MATENGO HIGHLANDS DURING THE BRITISH PERIOD 1919 TO 1950...... 200

4.0 Introduction ...... 200

4.1 Christianity in the Context of World Wars...... 200

4.2 The Missionary Work in the Matengo Highlands 1919-1950s ...... 204

4.3 The Return of German Benedictine Missionaries ...... 221

4.4 The British Government and Christianity in the Matengo Highlands ...... 236

4.5 Indirect Rule in the Matengo Highlands ...... 238

4.6 British Administration and Infrastructure ...... 240

4.7 British Rule and Social Services ...... 242

4.8 Phenomenal Progress and Continuities in the Matengo Highlands during

British Rule ...... 250

4.9 Conclusion ...... 265

CHAPTER FIVE ...... 266

TRANSITION FROM MISSIONARY TO AFRICAN OR LOCAL CHRISTIANITY 1950-1968 ...... 266

5.1 Introduction ...... 266

5.2 Things that Entailed Transition from Mission Christianity to Local Church .... 266

5.3 Mission Christianity ...... 268

5.4 Mission Christianity in African Context ...... 269

5.5 Reasons for Transition from Mission Christianity to African Christianity ...... 272

5.5.1 The International Situation – Religious Revivalism ...... 272

5.5.2Nazism and Fascism ...... 273

5.5.3 Second World War ...... 274

5.5.4 The Second Vatican Council ...... 275

5.5.5 Secularization Process in Europe and America...... 277

5.5.6 Communism and Cold War ...... 278

5.6 Reasons for Transition from African Context ...... 280

5.6.1The Second Vatican Council ...... 280

5.6.2African Church Facing Crisis ...... 281

5.6.3Popes‘ Attitude to Local Church in Africa...... 281

5.6.4Decolonization of Africa and Transition to Local Church ...... 283

5.6.5 Colonial Governments ...... 286

5.7 Tanzania Situation ...... 287

5.7.1Decolonization Process ...... 288

5.7.2 Second Vatican in Tanzania ...... 292

5.7.3 Economic Transformation of Africans ...... 293

5.8 Transition to Local Church in the Matengo Highlands ...... 294

5.8.1 Education ...... 306

5.8.2Economic Transformation in the Matengo Highlands ...... 313

5.8.3Political Transformation in the Matengo Highlands ...... 328

5.8.4Decolonization, the Colonial State and the Missionaries in the Matengo

Highlands ...... 337

5.8.5Response of Missionaries to TANU...... 345

5.8.6 Missionaries in the Midst of the Arusha Declaration ...... 347

5.8.7Response of Matengo to Transition Process ...... 353

5.9Conclusion ...... 360 xi

CHAPTER SIX ...... 362

CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN THE MATENGO HIGHLANDS ...... 362

6.0 Introduction ...... 362

6.1Development Paradigms ...... 366

6.2 What is development? ...... 371

6. 3 Perception of Development in the Matengo Highlands ...... 372

6.4 Religion and Development ...... 379

6.5 Christianity and Socio-economic Development in the Matengo Highlands ...... 383

6.6 Christianity and Social Services Development in the Matengo Highlands ...... 384

6.7 Christianity and Spiritual Values Development in the Matengo Highlands ...... 384

6.8 Roman Catholic Church Perception on Development ...... 387

6.9 Developmental Role of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands 1890s to 1968 390

6.10 Christianity and Infrastructure Development in the Matengo Highlands ...... 391

6.11 Christianity and Education in the Matengo Highlands ...... 393

6.13 Christianity and Health Sector in the Matengo Highlands ...... 396

6.10 Christianity and Spiritual Values in the Matengo Highlands ...... 397

6.12 ‗Mission‘ vis-à-vis ‗Bomani‘ ...... 402

6.13 Conclusion ...... 410

CHAPTER SEVEN ...... 413

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS ...... 413

7.1 Introduction ...... 413

7.2 Inferences from the findings ...... 417 xii

7.3 Conclusion ...... 420

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 424

APPENDICES ...... 442

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1: Administrative arrangement of the Matengo Highlands ...... 74

Table 1.2: Description of Respondents Involved in the Study ...... 75

Table 3.1: Development of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands During German

Rule ...... 185

Table 3.2: Development of Christian Education in the Matengo Highlands from .. 188

Table 3.3: Christian Marriages up to 1919 ...... 196

Table 4.1: Mission Centers of Umatengo...... 205

Table 4.2: Mission Personnel: Priests ...... 211

Table 4.3: Schools Registered in the Matengo Highlands ...... 214

Table 4.4: Mission Personnel, the Group of Brothers ...... 216

Table 4.5: Mission Stations Established from 1926 to 1939 (2nd Phase of

Benedictines‘ work) ...... 223

Table 4.6: Annual Totals of Marriages 1926-1968 ...... 228

Table 4.7: Outbreak of Epidemics in the Matengo Highlands ...... 248

Table 4.8: Catechumen Class of Lihiso Bush School 1942 ...... 257

Table 5.1: Mission Station in the Matengo Highlands (1899-1968) ...... 297

Table 5.2: Growth of Christianity in the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho ...... 300

Table 5.3: Marriages in the Matengo Highlands, Selected Missions ...... 305

Table 5.4: Schools Existing in the Matengo Highlands ...... 307

Table 5.5: Sub-Grade Schools under Roman Catholic 1950s ...... 310

Table 5.6: Summary of Kent Coffee Planting in 1935 in the Matengo Highlands .. 315

Table 5.7: Ngoni-Matengo Cooperative Marketing Union Ltd (Coffee Handled by

Ngaka Cooperative Society – Unregistered) ...... 316

Table 5.8: Coffee Tree Census in Umatengo Highlands 1952 (31.3.1952) ...... 320

Table 5.9: Polygamous Marriages in 1968...... 323

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Table 5.10: Matengo Paramount Chiefdom ...... 332

Table 5.11: Matengo Native Treasury, Tribal Administration Personal

Emoluments ...... 334

Table 5.12: Schedule of TANU Meetings in Umatengo 1959 ...... 343

Table 5.13: Schedule of TANU Meetings in Umatengo 1960 ...... 344

Table 6.1: Mission social services...... 406

LIST OF PLATES

Plate 3.1: Plaque Erected at the Place of Battle between Wamatengo and

Wangoni 1885 ...... 148

Plate 3.2: Litembo Parish Church ...... 190

Plate 3.3: Peramiho Abbey ...... 191

Plate 3.4: Mbinga Bishop‘s Church ...... 191

Plate 3.5: Nangombo Parish Church ...... 192

Plate 3.6: Mbinga Parish Church...... 192

Plate 3.7: Lituhi Parish ...... 193

Plate 3.8 Kigonsera Parish ...... 193

Plate 3.9: Maguu Parish ...... 193

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LIST OF MAPS

Map 1.1: Mbinga District ...... 91

Map 4.1: Administration Groups of Songea District as at 1926 ...... 237

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LIST OF APPENDICES

Annex 1a: Ecclesiastical and Secular Administrative Structure of Umatengo ...... 442

Annex 2: Interview Guide 1 ...... 443

Annex 3: Oral Sources Guide for Wapenga utunu, Clan Heads,Ttraditional Religion

Leaders, Magicians, Witches, Sorcerers and Healers...... 449

Annex 4: Documentary Review List ...... 449

Annex 5: Observation Checklist for Socio-economic Related Items Basic Christian

Communities and Hamlet ...... 450

Annex 6: Archival Sources ...... 451

Annex 7: Kilau System (Clan Names) in the Matengo Highlands ...... 452

Annex 8: Deutsch Ostafrika: Reich Commissioners and Governors ...... 453

Annex 9:Memorandum of Understanding between Benedictines and Bismarck power 1887 ...... 454

Annex 10: Interview guide for Division Executive Officer, Ward Executive Officer and Village Executive Officer and Retired Ones ...... 455

Annex 11: Interview Guide for Bishop and Retired Bishop 1A ...... 458

Annex 12: Coffee Rules ...... 460

Annex 13: Glossary of Matengo Words ...... 461

Annex 14: Interview Guide for Local Rulers, Healers, Wapenga Utunu ...... 462

Annex 15: Interview Guide for MonksNnuns and Retired Monks/Nuns...... 464

Annex 16: Interview Guide for Parish priests and Retired Priests ...... 465

Annex 17: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Members of Outstation

Committee and Basic Christian Community ...... 469

Annex 18: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Believers/Followers of Traditional

Religion, Magician, Sorcerers, Healers and Witches ...... 470

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Annex 19: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Members of Hamlet and Ordinary

People ...... 470

Annex 20: Pope‘s Approval ...... 471

Annex 21: Interview guide for Division Executive Officer, Ward Executive Officer and Village Executive Officer and Retired Ones ...... 474

Annex 22: Interview Guide Catechist and Retired Catechist ...... 477

Annex 23: Interview Guide for District Officials - Incumbent and Retired Civil

Servants ...... 479

Annex 24: List of Respondents ...... 481

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AMNUT - All-Muslim National Union of Tanganyika

APA - Archives of Peramiho Abbey

ATR - Arfican Traditional Religion

BCE- Before Common Era

CE - Common Era

CIDA - Canadian International Development Agency

CKO - Chronik de Kongregation von St. Ottilien

CMS - Church Mission Society

DANIDA - Danish International Development Agency

DFID - Department For International Development

DOA - Deutsch-Ostafrika

DOAG - Deutsch-Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft

FBO - Faith-Based Organization

Fr. - Father

IMF - International Monetary Fund

MANCU - Wamatengo Native Cooperative Union

MF – Micro Film

Msgr. - Monsignor

NGO - Non-Governmental Organization

OCMS - Oxford Centre for Mission Studies.

OSB - Order of Saint Benedictine

RAD - Religion and Development

RC - Roman Catholic xx

SDA - Seventh Day Adventist

SDB - Songea District Book

TANU - Tanganyika AfricanNationl Union

TEC - Tanzania Episcopal Conference

TNA - The National Archives of Tanzania

TNR - Tanganyika Notes and Records,

UDOM - The University of Dodoma

UDSM - University of Dar-es-Salaam

UMCA - Universities Mission to Central Africa

UNRISD - United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

URL - Uniform Resource Locator

URT - United Republic of Tanzania

UTP - United Tanganyika Party

UVIKAMBI - Umoja wa Vijana Katoliki Mbinga

VDC - Village Development Committee

WB - World Bank

WFDD - World Faiths Development Dialogue,

WW - World War I & II

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION 1.0 Introduction This study examined the historical process that led to the Matengo Highlands become an area with remarkable socio-economic development in South Western Tanzania. It argues that the socioeconomic progress achieved in the Matengo Highlands is tied to the dynamics brought in by the introduction and the spread of Christianity which transformed the existing spiritual and material base existing hitherto the coming of

Christianity. To situate the process in a proper historical context the study traces the development of Christianity in the region and identifies four phases in the Matengo

Highlands. Specific historical processes influenced the conditions under which

Christian religion operated and hence producing the type of transformations which consequently the Matengo people experienced. To gain deeper understanding of the interactions between Matengo society, Christian religion and socio-economic development one needs to consider the essence, practice and historicity of

Christianity and society. It is important to explore their past and present states of existence and the manner in which they have historically interacted.1 First, the study starts with an overview of universal characteristics and features of religion in general and Christianity in particular. It goes on to discuss how Christianity ideas, values, practices informed socio-economic development in the pre-colonial Matengo context.

The period at the time of contact with Christianity is contextualized by looking at the characteristics of the Matengo society as it was transforming itself in the

1 Yusuph Lawi and Patrick Masanja, African Traditional Religions in Tanzania: Essence, Practice and the Encounter with Modernization, in Mukandala, et al (Eds.), Justice Rights and Worship: Religion and Politics in Tanzania, REDET, E&D Limited, 2006:74 1

development of world view and transcendental feelings which formed the material base of its socio-economic and political transformation. The study further discusses the manner in which colonial and post-colonial modernization influenced the practice of Christianity and their interactions with socio-economic development.

Secondly, the period between 1890 and 1918 was a phase characterized by the introduction of Christianity by missionaries of Benedictine Fathers who forcefully and aggressively demolished the traditional religious institutions of the Matengo

Highlands with little success. The Matengo society being solid in their transcendental feelings was a hard rock to break easily despite the German colonial state massive support to the missionaries who apparently were German nationals.

Thirdly, a period from 1919 was characterized by the change of colonial power from

German to British. The Benedictines were interned and finally deported to Germany by the new antagonistic colonial power. This somewhat broke the continuity in the establishment of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. Ironically this phase was characterized by phenomenal growth and expansion of Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands. This expansion and consolidation was achieved due to changing perception of Christianity by Matengo people. The White Fathers missionaries introduced material incentives and opening up social service facilities which attracted

Matengo people into joining the new religion.

Finally, the success of the Benedictines in the Matengo Highlands prepared conditions for their being rendered redundant. It was this redundancy and other historical reasons internally and externally generated, which called for a transition to

local church between 1945 and 1968. The success was accordingly because the whole Umatengo was converted into Christianity with an exception of few old people who were still adamant to the new religion though they had agreed to baptize their children and also took them to mission schools. Consequently, the pre-Christian

Matengo society was transformed into one of the leading Christian society in

Tanzania with more than 85% of population boasting as Christians at least materially.

The spiritual attributes of these Christians leaves much to be desired because syncretism was and still is so strong among Wamatengo people.2

The study concludes that Christian religion brought in the Matengo Highlands new package of social, cultural and economic components which transformed the

Matengo society‘s life style and caused the disintegration of the existing mode of production. This transformation was the basis for the socio-economic changes which evolved in each phase depending on the strategies and tactics the missionaries applied in pulling the Matengo into Christianity. But also the Matengo were not passive recipients of the new innovations. They were always cautious at each stage of incorporation by being selective on what to incorporate and what is not to accept.

That is why at the period of transition the missionaries were worried as to the new faith would be sustainable after seeing that in 1960s there was recourse to polygamous marriages and witchcraft cleansing. Fr. Gregory Mgeni made a research in late 1950s and early 1960s while working in Mbinga and Mkumbi parishes. He found strong recourse to witchcraft beliefs among Wamatengo people.3

2 TEC, Catholic Directory of Tanzania, 2006:146 3 Jimbo Katoliki Mbinga, Ustawi wa Enjili Jimbo la Mbinga Kuelekea Mwaka 2000, Peramiho Printing Press, 1997:40 3

1.1 Background to the Problem There were and still are many divergent views, questions and doubts about the theme

―Religion and Development‖ then and now, specifically on the historical role religion plays in development process. The views revolve around all religions in the world.

The most dominant in the discourse are Islam, Buddhism, Christianity and African

Traditional Religions. 4 Institutions such as the World Bank and International

Monetary Fund initiated the World Faiths Development Dialogue, 5 formation of

Faith Based Organizations, International Non-Governmental Organization, 6 a

Mammoth Faith and Development Project Consortium sponsored by the Department

For International Development (DFID) – United Kingdom, Dutch Ministry of

Foreign Affairs formed a Knowledge Forum on Religion and Development Policy for

Netherlands, and Institute of Social Studies established the Chair for Religion and

Development in Netherlands.7

These institutions, scholars, development practitioners, academics, policy makers, theologians, economists, sociologists, and lawyers, have been posing questions on the role of religion in development. Such questions as: Why God is winning?8 Why there is a remarkable comeback of religion?9 Is religion detrimental to economic growth?10 Is God dead? Does religion have a place in today‘s world?11

4 For these discussions the following are cases in place. The Established Institute of Social Studies to deal with religious studies in Netherlands and the Religion and Development Research Programme Consorttium organized research partenership on religion and development. 5 UNRISD, Wolfensohn and Marshall, 2005 6 Jeff Haynes, Religion, Fundamentalism and Ethnicity, A Global Perspective, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), 2008 7 Haar, Religion and Development What‘s in Two Names Symposium on the 10th Anniversary of the Chair of Religion and Development, 11 June 2009. Established Institute of Social Studies to deal with religious studies. 8 Shah Samuel and Monica Duffy Toft, (July/August 2006), Why God is Winning, Foreign Policy.2006:39-41 9 Jack van Ham, Speech, Religion and development cooperation: a devil of a job? 2010. 10McCleary, Rachel M. (2008) ‗Religion and economic Development‘, Policy Review no. 148, 2008. 4

The reasons for these questions being asked and the timing of which are based on the following grounds. Beginning from the 16th century enlightenment movement and development of science and technology, as articulated by Discartes, 1596-1650,

Kepler, 1571-1630, Galilee, 1564-1642, and Newton 1642-1727, reformation movement within the church, as advocated by Martin Luther, 1483-1546; John

Calvin, 1509-1564 and philosophies of humanism, empiricism, and rationalism theorized by John Locke, 1632-1704, David Hume, 1711-76, Francis Bacon, 1596-

1626, Berkeley, and John Stuart Mill combined to challenge role of Christian religion. This position was contrary to hitherto providential thought that God and religion directed the workings of the world.

During the age of mature capitalism (1850-1914) scholars held a strong conviction that societies would secularize as they are modernized, urbanized and industrialized.12 This conviction dominated through post – Second World War when

Western Europe witnessed tremendous growth in science and technology at the expense of religion. Post-World War II reconstruction initiative accelerated dramatic decline of Christian religious faith and consequently growing secularization. Extreme views on secularization are found in Hume (1757 [1993]) and Freud (1927), who viewed religious beliefs as mainly a reflection of fear and ignorance. They were of the opinion that the problem of society can better be solved by science and technology.13

11Wikipedia, 2010. 12 Weber 1905 [1930], cf. McCleary and Barro, 2006. 13 Hume (1757 [1993]) and Freud 1927, 5

The neglect of religion was reinforced by the decline of the working class ideology of Marxism and the ascendance of neo-liberal economic policies in the 1980s, associated with a renewed emphasis on economic growth, reliance on the market and a reduced role for the state.

The failure of economic theories14 and development models which were materialistic vision in nature was another reason. These theories and models were adapted to address the problem of development of the world. The failure was revealed in the fact that the problems facing humanity have increased. Besides, the gap between rich and poor has widened. The living conditions of many people especially in developing nations were extremely poverty stricken, social services were dramatically collapsing, most of the third world nations were heavily indebted and the states were unable to provide the services. Most of the dialogues were contemporary and they were becoming so strong from 1945. This period was marked with consolidation of capitalism as a dominant mode of production resulting into overdominance of poverty. Inherent contradictions both intra and inter imperialist crisis were the order of the day. Socialism as an ideology of working class was also dramatically collapsing. Religion was anticipated to be as an alternative dominant ideology and be used to mobilize the poor masses in solving their poverty problem.15

Tied into this challenge the solution among scholars, development practitioners,

World Bank, International Monetary Fund, development experts, development

14 Carole Rakodi, Obstacle or Opportunity? Religion and Development, Bond Networking for International Development, 2008:1, cf. Stephen Ellis and Gerrie ter Haar, Religion and Development in Africa, 2004, cf. Hottel Stenson Eslov, Gender, Religion and Development, Gadnet Dreamcatcher, 2008, cf. Sriya Iyer, Religion and Economic Development, University of Cambridge, 2007 15 A.M.Babu, African Socialism or African SocialismWalter TPH, Dar-es-Salaam, 1981,: 27-31. 6

partners, hyper institutions and developed nations which are involved in the practice of development, have recently brought to the fore the question of religion and development in Africa in general and Tanzania in particular. They highlight the contribution, or potential contribution of religion to development.16 They insisted that there is a need to shift the prevalent development paradigm and bring in new thinking which could incorporate spiritual dimension of human existence.17 It was believed that religion as a system of knowledge and practice was in position to complement science in bringing prosperity to all mankind.18

There has been a claim that there is re-emergence, or an upsurge in the study of religion as an important framework in studying other aspects of human life of political aspects, human rights, economic and social lives in the 1990s. Many researches, studies, workshops, and seminars are being conducted on the role of religion on the lives of human beings.19 Among the important areas which these discussions have been focusing into, is the role of religion in development. The reason they advance is that there is a coming back, resurgence and a revival of religion without telling the coming back from where.20 Worse enough sometimes the coming back and religious revivalism were associated with religious

16 Amos Mhina, Religion and Development in Tanzania (RAD), a Preliminary Literature Review, UDSM, 2007:2, cf. Stephen Ellis and Gerrie ter Haar, The Role of Religion in Development: Towards a New Relationship between the European Union and Africa, The European Journal of Development Research, Vol. 18, No. 3, 2006:351-367 17 Katherine Marshall, Faith and Development: Rethinking Development Debates, World Bank, 2005:7 URL: http://web.worldbank.org 18 Institute for Studies in Global Prosperity, Inc. Science, Religion, and Development: Promoting a Discourse in India, Brazil, and Uganda, Copyright © 2010,:7 URL www.globalprosperity.org 19 Haar, 2004, Barro, 2004, Marshall, 2005, Mukandala, 2006, Mhina, 2007 20 Tanja Elingsen, Toward a Revival of Religion and Religious Clashes, in Terrorism and Political Violence 17, Routledge Taylor and Francis Group, 2005:306 7

fundamentalism, terrorism, Kibwetereism,21 and other negative acts of the individual religious leaders.

How useful are the questions being asked from other disciplines as indicated in the discussion above and how are they related to the concerns of historical study? Some historical explanations have to be sought for why these institutions and individuals who were very negative against incorporating religion in development discourse. In their rebuttals they claimed that religion and ethnicity were local and traditional forms of social identities22 which are peripheral and even retrograde.23 The historicity and timing of the dialogue and intensification of discussion on allowing religion as part of development discourse has also to be problematized. The historicity of the discussion is the period of economic crisis from 1945 as a result of ramification of the Second World War. Capitalism as a world system was closely challenged by working class struggles in 18820s to1900s and the communist bloc under Union of

Socialist Soviet Republics. There were inbuilt contradictions within the capitalist system revolving around need for cheap raw materials, market and investment areas.

But the imperialist camp also experienced the intra-imperialist contradictions due to perpetual struggles between development of productive forces and the relation of production. There were also changes in the imperialist forces and the mode of imperialist operation. To solve these crises, capitalists resort to use religious ideologyas a key component of mode of production. These are the same people who at one historical epoch discredited the role of religion in development, but now are the same people advocating the incorporation of religion in development discourse.

21 Kibwetere was a religious leader in Uganda who massacred all his followers in a closed worship house which was deliberately set ablaze as a fulfillment of God‘s order. 22 David Apter, The Politics of Modernization, Chicago University Press, Chicago,1965 23 Katherine Marshall, op.cit. :7 8

There was a failure in the part of state to deliver the expected goods in the third world countries. There was corruption, embezzlement of public funds, collapse of social services and infrastructure, indebtedness and massive demands for assistance from developed nations. The same institutions and individuals who were for secularization and who argued that religion was an impediment to modernization and socio-economic development are the same people who are coming with agencies of

Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs) and Christian and Islamic NGOs which can play constructive role in development24 to assist the third world countries in bringing sustainable development. But the reality is that these agencies are not developmental rather instruments of imperialism. In the Matengo Highlands both the German and

British colonial governments viewed Christianity as an agent of modernization in introducing cash crops (coffee and wheat), introducing and running schools, removing paganism through evangelization and removing witchcraft through introduction of western medical services.25 There was a very strong link between the colonial state and missionaries in the Matengo Highlands as the Dr. Livingstone‘s three (3) Cs thesis namely Christianity, Civilization and Commerce.26 In serving colonialism, the church often took up the role of arbiter of what was culturally correct. African ancestral beliefs were equated with the devil (who was black anyway), and it took a very long time before some European churchmen accepted

24 Stephen Ellis and Gerrie ter Haar, Religion and Development in Africa, 2004:8-9. Cf. Mohamed Bakari and Laurean Ndumbaro, Religion and Governance in Tanzania: The Post – Liberalization era, in Rwekaza Mukandala et al. (eds). Justice Rights and Worship: Religion and Politics in Tanzania, REDET, E&D Limited, 2006:334 25 TNA, Annual Reports of British colonial government 1920, 1921, 1923, 1925, 1926, 1944, cf. Acc. 155 District Office Songea – Education Committee Meetings 1946, 1947, 1949, 1951, 1952, 1953, 1954, 1955, 1956, 1957, 1958, 1959, 1960 and 1961 cf. UDSM, Annual Reports – Deutsch-Ostafrika (DOA) about the Development of German East Africa, 1901/02, 1902/03, 1903/04, 1905/06, 1907/08, 1908/09, 1909/10 26 Dr. David Livingstone, Cambridge Speech of December 1857, in Rev. J. E. Chambliss. The Life and Labors of David Livingstone LL.D, D.C.L. Covering his Entire Career in Southern and Central Africa. 1875:311 9

prevailing African beliefs as constituting religion rather than mere witchcraft and magic. However, in its hostility towards African cultural and religious manifestations, the Christian played some progressive role of discouraging practices such as killing twins and trial by ordeal were frowned upon by the European missionaries, and those were reflections of superstitious ideas rooted in an early stage of African development, when something like the birth of twins could not be scientifically explained, and, therefore, gave rise to religious fear.27

The African Traditional Matengo Religion was perceived by both colonial state and missionaries as an impediment and obstacle to modernization. 28 The colonial administrators supported the missionaries by offering land and created conditions for the Wamatengo to join the alien religion. Christanity would have taught the local people the work ethics.29 At the same time the pursuit of secularism in political sphere as was advocated in Europe and America was not advocated in the Matengo

Highlands. Have they forgotten the theories of development based on economic materialist vision they used to cherish from 1945? Are the development models they imposed on the third world counties no longer tenable?

The submission of this study is that religion and socio-economic development are historical construction taking place in every society as it is emphasized by Kuhn:

27 Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, TPH, Dar-es-Salaam, 1972:401 28TNA, British Annual Reports and UDSM German Annual Reports. The colonial administrations (both German and British) had an item in their Annual Reports commenting on the relationship between the colonial state and missionaries which according to Archival records was entirely satisfactory. 29 Annual Report DOA, 1902/1903, 1908/1909, 1909/1910 and TNA, AB. 16 Part 1733/15, Annuaal Report – Songea District 1923 10

―Every civilization of which we have records has possessed a technology, an art, a religion, a political system, laws and so on.‖30

This is also echoed by Rodney when he blatantly puts it thus: ―…as human beings battled with the material environment, they created forms of social relations, forms of government, patterns of behavior, and systems of belief which together constituted the superstructure.‖31

Each element in the superstructure interacted with other elements in the superstructure as well as with the material base. The two aspects, religion and socio- economic development are intricately woven together and they complement each other. There is no satisfactory definition of religion which allows us to separate it from political or economic or social life; nor can it be maintained seriously that Islam and Christianity have not become African Religion. Religion has been defined in many differing ways. Some use substantive definition which dwells on what religion is (beliefs, transcendental reality or spiritual being or sacred), religiosity and affiliation with religious organs.32 Many others apply functional definition which stresses on what religion does. It looks at the roles religion play in the construction of people‘s world views and social relationships, wider socio-political organizations which can be regarded negatively or positively. 33 In this study a compromise definition of religion is adopted and in this context religion is thus defined as culturally postulated attitudes, values, and practices based on more or less comprehensive view of powers beyond the physical world.34This is when people at particular stage of development start developing religious ideas to reflect the existing

30 Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions Third Edition, The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London, 1996:168 31 Water Rodney,op. cit.1972:9 32 Carole Rakodi, RAD, 2006:7 33 Ibid. RAD 2007:334 34 Lawi and Masanja, op. cit. 2006:74 11

material conditions. It is a specific system of belief about deity, often involving rituals, a code of ethics and philosophy of life and world view.35 A world view is a set of foundational beliefs concerning deity, humanity and the rest of the universe.

Thus we would consider Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Judaism, Confucianism,

African Traditional Religions, Native spirituality and other traditions as religions.

On the other hand socio-economic development is a component of development which is construed as change or transformation from low state of life with low level of appropriation of nature to upper stage of life advanced ability to appropriate nature. The change is both qualitative and quantitative. Development in human society is a many-sided process. At the level of the individual, it implies increased skill and capacity, greater freedom, creativity, self-discipline, responsibility, and material well-being. Some of these are virtually moral categories and are difficult to evaluate – depending, as they do on the age in which one lives, one's class origins, and one's personal code of what is wrong. However, what is indisputable is that the achievement of any of those aspects of personal development is very much tied in with the state of the society as a whole. From earliest times, man found it convenient and necessary to come together in groups to hunt and for the sake of survival. The relations which develop within any given social group are crucial to an understanding of the society as a whole. Freedom, responsibility and skill have real meaning only in terms of the relations of men in society. At the level of social groups, therefore, development implies an increasing capacity to regulate both internal and external relationships.36

35www.About.com accessed 2011 36 Walter Rodney, op. cit. 1972:7 12

Socio-economic development is the provision of basic needs to life including food, education, health, shelter, cloth, spiritual values, economic prosperity and security.

The purpose of which is human development in terms of economic growth and enabling environment to live long and healthy life, income, descent standard of living, self-respect, political freedom, human rights consumption and improvement of well-being. Assessing socio-economic impacts requires both quantitative and qualitative measurements of the impact of a proposed development. For example, a proposed development may increase employment in the community and create demand for more affordable housing. Both effects are easily quantifiable. Also of importance, however, are the perceptions of community members about whether the proposed development is consistent with a commitment to preserving the rural character of the community. Assessing community perceptions about development requires the use of methods capable of revealing often complex and unpredictable community values.

Religious beliefs and rituals are found in every human society. This implies that religious experience is a universal characteristic of human beings. The historical level of development of each society will determine the type and operationalization of their religion. The basic foundation of most ancient civilizations such as

Mesopotamia, Sumerians, Chinese, Indians, Greeks, Roman, Egyptians, Kush,

Sudanic states and many others was the existence of diverse religions.37 The history of which is testified on how religions consolidated the society by providing spiritual values, guidance to socio-economic development of these ancient civilizations. It is within these civilizations where the so-called universal religions evolved Buddhism

37 Robert Wenke, Pattern in Pre-History 3rd ed, Oxford University Press, Toronto,1990: 352-374 13

of North India, Judaism the religion of Jews, Islam the religion of Middle East and

Christianity based on Middle East thus labeled as historic religions as opposed to the so-called Primitive religions for primitive societies.38

The evolution of religion as Karl Marx putsit, was a product of the material conditions and social relationship that shape people‘s lives. Not the other way round.

The starting point of evolution of religion should be the material – concrete material condition which is man and his environment which is the concrete society and not ideas. The starting point of the first ever historical act, which initiated history, was an act of production that was designed to meet survival needs. Man involved in production of material life like food, shelter, cloth, education and security. To extract the material life man has to comprehend laws of nature hence developing science and technology. Laws of nature not well comprehended by man raise questions like what next after death, where does rain come from? What is the source of fertility and reproduction? Who determine gender? Why are there seasons? Some clever people invented answers based on personal guesses. Because they have no answers they ascribe to some powers somewhere hence creation of religion and God.39 History

(theory of society in transformation) recognizes that those material conditions and social relations are ever-changing in time and space. Hence the ideas (religion) will always keep on changing.

Furthermore, man a concrete material condition makes religion, religion does not make man. Religion is self-consciousness and self-esteem of man. Man is concrete not abstract being; man is the world which is man, state and society. Thus state and

38Mushi, op.cit. 2006 :20 39 Robert Bellah, Religion in Human Evolution, Harvard University Press, 2011 14

this society produce religion which is an inverted consciousness of the world. Marx‘s conception of religion is set in the light of his notion of the stages of history as a whole. First humans see themselves as a local community, with their local gods, then in the era of money and exploitation God Almighty rules over all. Finally there is no use for Him (God) as humans freely govern their own lives.40 This is the period which was referred to as secularization period by modernists, an epoch where religion will no longer count. All challenges facing humanity will be addressed by development of science and technology. For the Marxists, religion is an aspect of the superstructure of a society, deriving ultimately from the degree of control and understanding of the material world. When man thinks in religious terms, he starts from the ideal rather than with the material world (which is beyond his comprehension). This creates a non-scientific and metaphysical way of viewing the world, which often conflicts with the scientific materialist outlook and with the development of society.

Historically, the roles of religion in society were many including socio-economic development which enhances reproduction and sustainability of human society. What

Marx meant was that religion is false consciousness hence it is negative to society and impedes socio-economic development of society. Religion as a product of relations of human beings in production process forms an aspect of the superstructure of a society, deriving ultimately from the degree of control and understanding of the material world. The superstructure of the dominant class hence used to justify existing class exploitation.41 The Marxist view of religion is premised around the concept of social formation which rests on or a product of the economic base or

40 Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels, German Ideology, op. cit. 18 41 Walter Rodney, op. cit. 1973:55 15

mode of production which comprise of productive forces and relations of production.

The internal law of development of the modes of production began to be formulated in terms of the dialectical interaction of productive forces and relations of production.42 The interaction between productive forces and relations of production which is normally contradictory gave rise to superstructure which comprised of religion, laws, state, ideas and politics. For Marxists, religion is part and parcel of the dominant ideology of particular society and as dominant class ideology; it is used to suppress the exploited class. It is in the framework of this existing material condition in society or social formation, Marx proposes that Communism will abolish all eternal truths, it will abolish all religion, and all morality in human societies so as to promote socio-economic development of society where there won‘t be any exploitation or oppression.43 Marx died at the time when he anticipated the withering away of the state, religion and hence the triumph of communism. In the absence of

Marx and his Marxist ideology being vehemently challenged, the end of the cold war and the collapse of communist bloc, there was strong recourse to local identities like

Christianity, tribalism, ethnicity and racism as the alternative to address capitalist inherent crisis.

The fact that religion has always played role in shaping the socio-economic development in communities throughout human history is widely recognized.

However, the dynamics of these interactions and the specific ways in which these two variables interact have nevertheless varied in time and space.44 Christianity as religion has long history in socio-economic development across the world.

Christianity from its inception involved in the shaping of activities within society

42 Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels, The German Ideology. Text taken from Marxists.org. Written: Fall 1845 to mid-1846; First Published: 1932 (in full):6 43 Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels, The Manifestoof the Communist Party, 1848:26 44 Lawi and Masanja, op. cit. 2006:74 16

including production of the material goods and biological reproduction of the social formation. Other religions like Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism and ATRs also played similar role. God condemned Adam and Eve at the Garden of Eden that they will get their basic needs by sweat and blood.45 The same premise was the starting point of

Marx when he claimed that the basic component of human life is material production for his survival. Because it is production of material life that make human beings different from other primates unlike in the Bible which present work as a necessary evil,46 Marx presents production as a very revolutionary and noble activity which will liberate human society.

―This conception of history thus relies on expounding the real process of production-starting from the material production of life itself-and comprehending the form of intercourse connected with and created by this mode of production, i.e., civil society in its various stages, as the basis of all history;…‖47

Christianity played crucial role in socio-economic development during the Roman hegemony; Emperor Constantine had declared Roman Catholic religion as a state religion hence shaping inter alia socio-economic development policies which elevated Roman Empire to one of the towering ancient civilization between 300 BCE to 400 CE.48 Being a period of dominance of slave mode of production, Christianity played a crucial role to emancipate slaves as it was against Christian teachings that all human beings are equal before God. St. Augustine a bishop of Hippo, a small diocese near Carthage was a greatest theologian in the history of Christianity. He mobilized his people through Christian theology to get out of troubles, wars, famine

45 Genesis, 3:23-24 46 Genesis, 3:16-19 47 Marx and Engels, op. cit.:6 48 Emperor Constantine convened the ecumenical Council of Nicea (325 CE) which inclined him to Christianity. 17

and torture in the Mediterranean world. His work was able to drive his people to accept Christianity which promised prosperity.49 Throughout the European Middle

Ages, with the Crusades between Christians and Moslems giving an added excuse for enslaving people, Christianity played developmental role of struggling to liberate slaves and set them free.

The writings of Thomas Aquinas, notably the De Regno (De Regimine Principum) and Regem Cypri, written in 1267, dealt extensively with religion and public finance.

Indeed, some scholars have considered the ideas in this work, as in Aquinas‘s Summa

Theologica (1265–72), strikingly relevant for poverty reduction today; their themes of the ‗universal common good‘ and ‗global civil society‘ have implications for current debates about globalization and human development (Linden, 2003).

During the dark ages when Western Europe was in serious insecurity, many people sought refuge in monasteries and parishes. It was this system which consolidated the manorial system and feudal mode of production in Western Europe. Besides, the

Roman Catholic Church established relief facilities in the parishes which catered for the orphans, widows, poor and destitute. The parishes and monasteries used to provide relief through the work houses where able bodied poor were made to work in industry in return for food and other material life; relief through poor house or almshouse where the blind, old, orphans, lame and impotent were cared for; through the house of correction or prison where the idle poor and vagrants were taken for correction. All these institutions were under the church. Even the implementation of the Poor Laws was within the realm of the church. As a result Western Europe had

49 Schaff, Philip (1819-1893) (Editor), St Augustine, The City of God, 413 – 426 CE, Grand Rapids,1886:452 18

cultivated a culture popularly known as Christendom, a very unique socio-economic culture which was dominated by Christian ethos. From 16th century Western Europe entered renaissance and later enlightenment which challenged Christianity as a local identity and it was argued that it would be detrimental to development of science, technology and political development. 50 At this stage religion started being eliminated from the public scene, problems encountering human race were now solved by science and technology.

For centuries, scripture and theology were the focus of prodigious amounts of scholarship and publishing, dominated in the English-speaking world by the work of

Protestant Christians. Enlightenment philosophy and science, anthropology, ethnology and the colonial experience all brought new perspectives, lively debates and heated controversies to the study of religion and its role in the world, many of which continue to this day.51 This study explores the editing and interpretation of religious texts, the history of religious ideas and institutions, and not least the encounter between religion and socio-economic development.

The economic concern with religion and development is not new, nor is it restricted to scholars of the 21st century. The links between religion and development also feature in Joseph Schumpeter‘s History of Economic Analysis (1954). Jacques Le

Goff authored La Naissance du Purgatoire (1981), which argued that purgatory was a necessary religious innovation for medieval capitalist development. However, it was in 1904 that Max Weber put forward his famous theory of the Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism, arguing that economic development in northern Europe could be

50 Norbert Brockman S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J.A History of the Catholic Church, Paulines Publications Africa, Nairobi, 2004:97 51 Henry Drummond,The Ascent of Man, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2009: Introduction 19

explained by developments that were associated with the Protestantism – the concern with savings, entrepreneurial activity, the frugality which Puritanism demanded, and the literacy needed to read the scriptures. The essence of Weber‘s thesis was that nascent capitalism emerged in the 16th century in Europe on account of the

Protestant ethic which arose from the Reformation. Ascetic Protestantism encouraged diligence, discipline, self-denial and thrift. Both Lutheran and Calvinist doctrines urged adherents robustly to undertake their ‗calling‘. Spiritual grace from religion was attained by demonstrating temporal success in one‘s calling. The Protestant ethic thus involved the diligent undertaking of one‘s calling as a religious obligation, which promoted a work ethic that increased savings, capital accumulation, entrepreneurial activity, and investment, all of which in turn fostered economic development.52

The work of evangelization in Africa was done by different religious sects. Muslims who arrived mainly through trade contacts in North, west and East Africa made these areas predominantly Islam. Among the traits and values they adapted included

Arabic culture in dressing code, Arabic language, food and eating manners.53 The other sect was that of Europeans who originated from Portugal, Britain, France,

Germany, Holland, and many others. They established centers along the coast at

Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, Rabai, West, Central and South African coast. From the coastal centers the missionaries travelled inland where they established their centers.

Christian missionaries belonged to different denominations including the Roman

Catholics – the White Fathers, Benedictines, Consolata, Capchins, Jesuits,

52 Sriya Iyer, Religion and Economic Development, University of Cambridge.2007:4 53 Method Kilaini The Church in Africa and Tanzania in Particular, TEC, 1998, 2008 cf. Bengt Sundkler and Christopher Steed, A History of the Church in Africa, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK. 2000:651 20

Passionists, Pallotins and others. The Protestants included the Universities Mission to

Central Africa - UMCA, Church Mission Society – CMS, Lutherans, Moravians and

Seventh Day Adventist Church.

Christianity was introduced to Africa in three waves. The first wave marked the spread of Christianity throughout North Africa and Ethiopia. During the second wave was the time when the Portuguese were trying to extend their rule in the Indian

Ocean for commercial purposes in 16th and 17th centuries. The third wave of

Christianity in Africa was as part of colonial enterprise from the 19th century.54

Christianity illustrates best the contradictory role of religion in the social transformation of Africa as both a resource and a problem. On the resource side, there was no doubt that Christianity had been welcome and had grown because of its direct involvement in the development of Africa. Its role in the promotion of Western education at different levels - elementary, secondary, teacher-training, and sometimes also technical and tertiary - was at the heart of African development. Throughout

Africa, the colonial powers were usually satisfied to leave the missionaries in charge of education in return for some financial support from taxes. The Christian missions also dominated the book trade, printing and publishing, bookshops and libraries.

They played a similar pioneering role in the introduction of Western-type health care in the establishment of hospitals and clinics.

Thus, a great attraction of Christianity was in its essential pioneering effort in progressive measures, and encouraging the transition of its members from traditional society into the modernizing world which was set as the goal of colonization, but

54 Kapepwa Tambila and John Sivalon, Intra-denominational Conflict in Tanzania‘s Christian Churches, in Rwekaza Mukandala et al. (eds), op. cit. 2006:225 21

which colonial policies did little to realize. Of course, there was a huge gap between

European conduct and the Christian principles with which they were associated; and, on the part of the Africans, it was also true that motives for accepting Christianity often had nothing to do with the content of the religion. Indeed, the church as a source of education was probably more attractive to many converts than the church as a dispenser of religion.55

At the same time, Christianity had grown up in close collaboration with colonialism while Islam and traditional religion were more distant and sometimes hostile. The

European and American missionaries who maintained a rigid hold on the churches they had created were closer in their thought and attitudes to the colonial officials and European settlers than to their African colleagues, assistants and parishioners.

The mission movement was not monolithic one, it contains within it different denominations, sects, and orders, each possessing its own theology ritual practices and strategies for conversion. Each was also composed of different nationalities and ethnicities with their own languages and cultural values. There were British

Anglicans who vied with Scottish Presbyterians, American Baptists, American and

Scandinavian Lutherans. On the other hand French White Fathers competed with

German Benedictines, French and American Holy Ghost Fathers, British Mill Hill

Fathers, Americans Maryknolls and Irish Pallotines. The roles of individual missions and missionaries varied greatly depending on the colonial context and their relations with colonial authorities. Similarly, missionaries varied according to their relations

55 Walter Rodney, op. cit. 1973:252 22

with local people as influenced by their willingness to learn the local languages, their degree of social and cultural and their personal relations with individual Africans.56

The Church establishments were thus part of the colonial structures that African independence movements were trying to decolonize. Most of the leaders were products of Western education, but they were nonetheless most conscious of the extent to which their education had involved a degree of mental colonization, enforced subordination to Western ideas, and alienation from the roots of African culture. So the linkage between the Christian enterprise and socio-economic lie in the fact that colonialists wanted to incorporate Africans in the capitalist system. The

European missionaries were acting as agents of colonialists in provision of social services and infrastructure.

Evangelization of Tanzania was pioneered by Protestant missionaries and Roman

Catholic missionaries. There was slow expansion of mission work after the German conquest of Tanzania with five missions at the forefront. Holy Ghost Fathers expanded from Bagamoyo to Kilimanjaro in 1891, Usambara in 1907, and Ugogo in

1910. White Fathers expanded from Karema, Tabora, Bukumbi, Rukwa Basin,

Usumbwa, Buhaya in 1890s. Later the expansion went to Ufipa, Buha, Mbulu and towards Lake Nyasa. The Protestant societies of UMCA expanded from Bonde to

Uzigua; CMS expanded from Uganda to Ukaguru and Ugogo; Moravians expanded to Urambo. Meanwhile German colonialists stimulated several mission to work in

Tanzania. The St. Ottilien Benedictine Fathers accepted to work in Southern

Tanzania in Lukuledi, Madibira, Peramiho, Kwiro and the Matengo Highlands. The

56 Thomas Spear, Towards the History of African Christianity, in Thomas Spear and Isaria Kimambo,(eds.) op. cit. 1999:5 23

German Protestants included the Lutherans of Bethel Mission created by DOAG supports working in Usambara in 1891, Buhaya in 1911; the Older Berlin Mission in

Unyakyusa, later Ubena, Uhehe and Uzaramo; Moravians in Unyakyusa; Leipzig

Mission or Orthodox Lutheran took over work of CMS on Kilimanjaro, Upare and

Iramba; Adventists worked in Musoma and Upare; African Inland Mission worked in

Usukuma.57

By 1914 every missionary society in Tanzania employed evangelistic approach which involved working in extensive manner, building networks of schools and catechists, encouraging converts to abandon old beliefs. For many mission societies this meant a change of policy. The change in policy owed something to mission theory. By the 1880s missionaries were questioning earlier assumptions that

Christianity must be accompanied by general socio-economic change. During the

British administration the relationship between the state and Christianity continued harmoniously as the religious institutions continued to provide not only spiritual values but also essential human services like education, health services, infrastructure services, orphanage services and relief services to the needy. Unlike the modernization theorists who saw religion as obstacle to socio-economic development, the missions were manipulated by the colonial state as an engine for socio-economic development. There was no secularization in Tanzania in colonial

Tanzania as it was advocated by modernization theorists in Europe.58

57 John Iliffe, op. cit. 1979:217 58 Mohammed Bakari and Laurean Ndumbaro, Religion and Governance in Tanzania: The Post- Liberalization in Tanzania, in Rwekaza Mukandala, op. cit. 2006:334 24

However, the focus of British rule (1919-1961) and its emphasis on indirect rule through local administration and its continued emphasis on education helped to promote faster expansion of Christianity. 59 By the end of British colonial administration in Tanganyika 1961 there was a great diversity of Christian denominations in Tanganyika with Roman Catholic constituting the majority.

Lutherans and Anglicans were numerically strong. Other denominations such as

Moravians, Seventh Day Adventist Church, Mennonites, Baptist and the African

Inland Church were relatively small at the time.

In 1936 the non-Roman Catholic Churches organized Tanganyika Mission Council which was changed to Christian Council of Tanganyika in 1948. On the other hand the Roman Catholic Church established the organization of Tanganyika Episcopal

Conference. These missionary institutions were aimed at linking with the state on matters of education, policy, school administration and educational subsidy. These

Christian organizations appointed Educational General Secretaries to liaise with the state on matters of social services. For instance in 1961 the educational sector 71% of children were receiving education in the church owned schools while 29% got education in government and Native Authority schools. In 1959 Roman Catholic

Church was running 52 hospitals, 198 dispensaries; Lutheran Church in 1963 was running 12 hospitals and 70 dispensaries; other denominations were running one hospital each. Church was actively involved in national building after independence by the clergy supporting civic and national affairs. The Roman Catholic Church issued publications on responsible Christian citizens in Tanzania, organized refugee and relief services and conference centers. The Christian Council of Tanzania

59Robert Leurs at al. Mapping the Development Activities of Faith based Organizations in Tanzania, RAD, University of Birmingham, 2011: 25

organized study programs to educate the population on national building and development activities.60 It appears that the church and the state have existed and worked together in rather harmonious way in both colonial and post-colonial

Tanzania.

The Benedictine Fathers were invited by German colonialists after establishment of their boma at Songea specifically for the provision of social services in their sphere of influence. The Benedictine Fathers had occupied the Matengo Highlands from their station of Kigonsera where a mission station was established in 1899 as a sister mission of Peramiho. Matengo Highlands are found in the present Mbinga district in the south western Tanzania. Matengo were a Bantu speaking group who had inhabited the area from 19th century. They had evolved complex traditional religious beliefs which were the foundation of their socio-economic and political system. They used their religion as inspiration and inauguration of new agricultural planting or harvesting season. In short all important clan activities such as hunting, traditional dances, work of politics, in a course of natural calamities and outbreak of epidemics were assigned religious rituals. In these events gods were consulted through their mediums known as wapenga utunu who were believed to have ability to communicate with the dead ancestors and the Almighty God known as Sapanga.61

When the Benedictines arrived here to introduce Christianity they experienced a lot of resistance in the early years. 62 However, with the intensive use of material

60 Lloyd W. Swatz Church, Mission nd State Relations on pre and post-independence Tanzania, 1955 – 1964, Occasional Paper 19 Maxwell Graduate School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, 1965 61M.O.Kapinga, op.cit. 1993:43 62Doerr, op.cit. 1998:80-81 26

incentives mainly salt, cloth, gifts and other western fancy material goods the

Matengo accepted Christianity in big numbers.63

From Kigonsera mission station the Benedictine Fathers systematically opened mission stations, outstations and Basic Christian communities. Schools were opened which acted as the recruitment ground for the new followers of the new Christian religion. The Benedictines applied a monastic approach which were centers and were used as the engine of society. The philosophy and motto of ora et labora (work and prayer) was introduced for the purpose of implementing the objective of speeding

Christianity and civilization as stipulated in the treaty of 1887 between the

Benedictines and the German colonial administration.

The Matengo Highlands became one of the societies with the predominance of

Roman Catholic Christianity. When the missionaries handed over the leadership of church to African local clergy in early 1969, there were 12 mission stations with a big number of outstations and basic Christian communities. Total of 85% of the population in the Matengo Highlands were already converted to Christianity. There were fleets of subgrade schools and primary schools in all outstations, in all mission stations there were middle schools, domestic science schools and trade schools under the missionaries. There were many people who were building their houses using baked bricks with corrugated iron sheets thatch. With the introduction of Arabica coffee production among the Christian converts in the Matengo Highlands, the population was boasting of very high income per capita in the Tanzania. This study

63 Interview with wazee wa mila Litembo elders: Remigius Mikael Hyera, Paul Jeremias Ndunguru, Kostantini Manyuka Mwingira, Longinus Matias Tilia na Katekista Raphael Mapunda, interviewed at Litembo, 2014. at Litembo,op. cit. 2014 27

explored the relationship between socio-economic progress and the Christian religion in the Matengo Highlands. The study further examined if it was traditional religion or

Christianity which contributed to the socio-economic development of the Matengo

Highlands.

This study was undertaken amid widespread debates on the role of religion in development. On the one hand there is phenomenal religious resurgence worldwide in the form of fundamentalism, Pentecostalism, New Religious Movements from

1990s. The historicity of the debates seems to be tied to the dominant epistemology whereby the so-called development experts, development partners, hyper institutions and developed nations seem to set the agenda pioneering for development. They claim to come up with new thinking on development or shift in development paradigm in order to rescue the developing nations which are labeled as very poor but very religious. These sympathizers want to assist developing nations by channeling the assistance through religious avenues.

However, the timing of the thinking leaves much to be desired because it is the period associated with the failure of state as engine of development to deliver the goods. The world has been plunged into serious socio-economic crisis as reveled in instabilities across the world especially in the third world nations. This is historically a normal pattern and intrinsic logic of capitalist development to undergo a boom, decline, crisis, and rise in its circle. During crisis, there is a tendency in capitalist system to come up with solution which is intended to rescue capitalism from collapse. The call for new thinking in development using local identities like religion is just another capitalist effort to forestall a capitalist collapse. That is why these

same people at one historical epoch discredited the role of religion in development, but now are the same people to advocate the incorporation of religion in development discourse.64

Taking Matengo as a case study this study explored the historicity of Christian religion and its developmental role from 1890 to 1968. The underling theory and assumption is that societies do change, religion does change and therefore socio- economic development of necessity will change. Since history is the theory of society in its transformation, the study sought to investigate the linkages of society and religion in its role of socio-economic development of the Matengo highlands. The focus was the movement and dynamics of historical processes as they are influenced by the human activities in the struggle to extract material life from the environment.

In this endeavor ideas about world view develop which finally formed the superstructure of Matengo social formation as a reflection of the economic base. The

Matengo religious ideas were tied to the daily socio-economic activities like agriculture, hunting, cultural functions, music, dance, rainfall, death, marriage, rites of passage and others.65 The Matengo believed that everything they did was made possible by powers of their God Sapanga. But at one point in history Christianity was introduced parallel with German colonial state and the Matengo were forced or lured through inducements to join the new Christian religion.66 The study undertook to investigate the role of this Christian religion in socio-economic development of

64 Development theories from enlightenment to 1980s, they stood for modernization which discredited religion as development discourse 65 Fr. Egno Ndunguru, Mila na Desturi za Matengo, EAPH, 1972:68-73 66 Interview with the Litembo elders, op. cit. stressed the missionaries use of fancy goods like salt, cloth/calico, and other material inducement to lure Matengo join Christianity. 29

Matengo people who were before using traditional religion as their basis for world view and economic material base.

1.2 The Statement of the Problem Within this literature on religion and development a number of issues seem to linger on vividly and receive attention namely the coming back of religion in the discourse about development globally, which called for new paradigm on how to involve the spiritual principles and laws in development discourse. The historical context of this line of thinking was influenced by economic crisis in the global arena especially from

1945. Out of the crisis there was recourse to traditional and local identities, religion being one of them in the form of revivalism and the so-called coming back of religion in the form of fundamentalism. Such fundamentalist movements are found in

Western Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Buddhism and Hinduism 67 Development practitioners, development institutions, academics, individuals and scholars worldwide called for new thinking on development paradigm.68

However, the submission of this study was to come with a rebuttal against this line of argument on the grounds that it is not the question of new thinking or paradigm shift on religion and socio-economic development. Instead it is the historical process which involved all societies since the time of their existence. The historical role of religion in bringing socio-economic development of society has always been influenced by objective material conditions and changes in space and time. For instance the period between 1945 and 1970swas dominated by modernization and

67 Samwel Huntington, The Crash of Civilizations? Foreign Affairs; Summer 1993; 72, 3; ABI/INFORM Global, pg. 22 68Sharon Harper, (ed.) Toward a New Development Paradigm, IDCR/CRDI Kumarian Press, Ottawa, 2000:1, cf. Katherine Marshall, op. cit. :10 30

secularization, when religion was sidelined as local identity and standing in opposition to modern scientific and an impediment to development, when development discourse gave privilege to economics and in economic growth had some historical material conditions which forced them to be on the defensive.69

Ironically, this same period of 1890 to 1968 Matengo Highlands was actively being forced into Christian religion (western religion) in the modernization agenda by the

Benedictine missionaries from Germany.70 The missionaries were actively involved in converting the Matengo people by baptizing them, solemnizing Christian marriages, introducing western education by establishing schools and colleges, establishing seminaries, construction of infrastructures, and introduction of western medical services.71 Christian religion has never been far from the public sphere in the

Matengo Highlands. The German Benedictines appeared to have cooperated hand-in- glove with the German colonial officials, so much so that during the Maji Maji

(1905-1907) and during the First World War (1914-1926), German Benedictines of

St. Ottilien were treated as enemies of the Wangoni and of the British respectively. 72 This is to the best a double standard and mere subjective and ideological treatment of issues by the imperialist and their agents in the name of development experts, development partners, hyper institutions and developed nations pioneering development agenda. Furthermore, the British colonial government

69 The period when secularization and modernization was growing due to scientific and technological improvement was weakened nation states as source of identity. Cf Samwel Huntington the Clash of Civilization 1996 70 Within this period the Benedictine missionaries had established 12 mission stations in the Matengo Highlands alone. 71 TNA, AB. 78 Annual Report Lipumba Sub-District, 1925. Cf. TNA, AB. 16 Annual Report Songea District 1923, 72 Fr. Kevin Haule, Mission und Kolonialherschaft, with Special Reference to the German Benedictine Missions in Southern Tanzania, Paper read to the participants of the Workshop on 100th Anniversary of Maji Maji war, Wuppertal, November 5, 2005:2 31

encouraged Benedictine missionaries to run education institutions in the Matengo

Highlands. Until 1961 Matengo Highlands did not have any government school, all schools belonged to the Benedictines.73

In the light of that historical reality, the task of this study was to present a case study of Matengo Highlands to show how historical processes have been influencing religion in the role of influencing socio-economic development. The historicity of

Christian religion and its developmental role in the Matengo Highlands have been investigated. The periodization of the inquiry has been limited to 1890 – 1968 not because Matengo Highlands as a historical entity had its existence limited to this period. To the contrary, this was the period Christian religion under the Benedictine missionaries was introduced 1899 and when missionaries handed over leadership to the African leaders in early 1969.74

As a result of Christian religion being established in the Matengo Highlands, there have been claims that the Matengo Highlands was one of the developed society in

Tanzania, that these socio-economic achievements were the result of the role played by Christianity and that the indicators of social economic achievements are in the form of social services and spiritual values and principles found in the Matengo

Highlands. One justification is based on the fact that the duty of Benedictines spelled in their treaty with German East Africa Company (DOAG) was to civilize and

73 Doerr, 1998:71-72, 80. 74 On 6th February 1969 an indigenous church was established by nullifying the Abatia Nullius status of Peramiho and replacing it with local church of Songea. The episcopal seat was removed from Peramiho Cathedral to Bishop‘s Church at Songea and Bishop Jacob Komba was consecrated to lead the new Diocese of Songea. 32

Germanize the natives as well as evangelization.75 The core of the Treaty was; the double duty of the Benedictines, namely civilizing the nations as well as evangelizing, which was to take place in specified areas demarcated by the DOAG.76

Furthermore, the Benedictine missionaries introduced monastic approach with its philosophy of ora et labora (work and prayer). From the beginning Fr. Andreas

Amrhein intended to establish Christian beliefs and western European civilization among the people of Asia and Africa. His intention was not to establish mission stations only, but a house of monks known as monastery. The monastery would become a model of life style, manual work, modern agriculture; the monks were charged with spreading Christianity to the people living in and around their neighborhood. It was anticipated that the Christian communities around the monasteries would slowly achieve socio-economic development. So monastery would become a center of people‘s development spiritually and bodily.77

Even the members of the Matengo community present similar claim as is documented hereunder: ―Ukweli ni huu, sisi Matengo wangekosa Wamisionari tusingekuwa na maendeleo yeyote. Ukitazama maradhi, na ujinga havikustawi hapa kwa sababu wamisionari walifanya vita kubwa na adui huyu ujinga. Maelfu kwamaelfu ya Matengo wanajua kusoma na kuandika kwa bidii hiyo ya wamisionari.‖78

This view is corroborated by the views expressed by elders of Litembo who had the following observation:

75 The Treaty between Fr. Andreas Amrhein and Dr. Carl Peters: April 1887. Cf S.Napachihi, The Relationship between the German Missionaries of the Congregation of St.Benedict from St. Ottilien and the German Colonial Authorities in Tanzania 1887 – 1907,1998:47. Cf. Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea, Historia ya Uinjilishaji Miaka 100 (1898 – 1998), 1998:36 76 Fr. Kevin Haule, op.cit. :5 77 Fr. Gerold Rupper, OSB, Pugu hadi Peramiho BPNP, Peramiho and Ndanda, 1988:9 78Alois Makupe, Historia ya Parokia Litembo, (nd). Manuscript 33

―Mabadiliko yote katika Umatengo ni wamisionari. Wamisionari walileta matofali, ujenzi wa nyumba bora, samani na hata vifaa vya ndani. Jamii iliona misionini misaada, amanina maendeleo. Serikali ilionekana ni sehemu ya ulinzi, mali na maendeleo ya jamii‖79

During the centenary of missionary work in Archdiocese of Songea in 1998 the claim was also echoed by some African Bishops as follows: ―Wabenedikini waliweza kutangaza injili katika mazingira hayo magumu ya ufukara, ya kigeni, ya magonjwa, ya kuanza mahali pasipona chochote‖80

The same feelings were again expressed by another African Bishop as quoted hereunder:

―Bila ya Wamisionari hao kujitoa na kujimaliza kwa ajili yetu je, hali yetu leo ingalikuwa ya namna gani?‖81

To what extent are these claims valid? The study ventured into an investigation of the role and relationship between religion and socio-economic development using the

Matengo Highlands as the case study. This is the central question asked in this study.

As such, the study focused on the role of Christianity to the people of the Matengo

Highlands, over a time of 1890 to 1968 and across different interactions. More specifically, the study investigated the role and importance of Christianity to people in terms of their motivations for socio-economic development. To test the validity of these claims this study focused on the investigation of the role of Christianity in socio-economic development of the people of the Matengo Highlands, the study derived four specific objectives that are tested by data generated for the period 1890

– 1968 using primary and secondary sources.

79 Litembo elders: Remigius Mikael Hyera, Paul Jeremias Ndunguru, Kostantini Manyuka Mwingira, Longinus Matias Tilia na Katekista Raphael Mapunda, interviewed at Litembo, 2014. 80Norbert W. Mtega, Askofu Mkuu Jimbo la Songea, Kristu Tumaini Letu, Kamati ya Uinjilishaji …, op.cit. 1998:i. cf 81 Ujumbe wa Askofu Raymond Mwanyika Jimbo la Njombe, katika Jubillei ya Miaka 100 ya Ukristo jimbo la Peramiho, Kamati ya Uinjilishaji … op.cit. 1998:xii 34

1.3 Objectives of the Study This study explored the historical processes through which Roman Catholic

Christianity operated and the influence of that operation in socio-economic development of the Matengo Highlands. What we sought to do was to draw an objective picture of the role of religious values in socio-economic development. To achieve this, the study had its objectives planned according to historical epochs which had very specific dynamics at play consequently influencing the operation and transformation of Christianity and at each historical epoch socio-economic development was influenced. The theatre of the study was the Matengo highlands, a society which had been constantly undergoing changes and transformations internally propelled but also the external factors including establishment of Christian religion and colonial administration contributed much in shaping the historical movement of

Matengo society.

The following specific objectives were set to guide the investigation. The first objective was the examination of the role of religion in the development of the

Matengo Highlands people at the time of contact with Christianity. The aim of this specific objective was to grasp the dynamics of existing local religious ideas so that a relationship can be established with Christianity. In this manner the changes, continuities and discontinuities of religious dynamics among the Matengo people can be discerned. This was also meant to show what is changing in the traditional religion and how the people were accommodating the changes in religion.

The second objective was the examination of the introduction and spread of

Christianity (Roman Catholic Church) in the Matengo Highlands during the German

rule from 1890s to 1918 and its effects on development. The aim of this objective was identify the methods and strategies the Benedictine missionaries used in converting the Matengo people from their traditional religion. Under this objective again there was an attempt to analyze the role of German state; themselves were

German nationals in the work of establishing of Christianity.

The third specific objective was to investigate how Christianity (Roman Catholic

Church) operated in the Matengo Highlands from 1919 up to 1950 during the British rule and its effects on development. The central focused was to examine whether the change in colonial masters had any bearing on how Christian missionaries who were

German nationals worked in the Matengo Highlands. But also investigate the relationship between the British policies on the one hand and the work of missionaries in the Matengo Highlands. The reaction of the Matengo people to the

British policies and the missionary policies was also investigated under this objective.

The forth specific objective was aimed at the examination of the transition from missionary Christianity to African Christianity and how it transformed the Matengo socio-economic set from 1950 up to 1968. The gist of this objective was to identify the reasons for the missionaries move to hand over leadership of the Catholic Church in the Matengo Highlands to the African clergy. It further investigated the manner which this transition from missionary Christianity affected the socio-economic development of the Matengo people.

1.4 Rationale of the Study The study on the centrality of religion and development interface seems to be very crucial now than before. This tendency needs to be problematized so as to unearth the historical dynamics, processes, factors and finally the ramification on the society.

One of the hypotheses is the shrinking role of the state as the engine of development and provider of the social services. The impact of which is the intensification of economic crisis and identity crisis across the world. Third world countries by the nature of their historical experiences of slave trade, colonialism and neocolonialism are the most hit and that is why there have been a lot of attempts to rescue them. The

Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), privatization, liberalization and globalization are just some few measures imposed by developed nations purportedly to address the inherent crises. The other impact is the majority of the population resorting and returning to local identities such as religion, ethnicity, cultural values, traditional forms of authority, indigenous values, Non-Governmental Organizations

(NGOs), Faith Based Organizations (FBOs), and sometimes racial identities.

The second hypothesis is that there is this call by development practitioners, development partners, financial institutions and individuals for new thinking on development and the new paradigm on development which would incorporate spiritual matters. They tend to justify that if this dialogue is mismanaged or neglected will be very costly especially to the poorest part of the world where religion and faith are particularly important. 82 In this situation it is proper to link the theory of paradigm shift in development thinking with capitalist response to economic crisis.

The involvement of spiritual value in the name of religious avenues or conduit

82 The so-called Paradigm shift in development thinking was propounded by the imperialist powers in the time of crisis. 37

through which to channel aids is again another ideological appeal to incorporate the third world countries in the bandwagon of global economy as providers of raw materials, investment areas, market and cheap labour.

This study through historical method of inquiry by postulating that both religion and socio-economic development are historical processes, they evolve, grow and change under certain historical conditions. These historical conditions are the products of society as it strives to appropriate from nature the material life through application of his labour power in cooperation with other individuals. The production process forms the economic base of the society which involves the relations of production and the instruments of production. Here is about who produces, who owns what, who works, what is the division of labour are the issues raised. The tools that are used in the process of production and how efficient the tools are in generating material life is also part of economic base or mode of production. The economic base gives rise to the formation of ideas and consciousness which are the basis of the superstructure in which state apparatus are found including religion, philosophy, morality and ideas.

These religious ideas (Christianity, Islam, ATRs, and Buddhism) influence the economic base as well. The economic base provides the basic needs of shelter, food and shelter for the welfare of the society. The economic base is instrumental in mobilizing labour, production process, distribution, exchange and consumption which are the basics of socio-economic development. It is therefore wise to argue that throughout history religion has been in place as a component of superstructure of every society. As part of the cultural value of society, religion interacted with other aspects of society to bring socio-economic development.

The Matengo case study informed with historical method has demonstrated that the society has been constantly changing and transforming itself hence affecting the religious ideas from pre-colonial era. When Christianity was introduced to replace traditional religion, changes were also taking place. Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands arrived concurrently with the colonial occupation in the area. The interaction of Christianity, colonialism and the Matengo society influenced the socio- economic development.

In the Matengo Highlands there was a significant relationship between the colonial state, Christian religion and socio-economic development. The state is logically the social service provider and an engine of socio-development of any society. But the situation in the Matengo Highlands was quite to the contrary. Matengo Highlands was colonized by German from 1897 to 1918 and British from 1919 to 1961, from

1961 to 1968 the area was under the independent Tanganyika government. Data collected in the area show that these different states at different epochs left most of the socio-economic activities to the Roman Catholic Church. Their policies were accommodative to the missionaries who were using their spiritual values to run most of the educational and medical social services.

Related to this tripartite relationship of state, religion and socio-economic development in the Matengo Highlands, we can conclude that Christian religion had very crucial role in every society. Religion had been providing spiritual principles, laws and guide to the faithful which they applied in day to day socio-economic activities. The mission stations were centers of educational and training services, mission stations provided medical and health services and they were also economic

centers. This is contrary to the secularization and modernization theories which argued that religion should be sidelined in the secular activities. While at home,

Germany and Britain were secularizing, these powers were incorporating Christianity as a modernizing agent in the running of social and economic services in their possession of the Matengo Highlands. Modernization hypothesis operated efficiently in developed nations where science and technology was high. The Matengo

Highlands were occupied by people who were predominantly traditionalists with very crude level of technology. Applying modernization theories to the Matengo

Highlands will mean subscribing to domination epistemology.83 The other flaw of modernization was that these conclusions present the relationship between religion and development as cause and effect phenomenon84 hence obscuring the underlying historical processes. The third flaw of modernization was that the exponents of these theories were mainly liberal and neo-liberal scholars and institutions85 possibly with a hidden agenda. The fourth flaw is that whereas Christian religion is presented as the dominating faith, the Matengo Highlands people were considered as having no religious values (tabula rasa) before the coming of Christianity in the area.86

Therefore, this study attempted to go further from the theories of modernization and secularization by examining the role of religion in development in the Matengo

Highlands from 1890s to 1968. Informed by historical transformation perspective armed with Marxian tools of analysis, this study was done by looking at other components constituting the social formation like the colonial state, neo-colonial

83 Rhonda M. Gonzales , Societies, Religion, and History: Central-East Tanzanians and the World They Created, c. 200 BCE to 1800 CE June, Gutenberg-e Home © 2008 Columbia University Press 2009:7 84 Wallerstein, 1974, Wesley, 2008 85 McCleary, 2008, Barro, 2006, World Bank, 2005 86 Adrian Hastings, Church and mission in Modern Africa, Fordham University Press, New York , 1967 40

state, society, the Traditional African Religion, Christianity as interrelated historical processes. The study made an investigation of whether Christianity (Roman Catholic

Church) in its form as an agent of modernization has been able to bring socio- economic development in the Matengo Highlands.

The study is guided by the assumption that religion is not withering as the modernists predicted.87 But what remains of religion now? Why the crusade of using religion as development discourse is spearheaded by the imperialist powers, their governments and super-institutions like IMF and World Bank? How is this pressure linked to the current neoliberal policies of development?88 Is this emphasis on the centrality of religion so important now not related to the shrinking role of state as development agent and the failure of SAP initiative?

1.5Significance of the Study This study is a contribution towards expanding scholarship on the current debate on the role of religions in development by focusing at a micro level. The theory of secularization was put to critical and close examination in studying the developmental role of the Matengo Highlands. This theory was found wanting because the time Europe and America were secularizing in the Matengo Highlands the colonial state and Benedictine missionaries were forging very close relationship in the Matengo Highlands. Similarly, the modernization theory which was used to evaluate the socio-economic development of Matengo Highlands was found wanting because modernity which was conceived as removing traditional values including

87 Ellingsen, op. cit. 2005 88Binsbergen, Wim van. ―Religion and Development, Reflectios on the work by Philip Quarles van Ufford and Matthew Schoffeleers‖, Binsbergen, 2008:7 41

local religion, culture, subsistence economy did not constitute socio-economic development of the Matengo. To the contrary, modernization eroded what socio- economic development which was informed by the local religion and historical conditions prevalent in the area. Informed by materialist method of society the historicity and centrality of the study of religion now in the development was explored and explained. Besides, this study can also bridge the gap of empirical studies on the existing knowledge about the role of religion in development in the

Matengo Highlands. The misconceptions harboured by many scholars, religious leaders and common people that Christianity facilitated socio-economic development of Matengo Highlands was subjected to critical scrutiny and scientifically evaluated.

This study can now establish that Christianity to some extent hindered the local communities of the Matengo Highlands to pick up in socio-economic development instead they developed dependency syndrome on the missionaries. When in early

1969 the missionaries left leadership of church to local clergy, Matengo remained helpless. They were unable to sustain the projects missionaries had put in place, they were unable to service the mission stations, they were unable to maintain buildings and some were even unable to fend for themselves.

1.6Theoretical Framework and Literature Review 1.6.1Theoretical Framework onReligion and Development Linkage Religion and development are two different phenomena; nonetheless, they are closely interlinked in history and dynamic interplay at global, regional and local levels.

Anold Toynbee identified changes in the object of religious worship as societies moved from pre-civilized or tribal condition to what was called the first and second

civilization.89 From the human emergence religion was one of the core attribute to all civilizations. The earliest known civilizations developed in Mesopotamia, Sumerians,

China, India, Greece, Rome, Egypt, Mesoamerica and others attest to this claim.90 In these civilizations the kings like Sumer of Sumerians, pharaohs of Egyptians, were viewed as agents of and responsible to God. Subjects had religious duty as part of the plan of gods. The government drafted the common people to work on community projects, obliged to pay taxes to the government, the commoners were told their drudgery was necessary to allow the gods their leisure. 91 The ancient Chinese civilization under the Shang dynasty had developed sense of life after death and used to offer sacrifices to win the favour of gods. They also evolved idea of veneration of ancestors who were believed to bring evil or fortune to the living members of the family. Devine forces existed in objects of nature otherwise called god of the harvest.92 In ancient African civilizations of western Sudanic states, religion both traditional and Islam were so important in determining the socio-economic development and political stability. These religious ideas which are taken as parts of civilization are the product of development of productive forces hence production of surplus. Engels in the Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, looks at the so-called state from the class point of view. He argues that, the existence of religious ideas which to him are part of the superstructure in these civilizations is the product of emergence of private property and hence class antagonism. 93 In this context religion is a false consciousness and therefore cannot perform socio-

89 Anold Toynbee, An Historian‘s Approach to Religion, (Gifford Lectures, 1952 and 1953). Pp. ix + 316. Oxford: University Press; London: Cambridge, 1956. 21s. 90 J.McKay at al, op. cit. 1983:460 91 Robert Wenke, Pattern in Prehistory,2nd Edition, 1990:352 92 J.McKay at al , A History of Western Society (Second Edition) Houghton of Mifflin Company, 1983 93 Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Pre-capitalist Social-Economic Formations, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1979 :449-450 43

economic developmental role. The role of religion in these civilizations is to promote exploitation and suppression of the oppressed class.

Toynbee was of the opinion that religions in the second epoch of civilization underwent changes due to the infusion of philosophy into religions. Here, great religious thinkers and seers championed superior values of goodness, justice and truth. These included Confucius of China, Buddha of India, Tao of China, Jesus of

Nazareth, and Hindu. The thoughts of these philosophers brought new schools of philosophy and ultimately systems of world religions or universal religions namely

Buddhism and Hinduism in India; Judaism and Christianity in Middle East,

Confucianism and Taoism in China; Islam in Arabia. At this stage religions had enormous impact upon human thinking on how the world should be understood. The teachings were on human quality of mercy and love but did not accept the doctrines of Jesus. Christianity was accepted by women and slaves which is suggestive that religion was for the well-being of the marginalized, oppressed and exploited majority hence developmental. 94 Even Confucianism in China stood for the oppressed, criticized slavery and feudal relations in ancient period; likewise Islam in Middle

East in its formative days was so vocal against evils which were unleashed to the masses of poor people. Christianity will be explored in detail in this study because it is one of the largest religions in the world, with 2 billion adherents most of them from developing world of Africa, Asia and Latin America.

During early medieval period, Christianity consolidated itself and its mobilizing power. The church supported initiatives for human wellbeing. Roman Catholics

94 J.McKay at al , op. cit. 1983:184 44

Church supported human rights and against economics and society exploitation.

Indeed, the Catholic social teaching deals and emphasized the knowledge of economics with specific concern for the poor. Pope Leo XIII was among the popes who devoted much of time to discuss the condition of labour. During this epoch

Christianity was very much concerned with cultivating the spiritual strength of the faithful about good virtues, sense of community, forgiveness, hardworking, and production of the material life.

In the high middle ages monastic movement was a major force in the development of northern Europe to 1500. Monasteries also offered relief to the poor, introduced new forms of learning, education, health care and agriculture.95 Monks and nuns renounced their wealth and espoused poverty as a religious path, dividing in community or as mendicants. 96 It is however during this period when some monasteries became very wealth in Middle Ages. Christian groups opposed established orders and rulers of church and state because they were corrupt. The urge for freedom of the spirit and liberation from autocratic rule ended into reformation movement of 16th century led Martin Luther the Lutheran, John Calvin the Reformed or Presbyterian and Henry VIII the Anglican Church.

All these chaos notwithstanding, Christianity played very crucial role in caring for the wellbeing of the majority poor in the parish houses as well as the monasteries.

The Christian refugees from Europe sought refuge in North America had strong influence development of modern democracy. This development of democracy was

95 D. J. Bosch, Transforming Mission: Paradigm Shifts in Theology of Mission. Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1991:91 96 Kirsteen Kim, Concepts of Development in the Christian Tradition, RDA, 2007:7 45

influenced by the emphasis on personal resistibility of the New England puritans and constitutional provisions for plurality of religious expressions within a secular state.

The Protestant work ethic contributed to the rise of capitalism.97 It seems that up to the period of reformation, Christianity was very instrumental in caring for the wellbeing the people of Europe. However, reformation ushered in chaos which consequently led to the disintegration of religion and state relation.

From the period of enlightenment, religion was relegated to the private sphere. This was due to the development of science and technology. Intricate problems in the society were now resolved by using scientific methods instead of appealing to religion. However, religion as a historical process and cultural component of any society was not relegated to the sideline. For instance the emergence of nation states with its ideology of nationalism as the source of societal cohesion which rested on some factors including religion.98 Even the greatest scientist Isaac Newton was a devout Christian who devoted most of his time to angels and biblical prophesies than to universal gravitation. 99 Christianity and religion in general had been on the defensive since the late 18th century. But the loss of faith in human reason and rationalism led to renewed interest in the Christian view of the world.

Another tendency in Christianity was an expansion outside Europe under the vanguard of Portuguese and Spaniards to Africa, Asia and the Americas. Finally in the 19th century there came missionaries to Africa and Asia presumably on the

97 Kirsteen Kim, Concepts of Development in the Christian Tradition, RDA, 2007:8 98 Mushi, op. cit. :44 99 McKay, op. cit. :640-641 46

service of the imperialists.100 In the 20th century the missionary work in Africa and

Asia was so intensive leading to ecclesiastical scramble among European

denominations and among missionary order. In most cases the missionaries claimed

to bring socio-economic development in these areas. Therefore, it seems when

secularism was taking root in European missionaries were still strong but this time

working extensively in third world countries until after World War I when religion

started exerting its position in Europe. Undoubtedly, it will be said, religious, moral,

philosophical, and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical

development. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, and law,

constantly survived this change.101

In the light of this, it is strange that the connection between religion and development is so rarely discussed and analyzed.102 For example, one can ask, is there any causal link between religion and the growth and development of a country?103 For example,

Weber104 showed a clear link between Protestantism and pursuit of economic gain.

Moreover, many empirical studies have confirmed Weber‘s hypothesis that there‘s a clear causal relationship between religion and economics.105

Within the current literature on religion, one issue appears to draw serious attention:

the resurgence or revival of religion as an important factor in people‘s daily life

cannot be ignored. The scholars and others involved in the practice of development

100 Norbert Brockman S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J. op. cit. 2004:143 101 Marx and Engels op. cit. 1848:26 102 Ronnback, 2009 103 Nath, 2007 104 Max Weber, 1904: 105 Barro, 2004 47

highlight the contribution or potential contribution of religion to development.106

Among the areas religion is affecting people, is the realm of socio-economic development. Development is to enable society to achieve and maintain high levels of material and social well-being.107 But to what extent this claim is valid to them?

Whose interests are they serving? Why at this particular moment of neo-liberalism and the end of cold war and the September 11, 2001? The so called religious resurgence or revival in studying religion was just a myth of capitalist bloc, which due to inherent economic crisis in capitalist mode of production the solution was to be sought in less developed countries.

This study focuses on the role of Christian religion in socio-economic development in the Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1968. The periodization is in line with the introduction and expansion of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands until 1968 when missionaries handed over administration to the leadership of African

Christians. It also examines the relationship between Christianity and the colonial state as it is manifested in different phases from colonial conquest, establishment and the phase of consolidation. More specifically, we look at the Matengo Highlands from when the Christian denomination of Roman Catholic Church arrived, settled and institutionalized in the area. Here there was virtually no other religion apart from

Christianity and African traditional religion which was not institutionalized but had influence on the way society was reproducing. It is within this framework this study wants to question the validity of the theory of resurgence or revival or the concept of religious comes back. There is no time in history where religion was divorced from human activities. This is proved by the fact that when Christianity was strengthened

106 Mhina, op. cit. 2007:2 107Mhina, ibid. 2007:5 48

in the Matengo Highlands, in Europe there was this false claim of secularization, modernization and sidelining religion from secular state.

1.6.2Views of Traditionalists on Religion and Development Studies on religion and development are many. According to Smith 108 there is dissociation between religion and the state. Wesley, 109 a theologian who was a contemporary of Smith, advocated two ways causation between religion and economic growth. He concluded that the causal relationship between religious beliefs and wealth accumulation would erode religion in terms of belief and participation.

Further, he concluded that, economic growth was detrimental to religion.

This conception is supported by the secularization thesis which holds that with increased income, people tend to become less religious (measured by religious attendance and beliefs). 110 This view of religion as contributing factor to development is amplified by Weber whose stand point was that religion plays crucial role in development. On the other hand, Marx (1884)111 equated religion to opium of the people. For him religion is as result of struggle of man in the process of production in which relations of production change as surplus production is increased. Religion in this case became the state apparatus in the form of ideology which the dominant class used to dominate the majority producers. Marx emphasized that people's ideas and ideologies are conditioned by the historical formation of

108 Anderson, G. M., Mr. Smith and the Preachers: (1988), ‗The Economics of Religion in the Wealth of Nations‘,The Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 96, No. 5. pp.1066-1088. 109 Jack van Ham, Speech, Religion and development cooperation: a devil of a job? - 19 January 2010 New Year's meeting ICCO and Kerk in Actie John Wesley 1774, 110 McCleary, op. cit. 2008 111 Marx and Engels, German Ideology, op. cit. 1884:6 49

powers of production and relations of production.112 This is the ground for Marx's famous distinction between economic base (which includes the forces of production, relations of production and division of labor) and the "superstructure" which includes culture, ideology and religion. The focus should be the forces behind the evolution of such false consciousness. Historically religion evolved under certain historical conditions depending on the historical processes in a social formation. Talking of religion as a cause and effect equation will obscure the historicity of religion and the diverse roles it has been playing in different historical epochs. To understand the relationship between religion and socio-economic development needs to grasp the historical context in which the two variables converged. In this regard what happened to religion in Europe during the mature capitalism cannot be the same as what happened to the Matengo Highlands from 1890 to 1968. That is why the role of

Christianity in socio-economic development in the Matengo Highlands has to be problematized.

1.6.3Views of the Modernists on Religion and Development The post modernists‘ literature on the relationship between religious practice and other aspects of economic and social life, suggest that there are two causal directions that analysts tend to think about. On the one hand, they argue that religion is dependent on development in economic aspects of contemporary life. Things such as levels and standard of living or governmental market interference do influence such things as church attendance or religious beliefs. On the other hand, the second line

112 Marx and Engels ibid. 1884:26 50

argued that religion is an independent variable; influencing the outcome on the economic, political and social side as it happened during capitalism.113

On the first model, there are two theories on how religion responds to these factors

(social and economic). One theory is ―secularization hypothesis‖ or what is popularly known as ‗modernization theory‘ which posits that as economy develops and gets richer, certain institutions and features change in a regular way. Here people supposedly become less religious. This less religious is measured by either participation in organized religion such as church attendance or by certain indicators of religious beliefs. 114 The second theory is ―religious market model‖ which postulates the way government interacts with religion and influences the extent of participation in religion or the extent of religious beliefs. This model argues that the way state and church interact is very important in promoting religiosity or detracting from it. Sometimes the government regulates the market by allowing monopoly religion which tends to function inefficiently. Or when established religion tends to be government funding to run its activities, this may lead to greater religious participation.115

Khan 116 argues that religion and development are seemingly inseparable.

Conceptually religions provide believers incentives for indulging in productive activities in life. Religion is seen as a promoter of growth because they direct people towards honest, discipline, hard work, education, thriftiness and absenteeism from harmful activities. Though empirical studies point to a positive relationship between

113 Barro, 2004; Weber, 1905 114 Barro and McCleary, 2003 115 Barro and McCleary, 2003 116Khan, Habibullah & Omar K.M. Religion and Development: Are they Complementary? U21 Global Working Paper series. No. 006/2008:5 51

religion and economic growth and development, there is no consensus on the precise causal relationship between the two. More research is still to be done before drawing conclusion on the issue. Nevertheless he concludes by saying that the relationship between religion and development is likely to be complementary as long as religion promotes moderation rather than extremes. Also there should be no prejudice against any religion; no single religion is superior over others in terms of their economic performance and behavioural changes on the society at large.

Modernization theory was invented in Western Europe from the Second World War under the obtaining historical material conditions. There was rapid improvement in science and technology which eroded the power of religion and its spiritual values, but the truth was that religion was still relevant only that it was changing tactics and strategies. There was for instance a very strong religious influence in Germany with its Center Party commanding strong followership.117 Furthermore, the modernization theory was not applicable to developing nations because the level of science and technology was low. As a result Christian religion was used as an agent of modernization in developing nations by its role of converting people from local religions to Christianity, by establishing western education, by introducing western medical services and by introducing western culture to the local people.

1.6.4Views on Religion and Development in Developing Countries The resilience of religion to the public sphere both in developed and developing nations has prompted a rethinking of relationship between religions, state and society

117 Phillip Koerner Bringing the Culture into the Church: A personal assesment of the Christian church in Germany, | email | print version, February 2004:52-83 52

and indirectly between religions and development.118 Given that situation religions have major influence on states and individuals in developing societies, it is necessary to explore in more detailed the complex relationship between religious and state actors and institutions and the contribution to the processes of economic and social development in the low income countries in the south.

Most approaches to development in the low income countries have been dominated by secular approaches and outlooks.119 To facilitate development in the developing countries, various models have been proposed but most of them within the modernization theory of 1960s. A good example is the evolutionary process leading to five stages from a lower traditional society to higher western type of development.120 The economic growth theory conspired with modernization theories which called for the modernization of institutions, values, attitudes and religion.121

This model requires the third world countries have among other things to abandon their traditional religion, and adapt Christianity which according to Smith and Weber brought civilization and modernization in Europe.

By the 1970s the pretext that modernization model is superior to the traditional illiterate periphery came to be disputed and strongly put to questioning. Scholars in third world nations started mounting heated criticism against the imposition of western values, beliefs and attitudes under the guise of modernization.122 Economic growth model was no longer tenable. Instead they proposed the theory of

118 Singh: 2011 119 Singh, 2011 120 Rostow, 1960 121 Bennaars, 1993 122 Samir Amin, Nabudere 53

development based on the dependency theory.123 They viewed underdevelopment of third world countries from the context of European colonization which brought political and economic domination. This model suggested political, social and economic revolutionary transformation to be taken in order to disengage.

In Africa, the 1980s was considered as a lost decade and full of despair and hopelessness. The plight of hunger, famine, drought, oil crisis, constant conflicts and wars in many parts of Africa, coupled with escalating debt crisis and the fragile economies of the continent went limping. The Bretton Woods institutions (World

Bank and International Monetary Fund) came up with Structural Adjustment

Programmes (SAPs) to rescue the ailing economies of third world countries in late

1980s and early 1990s. However, if one looks so closely, finds here the return of the economic growth model, though in a modified form. In this context Africans have returned to the semi colonial status. Development is seen in economic terms and, as a mere technical and organizational process. Only limited allowance is made for the

‗vulnerable‘ (the poorest and the weakest) to enable the IMF and the Word Bank to speak of development ‗with a human face.‘

The religions so referred to here are the so called world or universal religions such as

Christianity, Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism. In Europe, world religions were subjected to a secular state until the end of cold war and September 11, 2001. Post- cold war events called for rethinking about the role of religion. However, this does not apply to Africa because African religions developed according to the communal

123Proponents of dependency theory, Frank, Cardoso and Furtado, 1970s. 54

material basis which was ethnic based. The encounter with Europeans changed the trend when Africans were converted to new religions of Islam or Christianity.

What one sees here is the use of theories of western liberal scholars to try to explain the African historical conditions. These theories of modernization and secularization do not capture the realities of African historical dynamics because religions

(Christianity and Islam) themselves are imported. The local African religions in this context are relegated to the sideline and treated as primitive religions. The Africans religions and others cultural values were condemned as local identities which were obsolete. No attempt is made to incorporate them in the analysis of the relationship between religion and development. Although it is widely known that Africans have very rich spiritual resources,124 Coptic Christians in Egypt, Ethiopia and the Sudan constitute the oldest traditions of Christianity in Africa today.125

1:7 Empirical Reviews 1.7.1Studies on Religion and Development There have been some studies attempting to establish a link between religion and economic growth. A research using data of 59 countries in the 1980s and 1990s, employed a cross-country growth regression framework to analyze the influences of religious participation and beliefs on a country‘s rate of economic progress.126 They found that economic growth responds positively to religious beliefs that induce efficiency enhancing behavior. Yet, growth depends on the intensity of believing rather than belonging, which implies that religion works via belief, not practice. It is,

124 Mbiti, 1970 125 Ukah, 2007 126 Barro and McCleary (2003) 55

however, important to point out that Barro and McCleary127 had rather a limited coverage. There is more information available about rich countries than poor ones as well as more about countries that are primarily Christian-majority.

Noland128 rigorously explored the connection between religious beliefs and economic growth, with a particular emphasis on the impact of Islam. Three sorts of evidence are produced in the paper: cross- country data analysis for a large sample of countries over a period of decades, a similar analysis for a small group of countries for nearly a century and analyses of sub-national data for three multi-religious and multiethnic countries. Both cross-country and within-country statistical analyses suggest that religious affiliation does matter in economic performance, though no significant correlation was found with respect to particular religions. He also pointed out that there is no empirical support (based on econometric analysis either at the cross- national or within-country level) for the allegation that Islam is a drag on growth.

Islam, like all religions, changes over time and space. He stressed, contemporary

Islam in sampled countries on the basis of three types of evidence produced in the paper, does not appear to hinder growth.

Grier129 used data of 63 British, French and Spanish ex-colonies for the period of

1961-90 to test whether Protestantism is positively related to economic growth and development and whether religion can help explain why Spanish ex-colonies perform markedly worse than their British counterparts. The study found overwhelmingly that

Protestantism is correlated with growth and development. It was also reported that

127 Barro and McCleary (2003) 128 Noland (2005) 129 Grier (1997) 56

controlling for Protestantism does not significantly lessen the gap between British and French and Spanish colonial development.

The apparent linkage between religion and socio-economic development attracts criticism too. According to Samuelsson 130 and Cohen,131 there is either no logical reason to link religion to economic development or insufficient empirical evidence of any actual linkage. Wallerstein 132 expressed high skepticism of seeing capitalist development as guided by religion. He argued that any complex system of ideas can be manipulated to serve any particular social or political objective. Any connection between religion and economics is like the one in which the latter is cause and the former effect.

Religion and development are seemingly inseparable. Conceptually religions provide to the believers a guideline about life and the life-after and thus provide much-needed incentives for indulging in productive activities during lifetime. Religions can be seen as a promoter of growth as they direct people towards honesty, discipline, hard work, education, thriftiness (leading to savings essential for investment and thereby growth) and absenteeism from harmful activities. Most of the empirical studies point to a positive relationship between religion and economic growth and development.

Yet, there is no consensus on the precise causal relationship (one-way or both ways) between the two. More research with extensive data sets covering a wide range of countries should be undertaken before drawing a firm conclusion on this issue.

Nevertheless, we can probably conclude that the relationship between religion and

130 Samuelsson (1957) 131 Cohen (2002) 132 Wallerstein (1974) 57

development is likely to be complementary as long as religious beliefs and practices promote ‗moderation‘ rather than ‗extremes‘. Also, there should be no prejudice against any religion as the studies conducted so far have failed to prove the superiority of any single religion over others in terms of their economic performance and behavioural changes on the society at large. At the same time, it is germane to mention that if any policy (or a system) based exclusively on certain religious principles can be found to have potential to serve the entire global community should be seen positively. The recent surge of interest in Islamic finance in various non-

Islamic countries (USA, UK, and Singapore) can be cited as manifestation of such a phenomenon. A peaceful coexistence of various religious groups (or sects) in a country and various nations with different religious affiliations within the global community is a prerequisite for growth and prosperity in today‘s highly interconnected world.

The theoretical framework of this study is based on the argument that Christian factor in Afica was from the onset written on the basis of modernization theory whose philosophical underpinnings was based on social Darwinism. Proponents of the theory included H. Spencer, E. Durkheim, H.S. Maine, F. Tonnies and M. Weber.

Prominent among the most influential proponents in the 20th century include A.

Lewis, T. Parsons and W.W. Rostow who introduced the Traditional-Modernity dichotomy. 133 This theory, held the view that skills and institutions could be transferred from ―modern‖ societies and be diffused into the ―backward‖ societies. It was therefore necessary for Africans to be modernised or civilised through evangelisation. Modernisation theory denied the existence of religion in Africa and

133 Chachage, 1987 58

secondly, it was also used to justify colonialism hence cannot be used to understand the role of religion in development.

By 1960s, dependency theory replaced modernisation theory. It is on the basis of the dependency theory that Rodney, 1972, Brett, 1973, Mishambi, 1992, Mbwiliza,

1975, and Mudimbe, 1988, 134 viewed the missionary factor in relation to the

International Capitalist system and its resultant impact on Africa. However, the theory was attacked because it viewed the religious factor from the African point of view and ignored the transformative role of the missionaries. In an attempt to bring a balance some scholars, Lema, 1973, Omari, 1976, Katoke, 1976, Wright, 1976,

Mbiti, 1970, Temu, 1972, Ayandele, 1966, and Oliver, 1956135 called for a Balance

Sheet Model in studying the history of Christianity arguing that the missionaries had both positive and negative impact.

The failure of the Balance Sheet Model paved the way for the emergence of the

African Agency Concept to articulate the role played by ordinary Africans namely

Catechists, evangelists and translators to initiate evangelisation thereby leading to the spread of Christianity. Propounders of this view notably, Kimambo, 1999, Spear,

1999, Maddox, 1999 and Maanga, 2010, 136 depart from the notion of European missionaries being the only actors in evangelising Africa. However, these scholars have confined themselves in taking an account of the historical specificity of a single mission or/and denomination and neither have they addressed the relation between religion and development.

134 Dependency theorists advocated this position 135 A balance sheet scholars to the aapproach of development 136 African Agency Concept to development 59

Within the superstructure, at a particular point in time, there is the advent of colonialism with its state. It is in this state we have Christianity as its ideological tool. The colonial agenda of modernization is being carried over by the missionaries in the name of ―civilizing mission‖. For example a series of schools, hospitals, vocational training colleges were opened which, in the final analysis, served the interests of the colonial state. The neo-colonial strategy was born within the womb of colonial modernisation agenda. Colonial education, which was predominantly provided in missionary schools, for example produced nationalist leaders who took over the state from the colonialists. 137 The need to examine the process of decolonisation within the framework of state-missionary relationship and the resultant post-colonial state relationship to post- colonial missionaries is very pertinent. Again, in this case, the post-colonial missionary work has to be problematized in relation to post-colonial state.

1.7.2 Studies on Religion and Development in the Matengo Highlands The Matengo Highlands area was considered as tabula rasa in developing their transcendental sense.138 This is evident in the existence of scanty and sparse literature in the Matengo Highlands about the relationship between Christian religion and development. The studies that are available are not very specific to the area; they are in most cases, implied in content and geography.139 The history of Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands has long focused on the initial spread of Christian missions in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, on the role of missions in cultural imperialism and especially on the sociological and material factors such as education, employment,

137 Sundkler, op. cit. 2000:456 138 Doerr, op. cit. 1998:80 139 Doerr, 1998, cf. Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu Songea1998, Kilaini 1998 and Rupper, 1985. 60

land and cash crops - behind the dramatic expansion of Christianity during the colonial period.140

In his study Rupper141 describes the process of evangelization by the Benedictine

Fathers in the South Western Tanzania. Like Rupper, the focus of Doerr142 is on evangelization in and around Peramiho as he was writing on the centenary of

Peramiho one of the oldest Benedictine monastery still existing on the whole of

African continent. Reference in this study is made to the Matengo Highlands which in principle was under the diocese of Peramiho. Bishop Kilaini143 makes a direct reference to development and religion by arguing that Peramiho and Ndanda monasteries were exposed to modernization by the Benedictine Fathers. He, however, blames syncretism among the local people as a cause for the people around these centres failing to make use of the opportunity made available to them by

Benedictine Fathers.

This position is amplified by Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea, 1998144 which poses a question, ―Bila ya Wamisionari hao kujitolea na kujimaliza kwa ajili yetu, je hali yetu ingalikuwa ya namna gani?‖145 (―Without the Missionaries who made themselves available for us, what would have been our condition today?‖). Unofficial transilation

Examples of the missionary work to develop the people are given. Firstly, establishing schools, domestic science schools, vocational schools, teachers colleges,

140 Spear, op. cit. 1999 141 Rupper, Pugu hadi Peramiho, 1985:24 142 Lambert Doerr, op. cit. 1998:82 143 Method Kilaini, The Church in Africa and Tanzania in Particular, 1998:6 144 Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea, 1998: 145 Ibid. 61

nursing schools, and seminaries. These institutions were established to remove ignorance and impart vocational skills to the people. Secondly, the construction of hospitals and dispensaries was intended to eliminate diseases in order to have long and healthy life. Thirdly, the construction of infrastructure and procure transport facilities for the people in order to easy transportation and communication.146

From the foregoing studies we can establish a jump-off stage for further research. In the first place it is the missionaries producing them. Missionaries were among the groups who studied African Traditional Religions and who viewed ATRSs as made up of complicated, bizarre, savage and primitive beliefs and practices147 and gave them derogatory words like paganism, fetishism and animism.148 Thus, they are based only on the missionary ecclesiastical point of view focusing on evangelization, conversion and other missionary activities. The approach is based on modernization theories which were part and parcel of colonial ―civilizing mission‖. This study will address this methodological weakness by using historical transformation approach.

In the second place, the geographical focus of these studies was not specifically the

Matengo Highlands. But the studies focused on the whole of Peramiho diocese up to

6th February, 1969 when Songea diocese replaced it. Peramiho was the first place where the Benedictines established mission station in 1898. From there the

Benedictines expanded to the Matengo Highlands at Kigonsera where a station was established in 1899. The next mission station was established at Litembo from which numerous mission stations were established in the entire Matengo Highlands. The

146 Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea, 1998 147 Alolo, 2007 148 Mbiti, 1969 62

material conditions indigenous and its historicity of the area such as the Traditional

Matengo religion, socio-economic and other cultural practices are not given due attention. This study investigated the developmental role of Christian religion in the

Matengo Highlands. Most studies have presented the Matengo society as passive recipient of the modernization initiatives of missionaries. For example, Doerr presents a picture of conservatism among the Matengo but as the missionaries left the area predominantly Catholics. Some historical reasons have not been explored by these studies. This study redresses this lacuna by focusing on the Matengo Highlands area as the object of research or ontology.

This study also addresses the knowledge gap and holes in the field of religion and development, history and religion and development and society in the Matengo

Highlands. The interface between religion and development and the colonial/post- colonial state in the Matengo Highlands has been analyzed. The popular modernization theory cannot be relevant here because this theory was born out of development of science and technology, industrialization and urbanization in Europe.

The secularization hypothesis is not applicable here because unlike in Europe, the tendency here was a marriage between the colonial state and Christianity. Both the colonial state and the post-colonial state viewed Christianity and to a lesser extent

Islam as allies in the modernization process.149 Basing on these limitations, this study seeks to adapt a historical transformation approach which is capable of showing the objective relationship between the three variables of history, religion and development.150

149 Mhina, op. cit. 2007 150 Wilhelm, op. cit. 2003 63

1.7.3Conceptual Framework A conceptual framework is a description of phenomenon which can be graphically presented so as to show variables to be studied and how they relate to one another. A research variable is defined as a factor or characteristic of interest that a research would like to manipulate, investigate, handle, or observe in the research process.151

The task here is to develop a conceptual framework for better understanding the role of Christianity in socio-economic development in the Matengo Highlands. It is assumed that the relationship between the following variables to be adequately explained by the use of historical transformation theory. The review conceptualizes religion as a source of identity, community and values which have evolved historically. In the process of evolution, there have been many changes, transformations, continuities and discontinuities due to some intervening processes.

But the review notes that the existing literature does not conceptualize religion as something evolving, developing, changing and sometimes experiencing crisis.

The second variable that the study has conceptualized is socio-economic development which is conceived as involving changing according to the obtaining material conditions. The movement of its changes has history. At the begging development was construed as the triumph of man‘s effort to tame nature. As man mastered the laws governing nature he came to antagonistic relationship between man and man as exploitative relation of production emerged. Development at this juncture was construed as the success of effort of man to get rid of exploitative relations. At the highest level of development man was supposed to develop productive forces by adapting sophisticated science and technology coupled with

151 Saanane, Research Proposal Development, Unpublished paper UDSM Sabina Alkire, (2004), 2010 64

equal distribution of the product. The journey towards recovering the true identity of human beings created in the image of God.152 The end of this endeavor is to achieve human development through the means of economic development. The final goal is to achieve socio-economic development as reflected in conditions enabling human development, good and affordable health services, quality education, employment opportunities, democracy and human rights observation, environmental protection, conditions enabling economic growth, housing, income, food, shelter, sound infrastructure, sound management, and technological innovation. The questions asked about socio-economic development were affecting production of material goods. If religion could give answers to the the problems related to socio-economic development then it is invited.

The third variable is the society which is the basis of history. The Matengo society has been changing as it was struggling to appropriate nature for its reproduction. The literature reviewed shows that for the period under discussion 1890 to 1968 there were a lot of changes, continuities and discontinuities in the social formation.

Different factors influenced the changes and transformations. African traditional religion, Christianity colonial state and post-colonial state all had a bearing with regard to the dynamics at play in the body politic. The study attempted to bring up the major variables and some important concepts to be used in an attempt to establish relationship between Christianity and socio-economic in the Matengo Highlands. The guiding theory to inform this investigation is historical transformation method as developed and practiced by Karl Marx. In the course of establishing relationship

152 Hans-Martin Wilhelm, 2002:18 65

between these variables history of the Matengo society, Matengo traditional religion and the colonial state was brought under critical scrutiny.

1.7.4 The Knowledge Gap In the review of the related literature some gaps have been highlighted. The first one is the theoretical gap. The studies done in this area of research have been tied to the modernization and secularization theory which are not able to inform the historical study of religion and socio-economic development. The treatment of all Matengo political, economic and social values as impediments to socio-economic development inhibited the possibility of grasping the reality of dynamics of the Matengo society.

The historical context in terms of space and time is quite different. This study employed Marxist theory of analyzing society in order to grasp the relationships between the variables identified in the conceptual framework. The empirical review focusing on the relationship between Christianity and socio-economic development in the Matengo Highland suffers greatly in terms of scale, scope, depth and breadth.

Most of the studies done had been ecclesiastically based ending into praising the missionaries in their achievement in the field of evangelization. But this conclusion leaves behind questions as to whether evangelization is necessarily and all the time developmental in the area of socio-economic field. This study attempted to grapple with this gap.

1.8 Research Methodology This study used exploratory survey which is appropriate for historical study like this which is essentially a phenomenon which requires historical framework. The historical methodology was used in this study to collect data, analyze data and

interprete data. The collection of data was done using a number of historical sources.In this regard qualitative methods and techniques of data collection, both primary and secondary sources were conducted.

Primary sources included archival research as well as field interviews, questionnaires and focus group discussions. At the level of secondary sources, extensive review of existing literature on theoretical issues and existing studies on religion and development were explored. These data were collected through library research wherein published and unpublished documents such as books, periodicals, journals and local dailies. Official documents from government ministries and departments were researched to get basic information on development issues and on how they perceive religion.

The first method involved the use of in-depth interviews, the interview guides have been appended as annextures 2, 3, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 22 and 23. This method provided a ground for understanding historical changes in the Matengo society. In- depth semi-structured interviews were administered as well. These interviews were directed to some of sampled individuals especially the purposive sample group.

Selection of respondents for this tool was based on age, experience, sex, occupation, social status, and spatial distribution. Based on the interview questions, intensive interview was administered using interview guide instrument to explore the understanding of the dynamics of religion and development issues in the respective areas. Interview is chosen because it is open for further clarification since it is face to face encounter. The interview guide has been appended as Annex 2.

This study also employed oral sources that include eye-witness accounts, local narratives, oral traditions and life histories. An observation checklist was used to elicit relevant information from the respondents. These respondents were drawn from the list of magicians, witches, sorcerers, wapenga utunu, traditional healers, clan heads and traditional religious leaders, whose checklist has been appended as Annex

Documentary literature was important to avail secondary data which corroborated the primary data and assist to reach valid and reliable conclusions. A checklist of documents to be consulted was used to get information from libraries and resource centres of University of Dar-es-Salaam, University of Dodoma, Episcopal

Conference Centre and Peramiho Abbey. Checklist of guide to the documentary review has been attached as Annex 4.

Observations checklist was used to gauge socio-economic aspects such as well-being in the form of housing, food supplies, education, health services, income and property. The checklist has been appended as Annex 5. To observe the availability or non-availability of roads, bridges, industries and agricultural infrastructure. Spiritual resources such as hardworking, attendance to church, belonging, tolerance, compassion, empathy and willingness to sacrifice for common good was observed.

Archival data were accessed at the National archives, National Museum, mission

Archives of Peramiho Abbey and Majimaji archives in Songea. Parish records on marriage, baptisms, confirmations, burials and ordinations preserved in early mission centres of Litembo, Maguu, Mbinga and Kigonsera in the Matengo Highlands were

visited. In historical science, historian does not invent the wheel, instead he collects the existing events and interpret them in order to be able to reconstruct the reality.

For this reason archival resources provided most of the first hand information.

However, Archives of St. Ottilien in Germany, the archives of the Propaganda Fide in Rome and archival records of the British colonial rule in the United Kingdom would have been very resourceful, but were not visited for reason of lack of resources. The archival resources on German colonial administration housed at the

University of Dar-es-Salaam in the History Department were of great assistance.

Tanganyika Notes and Records at the University of Dar-es-Salaam were consulted.

These sources helped in getting information about the relationship between the

Roman Catholic Church on the one hand and the metropolitan state and the colonial state on the other hand. A list of archival documents was used to guide the work. The list is attached as Annex 6.

1.8.1Location of the Study This study was conducted in the Matengo Highlands.The Matengo are an ethnic group inhabiting the mountainous region between the Nyasa along the shore of Lake

Nyasa to the West and Ngoni group to the east. In 1926 the British colonial authorities introduced indirect rule in Songea district. The reforms were gazetted on

2nd March 1926 which included the formation of Mahenge Province with

Administration Divisions of Mahenge and Songea. Songea district was further reorganized by removing Wabena, Wakisiand Wapangwa to Mlangali Division. This redivision necessitated the seizure and hence the closure of Lipumba Sub-District.

SongeaDistrict administration was left with 4 units or groups of administration based on the ethnic background. The administration groups were the Matengo inhabiting

the Matengo Highlands; the Wanyasa inhabiting the area along the easten shore of

Lake Nyasa; the Wangoni of Zulu found in the Southern part of Songea and the

Wandendeule inhabiting the Northern part of Songea. Map 4.1 below show the geographical division of the groups of Songea district as they were in 1926. The

Matengo group as it appears in this map is therefore the geographical area of our study. Some of the important reasons why this area was chosen for an in-depth investigation are the population of the Matengo Highlands is predominantly Catholic

(85%) and ranking number one in Tanzania153. However, there is little information or documentation on the Matengo Highlands compared to other parts with strong

Christian influence such as Bukoba,154 Kilimanjaro155 and Sumbawanga156. The local population besides being converted to Christianity is still clinging to their traditional religion, creating a kind of symbiotic nature of worship and, in fact, the Matengo have the best developed practice of traditional religions.157 The Matengo Highlands per capita income of Tshs. 824,799/- is among the highest in Tanzania.158

1.8.2The Study Population The study involved the following population groups: The practitioners of the

Matengo Traditional religion and their shrines. The wapenga utunu, witchdoctors, elders, magicians, witches, sorcerers, traditional healers and wazee wa mila were interviewed. Sometimes a group of elders was constituted whereby their experiences on the customs, traditions, culture and perceptions were shared on the Matengo

Highlands through focus group discussions.

153 Catholic Directory of Tanzania: 2006:145-146 154 Kilaini, 1998:6 155 Lema, 1999, Kimambo, 1972, 156 Smythe, 1999 157 Ndunguru: 1972 158 Ofisi ya Mkuu wa Mkoa, Taarifa ya Mafanikio ya Miaka 50 ya Uhuru Mkoani Ruvuma, 2011 70

There were challenges the researcher faced notably the witchdoctors were not transparent in explaining their activities and sometimes refused to cooperate. Most of the information they offered were valuable and this was corroborated with other sources especially archival sources. Christian missionaries and their institutions were very important in enriching data on the missionary work in the entire southwestern

Tanzania.

The Abbey of Peramiho though not part of the Matengo Highlands provided vital information on the work of the missionaries. Peramiho was the center of

Benedictines in the entire present Archdiocese of Songea, diocese of Njombe and diocese of Mbinga. Most of the data and information regarding the histories of all three dioceses are available in Peramiho in the persons of Abbot Lambert Doerr and

Polycarp Stitch (Nkosi Gama). This researcher was privileged to have audience with treasured persons on the history of Benedictine missionary work in this area. Parish priests, priests, catechists and the common faithful were involved in the data collection.

Besides, this researcher was privileged to get audience with some retired people who worked in the colonial state in different capacities, post-colonial workers in the state machineries in different capacities. The office of District Executive Director of

Mbinga District Council was so generous to make this arrangement productive and efficient. This group was very helpful in making available information and data on colonial state and post-colonial state and their institutions. The ex-mission church workers were also involved in the process of generating data for this study. The retired bishop, priests and catechists were interviewed to extract information on the

history, activities and their perceptions on the role of Christianity in socio-economic development of the Matengo Highlands. The ordinary people were interviewed to get information on how they benefited from being closer to mission stations. Non-

Governmental Organization and Faith Based Organization workers were involved in the research to provide information on the relationship between the work of the religious institutions and Roman Catholic Church in the Matengo Highlands. The information was obtained through the in-depth investigation to be held at religious structures covering the diocese, parish, outstation, basic Christian community.

The government structure was explored from district, ward, village and hamlet levels. At the district level the researcher was privileged to get information on the contribution of church on socio-economic parameters in the Matengo Highlands. The departments of education, agriculture and community development are highly indebted for providing some information and statistics relevant to the study. Wards and villages were very useful in providing data in the socio-economic indicators on income, food security, literacy rate, poverty prevalence, life expectance and health care.

1.8.3 Sampling Procedure and Sample Size Samples from the Matengo Highlands were drawn using multi-staged sampling procedure. Population was drawn from the diocese where the Bishop, Vicar General and assistant to the bishop were involved in the exercise of data generation for the study. Sample of parishes was drawn from Litembo, Mbinga, Kigonsera Maguu and

Kitura. Nongombo was involved though is not in the Matengo Highlands because it was one of the earliest outstations of Litembo mission station. The outstation from

the sampled parishes were also involved in the research by providing leaders and some followers who were then interviewed to provide information on how the

Christianity was being used in provision of basic needs of the people. Basic Christian communities were the smallest and lowest units in the structure of the church leadership.

The diocese and the chosen parishes provided members for interviews and observation. The next stage was the kigango or outstation whereby a sample of them was identified. The process trickled down to the smallest unit of the Basic Christian community or jumuiya where individuals were selected to represent the rest of the people to provide information through focus group discussion, respond to questions, informal discussion, impromptu discussion, observation and non-structured questions. The parallel of this religious structure was the secular structure from district down to hamlet. The purpose of this procedure was to accommodate the individuals from the state administration and other secular institutions.

Both purposive and simple probability sampling methods were employed to get a needed number of respondents required in the study. Respondents at diocese, parish, district, division and ward levels were purposively selected. These were purposively selected because they are always the only ones and therefore there is no option for choice. For instance, there is one bishop at the diocese level, one parish priest at the parish level. Likewise, there is only one District Development Director at district level, one Divisional Executive Office at the level of division, one Ward Executive officer at ward level and only one Village Executive Officer at village level.

The sample size for this study was drawn from the Matengo Highlands covering two

Divisions, Mbuji and Mbinga Urban. Matengo Highlands is part of the Mbinga diocese with 12 Parishes.159 Respondents from Out Stations (vigango) and Basic

Christian Communities (jumuiya, villages and hamlets were selected using simple probability sampling method. A cluster sampling method was employed. Table 1.1 below illustrates the administration arrangement of the selected area. A detailed

Annex 1 has been appended to parishes, vigango, divisions and wards of Matengo

Highlands.

Table 1.1: Administrative arrangement of the Matengo Highlands SN Ecclesiastical Structure SN Secular Structure 1. Diocese 1 1. Divisions 2 2. Parishes 11 2. Wards 20 3. Out Stations 55 3. Villages 200 4. Basic Christian Communities 220 4. Hamlets 540 5. Households 3300 5. Households 27000 6 African Traditional Religion 50

Source: Documentary Review 2011

All the Matengo Highlands was involved in the study and 3 (30%) of 11 Parishes

(Litembo,Mbinga, Maguu and Kigonsera) was purposively sampled to offer representative sample of other Parishes. Out of 55 Outstations 9 (17%) Outstations were randomly sampled and involved in the study. Out of 220 Basic Christian

Communities 26 (17%) were randomly sampled to be involved in the study. Diocese and district administration were purposively involved in this study because of potential of these organs to provide baseline information of the history, vision and status of socio-economic development of the area. Ward and village executive officers were purposively involved in the study so as to capture the rich experience

159 Catholic Directory of Tanzania, 2006:146 74

and knowledge available within those levels of administration. A total of 14 African

Traditional Religious leaders, traditional healers, magicians, witches, sorcerers, and believers or followers were purposively involved. In total, approximately 80 respondents from the above mentioned organizations, institutions and individuals were interviewed in this study as analyzed in the table 1.2 below:

Table 1.2: Description of Respondents Involved in the Study SN DESCRPTION OF TO RESEARCH GROUP RESPONDENT TAL INSTRUMENT 1. Ecclesiastical group - Interview Guide: Diocese and Parishes Annex 11 . Diocesan Bishop - purposively sampled 1 because of getting the . Retired Bishop - 1 Interview Guide: . Parish Priests - 3 14 history of missionary Annex 16 . Retired Priests – 3 theories and work . Nuns - 3 concepts on . Brothers – 3 Interview Guide: development Annex 15 2. Lower Levels at Out . Catechists – 3 and Interview Guide; Stations and Basic 3 retired ones Annex 22 Christian Communities . Members of Out Focus Group sampled to represent Station Executive Discussion others in the randomly Committee 9 Guide: Annex 17 sampled areas. To . Basic Christian Questionnaire provide information on Communities 26 21 Observation how they perceived the Checklist: encounter between Annex 5 Christianity and Local region and how religions influenced the daily life. 3. Secular Group at the . District Interview Guide: 24 District level, division Commissioner 1, Annex 23 75

level and at the Ward . District Executive level, is purposively Director 1, Focus Group sampled to provide the . Member of Guide: annex 19 secular view on Parliament 1, Questionnaire development. Village . Retired Member of Observation and Hamlet levels Parliament 1, Checklist: were randomly . DEO 1, Annex 5 sampled to provide . WEO 1, information on how . VEO 3, they were affected by . Hamlet 5 and secular policies and . Ordinary people 10 ecclesiastical policies in their lives. 4. . Wapenga utunu 3 Interview Guide: . Clan Heads 2 Annex 14 . Believers/followers 5 African Traditional . Traditional healers Focus Group 20 Religion 2 Guide: 18 . Witchdoctors 2 Questionnaire . magicians 2, witches 2, Oral sources sorcerers 2 guide: Annex 3 5. Total 89 Source: Documentary Review, 2011

1.9 Validity and Reliability Reliability is synonymous with the consistency of a test, survey, observation, or other measuring device. Validity refers to the degree in which the test or the other measuring device is truly measuring what one intended it to measure. Historical research is a search for historical truth. In the search for historical truth historical

research relies on historical facts and evidence. Therefore historical research is the search for historical facts/data and the search for evidence about the fact. Evidence means proof concerning past events, past reality or historical facts. Historical evidence is from historical sources which are traces left by thoughts or deeds in the past direct or indirect, written or non-written.

In order to arrive at historical truth source criticism is important. This requires working repeatedly with the sources of information and the interrogation of the evidence. Source criticism refers to the checking of the authenticity of the source as well as evidence being presented. It also refers to checking the extent to which the sources and evidence are reliable. Authenticating sources will be done through tracing the origin (time and place) of the sources. Rules of authenticity are such as reading the direct information in order to establish the source of the information and check its quality. Another rule is engaging in content analysis in order to establish trustworthiness of the information.

History dwells on past reality and is therefore a science that searches about what actually happened in the past so that we can reconstruct it, the present and the future.

The scientificity of history is therefore how you find and select sources of information about that past event – (which you don‘t create), you explain/interpret about the historical fact (simple or complex fact), you interrogate and present the evidence or create a proof system through a footnote explanatory structure that is able to be followed, criticized and rejected by other historians (source criticism) and finally interpret it. Historical science is therefore about how you handle information and evidence about the past. A historian is not creating history, instead he has to

compile fact to create sense of time and space (called historical specificity) makes sense of the event plus chronology about it. This professionalism was done through the Chicago Manual/Style or Uralian style of proof system or citation system. In other words a Historian is necessarily a good footnote maker because through this then evidence is made or cited and one can prove from following up the footnotes the credibility, authenticity and reliability of the historical facts being presented.

1.10 Data Processing and Analysis In due regard, the plan for data processing and analysis must be made after careful consideration of the objectives of the study and the list of variables. It has to be known that procedures for analysis of data collected through qualitative and quantitative research approaches are quite different. Thus, one must consider the type(s) of study and the different data collection methods used when making a plan for data processing and analysis.

The collected data were processed through content analysis. Some data collected were in Kiswahili or German; therefore it was necessary to translate and transcribe to

English language. The cumulative and field research data were synthesized at each stage of research. The analysis considered key words, framework, theme, precision of responses and content intensity. This is because data were collected using qualitative and quantitative approaches.

For quantitative data, the starting point in analysis was usually a coding of data for each variable for all the study units included in the sample. For qualitative data, it was more a matter of describing, summarizing and interpreting data obtained for each

study unit (or for each group of study units). The data analysis was started while collecting the data so that questions that remain unanswered (or new questions that come up) can be addressed before data collection is over.

Preparation of a plan for data processing and analysis provided a better insight into the feasibility of the analysis which was performed as well as resources that are required. It also provided an important review of the appropriateness of the data collection tools. When making a plan for data processing and analysis, the following aspects were considered: sorting data, performing quality-control checks, data processing and data analysis.

1.11 Ethical Issues The study was undertaken with ethical considerations where by things like privacy, confidentiality, anonymity, informed consent and elements of risk and vulnerable populations were handled with necessary steps. Research clearance helped researcher to identify to individuals and organizations was obtained from the University of

Dodoma.

1.12 Conclusion In concluding the chapter, this study attempts to examine the developmental role of

Christian religion in the area of Matengo Highlands from 1890 to 1968 as a way to generalize the study of religion and development in development discourse in Africa.

Understanding role of religion in African nations requires linking the historical processes that have influenced the pattern of Africa‘s development process. The development of Africa since its integration in the world system and its subornation

under European colonialism is dialectically related to international capitalist system.

Africa‘s development at the current conjuncture reflects the reality of transformation of African societies. The linkage between religion and socio-economic development currently is the manifestation of the contemporary capitalism and its transformation on its international scale and specific to condition in African environment. The

Matengo study though at micro level is anticipated to provide insight on how religion is influenced by historical processes and not to take the linkage for granted as missionaries and modernists have attempted to make us understand.

CHAPTER TWO

THE HISTORY OF PRE-COLONIAL MATENGO HIGHLANDS UP TO THE COLONIAL CONQUEST (1850S-1890S).

2.1 Introduction This chapter examines the Wamatengo history in pre-colonial times. In particular it analyzes the socio-political and economic situation and concentrates finally in the transcendental status of the Matengo Highlands before the advent of Christianity. It focused on the evolution, practice, values and the role of religion in the Matengo

Highlands before the advent of Christianity. This chapter is divded into the

Wamatengo History, the Wamatengo socio-political organization the economic organization and the religiosity of Wamatengo.

2.2 The History of Matengo Highlands before Colonial Conquest

The original inhabitants of this area were a Bantu speaking Matengo people (from a

Kimatengo word to designate forest, hence people of the forest). This group seems to be a recent creation. Most of our oral informants interviewed could trace their ancestry far back as seven generations.160 If we take a generation to be 30 years, which will give us a round figure of two centuries back. These oral traditions suggest that the name of this ethnic group means the people of the forest.161 This therefore might suggest that the Matengo Highlands was not inhabited by any people before 1788 the time when the first inhabitants started occupying the Matengo

Highlands.162 This area was not inhabited before possibly because it was densely

160 Alexander Howahowa and +Alois Makupe Turuka interviewed at Langiro and Litembo 161Ndunguru op.cit. 1972:6 162 Tanganyika Notes and Records, No. 6, 1938, pp. 79-81 81

forested and harboured dangerous wild animals.163 But we are also led to believe that given the low level of productive forces of the Wamatengo people who used crude stone and wooden tools; it was not easy to tame this area.164

The Matengo people according to oral sources are a mixture of different small clans in southeastern Tanzania. Some are of the Nindi origins which are found in the

Tanzania and Mozambique border. These are Ndunguru, Kumburu and Matembo clans. Many others are said to have arrived from Upangwa in the far north east.

These clans include the Kapinga, Kamba/Hanzi, Mapunda/Rwanda, Lupogo and

Njako. The last group is believed to migrated from Songea includes the Makita

Kayuni clan.165

The area was inhabited by the Matengo people from the 19th century.166 The starting point of all human history is the existence of living human individuals. The first historical act of these individuals is that they begin to produce their means of subsistence.167 The main economic activity of the inhabitants of Matengo Highlands was essentially farming. They subsisted on agricultural products mainly maize, beans, sunflower, wheat, potatoes, and garden peas in the higher parts; cassava in the lower parts and finger millet for local beer. Many people kept chicken, goats, cattle, sheep and pigs. They also involved in hunting and trapping wild game and gathering of forest products to supplement protein intake in their diet. Traditional crafts such as

163 Ibid. passim 164 Alexander Howahowa and +Alois Makupe Turuka interviewed at Langiro and Litembo 165 TNA, SDB. MF 40 Vol. II, Language Notes Wamatengo Sheet 3. Cf. Interviews, Howahowa and Makupe 166 Kapinga,M.O. op. cit. 1993 167K.Marx, Engels, F. and V.I.Lenin, On Historical Materialism, Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1984. p. 17 82

basketry, pottery, mat making, bark cloth (ndenda) making, and salt making, hunting net making, iron smelting and smithery formed part of the economic activities.

The Matengo arrived in the area they are found in around 19th century from different parts due to feuding and search for fertile arable land. The group of Nindi under

Kayuni Ndunguru from Mozambique arrived in the Matogoro highlands in Songea.

They were attacked by Muta Maseko and therefore migrated to Matengo Highlands.

Others who are said to have arrived in the Wamatengo Highlands were hunters from

Nyasaland under Kanyenda who married a Wamatengo girl and they had children who were called Ndimbo for men and Mango for women.168

The neighbours of Wamatengo were in the North West the Matengo were bordered by Wandonde. The first conflict involved people called the Ndonde, from the area of contemporary Songea. Under their leader, Mtuluhi, they attacked the stockaded fortress of the Ndunguru leader, Mhutika, at Mhutu. The Ndondi were defeated in battles fought with spears, axes, and bill-hooks; at that time people did not have any muzzleloading guns.

Warfare against the Ndonde continued during the rule of two successive Ndunguru chiefs, with the Matengo successfully defending against the attacks. Then, according to Chrisostomus's account, Mputa's Ngoni secretly invaded Umatengo and abducted the wives of Makita from his Mhutu sanctuary. Makita, supported by four of his military leaders including the ' general' Ngameha, followed the Ngoni in an attempt

168 Fr. Egno Ndunguru, op. cit. 1972:6 83

to free the captive women. In the course of the chase, Mputa and Makita met and talked; the latter agreed to settle with the Ngoni and join with them in warfare.169

In Umatengo Makita built several villages, provided for internal peace, and sent his armies against peoples of the Nyasa lake-shore. Six ' countries' were defeated, and

Makita was accepted as a ruler. Sub-chiefs were placed in three of the conquered territories where Makita had also sent cattle.

With peace in Matengoland, Makita rebuilt his ancestral villages of Mhutu and

Myangayanga. Pangwa iron-workers requested permission to settle in the country in order to manufacture hoes for farming. Until this time there had been no iron hoes in

Umatengo; this was the beginning of farming among the mountain people. To cement the relationship with the smiths Makita gave a daughter in marriage to the Pangwa expert, Putuka. This was the second group from Upangwa to become established in

Umatengo.170

A military alliance had been concluded with the Ngoni under Hawayi, and Makita's soldiers fought together with Ngoni on raids. Soon, however, the Ngoni again attacked the Matengo, and Makita gathered his army at a fortress at Litembo where caves provided shelter for women and children. Hawayi's forces followed and fought the Matengo for two days; additional troops led by Ngameha, Makita's general, who had settled some distance from Litembo, then arrived and the Ngoni retreated.

Matengo society, as depicted in these accounts by the descendants of Makita I, is marked by distinction in social position and political office. There are superiors and

169 Harry W. Basehart, Traditional History and Political Change among the Matengo of Tanzania, Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 42, No. 2 (Apr., 1972), :89 170 Harry W. Basehart, op. cit. (Apr., 1972),:90 84

inferiors; rulers and ruled; generals and soldiers. The hierarchy of officers includes the Chief (Bambo Mkulungus; sometimesreferredto by the Ngoni term Nkosi); sub- chiefsand war leaders(often designatedas Nduna, another Ngoni term); superior headmen who administer a number of villages (jumbe); and, presumably, ordinary village headmen. The society is one in which there was at least the beginning of inequality of access to scarce positions of power and scarce non-subsistence economic goods. The chief is seen as exercising a wide range of powers, related principally to problems of offence and defence: he controlled fighting men, received and redistributed plunder, initiated warfare and raids, sanctioned raids by subordinates, assigned sub-chiefs to conquered villages and newcomers to villages within the country, made alliances and treaties, and so on. In brief, the Makita traditional narratives imply a charter of legitimacy for a successful military leader whose expedient association with and opposition to Ngoni invaders laid the foundation for a political superstructure encompassing the heterogeneous groups which had filtered into the mountain fastness. Rights to the paramountcy in this hierarchical system were vested in a particular dynasty whose genealogy attested to a number of generations firmly rooted in Matengo soil.171

Traditional accounts of the Litembo dynasty present a view of the basis for Matengo political legitimacy which is radically opposed to that advanced by advocates of the

Makita dynasty. These traditions have not been recorded in written form, although a brief history of Matengo in the Songea District Book appears to reflect Litembo

171 Harry W. Basehart, op.cit. (Apr., 1972),:91 85

perspectives.172 The account which follows is derived from interviews with Litembo residents who were knowledgeable individuals but not specialists in traditional lore.

Traditionally, political organization among the Matengo was non-hierarchical, comprising a collectivity of sovereign patrilineal groups of equivalent status and diverse origin. Each such patrilineal group (kilau) represented the descendants of a common grandfather who, during his lifetime, had been the unquestioned leader.

(mahukoluoor bamboo) of the group. Those kilau heads who originally settled unoccupied land were regarded as 'owners of the land'; later arrivals in the same area were required to seek permission from the head of the kilau if they wished to settle.

The autonomous kilau was associated with a particular bounded territory, and constituted an independent unit in warfare.

The important Litembo area was first settled by a man named Kawanila, who is said to have come from somewhere in Mozambique. His kilau was Hyera-Ndiwu; initially, he established a village on unoccupied land in the western portion of

Umatengo. The settlement was called Kunguru after the name for women of

Kawanila's kilau in order that everyone might know who had founded the village. In those days digging-sticks were used in cultivation; iron hoes were unknown until

Pangwa smiths moved into the country. Farming methods were also different; the land and trees were burned and the soil turned by the digging-stick before planting.

The pit system of cultivation was not developed until iron hoes became available.Kawanila prospered at this first settlement and begot many children. Then, atabout the time of the Ngoni wars, he moved to Litembo and built another

172 TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Book (SDB) 86

village,again named Kunguru. Kawanila achieved recognition for his powers as a rainmakerand medicine man, but he was considered to be the ruler only of the settlement hefounded and of those instituted by people who received land from him.173

Makita is not atrue Mmatengo, the first chief of this was KawanilaHyera. Before his reign, the heads of various clans ruled as a council of of bambos. Upon his death

Kawanila was succeeded by Makita Mandawa I who was made a prisoner by the

Germans and banished to the coast. He was succeeded by Mpingu who was killed during the Majimaji war in 1905 and his position was taken over by Tekambwani who ruled until the Germans appointed Kapungu Kikinda who ruled until 1916 when he died. The Kibwale Makita who assumed the chieftainship thereafter was appointed by the British. His father had been asked by Kawanila to assume the post of commander of his forcesduring his fights with the Angoni. He was acknowledged by the tribe as the leader of the army but not as their paramount.174

The British acknowledged Makita as the chief of Wamatengo but found him very backward old man. Whereupon Mathias the grandson of Kawanila was acknowledged and appointed as advisor to Makita. Mathias moved from Litembo to

Myangayanga and he assisted Makita in all the management of the tribe. When

Makita dies it was agreed that Mathias should take over as the chief. Unfortunately

Mathias died before Makita in 1941 whereas Makita died in 1949.175The replacement of the late Makita brought conflict among Wamatengoof the three barazas namely

173 Harry W. Basehart, op. cit. :92 174 TNA, Acc. 155, SDB 175 E.Ndunguru, op. cit. 1972: 27 87

Litembo, Myangayanga and Langiro. The potential heir to throne was Chrisostoms

Makita but he was not a true Mmatengo. The conflict dragged on until 1956 when

Chrisostoms Makita was made the paramount chief of the whole Umatengo.

However, the sub-chiefs of Litembo and Langiro barazas did not agree to this decision. To solve the power struggle in Umatengo it was resolved that there should be a creation of the Matengo Council or Umatengo Divisional Council underSongea

Council with headquarters at Ndengo. 176 The conflict raged on until 1961 when

Governor Richard Turnbull unseated the paramount chief Chrisostoms Makita and later J.K.Nyerere abolished chieftainship.

The political history of Umatengo throughout history was laden by frictions between the the Kawanila chiefdom who claimed to be custodian of power in the Matengo

Highlands. This family is believed to be the descendants of the Wamatengo ethinic group, while the contender was the Makita clan which is believed to have originated from Ungoni and hence not a proper clan to administer the Matengo Highlands. In this friction, the British colonial authority was just dilly dallying in anticipation that they can rule smoothly in asituation where the local people are divided and constantly in friction.

2.2The Evolution of Religion in the Matengo Highlands In his discussion of the interrelationship of secular history and religion, Anold

Toynbee advanced the following hypothesis:

Man begins by worshipping Nature; when he ceases to worship Nature, he is left with a spiritual vacuum which he is impelled to fill; and he is then confronted with the choice of substituting for the worship of Nature either a

176 E.Ndunguru, ibid. 1972:45 88

worship of himself or an approach to Absolute Reality through the worship of God or quest for Brahma or for Nirvana.177 Fr. Johannes Hafliger a superior of Kigonsera in 1901 attempted to establish a mission station in mountainous country of Umatengo. According to Doerr it seemed that the Wamatengo being a conservative people were much slower to accept the new ways offered by the mission, in particular western education.178 In addition, Fr.

Johannes felt very strongly that the attitude of the Wamatengo was not promising.

―The majority of the villages do not wish to have any dealing with Europeans and it would be only a question of time if not many would emigrate in case we should actually move there.‖179 This position was also amplified by Fr. Ludger Breindl in

1914 who judged the Matengo to be ―extremely conservative as all mountain people‖. Paganism is still dominant in its original forms.180 He even reported that some of the elders were offering sacrifices to the spirits of their ancestors in order to prevent the permanent presence of the mission in their midst. 181 The dominant wisdom claiming that missionaries found African societies tabula rasa 182 notwithstanding, the Benedictine Fathers encountered an indigenous religion in place. It was functioning to suit the material conditions of that particular period and specific challenges.

Kenyata (1999) explains how the Matengo people perceived life – family affiliation, friendship, source of life (mwoju), death and its cause, concept of time, creation,

177 Anold Toynbee, op. cit. : 316 178 Doerr, op. cit. 1998:30 179Archives of Peramiho Abbey (APA), Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Vol.I, 1902. 180 APA, Chronicles of Litembo, 1914 181 Doerr, op. cit. 1998:81 182 Hastings, op. cit. 1967 89

production (material life- food,shelter, security, health, clothing, education) and reproduction of society-marriage and bringing up of the young.183

Opening up of mission stations in different parts of the Matengo Highlands was not a very easy work as it was thought. 184 In some areas missionaries were refused permission to establish stations. This happened at Ngima leading them to proceed to

Litembo and Lundumato.185

2.3Studies on Religion and Development in the Matengo Highlands This case study area is also part of the African continent and, therefore, falls within the context of areas considered as tabula rasa in developing their transcendental sense. This is evident in the existence of scanty and paucity literature in the Matengo

Highlands about the relationship of religion and development. Even the studies that are available are not very specific to the area; they are in most cases, implied in content and geography.186

2.4Location of the Area The Matengo people live in Umatengo Highlands. The Matengo Highlands area lies in the south-western part of Tanzania as in (Map 1.1) below. It covers about 3,600 square kilometres. It is located between 10‘45‘S to 11‘45‘S and between 34‘30‘E to

35‘00‘E, which include Mbuji and Mbinga urban divisions. To the West, it is boarded by the rift valley which descends into Lake Nyasa. To the East, North and

South it is bordered by the lower Matengo of Mpepo division which is now in the

183 Anton Kapinga Matanila (86) interviewed on 27.08.2012 at Mbinga town 184 Doerr, op. cit. 1998 185 Kenyata, op. cit. 1999 186 Doerr, 1998, Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu Songea1998, Kilaini, 1998, and Rupper, 1988 90

new district of Nyasa.187 The topography of the Matengo Highlands is generally undulating with very steep slopes ranging between 1200 to 2000 metres above sea level. These mountain ranges are the extension of Livingstone mountain ranges which are cut by several perennial rivers like Ruhunei, Ngaka, Mbao, Kingua,

Mnyamaji and many others flowing into Lake Nyasa.188 Soil consists of dark brown to reddish loamy clay which is very deep and fertile with an excellent water percolation and drainage.189 The mean annual precipitation is 1500 milimetres, with the rain season being between November and April. The rest of the year is dry.

Influenced by the relief the Matengo Highlands has a semi temperate climate with

May, June, July and August being the coldest months with a temperature range of 55 degrees Fahrenheit. September and October are the driest and warm months, with temperature range of about 80 degrees Fahrenheit. 190 Natural vegetation is hyparrhenia – parinari wooded grassland, although much of the land is under cultivation.

Map 1.1: Mbinga District

187TNA. Songea District Book MF 38 Vol. I, General Topography (Hereinafter SDB). 188Tanganyika Notes and Records, (hereinafter TNR) No. 6, 1938, p. 79. 189 United Republic of Tanzania (URT), Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA) Ruvuma Water Master Plan, Vol. 4A 1982, p. 6. 190 URT, ibid. passim 91

2.5 Demographic Dynamics of the Matengo Highlands According to the 1897 estimates, the population of the Matengo Highlands numbered about 5000 inhabitants. According to the census carried by the German government in 1904, the number of the Wamatengo was 6,000.191 In 1910 the population density in the Matengo Highlands was about 1-5 people per square kilometre.192 The 1948 population census recorded a population density of 9.1 people per square kilometre, the 1957 population census recorded 11 people per square kilometre, and the 1967 population census recorded 17.1 people per square kilometre.193 In the 1978 census recorded 23 people per square kilometre194 and that of 1988 recorded 35 people per square kilometer.195

The 2002 census estimated the total population of the area at 403,819 of which,

197,789 are males and 206,030 are women. The annual population growth rate is an average of 3% per annum.196The population in 2012 was353,683 people; the number has dropped due to establishment of new Nyasa district from Mbinga district with a population of 146,160.197 The Matengo population density is 120 inhabitants per km2.198 Out of this population 85% of the population are Roman Catholics, 8% are

Protestants, 3% belong to Pentecostal churches, 2% are Muslims and 2% claim traditional worship.199 The dominant ethnic group in the district is Wamatengo who

191 E.Ebner OSB, ―History of the Wangoni‖, Mimeo, 1959, pp. 123-24 192H.Kjekshus, Ecology Control and Economic Development in East African History, University of Dar-es-Salaam p. 1. (No Date) 193 Central Statistical Bureau, Recorded Population Changes 1948-1967, Dar-esSalaam1968, p. 9 194Bureau of Statstics, 1978, Population Census Preliminary Report p. 97. 195Bureau of Statstics, 1988, Population Census Regional Profile, Ruvuma, 1988, p. ii. 196Rutatora & Nindi, 2007. 197 National Bureau of Statistics, 2012 Population and Housing Census, Population Distribution by Administrative Areas 2013:96 198 DALDO, 2001 199 Documentary Review, 2011 92

inhabit the highlands. There are a few Nyasa, Yao, Kinga, Arabs, and Indians in

Mbinga town.

2.6The Economic Organization The pre-colonial society in the Matengo Highlands lived in a separate nucleated settlement villages known as musi. They were people of the same descendant with a common clan name called kilau. Each clan had an individual site for settlement usually a mountain ridge (lupimbi) circumscribed by river streams. Since the

Matengo subscribed to patrilineal line, sons who reached puberty were given their own settlement sites near that of their fathers.200 Men lived patriarchal, whereby women moved to their husband‘s home after marriage.

The main economic occupation here was agriculture. Various crops were grown supplemented by hunting and gathering of forest products. 201 Few animals and chickens were kept to add to the food being used. Among the Matengo, goats were accorded a very special importance for the two main reasons. Goats were used for ritual offerings to the ancestors who were locally known as mahoka. Secondly, goats were used as a store of wealth for paying bride price.

These kind of economic activities explain the relations between human beings and nature, the setup of the society employed family labour to produce and appropriate nature. Here man‘s main activity was clearing land by slash and burning. Juniors attended the animals. Women tilled the land and most of the domestic chores,

200 R.Hyera, Land Tenure and Social Change among the Wamatengo: The case of Mbinga District, B.A. Dissertation, UDSM, 1977:22 201 TNA, SDB MF 40, Vol. II, Sheet 5-8. 93

assisted by girls. Males joined women in planting and weeding. Otherwise, most of men‘s time was spent on hunting and trapping game or drinking. The whole community was involved in production as labourers with division of labour along sex and age lines.202

The above pattern of division of labour reflected the type the types of owners and ownership of means of production in society. The major means of production in the

Matengo Highlands land and what it contained such fruits, game, and vegetation. The owner here was the community. Membership to the community gives one opportunity of disposing of the means of production. The clan head distributed unused land to his clansmen who in return cleared it (kutumba kigona) and then put it to productive use. Whoever cleared virgin land, it was assumed that such land would be under his custody and could be inherited by his family.203

Grazing land in the hills remained communally owned. Water rights over rivers, springs, wells and streams followed the occupancy of the house plot. However, the tendency was the common use for the whole community.204 Instruments of labour were which included hoes, slashes (nyengo), hunting nets, arrows; bows and traps belonged to the households.205 These lowly developed productive forces demanded that labour should involve collective endeavor. Consequently, the Matengo devised a traditional co-operative labour process called ngokela. This was a communal mutual help system among members of a clan.

202 Interviews Makupe, Ndunguru, Howahowa, Komba 203 Hyera, op. cit. 1977: 150-156 204 W. Kapinga and L.Mbunda, The Villages and Ujamaa villages Act 1975and Reoganization of of Peasant Sector: A case of Mbinga District, L.L.B. Dissertation, UDSM, 1981:20-21 205 Interviews Ngahinyana, Sumila, Makupe, Howahowa 94

Low level productive forces called for labour intensification. Consequently everybody in the clan had work to perform. This reduced the possibility of individual surplus appropriation. More important was an encouragement of collective ownership of means of labour, objects of labour and products of labour. This once again reduced the possibility of starvation to any individual in the community. Food was served communally at the sengu. Food from each household was brought there by women for everybody to eat. Women of the whole musi ate their food in one of the selected place, usually in the kitchen of one of the eldest woman.

With regard to property relations, which is the fundamental aspect of the relationship between owners, labourers and means of labour; primitive property relations was dominant. Since the material object of property was land, all members of community exercised the right to means of labour and object of labour (land). The head of musi was a guardian of his peoples land rights. He allocated land to the members of the musi where to build a house and could take the strip of land stretching behind one‘s house. 206 The dominant relations of production in the Matengo Highlands were communal production relations.

However, due to simple specialization between clans, exchange of use values was facilitated by barter trade. Use values exchanged included food crops, cattle, pots, salt, bark cloth, mats, baskets, and many others. Cattle as a factor in dowry, forced those whodid not have to any to exchange either food crops or piece of land for cattle. Pots as the only cooking instruments in the Matengo Highlands were very crucial in stimulating inter and intra clan trade. Pottery was developed at Mbugu

206 Interviews Komba, Sumila, Makupe, Howahowa 95

where a market was established.207 Trade was also conducted with Wampoto to the

West, whereby fish was exchanged for iron tools and other items.208 The Matengo were forced to produce over and above subsistence needs. This called upon improvements of labour. This way iron smelting and smithery were developed. This technology diffused from Upangwa by the Mapunda and Lupogo clans.209

Labour relations, ownership, means of labour, production relations and property relations are closely related. These are indicators of the relational structure of social relations that is society or social formation. These elements have no real independent existence but a relational existence. The total some of these elements make up the modes of production and economic formation. If we apply this formulation to the analysis of the Matengo social formation we can discern that, it was a communal mode of production. It was communal mode of production because there was communal labour and communal ownership of means of labour, there was also communal property relations and communal form of production. The little surplus accumulated was appropriated by the elders and the clan heads. However, there was only formal subordination of the producers and not and not real subordination of producer.210

2.7Socio-Political Organization The Matengo society was organized in groupings of sovereign patrilineal groups with the same social status. Each such group represented the descendants of the same grandfather with a common clan name (kilau). The most common clan names – kilau

207Hyera, op. cit. 1977:22-23 208 Mihanjo, op. cit. 1989:111 209Kapinga, nd. pp.11-12 210 P.P.Rey, ―Class Contradiction in Lineage Societies‖ Critique of Anthropology 13 & 14, Vol. 4 1979:49-51 96

are appended as Annex 7. Political power was centered on clan heads who were guardians of the clan land, arbiter in land disputes and distributed land to members.

The powers accorded to the clan heads and the elders to command spiritual and ideological strengthened their powers over the rest of the society.211 In most cases the grandfather became the unquestioned clan head of the clan.212 This political unit

(musi) under its own clan head possessed and exercised authority over all the socio- economic and political activities of the society. However, the whole Matengo

Highlands recognized the presence of high authority over the ancestors which were common to all, called Sapanga. The other noble function of the clan heads was to perform spiritual and ritual functions. The rulers invoked the ancestral spirits for good harvest, political leadership and other activities.213

Political authority was also consolidated through control of sexual and age relationship. The role of women in the Matengo society was for both biological reproduction and means of labour. Here the institution of polygamy became very crucial as it was a symbol of both power and wealth.214 Elders and clan heads usually married several wives to perform many activities at their homes such as entertaining guests, prepare clan functions, and other functions of the elders and clan heads.

Women also did most of the land tilling and domestic duties assisted by men juniors.

Many wives in this situation meant accumulation of material life and more children

211 Kapinga, op. cit.1993:43 212 D.Schmied, Subsistance Cultivation, Market Production and and Agricultural Development in Ruvuma Region, Southern TanzaniaBay Reth, African Series, 1989: 213Ndunguru, op.cit. passim 214 E.Ndunguru, Ibid. 1972:107 97

who could defend the clan and reproduce it economically and biologically.

Furthermore, having many daughters was a source of wealth through bride price.215

Clan heads and elders were able to marry as many wives as possible because they practically controlled the means of production, the direct producers and had the access to the surplus product. Junior members of the clan could get married only upon permission from the elders. This was due to the fact that the youth depended on the elders for bride price and apportionment of land the major object of labour. This way the clan elders were at liberty to determine when one could marry. This reinforced the dependence relationship between the elders and the junior members of the clan.

Political power of elders and the clan heads in the Matengo Highlands was also articulated at the level of sengu institution. Backed by the ideas that they have super natural powers, it was easy for them to dominate decision making process in discussions. Hence, this reinforced dependence relationship of juniors to elders.

Sengu in the Matengo Highlands was also functioning as a buffer zone to defuse struggles between the juniors who would want change and the elders who would want to maintain the status quo. Through socialization at the sengu, juniors were satisfied that they would take up the reigns of the clan as they become elders.

Prior to advent of Christianity there existed exploitation of juniors and women by elders in the Matengo Highlands. The basis of this exploitation was through division of labour which kept some jobs exclusively for women and juniors. We can conclude

215 E.Ndunguru, Ibid. 1972:109 98

that there was formal subordination of the group of producers as a whole to the exploitation of the clan. Thus the elders can be defined as the dominant class and the rest of the group as the dominated.216 The society was not centralized and depended on the clan organization, its production and reproduction. Means of labour were very crude (wooden and stone tools) and production relations evolving towards hierarchy, whereby there was a trend towards appropriation of surplus by few (elders and clan heads). Social functions were based on age and sex, and social differentiations were taking the same sex and age lines. The elder members of the clans benefitted at the expense of the juniors and female members. The whole local group, elders excluded, was dominated. Control was exercised by marriage control, sengu institution, super natural powers, control of means of labour and objects of labour and knowledge.217

2.8Evolution of Transcendental Sense (Religious Ideas) in the Matengo Highlands The Matengo people, like any other society had historically evolved and developed transcendental sense resulting into religious beliefs and philosophy as one of their crucial cultural component.218 The pre-Christian Matengo dwellings were clustered, each musi was under a clan head. Musi did not only form the economic unit, but also the social and political unit of each clan. The size of the musi depended on the number of clansmen who formed the village. Grown up sons were allocated settlement areas, few meters from their fathers‘ vicinity within the same ridge

216 P.P.Rey, 1979, ―Class Contradiction in Lineage Societies‖ Critique of Anthropology 13 & 14, Vol. 4 pp. 49-51 217 Kapinga, op. cit. 1993:46 218 Kapinga, ibid. 1993:44 99

(lupembi/ntambo).219 This tendency perpetuated family and clan cohesion as a socio- economic, religious and political unit.

The reasons why the Matengo people settled on the musi basis can be attributed to the geographical nature of the area. We mentioned earlier that the settlements were based on ridges which were circumscribed by river streams. Each clan used to occupy a ridge which ultimately formed their socio-economic, religious and political unit. However, there were constant interactions between different clans notably through marriage. It was not easy for a young male to marry within his musi because of strict observance of incest taboos. The explanation for this strict observance was that within the musi people trace the same ancestral origin, hence if they get married there is possibility of inbreeding which would result to the off springs to suffer from imitu (a disease resulting from inbreeding).

Each musi had its clan head, a post which was hereditary to the elder son upon death of the clan head. There was no paramount chief to speak of in the pre-Christian

Matengo Highlands. Each clan enjoyed autonomy from the other clans though culturally they interacted. Cultural similarities were evidenced in the way children were brought up, rites of passage, marriage system, beliefs and ideas, worship, language, moral conduct, the way houses were built, hospitality, types of food and cloth.220

219 The Matengo Highlands are made up of ridges (lupembi) bordered by river streams. Each clan occupies its ridge. 220 Ndunguru, passim 100

Among other functions of the clan head was to perform spiritual and ritual functions.

The powers accorded to the clan heads and elders to command spiritual and ideological functions strengthened their powers over the rest of the society members, especially women and juniors. The performance of rituals made the elders and clan heads appeal to supernatural powers. These ideas instilled fear to the rest of the group in the clan to challenge the elders in whatever aspect. In the final analysis the appeal to supernatural powers by clan heads and elders formed the ideological basis for the control of the direct producers mainly women and juniors.221

At the institution of musi there were several metaphysical and cosmological questions which were normally asked. They were mainly questions about the nature of the universe, about after-life issues and also about super natural powers. Such questions included; where does life come from? What causes death? What is the the end of life? Do the dead people go to another world? Who created human beings?

What causes misfortunes like illness, drought, famine, bad harvest and many others?222

Another possible riddle which sought some explanations was the real practical life in the environment the Matengo people found themselves. The physical features, the climate, the natural vegetation posed serious challenge to Matengo people as they were struggling to tame nature. Coupled with low level science and technology just complicated the matter. Of course in some cases they were able to overcome the

221 Kapinga, 1993:43 222 Interview Anton Matanila, Xaver Mbunda, 1912 101

challenges. For instance the invention of the ngolo farming system was a very crucial discovery to overcome soil erosion in the hilly setting of the Matengo Highlands.223

But still the Matengo Highlands encountered other challenges like wild animals, heavy forests, and the frightening cave sights, the outbreaks of epidemics, grasshoppers and famine. In 19th century the Matengo people experienced a fierce invasion by the Ngoni (soba), intrusion of slave traders, coming of missionaries, the colonial onslaught, the coming of independence. The European presence enlarged the world in which men lived and provided motives and opportunities for religious innovation. In all these landmarks the Matengo traditional religion had a role to address each landmark.224 The challenges prompted and stimulated the people of the

Matengo Highlands to start searching for spiritual aid. Kimambo and Omari225 argue that the evolution of religious ideas among the Pare of Tanzania was basically out of the need to mobilize the people of the political unity against the outside threats.

While Ogot226 expresses the same opinion while using the example of Padhola of

Kenya. Therefore the people of the Matengo Highlands were confronted by practical historical circumstances which in return called for spiritual mobilization to address the challenges. This usually happened in time of crisis such as draught, famine, epidemics, and other calamities. There emerged people who purported to be endowed with spiritual powers to give explanations for these challenging events.227 Healers or waganga were always consulted to give explanation for any event and suggest steps to be taken to mitigate the impact of which. The concerned victims were instructed on what steps to take to appease the ancestors who may have been offended. There

223 Ngolo system of farming is very unique the world over. 224 Iliffe, 1979:291 225 Kimambo and Omari, 1972:113 in Ranger, T. and Kimambo, I. (eds.). (1972), The Historical Study of African Religion, Heinemann Educational Books Ltd, London. Nairobi. Ibadan. 226 Ogot 1972:124 in in Ranger, T. and Kimambo, I. (eds.). ibid. 227 Interviews Anton Kapinga , Howahowa, Makupe 102

were two types of waganga; the first type were those who can foretell an event using some objects known as imbagu made of horns ofdifferent animals or guards. The second type was those waganga who can identify diseases and provide herbal medicines for healing. Both were important in the society as they assisted the reproduction of the society.228

It was believed that a clan head had powers to communicate with a super natural being known as Sapanga among the Matengo people. Sapanga was believed to be a creator of men and other things around. He was someone with absolute power and he caused birth to new ones and death to old ones. He was omnipresent and omnipotent and could plan everything for the whole society.229 Unlike in the Pare society230 and

Padhola society,231 where the Supreme God led to the evolution of kingship cult,

Sapanga did not evolve towards that end. All clan heads recognized the Supremacy of the Sapanga, but there was no paramount king for the whole Matengo Highlands who used Sapanga for his personality cult. Sapanga was to be venerated by all clan heads and their people through rituals.

Such rituals were performed in very special sites or shrines known as kitegee, usually under big trees, grave sites, along big river banks, on big rocks, on top of the mountain hills.232 In the Matengo Highlands there was a shrine at Litembo Barazani where people used to make offering to the ancestors. Another site was at the

Likengema hill top near to Litembo parish. At the Maguu parish the shrines were

228 Julius Mndobesi Komba, mzee wa mila interviewed at Kingua 2013 229Interview, op. cit. 230 Kimambo, op. cit. 1972, 231 Ogot, op. cit. 1972 232232 Interview with Anton Matanila Kapinga, 2012 and Longnus Mathias Tilia 2014 103

located at the hilltop of Mikiga Mountain at Hagati hamlet. There were other sacred sites for offering at the hilltop of Kitogata and Matuta Mountains. The people of

Mkumbi parish used to make their offerings at Ndunguli. For the people of Mbinga parish the sacred site was at Kilimani. The Mikalanga parish people used to make their offerings at the hilltop of Ilela Mountain. The Mpapa parish had their site for offering at Luhangalasi while the Tingi parish had chosen the Mpepo mountain site.233 Other sites included the cave site at Mbugu, the rock boulders of Mbuji and

Ulobe, the waterfall site at Kingua Kwanangwele. Such sites were sacred places and believed to be harbinger of gods (mahoka) who are close to almighty Sapanga hence other members of the clan were not allowed to visit those places.234

Rituals were also performed to inaugurate new planting or harvesting season. The clan head and other specialized elders had to officiate the planting or harvesting season by making the offering to the ancestors. Usually local beer and goat was slaughtered. Portion of beer and meat were deposited to the graves of the ancestors

(mahoka). It was believed that if the sacrifice was accepted the harvest of the season would be good. In Kenya the Padhola performed special religious ceremony before the family could sow. Thisceremony happened again at harvesting time.235 In short, all the clan social, economic and political functions were preceded by a ritual as signal of good wishes for their success.

The Matengo people recognized the presence of the higher authority over the ancestor which was common to all, called Sapanga. The higher authority was

233 The use of parishes as geographical sites does not in any way show that the leadership was in charge of these sites. After all the period we discuss was before the coming of Christianity. 234 Interviews with Ngahinyana (96), Sumila (90), Masenti (85) 235 Ogot,1972:125, op.cit. 104

contacted by each clan through their ancestral spirits (mahoka). Those practicing traditional religion in Umatengo also honored the eternal spirit of deceased ancestors

(mahoka). When a person dies, many believed that their spirit continued on to live in another realm. The deceased person became an ancestor and the family remembered them through special prayers and offerings of local beer and slaughtered chicken or a goat. Local beer, a mixture of cassava, finger millet and water (mandapalapa), represents the local brew of the ancestors. The mahoka were believed to be very close to the supreme that could be approached by the clan elders who were locally known as wapenga utunu to convey the clan requests to Sapanga. Wapenga utunu in the Matengo Highlands were people appointed in the clan to perform rituals to the mahoka of the clan. The appointment to this post was based on the integrity, generosity, fairness, humility and trustfulness of that elder.236 Here the Sapanga was considered as the supreme God, the mahoka as ancestor mediums and the wapenga utunu priests as the most immediate religious agents to the people.237

In the Matengo Highlands the mahoka were believed to be living in the form of soul after death. In order to become a mahoka in the Matengo Highlands one has to live in the worldly life with high ethical and moral authority. Another condition is that has to die whereby it was believed that the soul escaped from the body and went to live in non-earthly world. As such they were close to God/Sapanga. Mahoka controlled lives of the people in the Matengo Highlands because they know the language of God and that of the human beings. That is why the mahoka had to be venerated by the living Matengo people. The mahoka were always venerated and remembered in

236 Interviews with Longnus Mathias Tilia, (2014) Anton Matanila Kapinga (2012) 237 Ndunguru, Egno; Historia, Mila na Desturi za Wamatengo, East African Literature Bureau, Dar-es- Salaam: 1972:62 105

special occasions. An annual celebration was one occasion to memorize the mahoka,a celebrationpopularly known as mandapalapa. A local beer was prepared and a goat slaughtered during that occasion. Part of the beer and the blood of the goat were poured on the graves of the fallen ancestors. This signaled a unity between the living and those who are dead.238

Mahoka were also remembered during the occasion when a young child was crying for a name. The Matengo used to believe that if a child cried continually while is neither hungry nor sick, the child must be crying for a name. A foreteller was consulted to communicate with the mahoka so as to name the child. If the name was given and the mahoka accepted the crying child would stop crying.

The role of traditional religion in the Matengo Highlands was mainly to respond to various challenges and crises which confronted the society. For instance during invasions, famine, drought, floods, bad harvest and other calamities, Sapanga (God) was consulted to rescue the people. The clan heads and the wapenga utunu would assemble at the sacred place to offer sacrifices to the Sapanga through the fallen ancestors or mahoka for that matter. Usually such calamities were said to occur in the event when the living human beings of Matengo society have offended the ancestors or Sapanga for one reason or another. Children in Umatengo were often renamed after ancestors during life-threatening illnesses. Another cure might be for the child to wear a necklace of beads with a central, triangular polished shell disk, called mbatabata, in honor of the child's ancestors. The belief in such remedies suggests

238 Nchimbi, 1979:11 106

that the ancestors or deceased relatives have an ongoing relationship with their families.

When a family member died, they are then in a position to watch over their descendants. It is believed that if the ancestor is not remembered through offerings, the family might encounter bad luck or even illness. For example, when a child is sick, the parents might consult a traditional doctor, or mpenga utunu in Kimatengo. If the doctor attributes the cause of illness to angry or offended ancestors, the remedy might be for the family to give special offerings to venerate and appease the ancestor, or even to rename the child after the ancestor.239

Another occasion which called for commemoration of the mahoka was when a woman faced infertility problem or a young man was unable to marry because he was refused by girls. This was also interpreted as sign of anger from the mahoka. This kind of situation showed the powers that the mahoka had on the lining ones.

In Umatengo there was a diversity of religions. Many people practiced traditional religion. Before the arrival of Christian missionaries and colonial governments, the

Matengo people had an organized form of religion which was practiced within the confines of the family compound. Those who practice traditional religion still worship god as the Supreme Being and creator of the universe. In Umatengo there were several words for the creator god: Sapanga, Mahoka, Mpenga Utunu. The practice of Matengo traditional religion does not take place in a structure like a mosque or church. Instead prayers are said among the family in the compound and

239 Interview Mzee Xavery Mbunda (85) interviewed at Mbinga 28.07.2012 107

are directed to the creator god in hopes of good rainfall and prosperity. There were sacred places where religious celebrations were taking place.240

Religious ideas have always governed the other activities of the traditional Matengo society. The Matengo were developing socially, economically and politically and in the course of that transformation religious ideas (transcendental sense) came into being as reflection of that transformation. In this context religious ideas were very important in influencing the transformation of humanity in the Matengo Highlands.

Therefore the concept of development in the Matengo context is heavily tied to the change which was happening in the course of applying their labour and intellect in appropriation of the natural endowments. In the final analysis there was an overall socio-economic development of entire society. The values, ideas and practices of traditional religion informed socio-economic development issues but of course not excluding other factors.

During hunting, the Matengo people depended much on the ancestors – mahoka.

Before the hunting trip started there were special prayers which were conducted to ask the protection of the ancestors during the hunting. When the hunting is successful is the sign that that the mahoka had heeded the prayer. Hence a thanks- giving prayer would be performed thereafter. The wapenga utunu usually conducted the prayers as required by the Matengo code of ethics.

During farming season, the clan head had to inaugurate the occasion by a special prayer. Thereafter the entire musi would start farming through the cooperative labour

240 Interview Mzee Xavery Mbunda (85) interviewed at Mbinga 28.07.2012, cf. Mzee Anton Kapinga Interviewed on 27th August 2012, Mbinga 108

called ngokela. The sowing season likewise had to be inaugurated through a special prayer again. This procedure was also done during the harvesting season. In short the whole agricultural activities were very much tied to religious ideas. In the event of failure in harvest for whatever reason, the event was always associated with the anger of the ancestors and the Sapanga. Likewise in the event of successful harvest the same was also attributed to the contribution of the mahoka and Sapanga.241

Prayers to the Matengo were governing every aspect of their life. The prayers involved request to mahoka and Sapanga various things for their life sustenance.

Other prayers were for praising the mahoka and Sapanga. Yet other prayers were meant for thanks-giving to mahoka and Sapanga for the society‘s successes.

Successes included the precious gift of life, a birth of a new born in the family, a member of family getting married and other successes that occurred in the family.242

The Matengo people were very good in entertainments especially after the harvesting season has lapsed. The important dances were kioda for women, mganda for men and mhambo and linguga for both men and women. These dances were conducted in competitive basis, whereby each musi presented its group to compete. At the end, the announcement was made as to who came first, second until the last. In all these competitions the role of religious ideas were pervasively applied. First it was believed that through prayer peace will prevail in this occasion. Again it was believed that there were bad people who wanted to inflict harm on other contestants.

Through prayer these bad people will be unable to inflict any harm to others.

241 Interview Makupe, Sumila, Nganyanyuka 242 Ibid. 109

With regard to property ownership was basically in the hands of the clan heads who were apparently religious leaders. All members of musi had right and access to the use of the property. In this case possessive values were not entertained in this regard.243 The principle of communal ownership based on principle of inclusion was the norm of the Matengo Highlands society.244

The Matengo traditional religion emphasized well-being of the community. They wanted to see to it that the community is made up of strong and healthy people both physically and spiritually. That is why they made sure that the welfare of each individual is ta taken care of by the society. In the Matengo Highlands there was no separation between economic activities and other spheres for the members of the community. Everything, production and distribution was kinship obligation.

Therefore the Matengo Highlands had their religious beliefs based in common humanity, solidarity and reciprocity.

2.9 Conclusion This chapter has attempted to explore the essence, practice, and historicity of the traditional African religion in the Matengo Highlands before the advent of

Christianity. We have looked into the past state of existence and the manner in which they have historically interacted with other spheres of life of the Matengo people. We have seen that there was superior deity/being at the top known as Sapanga, spirits of lesser at lower level known as mahoka, and the mediums – people with mystical power like witchcraft and sorcerers, healers, who were known as wapenga utunu in the Matengo Highlands. The Matengo traditional religion centered on instrumentality

243 TNA, SDB. MF 40 Vol. II, Language Notes Wamatengo Sheet 3 244 Kapinga, op. cit. 1993:40 110

than spirituality, it was culture and environment specific – no missionaries, spread, scriptures. It was flexible and fluid – no founders, creeds bureaucracy, it pervaded all spheres of life - socio-economic and political life of the entire society.

More interesting to the Matengo traditional religion is that though there was recognition of the Supreme Being, recognized and venerated throughout the whole

Matengo Highlands, he could not develop into a kingly personality cult as it happened in other African societies.245 This explains some of crucial and unique feature of the traditional religion in the Matengo Highlands.

It can be established that against Fr. Johannes Hafliger‘s and Fr. Ludger Breindl‘s assertion that the Matengo Highlands was an area where paganism was still dominant in its original form when in early 1900s they attempted to introduce Christianity, that

Matengo people had very strong transcendental sense (religious ideas). This religion had its base in the Matengo culture and hence exalting very strong influence in the whole life of the people. If they were showing resistance to Christianity could be because its foundation was so strong.

245 Kimambo, op. cit. 1972 111

CHAPTER THREE

THE INTRODUCTION AND SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE

MATENGO HIGHLANDS DURING THE GERMAN RULE (1890S TO 1918)

3.0Introduction This chapter investigated the introduction and spread of Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands from 1890s to 1918. The periodization has been made deliberately in order to cover the period of German rule. The German period is very special by considering the fact that the missionaries who established Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands were Benedictine whose nationality was German. The study has investigated what were the circumstances which pushed the Benedictines to come to

German East Africa and specifically the Matengo Highlands. Upon arriving in

German East Africa the study investigated the relationship that existed between the

German colonial state and the Benedictine missionaries and how did this relation affect the Wamatengo people.

Given that the Wamatengo people had their own traditional religion, this study found it imperative to explore the methods and techniques the Benedictine missionaries used to introduce and spread Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. Then the study went further to analyze how the Wamatengo reacted to this new influence. The position of German colonial administration towards missionary enterprise in relation to the perception of the Matengo society was also an object of investigation. The overall purpose is to establish relationships of these dynamics to the transformation of the Wamatengo society.

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3.1 Evolution of Religion The development of religion has taken different forms in different cultures. Some religions place an emphasis on belief, while others emphasize practice. Some religions focus on the subjective experience of the religious individual, while others consider the activities of the religious community to be most important. Some religions claim to be universal, believing their laws and cosmology to be binding for everyone, while others are intended to be practiced only by a closely defined or localized group. In many places religion has been associated with public institutions such as education, hospitals, the family, government, and political hierarchies.

Some academics studying the subject have divided religions into three broad categories: world religions, a term which refers to transcultural, international faiths; indigenous religions, which refers to smaller, culture-specific or nation-specific religious groups; and new religious movements, which refers to recently developed faiths. One modern academic theory of world religions, social constructionism, says that religion is a modern concept that suggests all spiritual practice and worship follows a model similar to the Abrahamic religions as an orientation system that helps to interpret reality and define human beings, and thus religion, as a concept, has been applied inappropriately to non-Western cultures that are not based upon such systems, or in which these systems are a substantially simpler construct.

So-called universal religions are religions with influence across the world. The known universal religions include Christianity, Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism. The main characteristics of world religions are the presence of leaders who invented them

(Jesus, Mohamed, Budha), basic scriptures, and claim followership across the world.

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3.2 Origin of Christianity Christianity (from the Ancient Greek word Χριστός, Khristos, "Christ", literally

"anointed one") is a monotheistic religion based on the life and teachings of Jesus as presented in canonical gospels and other New Testament writings. Adherents of the

Christian faith are known as Christians.246 Christianity began as a Jewish sect in the eastern Mediterranean in the mid-1st century. Its earliest development took place under the leadership of the Twelve Apostles, particularly Saint Peter and Paul the

Apostle, followed by the early bishops, whom Christians consider the successors of the Apostles.

The 15th-century Renaissance brought about a renewed interest in ancient and classical learning. Another major schism, the Reformation, resulted in the splintering of the Western Christendom into several Christian denominations. These challenges developed into the movement called Protestantism, which repudiated the primacy of the pope, the role of tradition, the seven sacraments, and other doctrines and practices.

3.3Christianity in Africa Christianity in Africa began in the middle of the 1st century in Egypt, and by the end of the 2nd century in the region around Carthage. Important Africans who influenced the early development of Christianity includes Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria,

Origen of Alexandria, Cyprian, Athanasius and Augustine of Hippo. The later rise of

Islam in North Africa reduced the size and numbers of Christian congregations, leaving only the Coptic Church in Egypt and the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo

246 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia 114

Church in the Horn of Africa. The History of Christianity in Africa began in the

1stcentury when Mark the Evangelist started the Orthodox Church of Alexandria in about 43 AD. It spread to Kongo, Angola and East Africa.

The imposition of European colonial rule on Africa was not merely the forceful establishment of European political, economic and social power on colonial possessions. It was also a cultural imposition and it used culture to buttress the political, economic and social superstructure which colonialism represented. 247 In

Tanzania the missionaries who are associated with this colonial period include the

Roman Catholics who belonged to the Holy Ghost Fathers, White Fathers,

Benedictine Fathers and later the Capchins, Consolata, Passionists Fathers, Pallottine

Fathers, Salvatorin and Maryknoll Fathers.

On the other side the Protestants missionaries in Africa included, the Anglicans, the

Lutherans the Moravians, and the Adventist Church. These missionaries established their stations in different parts of the continent.

3.4Benedictine Missionaries in German East Africa The history of this society goes far back to the period of intensification of imperialist tendencies in Europe in general and Germany in particular. Missionary upsurge during this period was a product of capitalist transformation which necessitated the formation of missionary societies.248 Conversely, the capitalist society required the

247 K. Asare Opoku, Religion in Africa during the colonial era in General History of Africa vl.vii, 1985:508 248 A. E. M. Anderson-Morshead,The History of the Universities' Mission to Central Africa 1859- 1909, Office of the Universities' Mission to Central Africa, London 9 Dartmouth Street, Westminster, S.W.1909:424 115

religious societies to further their interests in the areas they wanted to occupy in order to fulfill their exploitative desires.249 It is out of these relations we witness mushrooming formation of evangelical societies throughout Europe.250

3.5The Formation of the Benedictines of St. Ottilien 1884 The Benedictine Congregation of St. Ottilien was founded during the 'Kulturkampf i.e. the struggle between Bismarck's Germany and the Catholic Church. Only in view of future mission work in German colonies now being acquired could Amrheim (the founder of the Benedictine Congregation of St. Ottilien) get the official permission for starting his Society. This point is important because right from the beginning, the congregation had strong ties with the German colonial authority in its business of acquiring colonies in East Africa. In 1870 the German Empire was proclaimed after the victory of the Germans over the French. After a short period of time Bismarck launched a campaign against the Roman church, a movement historically known as

Kulturkampf.

The dislike of the Germans with regard to the French influence in Tanganyika did not stop at the political level only but rather extended to the missionary sphere.

Suspicious of the French connections of the two Catholic Missionary Societies already present, the DOAG suggested the replacement of all Catholic Missionaries with German Lutheran Missionaries. After the conclusion of the Berlin Conference in 1885 defining imperial spheres of influence in East Africa, Germany began at once to encourage the entry of Christian missionaries both Catholics and Lutherans. These

249Example of Karl Peters in East Africa where he invited the Benedictine Order of St. Otillien to come and Christianize. 250 Evangelical societies being formed in Europe 116

missionaries in the view of Germans were to act as vanguards of civilization in

German East Africa.

In the spring of 1887, Karl Peters, on coming back from Tanganyika, began to make treaties with a Lutheran Mission Society namely Die Evangelische

Missionsgesellschaft für Deutschostafrika commonly referred to as the Berliner III, to come and evangelize the newly acquired German colony-German East Africa

(DOA). At this stage Freiherr von Gravenreuth, a leading member of the DOAG and a devout Catholic, intervened in order to safeguard Catholic influence in the Country by obtaining German Catholic Missionaries. As he was quite influential in the

Company, he went to face the Archbishop of München Anton von Steichele in March

1887, and then he had talks with the Bishop of Augsburg Pankratius von Dinkel.

What he wanted to achieve through these meetings was a Catholic Congregation for the evangelization of Tanganyika.251 Von Gravenreuth then faced Karl Peters the head of the DOAG and persuaded him to invite a newly founded German Missionary

Congregation namely the Ottilien Congregation of Bavaria. Karl Peters was finally persuaded, and made up his mind for this Congregation. He then made arrangements to meet the Superior of the Congregation Fr. Amrhein. The meeting took place in

München on 12th April 1887. On the same day Fr. Amrhein and Baron von

Gravenreuth met Msgr. Angelo Agliardi the papal Nuncio in München. The Nuncio was not able to clarify everything and so he referred them to Propaganda Fide in

Rome. He gave them a letter to carry with them to Simeon the then prefect of

Propaganda Fide. So reads the important section of the letter: ―The Baron Karl von

Gravenreuth one of the few Catholic members of the German Society for East Africa

251 Märtyerblut, St. Ottilien 1914:5 117

came to me yesterday together with father Andreas Amrhein. The former told me that he was commissioned by the society to look for one missionary society with German missionaries that should be established in the vast territory (German East Africa) occupied by the same society; and the later expressed his inclination to accept the offer of such a foundation. Both of them asked me for councel and direction. But the only councel, which I would givein these circumstances is that of addressing myseilf for the affair under discussion to the Sacred Congregation for the Propaganda of

Faith. Both, in fact, decided to come to Rome and it is to Fr. Amrhein that I entrust this my respectful letter. Permit your Excellence … that I should recommend him to your goodness.‖ 252

With this letter the three men, Amrhein, Carl Peters and von Gravenreuth journeyed to Rome. In Rome they were met with Kurt von Schlözer, the German Consul to the

Holy See. The three discussed the missionary work of the Ottilien Congregation in

Tanganyika and its relationship with the DOAG. The end result of the discussions was a Treaty signed by the three men.

3.6The Treaty between Fr. Amrhein and Dr. Carl Peters April 1887 The core of the Treaty was; the double duty of the Benedictines, namely civilizing the nations of Africa as well as evangelizing them, which was to take place in specified areas demarcated by the DOAG. The Benedictines were not to found a new mission without the Company's expressed permission. The Benedictines were to hoist the Company's as well as the Government's flags at the Mission stations.

DOAG officials were to have free access to and free accommodation in the Mission

252 Napachihi, op. cit. 1998:46 118

stations when on their duties. DOAG promised to protect the Missionaries as long as both the DOAG and the Benedictines had mutual respect for their work. German language was to be the medium of communication. Commercial activities were forbidden for the Missionaries but they were allowed to produce things for the upkeep of their missions. Should there be an excess, then it was to be handed over to the DOAG. It was agreed upon that the Treaty would come in force only when the

German Government and the Holy See had given their consent and approval. The

Treaty was signed by the three men namely Amrhein who represented the Ottilien

Congregation, Karl Peters the head of DOAG and von Gravenreuth an influential catholic member of the DOAG.253 Church and state fought as vigorously as in the

German Empire of 1870. It was in this atmosphere of Bismarck's hatred towards the

Roman church and his systematized campaign to annihilate the Roman Catholic

Church from Germany, that the Benedictine congregation of St. Ottilien (a Catholic one) was founded. Indeed at first sight is not understandable! Exactly when Bismarck was suppressing the Roman Catholic Church in Germany, he himself granted

Andreas Armheim a permission to found a Roman Catholic religious congregation.

Why? Amrhein impressed upon the officials of the Kulturkampf that his new missionary society to be established was to operate hand-in-glove with the German colonial officials in the process of colonization and of the boosting of German culture and Nationalism in East Africa.254

253 P.A. Akten 911, Kurt von Schlözer to foreign office 21.4.1887 254 Kevin Haule, Mission und Kolonialherschft: With Special Reference to the German Benedictine Missions in Southern Tanzania, Paper to the 100th Anniversary of Maji Maji war, Wuppertal, 2005:2 119

3.7 Carl Peters in German East Africa In the case of Southern Tanzania German colonizers preceded the Missionaries. It was then German colonial authorities who invited the Benedictine missionaries of St.

Ottilien to come to Tanganyika and Christianize the area. German colonization of

Tanganyika was chiefly undertaken by Karl Peters the Head of the German East

Africa Company DOAG (Deutschostafrikanische Gesellschaft) who in 1884 landed on the coast opposite Zanzibar and made a number of Treaties with local chiefs on the mainland of Tanganyika. Being a business man he founded the German East

Africa Company (DOAG) for commercial purposes and political as well. The

Manifesto of Karl Peters‘ Society reads:

The German nation finds itself without a voice in the partition of the World which has been proceeding since the fifteenth century. Every other civilized nation of Europe possesses in other parts of the World territories on which they are able to impose their language and culture. The German emigrant, after he has crossed the frontiers of the Empire becomes a stranger in a foreign land. The German Empire has been rendered great and strong by the unity obtained by the outpouring of German blood. The great stream of German emigration has been lost for many years in foreign countries… To remedy this deplorable state of affairs, a society has been founded in Berlin which will resolutely and energetically undertake the execution of colonial projects and will support the efforts of associations having the same aim.255 Having arrived on the coast opposite Zanzibar, Karl Peters went into the interior and made a number of treaties with the local chiefs. Within three weeks he had already twenty treaties covering an area fifty miles around Morogoro. The Chiefs promised to give their land to Carl Peters and his Society. Some of the treaties implied that the

Chief did not recognize the Sultan of Zanzibar as his Ruler.

255 G.L. Steere, The Judgement on German Africa, London, 1939:249 120

Here is an example of the treaties made by Carl Peters with Chief Msovero:

"Treaty of eternal friendship: Mangungo, Sultan of Msovero in Usambara, offers all his territory with all its civil and public appurtences to Dr. Carl Peters as the representative of the society for German colonization for exclusive and universal utilization for German colonization."256 With these treaties in his pocket, Karl Peters took them to Germany and submitted the Treaties to the German government. In March 1885 the German Emperor ordered that the area visited by Karl Peters was to be under his protection. The Emperor did so by issuing the famous Schutzbrief (letter of protection).

"Kaiser Wilhelm I. Unterzeichnet der Schutzbrief für die Ostafrikanischen Erwerbungen der Gesellschaft für deutsche Kolonisation 1885, 25, Feb."257 The Germans called their colony Deutsch Ostafrika or German East Africa. The officials of the DOAG were the first colonial rulers of the country. They arrived at

Dar es Salaam in 1887 and made Bagamoyo their Capital. The following were

German Governors in Tanzania, 1889- 1918 in German East Africa.258

3.8 DOAG Invites the German Benedictines of St. Ottilien to Tanganyika 1887. The religio-political situation in Tanganyika before the arrival of the Benedictines was influenced by the following situation. Long before German colonization of

Tanganyika, a number of political and religious groups resided in Tanganyika. On the political side there were the Arabs who were in Tanganyika since the 10th century but now more intensely at the beginning of the 19th century. On the religious side there were two Catholic Mission societies whose members were mostly of French origin. The Societies were the Holy Ghost Fathers and the White Fathers. In 1886, to

256 Zoe, M. The partition East Africa, Cambridge 1957:105 257 E.Kienitz, Zeittafel zur Deutchen Kolonalgeschichte, Ficht-Velag/Munichen, 1941:79 258 The list of governors is attached as Annex 8 121

ward off a French influence from the mainland Tanganyika, the Germans entered into agreement with the French Government, by which the French were given free access to govern the Comoro Islands in the Indian Ocean for a period of five years. In return for this the Germans were assured of a free access to Tanganyika as well as connections with the Sultan of Zanzibar.259

In Tanganyika, the Missionary work had pushed the Benedictines to relate politically not only with the Germans but also with the Africans, especially African Chiefs. On the part of the German colonial authorities in Tanganyika, there was a tendency to view the Missionaries as their very powerful and effective collaborators in extending and achieving their political ends. In Rome, as we have already seen, when Amrhein,

Karl Peters and von Gravenreuth signed the Treaty which defined their relation in

Tanganyika, the two parties namely the Ottilien Benedictines and DOAG made an alliance of strong co-operation and collaboration. This collaboration was observed by the Africans in Pugu when the German Colonial officials captured a number of slaves from the Arabs and handed them over to the Benedictines in Pugu. So in the Ungoni area, often times the German colonial officials would spend nights at Kigonsera

Mission on their way to and from Mbinga as Kigonsera lies half way from Mbinga to

Songea.260

Andreas Amrhein also read the mission accounts from Asia and East Africa, especially about the Holy Ghost Fathers in Bagamoyo (Tanganyika) and of David

Livingstone in Zambia. His extensive reading and serious reflection yielded a more concrete leitmotif of the monastic and missionary community that he was dreaming

259 Politischesarchiv Bonn, Akten 911, Berchem to Schlözer 21st May 1887 260 S.Napachihi, op. cit 1998:157 122

of. ―In November 1880 Father Amrhein wrote down the fruit of his years of reflection in Maredsous.

• His missionary strategy would not rely on individual missionaries, but center around a monastic community.

• The monastery would be a home for children and would train young natives in workshops directed by the brothers.

• Its lands were not only to sustain the community but also to teach the people agriculture and animal husbandry to make them settle down.

• The beauty of the liturgical celebration was to be a significant attraction in missionary work.

―In Germany of his day – suffering from the laws of the ―Kulturkampf‖ that were hostile to religious institutes – he was not allowed to found a monastery. Another kind of foundation had to be devised.‖ And so contrary to his wish of establishing from the very beginning a monastery, a community of monks at prayer and work,

Father Amrhein had to settle with what he thought would be allowed – a seminary or a mission house. But even this did not meet the approval of the government. Finally, after fourteen months of writing and rewriting his ―modified application‖ on March

15, 1885, he was told that his application which no longer mentioned a ―mission seminary‖ but ―headquarters for a (private) association called ‗Catholic Mission

Society for the African Interior‖ would not need government approval. Having obtained government clearance to go on with his foundation he then proceeded to follow up his application of March 25, 1884 for ecclesiastical approval.

On May 4, 1884 Pope Leo XIII confirmed the provisional decision of the Propaganda

Fide cardinals to grant Father Amrhein the founding of a mission house. However,

123

Father Amrhein was asked to ―prepare more detailed plans for the training of candidates. Also he was to explain whether they would make vows or promises which later, outside Bavaria, could be pronounced as vows.‖ Father Amrhein lost no time in providing the necessary papers which ―detailed his plans for training the candidates, based on long explanations of the Rule of Benedict, drawing on the

Benedictine missionaries of the Middle Ages.‖ Likewise information about Father

Amrhein was obtained from Abbot Maurus Wolter by the Propaganda Fide.

The cardinals of the Propaganda Fide once more deliberated on his application and on June 29, 1884, Archbishop Jacobini, the secretary of the Propaganda Fide asked

Father Amrhein to meet him at the sacristy of St. Peter‘s. Towards noon Archbishop

Jacobini informed him that Pope Leo XIII had ratified the cardinals‘ approval for founding a mission house in Reichenbach and for the training of candidates.

From this obscure beginning the new missionary Benedictine congregation would slowly grow from its first site in Reichenbach and then to Emming, later called St.

Ottilien. The foundation developed into what we know now as the Congregation of the Benedictine Fathers of St. Ottilien. While still in Reichenbach Father Amrhein would slowly include women in his foundation.261

The Benedictines of St. Ottilien were given papal permission in 1887 to work in the southern half of the Apostolic Prefecture of South Zanzibar; in the same year the ecclesiastical boundaries were changed to conform to the administrative boundaries

261 Sister Mary Bellarmine Bernas, OSB. Our Founder Father Andreas Amrhein, OSB 124

of the colony.262 The Benedictines started their work in Dar es Salaam in 1890 and gradually expanded until, by 1905, they were working in the following main centers:

Kurasini (founded in 1894), Lukuledi (1895), Nyangao (1896), Tosamaganga (1897),

Madibira (1897), Peramiho (1898), Kigonsera (1899), Kwiro (1902), Rwiba (1903), and Lindi.263

They did not question Germany's right to be in East Africa, and they appreciated the protection the government could give them and the improvements in communication it afforded. They too sought a trustful, confident cooperation with the administration while at the same time trying to maintain their freedom and integrity. They stated plainly that, according to Catholic teaching, the purpose of the mission was to

Christianize, not to Europeanize the Africans, and they took strong exception to the following statement by Carl Peters:

―There are only two ways to deal with the black people. Either one submits to be their servant and makes them "happy" through schools and education. In this case one does not touch their country and founds no colonies in Africa. Or one seeks for oneself a home on the black continent and in that case one train the indigenous people through discipline and work, seeing oneself in principle as a conqueror. The latter was the way of Africa's rulers in antiquity, in our day it is the way of the Boers

-- one way or the other! In any case it is fateful to choose the vagueness of the middle way, which surely will ultimately lead to massacres and destruction.‖264

262 Franz Solan Schappi, Die katholische Missionsschule im ehemaligen Deutsch-Ostafrika (Paderborn, 1937), 177. 263 Die katholischen Missionen, 34, 2 (November 1905), 50. 264 Wehrmeister, Vor dem Sturm, 253; Wehrmeister quoted from Deutsch Ostafrikanischen Zeitung, June 17, 1905. 125

The Benedictines characterized Peters' aim as the enslavement of the Africans,265 and suggested a possible alternative approach might be found in the attitude of

Regierungsrat Chrapowski, a high German official who had visited northern

Rhodesia. Chrapowski maintained that British colonial practices were more relaxed, reasonable, and humane than German ones and would be more effective in the long run. His statement was a strong indictment of German colonial policies and practices.

In principle, the Benedictines said, colonial aims as expressed by Carl Peters were incompatible with the aims of missions.

The Governor and the colonial press seem to have singled out the work of the

Benedictines for particular criticism on this score. The Benedictines pointed out, however, that at Lukuledi only six of the 1250 Christians had joined the rising, one of whom was a boy of fourteen who had followed his parents. At Nyangao the figures were about forty out of 600 Christians, apart from the many children who followed their parents. The Benedictines added that a superficial comparison with the Masasi mission was unfair, since the Universities' mission worked among the Yao people and none of the Yao Catholics had taken part in the rising. It appears, then, that the

Governor had overstated his case when he said that the "majority" of the Catholics had joined the rising.266

In the Benedictine records, no reference is found to any plea for mercy, to the provocations the whites had offered, or to the justice of the African anger, a distinct difference, for example, from the outspoken criticism offered by the British

265Wehrmeister, Ibid. 266 Maia Green, Priests, Witches and Power: Popular Christianity after Mission in Southern Tanzania, 2003:1 126

missionaries in Southern Rhodesia during and after the Ndebele and Shona rebellions in 1896-1897. 267 There appears to have been little appreciation for African viewpoints in setting up schools, which is somewhat surprising in view of the stress.

German missionaries have generally laid on the study of all aspects of African life.

The missionaries came from a country where education was highly prized and the compulsory school system regarded as a cornerstone of the country's strength. In their effort to share this educational system, they did not always understand the fact that Africans may not have appreciated the new ways, that they had the right to refuse a school in the country.

3.9The History of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands Matengo Highlands is a geographical region in the South West of Tanzania.268 It is an area with people who have unique history known as Matengo. The Matengo are

Bantu-speaking people who occupy the highlands East of Lake Nyasa. With the advent of colonialism this area became part of Lungenburg district during the

German period. In the due course the Matengo Highlands were put under the administration of Litembo sub-station up to 1914.269 Later on the area was put under the administration of Lipumba sub-station up to 1926 when this station was officially closed down. 270

The local administration was still in the hands of clan heads who did not really acknowledge the German administration in the real sense. This is also evident from the German Annual Report thus:

267 Hassing, "Christian Missions,": 206-221. 268 Iliffe, Modern History of Tanganyika, op. cit. 1979:117, cf. Egno Ndunguru, Historia, Mila na Desturi za Wamatengo, East Africa Literature Bureau, Dar, 1972:1 269 APA, Peramiho, cf. Iliffe ibid. 117 270 Tanzania National Archives (hereinafter referred to as TNA) Acc. 155, SDB 127

―Although German rule is everywhere acknowledged, in the remot military districts of the inland especially in the mountainous areasthe real influence of the authorities is still limited‖271 This observation was true to the Matengo Highlands which is a mountainous area in the first place, under the militarily administered district of Songea and truly very remote from the center of German administration in Dar-es-Salaam. This situation attests to the conclusion made by that, in this area the cross was preceded the flag.272

It was until 1902 when the German government which established its headquarters at

Songea in 1897 dispatched messengers to the Matengo Highlands leader.273 It was until 1904 when the Matengo Highlands were actually subjugated under the German rule when Mandawa was deposed in favour of a much more compromising chief in the personality of Makita.274

3.10 History of Evangelization in the Matengo Highlands Discussing Christianity in the Matengo Highlands is in reality discussion on the

Missionary Congregation of the Order of St. Benedict (Benediktinerkongregation von St. Ottilien fur auswartige Missionen), with headquarters at St. Ottilien in Upper

Bavaria since 1886, which was founded in 1884 in response to Carl Peter's plea for

German missionaries in German colonies. 275 The evangelization of the Matengo

Highlands in the present diocese of Mbinga dates back to 1898 with the settlement of

Benedictine Missionaries at Peramiho. Before the Benedictine Missionaries, the

Matengo Highlands was under the Prefecture Nullius of Mozambique which was

271 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika (Annual Report on the Development of German East Africa) 1901/02 272 Mihanjo, The impact of Christianity in the Population History of Tanzania: A case of population change in Southwest Tanzania, 1920s – 1980s. FASS SIDA/SAREC Research Report: 2000:22 273 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika op.cit. 274 Iliffe, Modern History of Tanganyika, op. cit. 1979:117 275 German Missionaries and the Maji Maji Rising: p. 374 128

occupied by Portuguese Missionaries.276 Due to prevailing difficulties it was not easy for the Portuguese Missionaries from Mozambique to avail spiritual services to the people of the southwestern Tanzania. The difficulties included long distance as well as crossing the large Ruvuma river. Consequently, the southwestern Tanzania remained without evangelical services until 1898 when Benedictines of St. Ottilien arrived at Peramiho.277 The history of evangelization of the Matengo Highlands can now be grasped from two main angles. The first premise is from the point of view of introduction of Christianity by Benedictines of St. Ottilien. The second premise is through looking at the history of the development of the Catholic Church in area of the Matengo Highlands.

3.11 The Introduction of Christianity by the Benedictines of St. Ottilien The introduction of Christianity in the Southwestern Tanzania in general and the

Matengo Highlands in particular is closely linked to the history of colonization of

German of Tanzania. German East Africa was colonized by Germans from 1884 to

1918 when the British took over as a mandate territory in 1919. 278 During the

German colonial era, the Benedictines of St. Ottilien from Germany introduced

Christianity to the African population of Southwestern Tanzania including the

Matengo Highlands. The starting point was in November, 1887 when the first contingent of 14 missionaries left Rome and arrived in Dar-es-Salaam on 28th

276 John Hardon, ―Prelature Nullius‖, in Modern Catholic Dictionary, Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1980:435 (Prelature Nullius is a territory belonging to no diocese but having its own superior called a prelate nullius and its own clergy and congregation. If such a territory comprises a certain number of parishes, the prelate set over the area enjoys a jurisdiction similar to that of a bishop in residence. 277 Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea, Historia ya Uejjilishaji miaka 100, (1898- 19980), Songea: Peramiho Printing Press, 1998:21-22 278 Versailles Peace Treaty 1919, Article 119 129

January 1888. They established their first monastery at Pugu in February 1888.279

This monastery was however destroyed by the Arab rising under Abushiri and

Bwanaheri.280 From Dar-es-Salaam the Benedictines evangelized southwards to the

Ruvuma River where Songea is located. In 1898, the Benedictines opened station at

Peramiho, a place where their abbey is still in place.

From Peramiho another station was opened at Kigonsera on 10th October 1899 in the border area between Ungoni and Matengo Highlands.281 But the major interest of Fr.

Jannes was to explore the possibility of setting up a mission station in the Matengo

Highlands of chief Mandawa.282 With this idea in mind Kigonsera mission opened up outstations at Litembo, Liparamba and Matiri. More specifically, the main interest of

Fr. Maurus Hartmann, the Prefect Apostolic was to transfer the Kigonsera mission to

Litembo which was heavily populated, endowed with fertile soil and cool climate.283

However, this decision turned out to be unattainable, because in March 1902 the

German administrator in Songea by the name of Captain Richter (Karonga284) sent a massage to Matengo ruler Mandawa that he wanted to hoist his flag and collect tax from the Wamatengo.285 The Matengo leadership refused to oblige, consequently the

German authorities mounted a punitive expedition against Wamatengo chiefs

Mandawa of Litembo and Howahowa of Langiro.286 Mandawa was captured, taken to

Songea boma, fined, reinstated, and finally deposed in 1904 in favour of Makita. The

279 Fr. Gerold Rupper, Wabedediktini huko Pugu: Chanzo cha Kanisa Katoliki Dar-es-Salaam, Ndanda-Peramiho: Benedictine Publications Ndanda Peramiho, 2005: 6-9 280 Bengt Sundkler and Christopher Steed, A History of the Church in Africa. Cambridge University Press, UK. 2000, :529 281 Doerr, Peramiho 1898-1998 In the Service of the missionary Church, 1998:19 282 Ibid:19 283Archives of Peramiho Abbey, (herein after APA) Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Vol. I, 1901 284 Karonga was a nickname given to Captain Richter on account of his brutality unleashed to the local population. 285 Interviews, Anton Kapinga Matanila, 286 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika 1901/02 op.cit. 130

Matengo people were conquered in 1904, they ran away to find refuge in the forested mountain caves. 287 The people of Litembo were so furious amounting to the abandoning of the Litembo outstation and the mission school was set ablaze by the angry masses.288 The worst scenario was in 1905 when there was an outbreak of

Majimaji uprising which left both Peramiho and Kigonsera missions in ashes, missionaries were murdered coldblooded and the remaining missionaries escaped through lake Nyasa to save their lives.289

This Majimaji uprising was smashed by the German authorities,290 an action which convince scholars to be moved by speculation that, these mission stations were attacked because there was no fundamental difference between the missionaries and the German rulers in the eyes of native population.291 The situation was restored to peace and Major Johannes; the German commander, granted permission that missionaries could move to Songea by joining a military column going to Songea.

Upon reaching Songea they were assigned the building of former government school as living quarters. 292 The government brought supplies to both Peramiho and

Kigonsera missions which included food and mass wine. This again shows the strong relation and affection that existed between the German authorities and the

Benedictine missionaries who were also from German. The missionaries on the other hand worked tirelessly to organize famine relief efforts by helping to buy food in

287 John Iliffe, Modern History of Tanganyika, 1979:117. This account is based on APA, Diary of Kigonsera, Vol. 1. 1901-04 288 Fr.Cassian Spiess, ―Eine Mission-Reise in die Matengo-Berge‖ in Das Heidenkind 12, 1899: 241- 242 289 Napachihi, The Relationship between the German Missionaries of the Conregation of St Benedict from St. Ottilien and the German Colonial Authorities in Tanzania 1887 – 1907: 170-172 290 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika (Annual Report on the Development of German East Africa)1907/08 291 Interview Anton Kapinga Matanila (86) interviewed on 27.08.2012 at Mbinga town 292Doerr, op.cit. : 50 131

Umatengo and Lake Nyasa. This food was sent to the heavily hunger stricken population in the areas where Majimaji had been fought, notably in Ungoni. In these areas the German forces had used scotched-earth policy to deal with Wangoni warriors. 293 In this situation the German forces used hunger as a weapon for suppressing Wangoni resistance. They destroyed homes and food granaries, crops and animals were all burned, food stocks were confiscated, people were prevented from planting their fields.294 The situation was very deplorable.295 In the Matengo

Highlands the situation was a bit different in comparison to Ungoni since the participation of Wamatengo in the Majimaji uprising was very minimal. The

Matengo enjoyed relative peace, involved in production hence had reasonable supplies of provisions.

The focus of Benedictines in post Majimaji uprising appears to be expansion into what was known as Matengo proper with its center at Litembo. This was an area which boosted the following advantages.296 It was firstly believed to be the center of existing mission schools of Litembo/Mhagawa, Kindimba, Kipapa, Matiri, Maguu and Mikalanga which by then were controlled from Kigonsera mission. 297 The second advantage of this area was a site Fr. Johannes had constructed the first outstation in 1901 but was burned down by the 1902 uprising against the German invading forces. Thirdly, Matengo Highlands were the most populated area of the country. Being mountainous, this location was boasting of having very cool and healthy climate suitable for European missionaries. The fifth was the area having

293Napachihi, op.cit. :179 294 Doerr, op. cit. 1998:55 295 MB 11, 1906/07 :145 296 Bishop Spreiter visited the Matengo Highlands and was very impressed the people, land and terrain 297 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika (Annual Report on the Development of German East Africa) 1908/09 and also Doerr op.cit. :79 132

very fertile soil for production of variety crops. Lastly, it is suggested that the need to open up the Matengo Highlands was strategically aimed at countering the advance of

UMCA from their stronghold along the Lake Nyasa shore.298

These efforts produced big results in 1914 when the forth Benedictine mission was launched at Litembo which was in the heart of the Matengo Highlands. This has to bring in strong influence in the spread and expansion of Christianity in the rest of the

Matengo Highlands. From Litembo mission network of outstations including

Nangombo, Tingi, Maguu, were opened. This network went together with a fleet of sixteen bush schools with a total of 2,182 pupils.299 This expansion was however, curtailed by the outbreak of First World War in 1914. This war ravaged Litembo in

September 1916 when the British troops arrived from Lake Nyasa.300 Fr. Ludger the superior of Litembo mission was interned by the British authorities left back 18 schools with 4000 pupils and 2000 adults following instructions in Christian faith.301

The British established themselves in the mission centers changing the infrastructure into uses they thought of. Litembo mission in this aftermath became an administrative headquarters of the British administration while Kigonsera became a

British military post. On the other hand Benedictine station at Peramiho was made a

British military hospital in the southwestern Tanzania.302

The end of First World War marked the end of German rule in German East Africa.

Concerning the German missionaries, their sphere of influence was safeguarded by

298 TNA, AB.4(1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, 1919/1920. Cf. Mihanjo, op. cit. 2001,:24 299 Ibid. :80 300Kamati op.cit. 1998: 301 Doerr, 1998:81 302 Ibid. 1998:84-86 133

an agreement of allies in France. Versailles Peace Treaty of 1919 resolved that ex- enemy missions should be replaced by same denominations from the allied powers or neutral power.303 The orphan Benedictine church in southwestern Tanzania was now entrusted to the White Fathers; most of them were French nationals, Luxemburger,

Dutchman, two Belgians and Canadian.304 Fr. Pierre Regent a French member of

Monfort missionaries was at Peramiho as chaplain of military hospital from

September to December 1917. Fr. David Roy a Canadian White Father was a chaplain at Kigonsera military post from February to August 1917. Fr. Camile De

Chatonville a White Father stayed at Kigonsera as superior up to 1919. Between

September 1917 and April 1918 Fr. Camile stayed at Litembo but was frustrated by what he purported as lack of response by the Wamatengo.305 A Dutch-born White

Father Joseph Laane was appointed Apostolic Administrator of Dar-es-Salaam in

1917. In 1919 he was named as administrator of Lindi Apostolic Prefect and he was able to draw in other White Fathers to assist him care for the Benedictine missions.

Father David Roy came back in April 1919 stayed at Kigonsera before he moved to

Litembo. He removed the British administrative post from the mission buildings and his consistent hard work was able to revive the Christian Community of Litembo.

This was the most badly affected mission as a result of removal of Benedictine mission.306

303 Kamati ya Historia na Habari ya Jimbo la Songea, Historia ya Uenjilishaji Songea Miaka 100: 64. See also TNA AB.635, Secretariat File 1920. A telegraphic conversation between the Governor of Tanganyika Territory and the Foreign Office in London – Downing Street on the German Mission property. 304 TNA AB.4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, Songea District Report 1920, Since this sphere was occupied by White Fathers, the British authority refused UMCA mission permission to have hill station in Litembo sub-District. 305 TNA AB.4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, Songea District Report 1920 306 S.Rweyemamu and T.Msambure, The Catholic Church in Tanzania,1989: 17 134

There was remarkable difference between the German Benedictines and French

White Fathers. The German Benedictines did not admit converts so easily. The would-be converts were to undergo rigorous training before being admitted into the congregation by the way of baptismal. Whereas the French White Fathers were much liberal in the sense that upon a request for baptismal they did not bother much investigating the history of the would-be convert. As a consequence many people were converted during their short period of stay in southwestern Tanzania.307 By

1922 the number of Christians in the four missions of Peramiho, Kigonsera, Lituhi and Litembo in the southwestern Tanzania had increased from 7,000 in 1916 to more than 13,000.308

In 1922 the British authorities agreed to the return of all ex-enemy missionaries and their getting back all their property. The Benedictines came back but they left the

Vicariate of Dar-es-Salaam in the hands of Swiss Capuchins and the Consolata

Fathers and went to the South where they had been working before the war. They concentrated on the Southern Highlands notably in Ndanda and Peramiho.309 In 1922 the Swiss Benedictine Order were allowed to come back to southwestern Tanzania

(Prefect Apostolic Gallus Steigler and Fr. Xaver) to take charge in the abandoned

Benedictines missions.310 The Swiss Benedictines worked hard to bring to life the already dilapidated church as an aftermath of the world war. The work is said to have been involved the local catechists including Constantine James Akitanda of Matiri

307 Kamati op.cit.: 68 308 Doerr, op.cit.: 91 309 S.Rweyemamu op.cit: 17. See also John Baur, Two Thousand Years of Christianity in Africa, Second Edition, Paulines Publications Africa 2009:233 310 Kamati op.cit.: 72 135

outstation311 and Petri Ndunguru at the Litembo Parish.312 The main task by this time was to revive the decaying schools since education was the major concern of the missionaries. ―Kusoma‖ Christianity was a distinctive form of Christianity313 but on the other hand this enthusiasm was curtailed by the regulation imposed by the British administration that there could be no opening of new schools.314 The explanation for this regulation might be on the account that the Roman Catholic was so aggressive since education was to them synonymous to Christianity, this attitude posed threat to the existence of the Anglican British missionaries in the Lake Nyasa region. This can be substantiated by the decision of Songea District Political Officer J.C.Cassian gave permission to UMCA to establish their schools in villages where German Berlin and

Lutheran mission had schools.315

Come 1926, the German Benedictines of St. Ottilien were admitted to come back to

Tanganyika. During this phase the German Benedictines devoted much of their effort to rehabilitate the dilapidated infrastructures which were destroyed during their absence upon being interned by British authorities due to First World War. The other preoccupation was that of undertaking the expansion of new missions. The effort produced promising results in the Matengo Highlands as new missions were opened at Liparamba in 1927, Mbinga 1936 and Matiri 1937 founded from Kigonsera mission. Mbangamao 1964 and St. Killian 1997 founded from Mbinga. The other missions at Nangombo 1933, Tingi 1937, Maguu 1949, Lundumato 1959, Mkumbi

1962, Kindimba 1998, Kitula 2005, Miyau 2011, Wukiro 2013 were founded from

311 Interviewed Benjamin Akitanda a last born son of the catechist (August 2013) 312 Kamati op.cit.: 74 313 Doerr : 96 314 TNA AB.16 Part 1733/15, Annual Report – Songea District 1923 315TNA Ibid. 136

Litembo mission. Mpapa 1957 and Mikalanga 1966 were founded from Maguu.

Mpepo 2002 founded from Tingi. Mpepai 1994 founded from Mbangamao.316

Simultaneously with this development and expansion of Christianity in the

Southwestern Tanzania, there was phenomenon increase of Missionary Benedictine

Sisters from 1926. In every mission station the Benedictines opened, they built hospitals and dispensaries to attend to the sick people around. Services in the health centers were offered by sisters who began work with prayers regardless whether the patients are Christian or not. Where there were serious cases of illness the sisters used to baptize the sick people lest they die before joining the kingdom of heaven.

Sisters were also in charge of kitchen, garden and general cleanliness of mission centers. Together with the sisters there were brothers, who were in charge of the workshops; planned and designed mission buildings, supervised work in the fields and animal husbandry. Sisters and brothers in some occasions assisted in giving religious instructions to different groups of converts. In the final analysis the social services they provided served as a strategy of conversion of the pagans.

This is true because the Matengo Highlands has never witnessed any other missionary order apart from the Benedictine Fathers. It was understood to be a no man‘s land in terms of ecclesiastical affiliation.317 This condition produced serious challenges during the evangelization exercise. Often than not, there had been claims which portray the assessment of the missionaries who embarked on evangelization in the Matengo Highlands these people were conservative and reluctant to accept

316 Kamati ya Mawasiliano, Jimbo la Mbinga na Askofu Mstaafu, Jublei Pacha, Peramiho Printing Press, 2012:21 317Mihanjo, ibd. :24 137

Christianity. It all started when Fr. Johannes Hafliger in 1898 charged with the task of exploring the possibility of establishing a mission in the Matengo Highlands the land of chief Mandawa. However, it followed that the first mission was established at

Kigonsera in 1899 by Fr. Innozenz Hendle in the border area between Ungoni and

Umatengo.318 According to Lambert,319 the development of this mission was slower than Peramiho due to the departure of the superior leaving back the mission vacant until 1901 when a new superior came. The second reason is that the population was less homogeneous. To the east there were the Wangoni who did not have a leader to influence conversion. To the west the Wamatengo were conservative people who were much slower to adopt new ways offered by the mission. Another problem is that

Umatengo was politically unsettled due to establishment of colonial rule. Lastly, Fr.

Johannes‘ personality lacked the winning way which Fr. Cassian used in his work in

Peramiho. 320 Even Fr. Johannes had similar opinion that Wamatengo have unpromising attitude towards Christianity. He alleges that the majority of the villages in the Matengo Highlands did not have need to deal with Europeans. He speculated that if the missionaries can move there, the Matengo will emigrate to another area.321

Though it is evident that Mandawa showed acceptance to erect a mission station at his place when the Prefect Apostolic Maurus Hartmann visited him in 1901,322 and a catechist was placed to start a school and to give instructions in catechism, it turned out that the Matengo Highlands was not favourable for a mission.323 The reasons given for not being favourable are; there were succession disputes, there were mutual accusations of witchcraft and Fr. Johannes felt that Wamatengo were not promising

318 Mandawa was erroneously believed to be the paramount chief of the whole Umatengo. See also Doerr, op.cit. :19 319 Lambert Doerr is Abbot Emeritus of Peramiho Abbey interviewed by the author 2013 320Doerr, op.cit. :30 321 APA, Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Vol. 1, entry for 1st January, 1902 322 Doerr, ibid. :32 323 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1901/02 138

to be Christians. Further to these explanations, the British authority claims that

Wamatengo are exceedingly superstitious, they practice witchcraft and they often use poison ordeal. The Matengo witchdoctor eats human flesh by exhuming dead bodies or obtains his desire by murder. The mission at Litembo has strange stories of their behavior.324

On the other hand the British authorities point some positive side of the Matengo people such as:

The Wamatengo are pastoral people, they also are iron founders make good workmen when employed locally, but are comparativefailures away from it.325 The British rulers continue to allege thus:

The Wamatengo are also experts in the art net making (from bangi fiber). These nets are used for trapping game326 The administrative Officer of Lipumba Sub-District in his annual report describes the

Matengo as the only cultivators of wheat which is hoped in future can be sold to

Nyasaland with profit. And he precedes by describing the Matengo as the only one involved in industries by making crude hoes, part of the products are sold to the

Indian traders.327 Furthermore,

The hill people are calm, contented, agriculturalists who have little interest outside their crops. …The upcountry folk are peaceful, good, industrious and as rule law- abiding 328

324 TNA Acc. 155, Songea District Book 325 TNA Acc.155, Songea District Book 326 Ibid. 327 TNA, AB. 78 Annual Report. Lipumba Sub-District, 1925 328Ibid. See also Harry W. Basehart, Traditional History and Political Change among the Matengo of Tanzania, Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 42, No. 2 (Apr., 1972), :87 139

These are some of the descriptions made against the Matengo people in a very positive manner. Ironically these Matengo people are the same people whom the missionaries described in a very negative way. The Matengo are presented by the missionaries as good for nothing, troublesome, lazy, and anti-religious and cherish witchcraft. This puzzle will require some explanations in the following paragraphs.

Though Lake Nyasa and Ungoni were very receptive to Christianity and schools of missions during 1920s to 1930s, Matengo people are alleged to be slowest to respond to the same. It is further alleged that there were a lot of so-called ‗school refugees‘ - these were people who moved from vicinity of Litembo mission to other areas to escape pressure requiring them to attend school. 329 Fr. Ludger the founder of

Litembo mission in the heart of the Matengo Highlands claimed that; the Matengos are extremely conservative just like other mountain people. They don‘t want to change and they cling to paganism which is still dominant in its original form.330 A point which was echoed by a White Father priest Emil De Chatouville who stayed at

Kigonsera and Litembo missions between 1917 and 1919 the time the Benedictines were deported by the British administration upon their victory over Germany in the

First World War. Fr. Ludger ended up frustrated because of the lack of response by the Wamatengo.331 However, Fr. David Roy returned to Litembo mission and was able to revive the Christian community of Litembo through hard work and commitment.332 Why this case was the way it was is a point of concern and for this reason an attempt is made to address this puzzle. Why resistance in the Matengo

Highlands while in the Lake Nyasa and Ungoni area the message of evangelization was received with relatively high enthusiasm.

329 Doerr, ibid. :74, 104, 116, 149 330 APA Chronicle of Litembo, 1914 331 Reported by Doerr, ibid. :86 332 Doerr, Ibid. : 140

The Lake Nyasa region referred to by the Benedictine Fathers is fundamentally the

Lituhi and Manda areas. These areas had very strong UMCA influence from

Nyasaland right from the time of Dr. David Livingstone. The UMCA had established their headquarters at Likoma Island in Lake Nyasa from which they were able to spread their word of God along the shores of Lake Nyasa including Lituhi and

Manda. There were two advantages of this contact to the people of Nyasa towards acceptance of Christianity. One advantage is that the people around here were exposed to Christianity through UMCA with its headquarters at Likoma in 1881; especially the introduction of social services like schools and health services from it spread Christianity along Lake Nyasa shore of Manda, Ukisi and Kyela.333 When the

Benedictines arrived in the area it was easy for local people to understand the message they brought. Secondly, the Benedictines from Germany created ecclesiastical scramble against UMCA who were from Britain along Lake Nyasa area. It should be understood that the Anglo-German Treaty (Heligoland Treaty) of

July 1st 1890 established the Songwe River as the boundary between the British and

German colonial possessions. The German Administration arrived at the north end of

Lake Nyasa in January, 1893, some eighteen months after the arrival of the first

German missionaries. It was in the form of a party led by Hermann von Wissmann,

Imperial Commissioner and Commander-in-Chief, 08/02/1888 - 21/02/1891 and later

Governor of German East Africa between 04/26/1895 - 12/03/1896.334 He had come to take possession of the territory in the South secured to the Germans by the Anglo-

German Agreement of July, 1890. The station they founded there, Langenburg, remained the administrative center of the District of that name until the end of

333 Mihanjo, ibid. 2000 :23 334 Africa - German colony from 1885 to 1919 , http://www.flash-counter.com/counter/trackingpixel- 9452.gif / accessed 13th August 2013 141

1900.335 By then the German strategic post of Wiedhafen along Lake Nyasa by then under the Langenburg District required a mission station to consolidate the German administration as was the practice in other German sphere of influence.

Wiedhafen was situated along Lake Nyasa and it was among the earliest stations to be established by Germans in the southwestern Tanzania. To prove its significance, a port was established and a steamer was floated at this point to connect with Kyela port also along Lake Nyasa. There was also a big trade traffic which the German authorities had developed between Kilwa via Songea to Wiedhafen which included the construction of road along this route.336

Furthermore, Wiedhafen was among the German administrative posts led by

European official, though it was not independent district. Others were Mwaya,

Atlasngenburg in Langenburg district; Chole, Mafia, and Liwale in Kilwa district;

Sadani in Bgamoyo district and Mikindani in Lindi district.337 The importance of

Wiedhafen is demonstrated by the project proposed by German of construction of railway line from Ngerengere via Kilombero through Songea to Wiedhafen. The

German authority stressed that this railway was important in order to trap resources in Southwestern highlands basin of Lake Nyasa in German protectorate as well as the northern region of Nyasaland and eastern parts of North eastern Rhodesia.338

335 S.R.Charsley, The Princes of Nyakyusa, EAPH Uniafric House, Koinange Street, Nairobi, 1969:101. cf. see also Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1901/02 336 Annual Report 1903/04 337 Ibid. 1901/02 338 TNA, AB.13, File No.1733:11 142

The lake shore area had jumbes who seemed to be very welcoming to the

Benedictine mission. It is evident that jumbe Ngalapa of Ngavi, jumbe Kapilakila of

Ngoma Juu, jumbe Ndembwela of Kihuru, jumbe Kinyakanyaka of Ndumbi, Jumbe

Kongolo of Mbaha and jumbe Ngurulai of Kihanga warmly welcomed Fr. Leo Lng

OSB in 1908.339 This welcome ended into the opening of bush schools in these areas.

It is also alleged that these jumbes refused the UMCA missionaries that ―you have had the opportunity for a long time, but you did not teach us. You come only now, since the mission of Kigonsera has come. But we prefer this mission.‖ However, one would wish to understand why these jumbes preferred Benedictines to UMCA? The

Benedictines were the possessors of cloth, brass wire, guns and other European products which the Nyasa wanted and could obtain from them in return for labour, food and other commodities which had previously been practically valueless. During big events like communion, confirmation, wedding the missionaries used to give the communicants presents in the form of second-hand cloth (mitumba), sweets, and many other items of European origin. The materialistic approach the Benedictines were using was the secret behind them winning followers than other missionaries.

This is exactly what happened to people along Lake Nyasa shore.

As for the Ngoni acceptance to conversion, this can be explained in terms of the manner in which missionaries approached them. Here the Benedictines specifically

Fr. Cassian Spies who was well-prepared for missionary work was so clever and canning. He knew the Ngoni better as warriors and therefore used shrewd diplomacy of befriending the Nkosi Gama through inducements in the form of presents. Upon winning the Nkosi; who was believed to be the Ngoni paramount chief, it was him

339 Parokia ya Lituhi, Jubilei ya Miaka 100, . 2012:18 143

who convinced his subjects including his son who is believed to be among the first to get baptismal. There is another added advantage that the Benedictines enjoyed from

Nkosi Gama. Gama is said to have migrated from Malawi where he was born and had had experience with Scottish missionaries with their schools and other social services.340 Mputa therefore accepted the Benedictines in order to enjoy the services to be established shortly.341 In Ungoni there was strong Germany support to the missionaries from the onset. Missionaries arrived in Songea in 1898 after the German boma was erected 1897 by the German official. 342 Upon arrival at Songea the

Benedictine missionaries first reported at the boma before proceeding to Peramiho.

This support from German authority was a morale booster to the missionary enterprise establishment in Ungoni.

One can also attribute the Ngoni acceptive attitude to the adaptation tendency advocated by John Iliffe and to some extent Terance Ranger who argues that the defeat the Ngoni suffered in the Majimaji war made them to rethink of the worthiness and credibility of their traditional religion in dealing with challenges of enlarged world scale.343 They therefore found it wise to adapt new Christian religion if they are to address their evolving challenge. It is this understanding that prompted the

Ngoni chiefs including Nkosi Mputa himself to accept baptismal before they were hanged at Songea 1906.344 It is alleged that the acceptance of baptismal did not imply that the Ngoni accepted Christianity; rather they anticipated to receive pardon from

340 Kamati ya Historia, ibid. 1998:40 341 John Iliffe, Tanganyika Under German Rule 1905-1912, Cambridge University Press, 1969,: 150 342S.Napachihi, op.cit. 79-80 343J.Iliffe, op.cit. 200, Terance Ranger, Religion in Africa: Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, 2005:3 344 APA, Diary of Kigonsera Mission 1906. Cf. G.C.Gwassa and Iliffe, Records of the Majimaji Rising 19:25-26, cf. Doerr ibid. 1998:49 144

the German authorities something which was not forthcoming.345 This point can be appealing to truth because the period that Fr. Johannes was given to issue instructions in Christian faith was not more than thirty minutes for 31 who accepted baptismal and 17 others refused baptismal.346

3.12 Background to the Work of Evangelization in the Matengo Highlands The analysis was guided by the assumption that the establishment of Christianity in

Africa had immense ramification on the life of the people in the early period of colonial onslaught. It should be reiterated that Christianity was a foreign ideology, which was imposed on the African people.At the first instance the African resisted thus making it difficult to win followers. The lapse of time the Africans slowly started accepting Christianity as a modern civilized church based on elitist way of life.

The incursion of the German colonialists in the Matengo Highlands met the people in the process of transforming themselves socially, economically and politically. One important factor for the transformation was the Ngoni invasions that were searching for food and other provisions during what is popularly known as the spear wars in the mid-19th century.347 In the course of these conflicts the Matengo were forced to unite their segments of the groups into hierarchical system whereby the warlord was recognized as the overall ruler of the entire Matengo society. It can be argued that the

Matengo society was at the time of advent of colonialism transforming itself towards

345 Fr.Mligo Prior of Peramiho Abbasia interviewed 2013 346 Doerr ibid. 1998: 49 347 Harry W. Basehart, Cultivation Intensity, Settlement Patterns, and Homestead Forms among the Matengo of Tanzania, Ethnology, Vol. 12, No. 1 (Jan., 1973), pp. 57. See also Acc.155, TNA, Songea District Book. It is alleged that the first invasion by the Angoni into the Matengo country took place about the year 1870. 145

stratification. There is beginning of inequality marked by difference in terms of access to political power as well as access to economic opportunities. It is within these circumstances the emergence of bambos and Bambo Mkulungu like Makita and

Kawanila is conceived. His descendants were recognized by German and British rulers as the paramount chiefs.348

It would also be argued that the political transformation influenced transformation in agriculture especially the ngolo system in the mountain dwellings. This was a system of farming was very unique to the Matengo Highlands people. Ngolo system involved complex soil conservation, water retention and improvement of soil fertility. 349 With this system of farming together with the application of iron technology, the little land available in the Matengo Highlands was able to cater for the rapid growing population. An intensive and effective agriculture was now possible in the Matengo Highlands. Population which was rapidly increasing was squeezed in the good hilly land areas, consequently concentration of population density of about 68 people per square mile over scarce resources especially land and power. The Matengo population according to 1931 census stood at 25,942 people,350 that of 1948 was to the tune of 37,267 people 351 and that of 1957 was 57,329 people.352 This pressure on land would ultimately intensify struggle for resources. To allow proper and effective utilization of the scarce land called for improvement of productive forces. In this situation discovery of iron was the necessary outcome.353

348 Ibid. :58 349M.O.Kapinga, Capitalism and the Disintegration of Precapitalist Social Formation: the Case of Cash Crop Production in the Matengo Highlands, 1885-1960, MA Dissertation UDSM.1993:48 350 Lord Harley 1950:297 351 East African Statistic Department, 1950:59 352Basehart, op.cit. 1972:19 353 TNA AB.78, Annual Report. Lipumba Sub-District, 1925. See also Vitus Kapinga, Kuathirika kwa Maendeleo ya Mwafrika, Benedictine Publications Ndanda-Peramiho, (n.d.), :11-12 146

The evidence elucidated from different sources admits that the Matengo people were the founders of iron in the then entire Songea District. 354 Pangwa iron-workers requested permission to settle in the country in order to manufacture hoes for farming during the second half of 19th century. Until this time there had been no iron hoes in

Umatengo; this was the beginning of farming among the mountain people. To cement the relationship with the iron smiths, Makita gave a daughter in marriage to the

Pangwa expert, Putuka.355 It is claimed that the earlier migrant did not possess iron working skills but founded a village at Litoho and later migrated to Malala-Kipololo they belong to the Kapinga clan.356

What accelerated population increase in the Matengo Highlands needs to be historically explained and therefore the dynamics grasped. These historical dynamics are well grasped from the point of view of theory of migration across Africa. The

Matengo Highlands society was a 19th century creation which underwent numerous processes.357 The Ngoni invasion as part of the events taking place in South Africa played a significant role towards that creation.358 Their frequent attacks necessitated the mobilization of resource among the Wamatengo for defense and offence. The settlement in the highlands had some implications on defense. From the hill the

Matengo people were able to fight their enemies by just rolling big stones from the hilltop against the Ngoni enemies who were at the hill bottom. The mountain sites had series of caves which the Matengo used as the hideouts against the Ngoni warriors. These caves were available at Litembo, Mitambo, Mbugu, Lubala,

354 TNA, Acc.155, Songea District Book, cf. Interviews with Masingi and 355Basehart, op.cit. 1972:90 356 Interviews with Sunkono, Werner, Ngelageli 357 For further explanations on the historical creation of the Matengo society see Kapinga, op.cit. 1993:34-36 358 There is a line of that argue that the transformation and consolidation of Wamatengo society was facilitated by the Ngoni invasion. 147

Nangomba, Hagati, Masiba, Mawindi and many others along the Mikiga mountain range which is running from Litembo westwards to Nzwasu which overlooks Lake

Nyasa at Mkili.

Plate3.1: Plaque Erected at the Place of Battle between Wamatengo and Wangoni 1885

This partly explains why when the Germans occupied the Matengo Highlands they found clusters of clans‘ settlements circumscribing the Mikiga mountain range, the

Likengema and the Kilanga Mountains.

In each settlement broad status categories were based by birth on historical and ethnic criteria. In descending order these were: Kapinga (in Mhagawa, Kingua,

Kipololo, Ngoma, Maguu, Matekela, Mango, Mpapa, Wukiro) or Nombo (in

Mkumbi, Litembo, Wukiro, Kindimba), Ndunguru (Litembo, Mahenge, Luwaita,

Mbinga, Mapelele, Lipumba, Maguu, Mpapa, Wulipo) Turuka (Litembo, Likwanza,

Lituru, Ngemo, Mahegu,Mpepo, Tingi) Komba and Hyera/Ndiwu are scattered all over the Matengo Highlands. Agnates of the great head and of the same kilau ‗clan.‘

148

History has it that looking closely at the clan system of the Matengo Highlands one denotes several dynamic movements from Msumbiji, Malawi, Upangwa and Ungoni.

There are clans of the Nindi origin who include Ndunguru, Kumburu and Matembo are believed to have arrived from Mozambique. The Nchimbi, Ndimbo, Hyera clans are believed to have migrated from Nyasaland according to the oral traditions. A good number of clans are said to have migrated from Upangwa. These include

Kapinga, Komba/Hanzi, Mapunda/Rwanda, Lupogo and Njako. The other group is believed to migrate from Ungoni, they include Komba, Mapunda, Kayuni Makita.359

Each of these clans founded a settlement in a selected ridge (lupimbi) forming a socio-political and economic unit.

When the German colonialists and the German Missionaries arrived they met the

Matengo people organized along these clan structures. Even after settling in the

Matengo Highlands, the clans kept on migrating in search of better soil, pastures, water and other resources. A good example is a Kapinga clan. Oral sources reveal that the clan arrived at Manda in Upangwa after crossing Lake Nyasa using a log

(lupilinga) in 1830s hence the name Kapinga. Those who remained in Manda took a name of Mahundi. From there they moved southwards and settled at Litowo briefly before moving to Malala/Kipololo. This was like dispersal area for the Kapinga clan having experienced frequent attacks from the Ngoni popularly known as soba in

Umatengo. Kapinga clan migrated to safer locations. One group moved to Litembo settling at Mbuji caves. There were those who moved to Ngima, others went to

Pilikano, still others moved to Kingua, others went to Mitambo and Mbugu, and still

359 TNA Songea , District Book: Matengo Language Notes,. See also Egno Ndunguru, Historia Mila na Desturi za Wamatengo, Dar-es-salaam, East African Literature Bureau, 1972:1-6. Interviewed Howahowa and Makupe 149

others crossed the Mikiga Mountain to settle at Hagati. There were others who moved as far as Matuta and Mango. 360 Apart from search for resources the movements were also prompted by a need for security. Constant attacks the Wangoni made the Matengo People to find settlement in the thick forests (itengo) hence the name Wamatengo meaning people of the forests. They were also very fond of rocky hilltop dwellings for security purposes. It is therefore no wonder why Wamatengo population concentrated in the highland areas of Mikiga, Likengema, Kilanga, and this also necessitated the evolution of the ingolo farming system which was the most appropriate farming method in the hilly terrain.

3.13 The German Occupation in the Matengo Highlands The conclusion of the Berlin International Conference ended into the German nation to proclaim its sphere of influence in German East Africa. The Matengo formed part of the German possession. The occupation began with the occupation of Ungoni with a center erected at Songea in 1897. There was virtually no resistance to speak of among the Wangoni except the incidence of the boma massacre where the Ngoni chiefs were put under arrest and five Ngoni generals were killed.361 To demonstrate their prowess the Germans spread their flags across the villages in Ungoni. This actually marked the acceptance of German colonial overlordship by the Wangoni.

The approach of annexing the Matengo Highlands was slightly different. Upon hearing of the presence of the Wamatengo, the Germans summoned Mandawa a son of Kayuni Makita, by then it was construed to be the paramount of the whole

360 Based on the interviews with Cosmas Masingi Kapinga, Werner Dudu Kapinga, Ngelageli Kapinga 361 Anold Temu, Tanzania Societies and Colonial Invasion 1875-1907, in Martin H.Y.Kaniki (ed.), Tanzania under Colonial Rule, London, 1980: 112 150

Umatengo to the Germans Songea center. When Mandawa came back he hoisted a

German flag he had brought from Songea. This flag signaled the initial German annexation of the Matengo Highlands.362 In 1889 two Germans arrived at Litembo.

They divided the Matengo Highlands into two parts. The Langiro area in the Hagati valley under bambo Howahowa Komba was assigned to be under Unyanja in

Langenburg boma. This section was administered from a distant Manda (Wiedhafen) station. The Litembo area of Umatengo was to be administered from Songea district boma. Sultanates were placed in charge of the subdivisions. Under them there were jumbes who were assisted by nyaparas.363A sultan was responsible for maintenance of order of his subdivision, clearing roads, constructing bridges, supplying labour, reporting offences, collecting tax and arresting natives who are charged for committing offences. He was also reporting the cases of immigrants wishing to settle in the country, reporting epidemics and generally supervising native affairs of his area.364 Fundamentally the early years of German rule were spent on an attempt to establish political legitimacy in the area and consolidation of colonial state power.

In the Matengo Highlands the colonial government issued orders to the jumbes to conscript labour which was to be used in the construction of a boma at Songea. In

1898 a tax was imposed to generate revenue for the colonial state.365 The Matengo natives were therefore obliged to pay hut tax usually in foodstuffs, hoes or livestock because they did not have cash. These items were taken to the German boma at

Songea. The Matengo people were required to carry heavy loads of lime, vigae

362 John Iliffe, A modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge University Press, London ,1979:117 363 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1901/02 364 TNA, SDB. See also Basehart, 1972, ibid. :91 365Hut Tax charged on annual basis from one to four shillings per hut. See also J Ilffe, op. cit. 1979:133 151

(roofing materials made from baked clay) and tiles from Umatengo at Mbugu and

Hiso industrial sites to Songea more than a hundred miles away. These materials were to be used in the construction of the Songea District boma.366

In addition to government services natives were required to perform duties for their sultans and jumbes. The services included hoeing the gardens, building and/or repairing huts, building schools, and contributing food. Disobedience was severely punished.367 The heavy hand and cruelty the German government used to administer the natives made the Matengo people angry. In the execution of the administration there were a lot of excesses performed by askaris, jumbes,nyaparas, akidas and the district officers. There are complaints by missionaries at Kigonsera,368 Lituhi369 and

Litembo missions against excesses of the colonial officers. Some of the abuses included repression campaign against the natives; this campaign was mainly conducted by the so-called rugaruga, ill-disciplined auxiliary troops. They abducted and abused women and children in order to force the Matengo pay tax and provide labour for public works. They requisitioned food at will for their own use, they burned houses and crops and quick to opening power at defenseless people. Other excesses included deplorable included harsh working conditions including bakora slashing during the public works. In the eyes of the missions these rugaruga were altogether the biggest bunch of robbers and permitted themselves in every regard violent encroachments against the people.370 On 8th March 1902 Lt. Albinus sent a letter to the Kigonsera missionaries advising them not to work in Litembo village

366 Interviewed; Malekano, Mandiluli. 367 TNA, SDB MF 38 Volume I, Folio 27 368 APA, Diary of Peramiho Mission, Vol. 1, 1906. 369 Parokia ya Lituhi, Jubilei ya Miaka 100, 1912-2012, Peramiho Printing Press, 2012:26 370 APA, Diary of Peramiho Mission, Vol. 1, 1907 152

because he was planning to go back and punish the people. He also added that on this occasion he would not stop at the mission station.371

In 1902 the Matengo people at Litembo refused to pay tax and set on fire a school opened by Fr. Johannes in1901.372 They also refused to provide labour and when the askari entered Litembo in March1902 the people tore the badge off his uniform and sent him back to Songea.373

Sergeant Muller was dispatched from Songea and arrived at Litembo with fifteen askaris. They found about eight hundred armed Matengo with arrows, spears, clubs, exes who withdrew to the nearby hill. Three days later the German forces appeared andattacked the Matengo during what was popularly known as the Karonga War of

1902. 374 The Matengo people were able to utilize the hilly landscape and the available caves at Ngwindi fortress against the enemy. They lost forty soldiers and finally conceded defeat. The bambo Mandawa was deposed and deported to the coast where it is alleged he died.375 Bambo Howahowa of Langiro sultanate was captured and deported to Tukuyu where it is said he was assassinated.376 It was out of this fact that the Matengo were able to withstand German mighty until 1904 when the

Matengo were forced out of the hideouts as they faced shortage of food.377

Apart from tax collection and labour conscription for public works, the impact of

German rule was hardly felt in the Matengo Highlands. This was because Matengo

371 Rev. Fr. Sebastian W Napachihi, op.cit. : 157 372 RC Litembo school 1901 373 TNA, Acc. 155, District Book 1, Matengo 374 John Iliffe, A modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge University Press, London ,1979:117 375 APA, Kigonsera Mission Diary, 1901-1904 376 Interviewed; Howahowa Komba 377Iliffe, 0p.cit. 1979:117 153

Highlands was very far from the administrative posts of Songea and Tukuyu, but also transport and communication were poor. Even when the Germans introduced manufactured goods it was difficult to find their way into the heart of the Matengo

Highlands. Traders were unable to establish residence in the heartland of Umatengo.

Instead they established themselves at Mang‘ua in Ungoni. From Mang‘ua the small- time African and Asian itinerant traders traveled to Umatengo to sell their merchandise.378

Private investors showed little interest in testing the potentials of the Matengo

Highlands. Lemann a German settler and Henry Packham attempted to establish an estate at Ugano.379 Consequently the German colonial government itself took over this work in view of future possibilities of white settlement. The government undertook to establish an experimental station for coffee growing at Lipumba which was the seat of the government. The crop failed because it was attacked by borers.

Another government experimental center was established at Myangayanga. The plants died because they were planted on an open ground without irrigation.380 It was not very easy to force economic programmes onto the people whom you have not yet politically subdued. The problem was more compounded by lack of colonial manpower and poor transport and communication system. As such, the Matengo people were living an independent political life. Even the claim of the Ngoni to be the overlords of Wamatengo was proved wrong. Furthermore, bambo Makita‘s claim to be the paramount chief of the whole Umatengo was yet another myth. This is confirmed by Morgans the British Officer at … sometimes later:

378 M.O.Kapinga, op. cit. 1993:61 379TNA, Acc. 155/33. Cf. Anton Matanila Kapinga, interviewed Mbinga 2012 380 TNA, SDB MF 40 Volume II 154

Makita does not govern his people, he left them alone without theGovernment, the Matengo would rapidly return to a state of savageryand unmanageable and unapproachable. … It seems Matengo werepartially subdued by Angoni.381 In fact it is further alleged that, the German was seriously short of staff to man the whole district. The few they had concentrated at the district headquarters at Songea.

Many of the sub-districts were man by local authorities of the liwali, jumbe and nyaparas. They were assisted by the local askaris and other assistants. Under

German colonial rule the surbornates were not controlled from the district hence they had freedom to administer excesses to the native population. Furthermore, most of the subordinates did not have the necessary expertise in running the modern administrative functions like collecting tax and conscripting labour. The problem of running the local administration was much serious in the stateless societies,

Matengos being one practical example. 382 That is why, as it is revealed in the preceding discussion that the Germans did not at the outset (1897) occupy the

Matengo Highlands physically; instead they summoned Mandawa a village headman of Litembo village to Songea where he was handed over a German flag. This situation tallies with a conclusion that the Germans did not actually rule the entire

Matengo Highlands through the chosen headmen since they were not recognized by other clans. Each clan was paying allegiance to its clan head. Even the boundaries demarcating the sub-districts were not consistent and extremely fluid. Sometimes you have a person from Kingua refusing to belong to Litembo when confronted by tax collector; instead he could claim to belong to Langiro. But when the reverse becomes the case the same individual will claim to belong to Litembo sub-district.383

381 Ibid. sheet 5-8 382 Iliffe ibid. :117 383 TNA Songea District Book MF 40 Sheet 6F, cf. M.Kapinga, op. cit.1993:69 155

To the end of their occupation, German rule was spread most unevenly over

Tanganyika. Many areas became almost entirely ungoverned as it became apparent in the annual report of the protectorate of 1901/02:

―Although German rule is everywhere acknowledged in the remote military districts of the inland especially in the mountainous areas the real influence of the authorities is still limited.384 In 1901 the protectorate was divided into 23 administrative districts of which 10 were civil administration districts and 13 were military administration districts Songea being one of them.385 As late as 1911 the government agreed that some areas were not worth taxing.386 It was easy to create administration along the coast and places with centralized administration. But it was also very easy to conquer the stateless societies. However, administering the stateless societies became one of the most challenging undertakings on the part of the German administration. The Community

Ordinance of 29th March, 1901 was a decree by the Reich Chancellor to put in place public utility and other works such as establishment of schools, streets in towns, refuse collection, build bridges, roads, railways and other utilities. 387 The implementation of this decree was far-fetched because of the lack of personnel, and communication. Order from the capital might take months to reach remote districts like Songea. No provincial commissioners to supervise the district officers. Remote stations could expect vitiation from senior officer once in a decade. The district officer exercised full jurisdiction over the local population. Although legislation specified the punishments he might impose, nothing defined the offences for which

384 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1901/02 385 Ibid. The 10 civil administration district included Tanga, Kilwa, Pangani, Lindi, Bagamoyo, Wilhelmsthal(lushoto), Dar-es-Salaam, Kilosa, Rufiji and Langenburg (Tukuyu). The 13 military district included were Moshi, Iringa, Kisaki, Ujiji, Kilimatinde, Usumbura, Mpwapwa, Songea, Tabora, MahengeMwanza, Bukoba and Bismarckburg (Sumbawanga/Ufipa). 386 Iliffe ibid. 118 387 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1901/02 156

he might impose them. Officers were encouraged to remain in their posts for many years. Their rule was based on force and always travelled with armed escorts. Their offices were massive bomas sited to command the best fields of fire. With their brutal soldiers and police, German instilled great terror.388 In 1914 German East Africa was divided into 22 administrative districts of which two were still under the rule of the military personnel. Whereas Songea district became under civil administrative district in April 1, 1905, Iringa and Mahenge remained under the rule of soldiers until the outbreak of the First World War.389

3.14 The Missionary Enterprise in the Matengo Highlands We have mentioned in the preceding discussions, that it came to the perception of the

Benedictine and to some extent the White Fathers that unlike the Wanyasa and

Wangoni the Wamatengo were very slow to accept conversion into Christianity.

Different reasons were put across to explain this attitude.

What is conversion?

There is immense literature in conversion from varied approaches in Africa generally and Tanzania particularly. It all began with enclaves in Ethiopia and Egypt in the first millennium A.D., with further mission establishing themselves along the coast and

Kongo and Angola by the Portuguese. 390 From 1840 there was advancement of

Christian missionaries into the inland of African continent and in the late 19th century

388 Ibid. :119 389 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1905/06 390 Wolfgang Gabbert, Social and Cultural Conditions of Religious Conversion in Colonial Southwest Tanzania, 1891-1939, Ethnology, Vol. 40, No. 4 (Autumn, 2001) :291 157

there was a tremendous increase of missionary activities in Africa. 391 The membership of Christians rose from around four million in 1900 to 200 million in.392

Some conditions and processes which made this phenomenal success of African in conversion to Christianity will be analyzed here using the data on the Benedictine mission Order, one of the oldest and most active Roman Missionary societies working in the Matengo Highlands in Southwestern Tanzania. Missionary orders differed in their background, in their interpretation of Christianity, in strategies and methods, in their attitude towards colonial administrations, western civilization,

Africans and African customs. Potential converts also differed enormously in their culture, status, gender, and social identity.393 In the final analysis conversion was a complex and protracted process of individual social and religious change involving the wide range of possible shifts in religion affiliation and conviction as converts change from traditional to mixed beliefs, from nominal to fervent Christianity, from one denomination to another, from Christianity to Islam, or from a mission church to various forms of independency.394 Referring to conversion in Ufipa, it was possible because it was inherently dialectical. Missionaries adapted to local culture, Fipa integrated the missionaries into their own cultural framework. While the missionaries put emphasis on the similarity between Catholicism and Fipa Traditional Religion,

391 K.A.Opoku, Religion in Africa During the Colonial E, in A.Boahen (ed.) General History of Africa Vol. 7, Africa Under Colonial Domination, 1880-1935, 1985: 525. cf. also R.Horton, Patterns of Thought in Africa and the West, Cambridge, 1993:178 392 The number of Christian followers in Africa in 2000 393 Thomas Spear, Towards the History of African Christianity, in T.Spear and I.N.Kimabo (eds.) East African Expressions of Christianity, Oxford, 1999: 4-6 394 Emefie Ikenga-Metuh, ‗The Shattered Microcosm: a critical survey of explanations of conversion in Africa‘, in Kirsten Holst Petersen (ed.), Religion, Development and African Identity, Uppsala, 1987: 11-27 158

Fipa interpreted these religious and cultural messages as either corresponding to their own ideas about religion.395

On the part of the missionaries we have attempted explaining what they thought were the reasons for reluctance among the Wamatengo to be converted to new Christian religion. These reasons included being in the mountains hence naturally conservative.396 The other reason the local people were suspicious of the Europeans whom they conceived as not trustful.397

3.15 Theoretical Approaches to Conversion to Christianity Christian idea of conversion has been considered as systematic reorganization of individual beliefs and meaning system and radical personal change to be characteristic of conversion processes.398 But this conceptualization is based on the

Christian idea that conversion is a cross-cultural comparison. This implies that there is change from one religious community to another but not necessarily change in fundamental convictions or root reality.399 Therefore, there are numerous continuities with traditional religious ideas and practices are still in place in African

Christianity.400 The missionary perception of Christianity and indigenous religions as discrete systems of belief was not shared by indigenous people.401 There are also several perspectives present in any one conversion situation; those of converts, the

395 Kathleen Smythe, The Creation of Catholic Fipa society, in T.Spear and I.N.Kimambo (eds.) op.cit. :130 396 An interview with retired Abbot Lambert Doerr, this argument is also expounded in his writings. 397 Interview with the elders, at Liembo, Mbinga, Matiri 398 R.Horton, On the Rationality of Conversion, Africa, 1975:394, cf. also see L.Rambo, Theories of Cnversion: Understanding and Interpreting Religious Change, Social Compass 46, 1999:259-71. 399 L. R. Rambo, Conversion. Encyclopedia of Religion, Vol. 4, ed. M. Eliade, New York.1987: 73-79. 400 T. Ranger, An Africanist Comment. American Ethnologist 14(1): 1987: 182-85. cf. see also Giblin, J. Family Life, Indigenous Culture and Christianity in Colonial Njombe. in T. Spear and I. N. Kimambo, (eds.) op.cit. 309-23. 401 Landau, P. Religion and Christian Conversion in African History: A New Model. The Journal ofReligious History 23, 1999:8-30. 159

adherents of new religion, and the group from which the converts have come.402

Conceiving conversion as primarily a radical change in personal beliefs runs the risk of neglecting the social context in which individual religions takes place.

It appears safer to conceptualize conversion as a social process encompassing an adjustment in self-identification through at least the nominal acceptance of religious actions or beliefs deemed more fitting, useful, or true.403 In contrast to the absolute juxtaposition of the believer and heathen so typical of Christianity, this does not preclude the possibility that several moral authorities and identities can coexist each having only local or situational validity.404

3.16 Conversion in Africa Debate on conversion in Africa has been mostly understood as an expression of individual deviance and explained with reference to the specific psychological make- up of converts. In most cases it was conversion that has been interpreted as a dimension of a broader social change in Africa and other parts of the Third World. In many instances it was the adoption of world religion associated with the colonial power in the case of Christianity or seen as opposition to colonialism as in the case of

Islam.405

402Merrill, W. L. Conversion and Colonialism in Northern Mexico. The Tarahumara Response to the Jesuit Mission Program, 1601-1767. Conversion to Christianity, in R. Hefner, (ed.) 1993, 129-63. Berkeley. 403 Hefner, R. W. Introduction: World Building and the Rationality of Conversion, in R. Hefner, (ed.) Conversion to Christianity, Berkeley,1993a:44 404 Bond, G. C. Ancestors and Protestants: Religious Coexistence in the Social Field of a Zambian Community .American Ethnologist 14, 1987: 55-72. 405 Wolfgang Gabbert, op.cit.: 292 160

As a result of this perception, many have considered that spread of Christianity in the continent as European and United of America missionary enterprise reducing

Africans to victim of colonial evangelism, treating missionary work as part of colonialism and considered missionary as vehicles of hegemonic world view. For most European missions in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries conversion to

Christianity was viewed as an essential part of a global project of modernization premised on a particular notion of civilization as the culmination of an evolutionary progression away from barbarism and savagery.406 Christian notions of the human body and of perfectible humanity provided the ideological legitimation for widespread mission involvement in service delivery, as did the need for funds.407

Christian missions in Africa were frequently engaged as contractors to governments for the supply of health and education services, extending the reach and presence of colonial regimes even into remote areas. Here the converts are treated as an undifferentiated group. But the reality is that, there are African catechists, teachers, helpers, evangelists and elders who played crucial role in the spread of Christianity but are neglected and the only option to them is their role in adaptation or resistance.408

Horton takes a different approach by looking at conversion as a result of individual comparing coherence of their beliefs and those of others. The one which is coherent with much explanatory force will be preferred. For the followers of Weberian stance their perception is that Christianity is more logically coherent than the traditional

406 Maia Green, Priests, Witches and Power: Popular Christianity after Mission in Southern Tanzania, Cambridge University Press 2003:2 407 Vaughan 1991 408 Wright, M. German Missions in Tanganyika, 1891-1941. Oxford. 1971. :6-8 cf. also Cooper, F., and A. L. Stoler, Tensions of Empire: Colonial Control and Visions of Rule. inAmerican Ethnologist 16(4)1989:609-21. 161

religions. The difference of two religions is not based on the rationality, but on the fact that the traditional one is narrow in focus, is a pre-modern in context whereby event affecting life of individual community is based on microcosm as opposed to the modern one which is based on macrocosm or wider world or enlarged world.409 The looks at conversion as world religion in relation to the extension of social, economic, or political relations in the course of colonialism and integration into the world economy. SAS boundaries of microcosm are weakened, more and more people come to adopt universalistic doctrines such as Christianity which provide ready-made answers to the intellectual challenges of the macrocosm. 410 This approach has advantage of taking converts seriously as actors and avoids reducing them to mere victims of missionary persuasion and colonial pressure. It also relates conversion phenomenon to changes in the social, economic and political environment.411

3.17 Conversion in the Matengo Highlands In the Matengo Highlands the Missionary Benedictines of St. Ottilien took the task of evangelizing the area. According to their founder, St. Benedict (480-547A.D.) puts down three basic activities for such monastic community namely prayer (ora), work

(labora) and study (studia), hence the motto of Benedictines ―ora et labora‖ or prayer and work.412 This mission center or monastery was an agent of change by establishing a spiritual department which was under the priest. This section of the monastery was assigned the work of evangelization so as to develop the convert spiritually to enhance the richness of the individual souls. The department of manual

409 Horton, 1971 ibid. :10, cf. also Oliver, R. The Missionary Factor in East Africa. London. 1952:208 410 Horton, ibid :102-103, Wilson, 1971, op. cit. :26-51, cf. see also, Lewis, I. M. (ed.) Islam in Tropical Africa. London. 1980:80-81 411 Wolfgang, 2001, ibid. 293 412www.peramiho.org/en/abbey/history.html 162

labour was put under the brothers who were training the young natives in workshops, agriculture and animal husbandry. This section was also intended to supply the provisions for the monastery. The social service department was run by the sisters/nuns who were running schools, hospitals and domestic science training for girls. This structure was supposed to enhance human development an all-round person. Their monasteries were to become centers of development and modern civilization in the South of Tanzania.413

Basing on the monastic approach, the evangelization of the Matengo Highlands cannot be discussed without linking it to Peramiho where the Benedictine mission center was established in 1898 as it has been explained above. The usual practice of the Benedictines is to open up outstations to feed the monastery. One of its outstation was Kigonsera in the border between the Ngoni and the Matengo people. However, the majority population was Wamatengo who are believed to have inhabited most of this area before the invasion of the Ngoni from Mozambique and Nyasaland. It did not take long; this outstation of Kigonsera was elevated to a full-fledged mission station with several outstations. The most outstanding outstations were Litembo,

Matiri, Liparamba and Lituhi at shore of Lake Nyasa. The founder of the parish mission was Fr. Innozenz Handle OSB in 1899.414

The formation of Kigonsera parish was preceded by preparatory factors which essentially included politics and ecclesiastical ones. On the political sphere there was the agenda concerning the consolidation of German colonialism in the Matengo

413 Method Kilaini, The Church in Africa and Tanzania in Particular, TEC, 1998:4 where examples of Ndanda and Peramiho monasteries are given. 414 TNA, Annual Report 1901/02. Cf. see also Parokia ya Lituhi, Jubilei ya Miaka 100 – 1912-2012, 2012:8-9 163

Highlands which was not yet effectively occupied. This consolidation was conducted by attempting to put to an end of the Ngoni attacks over the Matengo people. It was envisaged by the Germans that in order to effectively govern the southwestern

Tanzania they had to suppress the Ngoni war lords who were believed to constantly harassing the tribes around there. For the Matengo to be organized for colonial enterprise peace and order had to be established in the first place. As discussed in the above argument there was very close alliance between the Benedictines and the

German colonial masters. It is not by accident during the suppression of the Matengo rising of 1902, the German troops used Kigonsera mission as a calling station on their way to Litembo and back to Songea.415

The second factor for the establishment of parish mission at Kigonsera is found from the ecclesiastical point of view. By this time the Matengo Highlands was free from any other religious denomination, neither Christian nor Islam.416 However, along the

Lake Nyasa shore there was UMCA mission operating there. It was therefore the intention of the Benedictines to check the expansion of the Anglicans into the

Matengo Highlands. It is not therefore by accident that the Benedictines later in the year 1924 established an outstation at Nangombo as a buffer zone,417 a site in the mountain ranges very close to UMCA station of Mbamba-bay along Lake Nyasa which is very close to the UMCA headquarters at Likoma Island in Lake Nyasa.

415 Napachihi, op. cit. 1998:157 416Mihanjo, op.cit.:24, refers to the Matengo Highlands as ‗a no man‘s land.‘ 417 Jimbo Katoliki, Ustawi wa Enjili Jimbo la Mbinga Kuelekea Mwaka 2000, Peramiho Printing Press, 1997:86 164

The name Kigonsera is a name of a person who received the first missionaries.418 The missionaries included one priest Innozenz and one brother Ivo. The brother started the constructing buildings using the locally available raw materials of trees, bamboos, tree ropes and grass thatch. Water supply was coming from a source at nearby mountain. The first building was for housing the missionaries and the second building was for the church services. The local people provided labour in the construction work and in the garden which was part of the missionary enterprise at the mission. In 1902 bigger church was needed due to increase of converts. At this juncture the main raw materials were now bricks and tiles for roofing and the floor.

Fortunately, Kigonsera was rich in clay soil which was used for bricks and tiles making. As a result of this innovation, in 1904 Kigonsera mission got permanent church and school buildings.

In order to win followers Fr. Innozenz effectively applied the Amrhein Magna Carta of 1883 which insisted on setting schools in all monastic mission stations.419 A bush school was opened at Kigonsera as means to change the mentality of the young people; older people were hard to change.420 The school taught prayers, reading, religious instructions, manual work and good behavior. The education provided was very elementary with emphasis on conversion. That is why religious teachings played very special role in the school; even the environment of the school was to impress the sense of religion to the school children. The school was decorated by cross, pictures of saints and the behavior of teachers had to demonstrate holiness.421 Presents in the form of cloth, sweets and other goods were given to the pupils to encourage them

418Parokia ya Lituhi, op. cit. 2012:8 419 The Missionary Magna Charta of Fr. Andrew Amrhein in Napachihi op.cit. 1998:65 420Napachihi, 1998:84 cf ibid. 421 Napachihi, op. cit. 1998:84 165

attend school. There was big expansion of the Kigonsera mission as is revealed in the government annual report of 1902/03 which shows that there was one priest, two brothers, eight Christians, 311 catechumens, seven people were baptized, one school,

16 pupils, one boarding school, twelve pupils of boarding school and several catechists.422 The number of pupils grew to 28 in 1903, and further grew to 40 in

1904, in early 1905 the number was 113 pupils in two schools. 423 Fr. Johannes opened a number of bush schools at Litetema (Amni Makolo), Lihutu (Lipumba),

Ndemb, Lukarasi, Muhurumusi, Mihango, Mahanda, Masimeri, Litorongi, Lihale,

Kitai, Lupilo, Mkako and Ndolonela,424

Fr. Innozenz faced a language barrier in communicating with the converts. To solve this problem he took trouble to learn the vernacular Kimatengo language. In delivering his Christian faith instructions Fr. Innozenz used Kimatengo in order to enable the local people understand. In other instances he had to employ interpreters who knew both Kiswahili and Kimatengo. In July 1901 Fr. Johannes replaced Fr.

Innozenz as superior of Kigonsera mission. He emphasized school expansion but also opening up outstations in the Matengo Highlands.425 The most important ones were

Litembo, Liparamba, Matiri and Lituhi along the Lake Nyasa shore. Bush schools as a strategy of getting converts were opened in all outstations. At Litembo with the approval of chief Mandawa a church was opened together with a school in 1901.426 A catechist Wilhelm was in charge of the school with a responsibility of giving catechism instructions.

422 Annual Report 1902/03 423 Doerr, op. cit. 1998:31 424 Eginald E. Mihanjo, op.cit. :30 425 APA, 1901 426APA, 1901, Ibid. 166

The brief period of outbreak of the uprising in Umatengo against the German invasion in 1902 and the Majimaji uprising in 1905 to 1907 halted the missionary work in the Matengo Highlands. Kigonsera was briefly put to a standstill, while

Litembo church and school were all demolished. Missionaries of Kigonsera and those of Peramiho vacated their stations through Wiedhafen to Dr-es-Salaam. The missionaries came back after German troops had succeeded to suppress the risings.

The vigor that came after the Majimaji uprising succeeded in opening up new schools in Umatengo proper. The first school was opened at Mhagawa Asili in 1909 boasting

170 pupils under teacher Kilian Komba; another school was opened at Kipapa in the same year. In 1910 another school was opened at Kindimba whose teachers were

Yakob Pokela, Henrik and Paul Nombo Kandosa.427 The Matiri School was opened in 1911. Additional schools in the Matengo Highlands were built at Maguu and

Mikalanga to forestall the advance of UMCA mission from Lake Nyasa into the

Matengo Highlands. The demand for the teacher – catechists - was so high because they were needed to staff the ever increasing schools. In this situation, gifted pupils were spared at the mission in Kigonsera to get more instructions as future teachers.

To manage all these outstations in an event shortage of personnel, the superior devised a method of using the boys who excelled in the bush schools as catechists.

According to Bishop Gallus Steiger:

―It is quite obvious that we want first of all catechists i.e. people whose is to convert non-christians by their own example and by their instructions, further to instruct Christians, children as well as adults, in their religion, to visit the sick and take care that no one of them dies without the last sacraments, to watch over the discipline, the morals and the customs of the Christians: in brief to be the representatives of the missionary in the village. But all

427 Aloys Makupe Turuka, Manuscript of Parokia Litembo Historia na Maendeleo yake (n.d.) 167

things taken into consideration … what we want, is the teacher catechist‖428 The most popular catechists of Kigonsera mission included Yoseph Nchimbi of

Litetema, Florian Mbena of Kigonsera, 429 Constantine Akitanda of Matiri 430 and

Wilhem of Litembo.431 In order to easily pay visits to these outstations, the superior insisted the converts to open their outstations by voluntarily constructing roads and bridges to facilitate communication.432 In most cases missionaries travelled on foot to offer services to the outstations or sometimes by donkeys or motorcircles. The terrain of the Matengo Highlands is not very friendly to the use of bicycles. During

Christmas and Passover feasting, converts from all outstations assembled at

Kigonsera for prayers.

The success of Kigonsera mission was the founding of a new mission at Lituhi along the shore of Lake Nyasa. However, the most crucial achievement in the Matengo

Highlands was witnessed on 28th July, 1914 when the Litembo outstation was elevated to the rank of a parish mission. The founding superior was Fr. Ludger

Breindl. The choice of Litembo was justified by the following reasons. First, it was claimed by the missionaries to be in the center of existing schools. The schools included Maguu, Mikalanga, Lundumato, Nangombo, Kindimba, Lihiso, Mkumbi,

Kipapa, Matuta, Lugari, Mbugu, Hagati, Ugano, Unyoni, Ngima, Magingu, Mapera,

Mbuji, Mpapa, Manzeye and Litembo itself. 433 With this fleet of schools and outstations Litembo mission station was very strategic as a buffer zone against the

428 Quoted by Napachihi, 1998:87 429 Parokia, ibid. 2009:9 430 Benjamin Akitanda a retired teacher and a son of the late Constantine Akitanda (+1964) interviewed, 2013 431Doerr, op.cit. 1998:85 432 Fr. Cassian Spiess used to come to Kigonsera to encourage people to voluntarily work for God. 433 TNA, Acc.155/23/10, Mission schools, cf. Mihanjo, op.cit. 200:156 168

expansion of UMCA from the Lake Nyasa shore. Secondly, it is said that Litembo was the most densely populated area in the Matengo Highlands. Thirdly, Litembo had health climate and fertile soil. There is also claim going around that most of the places the Benedictines established mission stations were rich in natural resources.

That is why parishes in southwestern Tanzania have nicknames reflecting the type of available resources. Peramiho was referred to as the church of whisky, Kigonsera,

Litembo, Liparamba, Tingi, Litumba were referred to as churches of gold. Lituhi was referred to as a church of diamond, and Nangombo as a church of uranium and gold.

Lundumato was popularly nicknamed a chatu church.434 This suggests that, among other factors for the choice of mission station, consideration of the available natural resources was very paramount.

The work of construction of the new station commenced with the focus on essential buildings which included the church and the house for missionaries. Because the

World War I had been declared in German East Africa by August 8, 1914, the brothers from Germany could not come to assist Fr. Ludger in the construction work at Litembo mission station. According to Doerr, through the use of his energy, hardwork and unskilled local labour Fr. Ludger was able to accomplish a makeshift church and other important buildings using sun-dried bricks.435 In reality without the local people the work of erecting a new mission station at Litembo wouldn‘t have been possible without the commitment of the local people. The work of building

Litembo station was labour intensive. Making of the bricks was quite a tedious work involving many people. The place where the bricks were made was some hundreds

434 Fr. Timoth Ndunguru is a parish priest of Kigonsera. He also served at the Abbatia of Peramiho in early 2000s. cf. interview with Mzee Matanila who also subscribe to this reasoning. 435Doerr, op.cit. :80 169

metres away. The other building materials included grass for thatching, tree poles, bamboo poles; tree ropes were not available within reach. The reeds - matete and the tree poles were obtained from Lituru about 1½ kilometres away from Litembo. The bamboo poles and miyombo tree ropes were at Kingua about 8 kilometres away from the Litembo station.436 To get all these building materials mobilization of labour was very crucial.

The work of construction of the mission station was coordinated by the father superior, but the real execution involved many people whose contribution cannot in any way pass without acknowledgement. The catechists from different outstations were very much committed to making this noble assignment well done. Under their catechists, all the outstations were supposed to contribute in the construction of the mission in materials and prayers. The schools were also involved in the construction by way of providing labour in the construction process. Among the lesson emphasized in the mission schools was manual labour, which apart from making the pupils learn the different skills; pupils were also using their manual labour to assist in the construction to supplement their upkeep. They were made the bricks, cleared the ground, carried building materials to the building site, gathered grass for thatching, drew water to the building site and made prayers to enable God protect the project.

The catechumens of the Litembo mission attended their Christian instructions at

Litembo where they had to ‗camp‘ for some months. Camps were a makeshift hut- residence (lisekela) constructed by reeds/matete walls with grass/mapelele thatch.

The beddings (mandupa) which the catechumens used in the lisekela included beds which were made offour wooden poles erected in rectangular shape; ropes were used

436 Cosmas Masingi interviewed at Kingua-Litembo, 2013 170

as the supporting gear. Then a mat made of reeds (ndengati) was used as a bed spread and a bark cloth from amtaba tree (ndenda) or an animal skin were used as bed sheets. They came with their food of maize flour and beans and stayed for a number of months. Apart from spiritual instructions the catechumens provided labour to the construction of the mission station and other mission activities. To qualify for baptismal, communion or confirmation, a catechumen had to exhibit excellence not only in spiritual instructions but also to excel in manual work.437 During the feasts of

Christmas and Passover all Christians across the mission had to come to Litembo for prayers. Before communion a Christian was supposed to make confession in front of a priest, who would finally instruct the convert to make malipizi/repentance in a form of prayers and manual labour which included working at the fields/shamba, construction site and gardens. The people around Litembo were also involved in not only in the construction work but also in other mission activities of keeping gardens, poultry, piggery, cooking and cleanliness in exchange with simple presents like second hand cloth, food stuffs, salt and other foreign goods.

The superior of Litembo mission Fr. Ludger is remembered for introducing wheat growing at Litembo and spread to the entire Matengo Highlands. Fruit growing and trees planting were other inventions the superior introduced to the Matengo

Highlands. It is very common in the Matengo Highlands to hear such versions of

European fruits such plums, peaches, passions, oranges, avocado, vines and mioyo.438

While the superior of Litembo mission introduced afforestation exercise around the mission station by planting different types of trees (eucalyptus, cypress, camellia,

437Cosmas Masingi, ibid. 438 Jacob Hyera, Kilimo Mbinga interviewed, 2013 171

pines, and fir trees were most common), the people around Litembo used to work in these fruit orchards and in planting and caring of the trees for small payments.

Evangelization was another challenge of Fr. Ludger at Litembo mission due to three major factors according to the superior. The first problem was the lack of personnel to spread the message of God, taking into consideration the vastness of the area covering the Litembo mission. Litembo mission had big numbers of outstations and bush schools under its jurisdiction. The second problem in facilitating evangelization was communication barrier in terms of language. The superior did not understand

Kimatengo while the Wamatengo on their side did not understand Kiswahili. There was also a transport problem to enable the superior visit the outstations and the schools. This problem was much more compounded by the nature of the Matengo

Highlands terrain which is mountainous. The third problem according to the superior was conservatism and dominance of paganism and witchcraft in its original form among the people of the Matengo Highlands. In some areas the missionaries were refused permission to build their stations. A good example was when the missionaries were refused at Ngima then they proceeded to Mkumbi and

Lundumato.439

To solve the problem of personnel there were people who were employed as catechists, cooks, cleaners and other helpers whose remuneration was by way of presents.440 As for the languge problem, Fr. Ludger embarked on rigorous study of

Kimatengo language to allow him communicate with his converts. The transport

439 Anton Matanila interviewed, cf. Fr. Alex Kenyata, Maisha ya Wamatengo Kabla ya Ujio wa Wamisionari Wabenediktini, 1999:30 440 Benjamin Akitanda interviewed 172

problem was solved by encouraging the each outstation to voluntarily construct a road to connect with another outstation and vice versa. The problem of conservatism, paganism and witchcraft was hard to get solution. Until Fr. Ludger left Litembo in

September 1916 when he was deported by the British, he showed frustration due to the people of the Matengo Highlands failing to cooperate with the missionaries.441

This frustration was also shown by Fr. Johannes the superior of Kigonsera. The feeling of these two superiors over the Matengo Highlands created an impression that the Matengo Highlands people were anti-Christian. To the contrary there were young people who willingly followed the influence of schools and of the mission. These young people were allowed by their parents to follow up Christian instructions and finally joined the new religion. So there was such increase of missionary activity in the Matengo Highlands. However, the outbreak of World War I in 1914 interrupted most of the Benedictine activities in the Matengo Highlands. In 1916 all German missions were interned and deported to Europe while Litembo mission was used as administrative headquarters of British administration. They left the 18 schools with

4000 pupils to the older pupils who were nominally paid. There were 500 Christians who were baptized, 300 communicants every Sunday and 2000 adults following instructions in Christian faith. 442 Catechists did commendable work during the absence of the missionaries. Occasionally the White Fathers were visiting to provide spiritual services to the converts in the Matengo Highlands.

3.18 Why Matengo Were Reluctant to Accept Christianity before 1918? The German government was ready to support the efforts of the missions against the expansion of Islam. All public authorities were ordered to act according to those

441 APA, 1914, Chronicles of Litembo, cf. Doerr, op.cit. 1998:81 442 Doerr, ibid. :81 173

instructions. The standpoint of the German administration was that the missions should consult the nearest authorities before settling down, in order to avoid discords among denominations.443

The German government further accused missionaries for failing to win the Africans.

The most important obstacle to widespread of Christianity is the long preparation which they insist before baptismal. But this limits the proper missionary activity to the natives living around the mission thus making them difficulty to Christianize the remote and fluctuating population. Askari, porters, traders, plantation workers whose influence was pointed out by the missions as being unfavourable one, cannot become

Christians at all for their professions make it impossible for them to stay longer in the mission stations. Actually missions will become embarrassed when if 2000 porters from the inland ask to be baptized. These people will not stay for the preparation period prescribed by the mission, if only because of their maintenance. The mission will either turn them away thus leading them to paganism or Islam, or give up their actual claims. 444

The problem here can also be looked from the point of view of the Matengo people in its solid historical foundation. Historically the Matengo people had their traditional religion before the advent of Christianity. It was religion which conformed to the level of their culture, economy, political set up and above all their history. It was used to address all their problems like calamities, social and political disputes. To introduce new religion quite different from theirs was supposed to take a process of transforming the society slowly to allow them internalize the foreign religion. The

443 German Annual Report 1902 444 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1902/03 174

problem with Frs. Johannes and Ludger445 and Abbot Emeritus Lambert Doerr446 was the assumption that the Matengo were tabula rasa on which new religion has to be imprinted.447 A sheer disregard for African traditional religious beliefs which was a reflection of European ethnocentric prejudices, the missionaries did not bother to understand the society they intended to convert. 448 If they studied the Matengo culture they did it only to condemn them without taking into account that mere condemnation of the Matengo system of beliefs in toto would not suffice to convince people such as Wamatengo to convert to Christianity. The missionary explanation of the Scriptures did not appear to make sense because the Wamatengo‘s cosmological view was different from that of the missionaries. John Kirby, who is both a Catholic priest and an anthropologist, puts it more emphatically:

Throughout its history, Christian missionary working in West Africa has paid little cultural sensitivity toward African society. Catholic missionaries like their protestant brothers, were appallingly ignorant of African institutions and did not care to investigate them. Indeed, they were too busy suppressing traditional rituals and beliefs, thereby preventing an objective, balanced view of African traditional religions. With few exceptions, missionaries saw African traditional religions as ‗morass of bizarre beliefs and practices‘ … As a general principle we can say that before 1960 mission founded churches insisted that their converts abandon contact with their African traditional religions and cultures. These churches were poorly prepared theologically and culturally to accept any alternatives to their own way of praying, thinking, believing or behaving.449

445 Frs. Johannes, Ludger, and Fr. Camile De Chatonville were very frustrated when they realized that the Matengo did not comply to the teachings of Christianity 446 Doerr ibid. interviewed in June 2013 at the Abbatia of Peramiho, was of the opinion that Matengo were resistant to new religion because they are conservative just like other mountain people in Europe. 447 Adrian Hastings, Church and mission in Modern Africa, Fordham University Press, New York , 1967:61 448 Lawrence E. Mbogoni, The Cross versus the Crescent: Religion and Politics in Tanzania from 1880s to 1990s, Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, 2004:6 cf. E.A.Ayendele, ‗External influence on African Society‘ in Joseph Anene and Godfrey Brown, (eds.), Africa in the 19th and 20th Centuries, Ibadan University Press and Nelson, Ibadn, Nigeria, 1972:135-7 449 John Kirby, ‗Cultural Change and Religious Conversion in West Africa,‘ in T.D. Blakely at al., (eds.) Religion in Africa, Experience and Expression, London, James Currey, 1994:60-61 175

The Fathers and Abbot missed the historical dynamics of the Matengo society and groomed the feelings that they can just superimpose their foreign religion onto the

Matengo people very smoothly. The missionaries never troubled themselves to learn if at all there is anything like religion practiced by the Matengo before the coming of

Christianity. It was evident that during missionary expansion in the Matengo

Highlands, the Benedictines did not consider African Traditional Religion as competitor but paganism which ought to be wiped out completely and be replaced by

Christianity.450 For the Benedictines they only perceived the UMCA as their only ecclesiastical competitor in the Matengo Highlands. This insensitivity and arrogance towards Matengo traditional religion made the older generation in the Matengo

Highlands reluctant to join Christianity, though it was willing to release their children to join the new Christian religion.451 So much so that at the beginning up until 1918 when the German colonial masters and the Benedictines were forced out of the

Matengo Highlands by the British and their friends the Christian population constituted by the young people. The reason was that the missionaries struggled to convince the old people through material incentives like salt, cloth, sugar and soap to allow their children attend baptisms. The old people themselves were no ready to join the new religion.

The traditional Matengo society had its cultural attributes which were historically accepted and justified. Such attributes as polygamy was an accepted norm among the

Matengo people. Polygamy served as an institution of increasing labour in the household and as symbol of power and authority in society. But according to the tenets of Christianity polygamy was vehemently opposed and prohibited. Witchcraft

450 Fr. Fidelis Mligo, a prior of Peramiho Abbatia, interviewed by the researcher, 2013 at Peramiho 451 Anton Matanila, interviewed at Mbinga, 2012 176

which was heavily attacked by the Benedictines was another accepted practice among the Matengo society. In most cases deaths were explained in terms being caused by witchcraft. Only when death occurred during an advanced age was accepted, but other deaths were believed to be caused by witchcraft.452 Veneration of ancestors was another common cultural practice among Wamatengo. Each clan used to have a priest – mpenga utunu who was charged with leading all clan prayers.

Prayers consisted of thanks-giving to the ancestors, requests of better harvest or health and begging for relief from calamities. All these practices were accepted practices among the Wamatengo people, hence in contradistinction to the wishes of

Christianity.

The manner in which the German colonial masters entered the Matengo Highlands left much to be desired. In 1902 German troops invaded the Matengo highlands forcing them to accept the German rule. The Matengo refused and were heavily punished by the German troops. On their way to Litembo the German troop rested at

Kigonsera mission and after punishing Wamatengo the troops again passed by

Kigonsera mission where they were entertained.453 In such collaboration between the

Benedictine missionaries and the German colonialists the Matengo could not differentiate between them. The Matengo perceived all of them as oppressors and hence hard to trust the Benedictine missionaries and looked at with suspicion.

Politically, at the time of advent of colonialism and missionaries Matengo society was organized along clan system. There was no centralized political structure with

452 Fr. Alex Kenyata, Mambo yaliyostawisha Maisha ya Watengo Kabla ya Ujio wa Wamisionari Wabenediktini, Unpublished, 1999:17 453Napachihi, op.cit. 157 177

one person commanding power at the apex of political hierarchy.454 The approach the

Benedictines used was that of top down system. Norbert Weber the Abbot Superior for Benedictine Fathers of St.Ottilien put it thus:

‖The work of missionary Benedictines was not only to convert individuals, but whole peoples‖455 This means that they had first to convert the ruling class then the rest of the people to follow suit. This system which fared very well in Ufipa,456 Buganda, Rwanda and

Burundi by White Fathers missionaries457 and utilized very well by Benedictines in

Ungoni, did not find conducive environment in a non-centralized Matengo society.

Even the myth Makita as the paramount chief does not attest to the objective political structure of the Matengo society. 458 Matengo people were scattered from east bordering the Ngoni and to the east bordering the Nyasa. This was quite a vast area with a chain of mountain ridges (lupimbi or ntambo) to be easily controlled from a single point of either Litembo or Lipumba. Each clan occupied a lupimbi which was their economic, social and political unit under a clan head. The truth is the creation of paramount was a British creation in 1926 when an indirect rule system was introduced in the Matengo Highlands.459

In many parts of Africa where missionaries opened enterprise, they normally started by creating settlements of destitute including freed-slaves and orphans.460 This was the case in Ungoni where Fr. Cassian Spiess used to ransom slaves from Arab

454 TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Book 455Doerr, op.cit.:16. Cf. John Ilffe, op.cit. 218 456Smythe, op.cit. :129 457 Thomas Spear, op.cit. :10-11 458 Harry W. Basehart, op.cit. 1972:91 459 TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Book 460 Roland Oliver, op.cit. second edition 1965:172 178

traders.461 This was also the case with the founding Benedictine monastery of Pugu where freed-slaves and orphans became the first converts.462 To the contrary, in the

Matengo Highlands there were no slaves to ransom and show it as a demonstration so as to attract other followers. Outcasts and orphans were hard to find, in an event of destitute the structure of the society which was egalitarian and clan based would care for their orphans at the clan level.

The data collected and presented in the preceding discussion suggest that missionary

Benedictines arrived at the time colonialists were making their advent in the Matengo

Highlands. The colonial masters showed severe brutality and harshness to the

Matengo during the 1902 rising and during the suppression of Majimaji uprising of

1905. The cordial relationship between the missionaries and the colonial masters made the Matengo look at them as the same oppressor and exploiter.463 That is why the Matengo looked at missionaries with a lot of suspicions. There are incidences where this alliance between the two groups of Europeans was so pronounced. An incidence is sighted some people in Mkumbi killed a person illegally. The killers went to confess at Litembo mission but it came to be discovered that the missionaries reported the case to the Songea boma. To their surprise, all of them were apprehended by the colonial askari and taken to Songea boma they were taken to court charged for a murder case. Some were convicted for the offence and ordered to be hanged and others were sentenced to life imprisonment.464

461 Doerr, op. cit. 1998:15. Fr. Cassian Spiess ransomed former slaves from an Arab trader Rashid bin Masudi living at Mang‘ua at 40 rupees per head. These are the first people who came and live in the young mission of Peramiho. 462 Fr.Gerold Rupper, (ed.), Pugu hadi Peramiho: Miaka 100 ya Wamisionari Wabenediktini katika Tanzania, Historia na Masimulizi, Benedictine Publications Ndanda-Peramiho, 1988:29-30. Cf. Napachihi, op.cit. :84 463 Napachihi, op.cit. 157 464 Anton Matanila, interviewed by author, 2012 179

The Benedictines of St. Ottilien were deported from Tanganyika after suffering a defeat in the World War I they left behind an infant church in the country and in a special way in the Matengo Highlands. As discussed in the aforementioned part the

Christian situation in the Matengo Highlands was much more frustrating due to reluctance of the population to accept Christianity. 465 However infant it was we examine some influence Christianity impacted upon the Matengo Society by the time the Benedictines were interned by the British authority.

3.19 Christianity and Socio-economic Development of the Matengo Highlands up to 1918 When the Germans colonized the DOA they had to establish the administration system which was charged with the following functions. The first one was related to the maintenance of the law and order. This function was carried by state instruments such as the police, the courts, the army and the bureaucracy. In this regard the

German East Africa Company; a business company was granted an imperial charter to rule the German sphere of influence in 1885. The company officials started arriving in 1887 to take up their administrative posts. The second function was that of providing social services to the population. These included sanitation, water, electricity, education, health services, roads, bridges, railways, telegraphs and transportation. The company invited the Benedictines of Bavaria to accompany the

DOA in the administration of the colony. This invitation was intended to make the missionaries involve themselves in the provision of the social services and in this way the business company will not involve in the provision of social services. The logic here is that being a commercial company engaging in provision of social

465 Conclusion emphasizing this position by Abbot Lambert Doerr in interview and also the superiors of Kigonsera and Litembo missions subscribe to this position. 180

services is tantamount to reducing the profit of the commercial firm. Besides, religious orders were experienced in the running of education and health services.

The DOA had to surrender and give up the administration of the colony for various reasons. The first was inexperience in running administrative functions being

Business Company. Consequently, the company officials turned out to be very unpopular among the people amounting to the rising of the Arab landlords along the coast led by Bushiri and Bwanaheri. The people complained of brutality, forced labour and heavy taxation imposed by the company officials. The other reason was that the company ran bankrupt on account that much of the profit accrued in the business was spent in running administrative costs. In 1891 the imperial German government had to intervene and took over administration of colony. However, the spirit of using missionaries as it was under the company rule in the provision of social services in the colony remained unabated.

When the Germans occupied the Matengo Highlands in 1902, the cross had already preceded the flag since 1899. However, the collaboration between the two was as conspicuous as it is demonstrated in the preceding discussion. The Benedictines opened and ran a fleet of bush schools in the Matengo Highlands unlike along the coast where the German government had opened schools at Tanga, Pangani, Sadani,

Bagamoyo Mlingotini, Pwani, Dar-es-Salaam, Muhoro, Kilwa,Chole, Liwale, Lindi and Kilosa. The government also opened schools at Mwanza, Bukoba, Kondoa –

Irangi, Mpwapwa and Iringa.466

466Annual Report, 1903/04 op.cit. 181

Another manifestation of the German rule in the Matengo Highlands was the erection of their flag at Litembo. This flag was a symbol of the German authority in the land of Makita. This is symbolic because we have discussed in the assisted in the aforementioned elaboration, that the Makita of Litembo was not paramount chief of the whole Matengo Highlands until when he was institutionalized by the British indirect rule administration in 1926. Otherwise, the rest of the area politically remained percellised along clan units. It was these clan heads turned into new titles of nyaparas who played crucial role in the collection of taxes. Tax collection was yet another challenge to the German government and the native gents in the Matengo

Highlands. They did not possess the cash for paying tax. Consequently the adult males were always on the mountain hidings. They also assisted in recruitment of laborers for public works and very few recruited for agricultural labour on the coast and elsewhere. Nearly all the recruits who volunteered for work came from the Lake

Nyasa shore.467 The British Administrative Officer of Lipumba Sub-District G, Van

Dam described the Wamatengo as:

―The hill people are calm, contented, industrious, agriculturalists who have little interest outside their crops‖468 It was also reiterated that the Wamatengo make good workmen when employed locally, but are comparatively failures away from it. They dislike head porterage.469

The Matengo people throughout German colonial period were politically rather uncaptured peasants by the imperialists. Even economically being expert iron smiths the only contribution Matengo made was making iron tools such as hoes, knives and grass cutters which they sold to some Indian businessmen. They could also collect

467 TNA, AB. 78, Annual Report. Lipumba Sub-District 1925 468 TNA, AB. 78. Ibid. 469 TNA, Songea District Book 182

wild products like honey and wax which were also sold to itinerant traders mainly from Songea.470 Therefore we argue that colonial government was insensitive to the matters pertaining to the Matengo Highlands‘ welfare. This is contrary to the effort the colonial government was putting on the development of Wiedhafen port along

Lake Nyasa and the construction of road from Lindi a coastal port to Wiedhafen.471

This vacuum was to a greater extent filled by the Benedictines who worked very hard to this effect. We examine here some of the activities the missionaries performed in the Matengo Highlands which were otherwise supposed to be done by the German colonial government.

The administrative work of providing for the welfare of the Matengo Highlands focusing in social services was left to the Benedictine missions. This is in line with the original agreement between the Carl Peters‘ DOAG and the Benedictines Order of April 1887, where it was underlined that the duty of Benedictines was that of civilizing the natives as well as evangelizing.472 This kind of conception is reflected in the answer the first mission to Tanzania under Fr. Fava gave to Sultan Seyyid

Majid of Zanzibar. When the Sultan inquired why they came to Tanzania, Fr. Fava the superior said:

―We have come to attend to the sick, to help the poor, to educate the children and teach them different skills‖473 This kind of assumption presupposes that the Africans were in a mess and very primitive conditions calling for immediate action by the so-called civilised society to rescue them from the mess of diseases, abject poverty and grand ignorance. Since

470 Annual Report 1903-04 471Annual Report, Ibid. 472 Para 1 of the Treaty between Fr. Andreas Amrhein and Dr. Carl Peters 473 Kutoka Risala ya Maaskofu kwa Ukumbusho wa Miaka 100 ya Kanisa, Kipalapala, 1975:3 183

Africa had its religion embracing the socio-political and economic life the missionaries had two assumptions perhaps. One assumption was that the existing

African institutions were inferior hence incapable of transforming the society to a civilized state. Second assumption was that, since Christianity was a product of developed capitalist of European society hence missionaries were duty bound to carry out a ―civilizing mission‖ geared towards recurring the uncivilized and primitive Africans.

Equipped with such spirit we have the Benedictine mission in the Matengo

Highlands start establishing mission station at Kigonsera in 1899 and Litembo in

1914. These stations were made lively by a fleet of outstations established within the vicinity of each outstation. These missions theoretically according to monastic approach were supposed to be centers or argents of both spiritual and earthly development of the surrounding outstations and the entire Christian population at large. By the time the German Benedictines were interned by the British in 1916 and finally repatriated in 1920, they boasted of 2 missions, a number of personnel

(priests, brothers, sisters and catechists) several outstations, number of Christians, communicants, baptisms and catechumens.

184

Table 3.1: Development of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands During German Rule YEAR PRIESTS BROTHERS SISTERS CATECHISTS MISSIONS 1899 1 1 - 1 1900 1 1 - 1 1901 1 1 3 1 1902 1 1 3 1 1903 1 2 2 1 1904 1 2 2 4 1 1905 1 1 3 1 1906 1 2 5 1 1907 1 3 2 1 1908 2 3 4 1 1909 2 4 5 1 1910 3 4 8 1 1911 2 4 10 1 1912 2 3 13 1 1913 1 2 20 1 1914 2 2 54 2 1915 2 2 54 2 1916 2 - 56 2 1917 - - - - 1918 - - - - TOTAL Source: Annual Report on the development of German East Africa 1903/04, : Lambert Doerr, Permiho 1898-1998, In the Service of the Missionary Church, Volume 3 : Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea, Historia ya Uenjilishaji Songea.474

3.20 Development of Missionary Education Missionary expansion in the Matengo Highlands up to the World WarI was slow as it is seen in Table 3.1 above. Opening of schools throughout the Matengo Highlands

474 The information was compiled from the sources as outlined below the table 185

went hand in hand with conversion into Christianity. There were bush schools which were established in the outstations where pupils were prepared for baptism. Besides, the pupils were taught other subjects such as crafts, singingand manual work.

Koponen pointed the fact that Roman Catholic and Germans stressed on the importance of manual farm labour as education for work.475 However missionary schools were for conversion, to mold the pupils while still young in the heathen interior. From 1900 to1914, there was change in the colonial education due to the change in colonial conditions. There was emergence of development imperative which demanded close collaboration between the state and the missionaries by restricting competition mission and state schools and to share functions. The state supported mission schools in funds, books. School fees were paid through manual work by school children on the Benedictines‘ fields, gardens and grounds.476

Though the German government had opened craftsman schools and Hinterland schools in the coastal areas and few hinterland districts, the Matengo Highlands was much more neglected. As such the Benedictines were the sole providers of education in this area of the German protectorate. It is again argued that the children from

South western Tanzania could not safely be taken to the government schools because of poor communication networks. There were no railroads, no good roads except those constructed by followers of Christianity. Under such circumstances the

Benedictines embarked on construction of schools throughout the Matengo

Highlands. Table 3.2 below presents some data on the education sector operated by the Benedictines in the Matengo Highlands.

475 Johan Koponen, Development for exploitation, German Colonial policies in Mainland Tanzania, 1884-1914. Printed in Finland by Raamattutalo, Pieksamaki, 1994:355 476 Juhan Koponen, Ibid. 357 186

Looking at the content taught in these schools the bulk of what was taught were religious instructions with a little bit of reading, writing and counting.477 The pupils were divided into three groups, the first group was that of the children, second group included all Christians and the last group included those who were preparing for baptism both children and adults. Those who excelled in their studies were recruited as catechists. The other component of the content being taught were skills which were aimed at teaching of manual labour. 478 This syllabus was in line with the

Benedictine philosophy of ora et labora. But also the German government in the protectorate during the governorship of Georg Albrecht Freiherr von Rechenberg between 04/15/1906 - 22/04/1912 came up with the policy of development. To implement his development imperative, the governor put emphasis on the collaboration between state and missionaries. He restricted competition between mission and state schools. Incentives in terms of funds and books479 were given to the mission schools which taught German language and other subjects like handcraft as it was echoed in the 1908/09 Annual Report:

As for the Benedictines … the missions have done particularlygratifying work this year in the field of youth education work in handcraft, agriculture, horticulture and also in the sphere of medical auxiliary work.480 Kigonsera school was among the schools in which the German administration put effort to encourage it adopt the German government education system more specifically the teaching of German language apart from Kiswahili which was the medium of communication. Furthermore, sisters instructed girls in all kinds of work girls are supposed to do. Like in the government schools apart from learning subjects

477 Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu Songea, op.cit. :41-42 478 Annual Report, 1901/02 479Koponen, op.cit. 1994:509 480 Annual Report 1908/09 187

like Bible class, reading, writing, arithmetic, singing and German, pupils had to work in the fields and in the house, in the kitchen and garden for four hours. Boys learned blacksmith, joiner, bricklaying and how to sow plants.481

Table 3.2: Development of Christian Education in the Matengo Highlands from1899-1918. YEAR SCHOOL PUPILS TEACHERS CATECHUMENS BAPTISMS CONFIRMATIONS 1899 8 1 9 5 1900 24 6 3 190I 1 8 80 55 35 1902 1 28 119 44 42 1903 1 16 178 84 65 1904 1 40 472 324 67 1905 2 113 617 332 80 1906 1 82 483 114 69 1907 614 211 87 1908 651 114 67 1909 2 170 753 213 69 1910 3 1,021 533 45 1911 4 1,311 309 87 1912 6 1,665 712 51 1913 2,746 1,678 - 1914 16 2182 4,901 2,157 45 1915 17 6,413 1,820 - 1916 18 4000 18 7,372 1,200 817 Source: TNA, 2286, Register of Mission Stations, TNA, Acc. 155/23/10 Mission Schools for which no Right of Occupancy are Registered 1922-1926

Mission stations based on the Benedictines‘ monastic approach acted as source of employment. A monastery was supposed to be self-reliant in terms of provisions. In order to implement this philosophy the Benedictines established variety of projects like farms, workshops, gardens, and domestic activities. The personnel as is presented in Table 3.1 above were so limited to cater for all projects in the monasteries. The numbers of brothers and sisters were very small to perform all

481Annual Report, 1908/1909, Ibid. 188

duties by themselves in the entire monastery. This situation called for extra massive labour from outside the monastery. While the missionaries – priests, brothers and sisters - did the supervisory functions, the manual labour was to be performed by the neighbouring local population. The work of construction of churches, living houses, schools, health centers, infrastructure, tiles making and bricklaying called for intensive labour supply. The real construction work of the buildings also proved to be labour demanding. Looking at the type of gothic structures of churches they designed, intensive manual labour was highly demanded. The buildings especially the churches were too tall especially the long naves or bell towers (minara) needed abundance labour supply, this was more necessary because there was no technology of winch and cranes. The fields and the gardens also needed reliable sources of labour to attend them. This was true to the livestock keeping project. There was demand of labour to attend the livestock which included pigs, chicken, cows, and other available livestock in the mission centre. Furthermore, the workshops of carpentry, masonry, shoe making, sewing, blacksmithing and food canning called intensive manual labour. Employment was also available in the houses of the missionaries for cooking, cleaning the houses, washing the clothes, and attend to the missionaries as helpers. 482 The transport of missionary provisions from the coast involved enlisting of caravans in hundreds or thousands from the coast to the interior.

For all these activities missionaries needed the assistance hundreds of Africans as a workforce.483 One observation ought to be done regarding labour situation in the mission stations. The use of labour in the mission centers ended up using underage children who worked in fields for some hours daily in addition to school

482 Koponen, op. cit. 357 483 Roland Oliver, op. cit.: 69 189

attendance.484 The catechumens who used to camp at Kigonsera and Litembo mission stations for religious instructions for some months spend most of their precious time to work in the field and construction work. The big ones were involved in making bricks and floor and roof tiles while the small ones used to move the bricks from one place to another as required by the brothers.485

Plate3.2: Litembo Parish Church

484 Roland Oliver, Ibid. 357-358. Cf. interview with Cosmas Masingi in June 2013 485Cosmas Masingi, Ibid. 190

Plate3.3: Peramiho Abbey

Plate3.4: Mbinga Bishop’s Church

191

Plate3.5: Nangombo Parish Church

Plate3.6: Mbinga Parish Church

192

Plate3.7: Lituhi Parish

Plate 3.8 Kigonsera Parish

Plate3.9: Maguu Parish

193

3.21The Medical Services in the Matengo Highlands The medical services in the Matengo Highlands were not very well established during this period. It is well understood that there were two mission centers only in the Matengo Highlands. The mission of Kigonsera did not have enough sisters to run the medical center. The plan to bring some sisters from Germany did not materialize due the outbreak of Majamaji war in 1905, the year planned to send sisters to

Kigonsera.486 The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 was another obstacle to the coming of sisters. The war effect required that all German missionaries should leave the protectorate in this situation bringing in more missionaries was no longer possible. As the result of World War I the sisters leave Peramiho for the second time.

Some go to South Africa, while others start other new mission fields. The

Tanganyika Territory (as it was called at that time) was closed to German missionaries.487 The second Litembo mission in the Matengo Highlands was still very young since its inception in July 1914. In 1914 the Mission Benedictine Father

Ludger and some brothers from St. Ottilie established a mission station in Litembo.

They gave the sick medicine and start a local health service.488Later in September the war entered the Matengo Highlands when the British troops came from Nyasaland through the Nyasa area. The British administration was forced to construct a road from Mbamba-bay along Lake Nyasa to Ndengo in the Matengo Highlands to ferry the British troops. Another road was constructed from Lituhi along Lake Nyasa to

Ruanda in the interior for the same purpose.489

486 APA, Diry of Kigonsera, Vol. 1 entry for 9.5.1905 487 http://www.peramiho.org Missionary Benedictine Sisters Peramiho, TANZANIA, East Africa, 2013 488www.seniorenland.com poste 2010 489Doerr, op.cit. :83 194

3.22Christianity and Construction of Infrastructure in the Matengo Highlands The German colonial government did not invest much in infrastructural construction in the Matengo Highlands. The focus was partly to connect the coast of Lindi and

Kilwa with Wiedhfen in the shore of like Nyasa which apparently was so strategic.

As argued earlier, that in the Matengo Highlands there was typical case where the cross preceded the flag. Missionaries had occupied this area established Christianity in the remote rural area of the Matengo Highlands. The already established two missions of Kigonsera and Litembo had established series outstations and bush schools. The missionaries had to establish their own infrastructure which would enable them to visit. The missionaries embarked in the construction of the road between Kigonsera and Matiri under the supervision of brothers Rainald OSB and

Yustin OSB.490 Catechist Constantine Akitanda played a very important role in the construction of this road and the bridges by mobilizing the faithful of Matiri to participate in the road construction. 491 Another road was constructed between

Kigonsera and Litembo. Another big road was that between Kigonsera and

Liparamba outstation. There were many small roads which connected between the mission station and the outstations and the chain of bush schools. The good examples were a road from Litembo to Nyasa/Nangombo outstation via Maguu outstation and another road from Litembo to Lugari outstation via Ngima. A road was constructed between Litembo and Kindimba outstation through Myanganga to Mbinga mission station. 492 In all cases the Christians used volunteer in the construction of these roads. The Matengo Highlands terrain is naturally associated with mountain ridges

490 Jimbo Katoliki Mbinga, Ustawi wa Enjili Jimbo la Mbinga kuelekea mwaka 2000, Peramiho Printing Press, 1997:30 491 Interview with Benjamin Akitanda and Fr. Josephat Komb Malunda, 2013 492 Anton Kapinga Matanila and Fr. Francis Ndunguru interviewed in 2012 and 2013 respectively, Remigius Michael Hyera, Paul Jeremia Ndunguru, Kostantin Manyuka Mwingira and Longnus Matias Mwingira interviewed at Litembo, 2014. 195

and series of rivers and streams. In all these cases bridges were very common and again the converts volunteered their time and energy in this construction. The construction materials which included tree logs, big stones, ropes and many other materials required were upon the Christians to bring them. At the end of the day most of the infrastructure construction in the Matengo Highlands was the sole responsibility of the missions who organized the Christians to perform this noble responsibility until the end of the World War I.

3.23Christianity and Marriages The German government in its Annual Report 1903 urged the missionaries to encourage civil marriages recognized by law among the converts so as to legally avoid polygamous relations among the Christians.493 To this effect the two missions in the Matengo Highlands put efforts in pushing the convert to marry through

Christian procedures in front of a priest. The vows they declared before the priest made the converts more committed to the Christian ethics. Table 3.3below demonstrates gradual increase in the marriages in the Matengo Highlands attesting to the acceptance of the Christian moral standards.

Table 3.3: Christian Marriages up to 1919 Year Marriages Age groups 1907 - 1909 16 15 - 44 1910 - 1919 109 - - - - 1914 - 1919 55 10 - 59 Source: Parish Records of Kigonsera and Litembo

493 The government attributed the slow pace in conversion to challenges related to polygamous relations and witchcraft. 196

The Kigonsera parish age group of people who married at 15 to 19 years were 14, those who married at 20-24 years were 11, those who married at 25-29 years were

12,those who married at 30-34 years were 7, and those who married at 40 – 44 years was 1. At Litembo the age groups who married at 10 – 14 years were 2 marriages, those who married at 15 – 19 years were 20 marriages, those who married at 20 -24 years were 22 marriages, those marrying at 25 – 29 years were 10 marriages and those marrying at 50 -51 years was 1 marriage. These data speak something on what was discussed before regarding who were the first targets in conversion. The majorities were youth who upon confirmation were encouraged to follow the

Christian life by completing all the necessary sacraments required of a Christian. But to some extent it was the implementation of the call of the German government that the converts should abide by Christian marriages in order to discourage the polygamous life. In 1908/09 Annual Report494 the German government reiterated its position by insisting that the mission work was slow due to polygamy. Urged the missionaries to ensure that Christians are judged by Christian law and that bigamy should be treated as crime. In this manner the government provided legal basis of marriage so as to enhance and promote the missionary activity. Second wives in this case were regarded as concubines and their children as illegitimate children who cannot compete with the legal wives and their children. Ultimately, Christian man will be hard to keep a second wife. Why did colonial government encourage

Christian marriage?

Matengo Highlands was one of the most remote rural areas. With the establishment of mission centers there was slow and systematic rural transformation towards

494 Annual Report 1908/09 197

urbanization. The establishment of schools in the mission centers attracted many people and many activities were also performed in these centers. Catechumens used to camp at the mission centers for some months for ecclesiastical instructions for baptismal, confirmation or marriage. In this way the missions became business centers as well. The opening of projects like workshops of carpentry at Litembo and shoe and brick making at Kigonsera, attracted apprentices who later became experts in these fields. This process encouraged the people around to emulate the new trades and adapted to their environment leading to transformation of the rural setting.

3.24 Conclusion This phase of Christianity marked the initial attempt to introduce the new religion to the people who had their traditional religion. The response was therefore negative and frustration among the missionaries was evident. Despite all these setbacks missionaries through the use of material inducements were able to convince the youth who accepted conversion and in the long run formed the foundation of strong

Christian tradition in the whole of southwestern Tanzania. These youth were much more attracted to the material things like cloth, salt, sugar, kerosene, utensils and different trades rather than the spiritual values. The colonial government benefited from the missionaries who provided social services which otherwise was the role of the state. As reciprocity to this contribution the state assisted the pacification of the rebellious natives as it happened in the Karonga war. The state was also all out to assist the missionaries alienate land from the natives through the provision of offers of land occupancy different mission activities.

198

The World War I on the other hand derailed the process of evangelization as the

German missionaries were interned and deported by British authorities when they were allowed to come back. The catechists in this regard played a crucial role in providing guidance to the converts. The number of catechumens increased during this period. This partly is due to the White Fathers missionaries who assisted to provide spiritual services in the Matengo Highlands. Unlike the German

Benedictines, the White Fathers from France, Canada, Holland, Belgium and

Luxemburg were much liberal in admitting people to the congregation. The

Wamatengo were much relaxed with White Fathers unlike the Benedictines who were German nationals just like the German rulers who acted very harshly.

199

CHAPTER FOUR

CHRISTIANITY IN THE MATENGO HIGHLANDS DURING THE BRITISH PERIOD 1919 TO 1950

4.0 Introduction This chapter investigated how Christianity was operating in the Matengo Highlands in the context of changing colonial power, from German colonialism to British colonialism. Investigated the change of colonial administration from German to

British and its influence to the expansion of Christianity and how it influenced the

Matengo society. The study analyzed the attitude of British authority towards the

Benedictine missionaries in theMatengo Highlands. This period was characterized by phenomenal growth of Christianity in theMatengo Highlands hence this study found it imperative to investigate what were the causes and the dynamics thereof. The study proceeded to evaluate how the missionary enterprise established in theMatengo

Highlands transformed the socio-economic conditions of the Wamatengo society.

Finally in a way of conclusion the study highlighted the relationship between

Christianity and the reality of Wamatengo people.

4.1 Christianity in the Context of World Wars. Historians of Christianity in Africa hold consensus that from the end of World War I there was tremendous expansion in Christianity at least numerically and in terms of spatial coverage. Originally the missionaries spread to all populated areas of

Tanzania. The German Benedictine spread in Lindi, Uhehe, Ungoni between 1895-

1902; the Moravians spread from Rungwe base to Usafwa, Unyiha and to

Unyamwezi in 1898; Berliners moved East to the southern highlands in Ubena, western Uhehe in 1898-1900 and to Uzaramo in1903; the Bethel worked in Udigo, 200

Usambara and later in Urundi (1907) and Bukoba (1910); the Leipzig missionaries spread in the Kilimanjaro then to Meru and Upare; and German Adventists arrived in southern Pare in 1903. The Catholic Spiritans consolidated their hold between the coast and Morogoro and established themselves in Kilimanjaro in1891. The White

Fathers occupied Unyamwezi and spread all over the region between lakes Victoria,

Tanganyika and Rukwa in the 1890s. 495 After the colonial government was effectively established the missions expanded beyond their first strongholds. The missionary influence started being felt outside their original closed communities.

With this process in place the whole nature of missionaries‘ interaction with their environment was transformed. Slowly each station occupied by European missionaries became a center of a network of outstation from which African teachers and evangelists could carry their influence into the villages around.496 This is a line of argument stressing on the effectiveness of colonial government as the motive force of missionary expansion in numbers and space wise. The missionaries expanded from the heavily populated areas discussed above to the periphery areas which originally were considered not fertile for missionary work.

The other line of argument which prompted the spread and expansion of Christianity during this period is the need for education which was a symbol of civilization and westernization. The products of Kiungani497 were envied by many natives who were thence encouraged to be converted into Christianity. Literacy carried great

495 Juhani Koponen, Development for exploitation, German Colonial policies in Mainland Tanzania, 1884-1914, Printed in Finland by Raamattutalo, Pieksamaki, 1994.:165-166 . cf. I.Kimambo, ‗The Impact of Christianity among the Zaramo‘, in Thomas Spear and I.Kimambo (eds.). East African Expressions of Christianity, Mkuki and Nyota, Dar-es-Salaam, 1999:69-70. Cf. John Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, New York, 1979:216-219. 496 Roland Oliver, The Missionary Factor in East Africa, (2nd edition) Longmans, 1965: 195/172 497 Kiungani was one of the earliest mission schools in Zanzibar opened and ran by the UMCA Church in 1869 drawing pupils from among the freed slaves from different parts. 201

prestige.498 It was further held that the Christian religion was capable of solving problems beyond the capacity of indigenous religions. 499 The need to have new religion to solve the problems of the society was necessitated by the fact that the entry into the scene of colonialism had enlarged the world scale and hence bringing in complexity in the problems encountered by the society. The enlarged world scale and its attending problems were no longer congruent to the pre-colonial religion.500 It is further argued that as a result of these challenges the Africans had to conform to adaptation strategy whereby the imperative was only to imitate the ideology of the foreigner in order to get rid of the problems encountered. The argument is vehemently justified by the claims that, presence of local institutions notwithstanding, the Africans were encountered by crises from 19th century up to

1919. There were great epidemics of livestock and human diseases with a climax of flu in 1919. There were series of wars of resistance against colonial onslaught throughout Africa like Shona-Ndebele, Nama-Maherero and Majimaji uprisings which local religions were unable to forestall. There was intensified violence which culminated into World War I.

The situation of suffering called for religious innovation in Africa and this took place in various forms. There were African religious innovation and there were African adaptations to Christianity. 501 Adaption went hand in hand with the age of improvement which involved local people to accept Christianity and western

498 John Iliffe, 1979, op.cit. : 235 499 John Iliffe, Ibid. 236 500Godfrey and Monica Wilson. The analysis of social change (reprinted, Cambridge, 1968), esp. ch. 2. Cf. Isaria Kimambo, ‗From Enlargement of Scale to Globalization‘, University of Dar-es- Salaam, 2001:3 501 Terence Ranger, Religion in Africa: Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, 2005:3 202

education on top of accepting to cultivate cash crops.502 The reasoning was based much in the modernization theory which did not acknowledge the power of traditional institutions to address the challenges they confronted. It is out of this kind of conception that it is claimed that the acceptance of baptismal by the majimaji war leaders in Songea was prompted by the failure of magic water to turn German bullets into water.503 Furthermore, there was a steady growth of the number of the Wangoni who after majimaji opted for the mission and for Christianity.504 Such views neglect the varied ways Africans interpreted and appropriated Christian scriptures, practices, and institutions for their own purposes within the contexts of their values and needs.

Confronted with new epidemic diseases, natural disasters and widespread political and economic destructions in the wake of colonial conquest, Africans sought new religious concepts to regain moral control over their lives. 505 However, there is counter arguments which allege that the acceptance of baptismal by the Ngoni warriors was in anticipation that they would be pardoned by the German colonial officials if they repented.506 This wish was however, not forthcoming.

Proximity to most of the changes associated with colonialism, such as railway construction, labour migration, cash crop production and European settlement influenced conversion to Christianity elsewhere. 507 Examples drawn from the

Baganda case, the Kikuyu case and the Chagga case are just some few cases where the colonial influence played a crucial role in the spread of Christianity.508

502 John Iliffe, Tanganyika Under Colonial Rule, 1902-1912, Cambridge University Press, 1969: 503 APA, Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Volume I, February 1906. 504 Doerr, op. cit. 1998:63 505 Thomas Spear, Toward the History of African Christianity, in Thomas Spear and I.Kimambo (eds), op.cit. 1999:3 506 Fr. Fidelis Mligo, the prior of Peramiho Abbacy, interviewed June 2013 507Kathleen Smythe, ‗The Creation of the Catholic Fipa Society‘, in Spear and Kimambo, op.cit. :129 508 Thomas Spear and I.Kimambo (eds), op.cit. 1999:7 and 55 203

4.2 The Missionary Work in the Matengo Highlands 1919-1950s This section makes an attempt to explore the historical reasons which led to the phenomenal spread and expansion of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. One observation to be made in the Matengo Highlands during this period is the fact that

German missionaries were the sole providers of social services. This is testified by the 1900 Agreement between German government and Bishop Maurus Hartmann which required the missions to educate minor government officials and to expand and modify their curricular to meet the purpose of government get officials. In return the government was not to found schools where mission schools were already in place. Further to that, the government announced to support the mission schools which educate government officials by providing teaching equipment free of charge.509 The World War I therefore hit the Matengo very hard in terms of social services after the departure of the German missionaries. This is true because the

German missionaries were not wanted by the British war victors, and that is why they were interned and finally deported to Germany.

The other thing worth mentioning among the Matengo was that the World War I physically affected the Matengo. The British soldiers from Nyasaland invaded the

German bomas and the mission stations in the Matengo Highlands area. 510 The

German priests at Litembo and Kigonsera mission stations were interned and finally deported. Kigonsera mission was made a military hospital and Litembo mission was made an administrative post for the British government.511

509Heinke, The Report of negotiation with Hartmann, November 23rd, 1900. Heinke a Secretary for Schools and Mission Affairs in 1900 negotiated with Bishop Hartmann leading to Benedictine Agreement. 510 Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu Songea, Historia ya Uinjilishaji Songea, Jubilei ya Miaka 100 (1898-1998) : 1998:62-63 511Doerr, op.cit. 1998:84 204

All these challenges notwithstanding it is argued that this period of British rule in the

Matengo Highlands achieved phenomenal expansion of Christianity.512 Examples are given to testify the expansion.

Table 4.1: Mission Centers of Umatengo

YEAR MISSIONS PRIESTS BROTHERS SISTERS CATHOLICS BAPTISMS SCHOOLS HOSPITALS PUPILS CATECHISTS 1899 KIGONSERA 2 3 2 6 6 1 - 6 2 1914 LITEMBO 1 2 - 97 81 4 - 269 7 1927 LIPARAMBA 1 1 - 78 54 1 - 75 3 1933 NANGOMBO* 1 1 - 56 45 1 1 45 2 1935 MBINGA 1 1 - 89 69 1 - 149 2 1937 TINGI 1 1 - 56 36 - 97 75 1 1937 MATIRI 1 1 - 84 64 - 63 64 2 1949 MAGUU 1 - - 99 85 1 85 79 3 1953 MPAPA 1 - - 64 51 - 67 56 1 1959 LUNDUMATO 1 - - 56 45 1 64 58 1 1959 MKUMBI 1 - - 74 63 1 76 63 2 1966 MBANGAMA 1 - - 77 69 1 74 64 1 O 1966 MIKALANGA 1 1 - 95 86 1 89 79 2 *This parish is situated within the buffer zone between Catholic versus the UMCA in content and geography. It was however founded by Litembo though geographically is counted as being in Nyasa. The population is predominantly Matengo.

512 Doerr, Ibid. 1998:85 205

However, there are must be some historical reasons which can explain the phenomenal expansion. There are questions very pertinent to be raised. One question is whether the expansion and spread is due to the change in the colonial state? The second question is whether the growth is due to the changing missionary strategy in the spreading of Christianity? And the last is whether the expansion is due to the perception of the Matengo people about Christianity? The field survey conducted in the Matengo Highlands regarding the reasons which prompted phenomenal expansion of Christianity during this period of history was varied with relatively wide spectrum.

This section examines how Christianity operated in the Matengo Highlands, the theory guiding the operation and how the local people responded to the new social dynamics. In this section it will be convenient to situate all what was happening in the context of British colonialism. The aftermath of World War I put German East

Africa under the mandate territory.513 The present Tanzania was placed under the

British administration. Rwanda and Burundi were placed under the Belgians.

The end of World War I marked the end of German colonization of Tanganyika.

However, the position of the German missionaries in their spheres of influence was guaranteed by the Treaty of Versailles of 1919. It was decided in this agreement that all ex-enemy missions had to be given over to the missions of the same denomination of the allied powers or of neutral origin.514 This agreement allowed the Catholic

French, Dutch, Belgian, Luxembourger and Canadian White Fathers to oversee the

German missions in southwestern Tanzania. White Fathers representatives in

513 The Paris Peace Treaty 1919, Article No. 22 514 TNA, AB. 635, No. 3197, Secretariat File, 1920. Cf. The Paris Peace Treaty 1919, Article No. 438: Richard Hacken (hacken @ byu.edu) or Jane Plotke (cd078 @ gwpda.org). 206

residence were placed at Kigonsera and Litembo missions in the Matengo Highlands.

There were others stationed at Peramiho and Lituhi missions. They reopened several schools opened by the German missionaries.515

Whereas the Benedictine missionaries used the monastic approach in evangelization, the White Fathers used the indigenization or Africanization approach of evangelization.516 The German Benedictines spent a lot of time to give instruction to the would-be convert before one is baptized. The Benedictines would make sure that the family of the applicant is also of an outstanding Christian integrity before admitting the catechumen in the congregation.517 Consequently, there was tedious process towards conversion into Christianity in the Matengo Highlands by German missionaries.518 To the contrary, the White Fathers did not apply strict observation of the principles. They did not bother to screen so much the catechumens before admitting them to the congregation. The result was that many people were instantly admitted to the congregation without much odor. The White Fathers baptized even those people who were refused or delayed by the German Benedictines. There was a comment in 1920 that Ungoni was the second to Uganda in having baptized 800 people and more than 2000 catechumens were under preparation.519

White Fathers believed on mass conversion as they did in Bukoba, Buganda,

Ukerewe, Unyanyembe, Ufipa and Kigoma. Given the considerable expansion and large numbers of the converts, the White Fathers embarked on the system of

515 TNA, AB. 4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, 1919/1920, Songea District Report 516 Maia Green, The Witches, … op. cit. :2 517Kamati, op.cit. :68 518 Cosmas Masingi interviewed June 2013 519 Kamati, Op.cit. :69 207

Africanization of the clergy. Apart from the European staff, there were many African catechists who were instructing the catechumens and the new converts. From the statistics issued by the Apostolic Delegacy in 1946, it was apparent that White

Fathers‘ mission had made creditable progress in training an African clergy in all its areas.520 This approach did have influence in the spread and expansion of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands during their stay in the area when German Benedictine missionaries were deported by the British colonial authority.

In the Matengo Highlands Fr. David Roy a Canadian White Father was posted at

Kigonsera mission as a military chaplain from February to August 1917 and attended the Christian community there. After going back to Nyasaland he was requested to come back in Tanganyika in 1919. He stayed briefly at Kigonsera mission before moving to Litembo mission where he managed to remove the British administrative post from the mission buildings. He worked tirelessly until 1922 to revive the

Christian community of Litembo. Fr. Camil de Chatouville a French White Father came to Kigonsera serving as a supervisor of his missionary society. He stayed at

Kigonsera mission and Litembo mission between 1917 and 1919. When the White

Fathers left in 1922, the number of Christians in the missions of south-west Tanzania had increased from 7,000 in 1916 to more than 13,000.521

In 1922 the Swiss Order of Benedictine was allowed to come back and entrusted to run the Prefecture Apostolic of Lindi which was under the German Benedictines before the World War I. Upon their arrival, the Benedictines of the Swiss Order occupied the mission stations in the Matengo Highlands. At Kigonsera mission Fr.

520 S.Rweyemamu and M.Msambure, The Catholic Church in Tanzania, BPNP, 1989:14 521Doerr, op.cit. :91 208

Heribert Meyer was the one who was stationed there from 1922 to 1928 and from

1928 to 1932 he was sent to Liparamba mission station as a founding superior. Fr.

Fulko Schrer French born Benedictine Father was stationed at Litembo from 1922 to

1930. Fr. Nikolaus von Holzen joined Fr. Fulko at Litembo mission from 1926 until

1928 when he was transferred to Kigonsera mission. The priests were charged with the spiritual work of evangelization of the population.

There were also Swiss missionary brothers who were stationed in different mission stations. Br. Gallus Wiederkehr was stationed at Kigonsera mission from 1922 to

1928. A Dutch-born Br. Willibord Budde was stationed at Kigonsera in 1922 and in

1923 was transferred to Litembo mission where he was again transferred to Lituhi.

Br. Liborius Leutenegger was stationed in Litembo from 1922 to 1929 where he was building the parish church. Br. Fidelis Gillieron was stationed at Litembo where he stayed from 1926 to 1942. At Litembo mission station Br. Willehad Peterhans was posted to Litembo from 1923 to 1926. The brothers were in charge of the workshops, the fields, and other manual activities. Abbot Norbert Weber the superior of the

Benedictines had insisted that brothers should work among the converts in the fields.522 Lipumba Sub-District had 15 European personnel, of whom 3 were nuns whose main duty was to attend to the sick and open up dispensaries to serve the population from diseases.523 They also included lay workers.524 They maintained a number of schools and Christian adherents in the sub-district. Kigonsera mission station had 37 schools and 4,183 Christians. While the Litembo mission station maintained 35 schools and the Christian adherents attended by the station were

522 Fr. Mbiku, op.cit. :71 523 Ibid. :81 524 TNA, AB. 16. Part 1733/15, Annual Report Songea District 1923 209

1,919.525 There were also pupils and catechumens amounting to 17,820 in several schools. Four new schools on the old sites were opened and one closed at the request of inhabitants who did not want disturbance of their life by foreign innovations.

During this period 206 marriages were solemnized under the Marriage Ordinances.526

All these steps taken by the Swiss Benedictines contributed a lot to the expansion, spread and consolidation of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands after the deportation of the German Benedictines by the British government.

The Swiss Order of Benedictine made further impact to the phenomenal expansion of

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands due to the fact that by entrusting the

Prefecture Apostolic of Lindi in 1922 to Fr. Gallus Steiger ushered in new direction towards strategies and tactics in Christian activities. In 1928 Fr. Gallus Steiger became Abbot Nullius after the Prefecture of Lindi was elevated to the status of

Abbatia Nullius. The situation was much more on the side of Fr. Gallus when in 1931

Lindi Abbatia Nullius was divided into two Abbatia leading to the formation of

Abbatia nullius of Ndanda. Abbatia of Lindi had its name changed to Abbatia Nullius of Peramiho with Fr. Gallus as its Abbot. He ultimately became the Abbot Bishop of

Peramiho in which Matengo Highlands became part of its area of jurisdiction. He held this position until 1952 when he retired at 72 years.527

525 TNA, AB. 78, Lipumba Sub-District Report 1926. 526 TNA, AB. 16. Part 1733/15, Annual Report Songea District 1923 527 Fr. John Baur, 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, (2nd ed.), 2009:352, Paulines Publications Africa, Nairobi 210

Table 4.2: Mission Personnel: Priests

Y KIGONSERA LITEMBO LIPARAMBA MBINGA TINGI MATIRI MAGUU MPAPA LUNDUMATO MKUMBI MBANGAMA O MIKALANGA TOTAL 1922 2 1 3 1923 2 1 3 1924 2 1 3 1925 2 1 3 1926 3 2 5 1927 3 3 1 7 1928 5 3 2 10 1929 2 3 2 7 1930 1 4 2 7 1931 1 4 3 8 1932 3 4 4 11 1933 2 4 3 9 1934 3 4 3 10 1935 3 4 4 1 12 1936 4 4 3 1 12 1937 5 4 3 1 1 1 15 1938 4 4 1 1 1 1 12 1939 9 5 1 3 4 3 25 1940 8 4 1 3 3 2 21 1941 5 3 1 4 3 1 17 1942 6 4 1 4 3 1 19 1943 8 3 1 5 2 1 20 1944 6 4 1 4 2 1 18 1945 6 4 2 4 2 1 19 1946 6 5 1 3 2 1 16 1947 7 5 1 3 1 1 18 1948 6 6 1 3 1 1 2 20 1949 6 5 1 4 1 1 2 20 1950 7 4 1 4 1 1 2 20 1951 6 5 1 3 2 1 2 20 1952 7 6 1 4 1 1 2 22 1953 6 5 1 5 1 1 3 1 23 1954 5 6 3 4 1 2 3 1 25 1955 5 7 3 2 1 1 3 1 23 1956 5 7 3 3 1 1 4 1 25 1957 6 5 3 2 1 2 3 1 23 1958 5 3 3 1 1 1 2 1 17 1959 4 3 3 3 2 2 3 1 1 22 1960 3 2 3 3 1 3 2 1 1 19 1961 3 1 2 1 3 3 1 1 1 16 1962 4 2 2 1 3 3 1 1 1 18 1963 3 1 2 1 2 5 2 1 1 18 1964 5 1 2 1 2 3 2 1 1 18 1965 4 2 2 1 2 5 3 2 1 22 1966 3 1 2 1 1 6 2 2 1 1 1 20 1967 3 2 2 1 1 1 5 4 1 1 1 1 23 1968 2 1 1 1 2 1 3 3 1 1 1 2 19 Total 206 163 83 80 48 47 66 24 12 10 3 4 746 Source: Parish Records and Registers

*Shaded missions were founded and ran by indigenous priests.

211

The contribution of Abbot Gallus to the development and spread of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands was so profound. The strategic school method continued under the efficient direction of the Abbot. He gave it priority over the training of

African clergy: he argued that vocation would come from a large number of Christian families. He was putting into practice the theory of his superior Bishop Spreiter528 who put emphasis on the establishment of schools in which religious instructions and manual work were emphasized.529 The idea was that if the children are taken to school they will easily be indoctrinated to the new faith. When these young people entered adulthood, they were able to transmit the word of God to their children. This strategy would enable to enhance the spread and consolidation of Christianity. In reality this approach worked very well in the later years in the Matengo Highlands, though at the beginning there were a lot of blames on the reluctance of the Matengo people to join Christianity.530

Basing on Table 4.2 above, when Abbot Bishop Gallus Steiger got into power in

1922 there were only two missions in the Matengo Highlands, which were Kigonsera and Litembo. When he officially left office to Abbot Bishop Eberhard Spiess in 1953 there were nine mission stations in the region. The British government had originally refused permission to the missions to build new schools or churches.531 The reason for the restriction was the bitter ecclesiastical scramble between the Roman Catholic and the UMCA over places to open up schools and churches. It was also alleged that the missionaries were more pro-German in their sympathies because the German

528 Bishop Thomas Speiter was the head of Catholic Church in southern Zanzibar vicariate from 1906 to 1920 when he and other German Missionaries were deported by British government. 529 Fr. Deogratias H.Mbiku, Historia ya jimbo Kuu la Dar-es-Salaam, BPNP, 1985:69 530 Abbot Lambert Doerr is among people who were very skeptical about the Matengo loyalty to Christianity. 531 TNA, AB. 4 (1733), Annual Reports Southern Area 1919/1920: Songea District Report 1920 212

administration accorded the missionaries very tangible executive support. 532 The scramble was so intense along the Lake Nyasa shore. With the change in education policy by the British government, the missionaries started opening and registering schools as Table 4.3 below indicates.533 Besides, these mission stations were flanked with a fleet of bush schools, ‗V‘ schools and a number of middle schools at Litembo and Mbinga.534 In 1968 when the German missionaries retreated to the Peramiho

Abbatia leaving the church leadership to the indigenous clergy, there was an addition of only four mission stations in the Matengo Highlands namely Lundumato and

Mkumbi founded in 1959 and Mbangamao and Mikalanga founded in 1966. Being a

Swiss Benedictine and a superior of the diocese who stayed very long and demonstrated politeness to the natives, he was likely to win the Matengo people. This was contrary to the German missionaries who usually demonstrated arrogance, prejudice and segregation to the natives. That is why the German missionaries had always lamented of non-cooperation of the Matengo people because the Germans were not well received by the Matengo people who are culturally very inquisitive to strangers‘ behaviours. If a stranger shows arrogance the Matengo would simply ignore him and will never at all cooperate.535 It was very unfortunate to the Germans missionary to refuse to learn the Matengo socio-philosophical underpinnings of the

Matengo society.

532 TNA, AB. 7 File No. 1733, Annual Report – Kondoa Irangi, Lindi, Lushoto, Mwanza, Songea, Mahenge, Pangani, Ufipa, Arusha, Rufiji, Tabora, Dodoma, Kilimatinde, Mpwapwa, Singida. 1920- 1921, Annual Report on Songea District March 1921 533 TNA, AB. 13 File No. 1733:11, Annual Report Tanganyika Territory 1925. The Education Conference of 5th to 12th 1925 in Dar-es-Salaam chaired by the Director of Education Mr. Rivers Smith issued a circular to guide educational activities of the Missions 534 TNA, Acc. 155, District Office Songea: Songea District Education Committee, 1946. 535 Fr. Timoth Ndunguru, Interviewed July 2013. Cf. Abbot Lambert, interviewed June 2013 indicated that it is easy to live with the Matengo people than the Wangoni. 213

Table 4.3: Schools Registered in the Matengo Highlands YEAR OWNER PLACE IN MATENGO STATUS OF HIGHLANDS SCHOOL 1946 Roman Catholic Litembo, Mbinga ‗D‘ Schools 1947 Native Mbinga Native School No pupils, school Administration did not open 1948 Roman Catholic Ndengo ‗V‘ School 1949 Roman Catholic Wukiro, Mpapa ‗V‘ School 1950 Roman Catholic Ilela, Mikalanga ‗V‘ School 1952 Roman Catholic Ukata, Longa, Makata ‗V‘ School 1952 Roman Catholic Mbinga Middle School 1953 Roman Catholic Kagugu ‗V‘ School 1955 Roman Catholic Maguu, Kindimba ‗V‘ School 1956 Roman Catholic Tingi, Mbuji, Lugari, Prepatory schools Kilawalawa, kingirikiti, ordered to be Mbugu, Mkumbi, closed, Mikalanga substandard enrolment schools 1958 Roman Catholic Kipapa ‗V‘ School 1959 Roman Catholic Mitanga-Mbinga, Sub-grade Schools Luyunu-Liparamba, Luwino-Mkumbi, Nyelele-Tingi 1960 Roman Catholic Maguu New Boys Middle School 1961 Roman Catholic Unango, Mbugu 3rd Classrooms Primary school Roman Catholic Mkumbi, Kindimba New middle schools desirable Roman Catholic 12 (Twelve) Trade schools and Domestic Science schools Source: TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Education Committee – Meetings Minutes for various years. *‗V‘ School for Village school **‘D‘ School for District School

The Swiss Order of Benedictines maintained in Songea district 129 schools. 536

Education in the Matengo Highlands was entirely in the hands of missionaries. A

536 TNA, AB. 78, op.cit.. 214

government school which was tried at Lipumba in 1923 did not have any success and as a consequence was transferred to Lituhi/Manda along the Lake Nyasa shore.537 At

Lituhi/Manda again the school experienced poor attendance and enrollment leading to its closure in 1924.538 The reason for the failure was a matter of speculation on the part of the British government. However, the numerous chances offered by the mission schools; both the UMCA and the Benedictine Roman Catholic mission, could be the major reason. Moreover, the mission schools were much handier for the parents of the children to accord their preference to them.539 The Roman Catholic schools seemed to be much popular among the natives because they had fine buildings at Kigonsera and Litembo where natives were able to learn different trades.

UMCA schools were less appealing being housed in temporary structures along the

Lake Nyasa shore.540 The other speculated reason for apathy to western education in the Lipumba sub-district was a fear of this education to break family ties.541

Apart from priests the other missionary personnel were the brothers who were in charge of production in the fields, animal farms and gardens. They also supervised construction work in the buildings and infrastructure construction. Brother Crispin

Schulz in 1934 embarked on construction of the first road to Litembo from Ndengo on the Mbamba-Bay road.542 On the same vein, Brother Otmar Kuster embarked on the construction of road from Mbinga to Chipole joining the two Roman Catholic missions.543 Brother Fidelis Gillieron who stayed at Litembo mission from 1926 –

1942, 1947 - 52 and 1954 – 1955 embarked on afforestation around the parish. This

537TNA, Ibid. 538 TNA, AB. 16. Part 1733/15, Annual Report Songea District 1923 539TNA, AB. 78, op.cit. 540TNA, AB. 4 (1733) op.cit. 541 TNA, AB. 16. Part 1733/15, Annual Report Songea District 1923 542Doerr, op.cit. :231 543 Lambert Doerr, Volume 2,: 215

tree planting inspired many people in the Matengo Highlands to plant small forests in their farms.544 There were factories established to supplement the parish requirements together with offering products to the population around. The factories were as well used as a training ground for the youth in the mission center. There was big carpentry factory at Litembo mission and shoe making factory at Kigonsera, both were supervised by mission brothers. Table 4.4 below attests to the importance of this group of missionary personnel. All through the brothers were kept intact in all strategic missions definitely because of their crucial contribution to the health of the missions.

Table 4.4: Mission Personnel, the Group of Brothers

YEAR KIGONSERA LITEMBO LIPARAMBA MBINGA TINGI MATIRI MAGUU MPAPA LUNDUMATO MKUMBI MBANGAMAO MIKALANGA TOTAL 1922 3 1 1923 2 3 1924 2 2 1925 2 2 1926 3 3 1927 3 2 1 1928 3 2 2 1929 2 3 1 1930 2 2 1 1931 4 3 2 1932 4 4 1 1933 2 4 2 1934 3 3 2 1935 4 3 3 1 1936 4 3 2 1 1937 4 2 3 1 1 1 1938 5 2 2 2 1 1 1939 10 2 2 2 2 1 1940 10 2 2 2 3 1 1941 4 2 2 2 3 2 1942 7 4 3 2 2 3

544Cosmas Masingi op.cit.interviewed June 2013. 216

1943 5 5 1 2 1 2 1944 5 3 1 2 1 2 1945 5 3 1 2 1 2 1946 6 3 1 2 1 2 1947 5 3 1 2 1 2 1948 3 3 1 2 1 2 1949 5 2 2 2 1 2 1 1950 4 3 1 2 1 2 1 1951 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 1952 2 2 1 2 2 1 1 1953 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 1954 4 2 1 2 2 2 1955 5 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 1956 6 3 1 2 1 2 2 1 1957 6 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 1958 4 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 1959 4 2 1 3 2 1 1 1 1960 3 3 2 3 1 1 1 1 1 1961 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 1 1962 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1963 4 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1964 2 3 2 1 1 2 1 1 1965 3 1 1 1 1 2 1966 3 2 1 1 1 1 1967 3 2 1 1 1 2 1 1968 3 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 Total 183 125 61 57 40 46 28 7 7 1 Source: Parish records and registers

The underlying principle of Congregation of St. Ottilien of Benedictine Order was not only aimed at winning people to Christianity, but also to care and transform the whole status and welfare of the converts in all different aspects of life.545 This is typical of the missionary work as a principal apostolate being cherished by the

Benedictines everywhere. To implement the strategy, the Benedictines came with missionary brothers who were in most cases skilled in different trades ranging from masons who did much of the construction of schools, churches, hospitals and monastery structures. There were blacksmiths in the mechanical workshops that were

545 Cf. the Benedictine Constitution; see also Sister Mary Bellarmine Bernas, OSB. Our Founder Father Andreas Amrhein, OSB (Summarized from Sustained by God‘s Faithfulness by Sister Bernita Walter, OSB) 217

apart from running instructions to the youths; they also supervised construction works in different mission stations. We have site above cases where some of the brothers embarked on roads and bridges construction to link the different mission centers. The mission stations had a fleet of outstations and bush schools which were under African teacher-catechists, who had to be inspected. For this reason, the construction of infrastructure component was an impeccable component. Many more were stationed in the mission stations with industrial schools where they worked as instructors. Looking at Table 4.4 above, it was not by accident that Kigonsera and

Litembo stations recorded the highest number of brother missionaries. While

Kigonsera boasted a huge shoemaking section of industrial school and a minor seminary which was established in 1926, Litembo on its side boasted a big carpentry section of industrial school.546

The Second World War II had a great influence on the distribution of missionary personnel. The war adversely affected the German missionaries who were supposed to be removed from the southern province on the account that they bordered

Mozambique a Portuguese colony, which by then was considered to be a close friend of Germans. There was an agreement concluded between the British government and the Abbot-Bishop of Peramiho in 1942 that the missionaries of German origin South of the road from Lindi to Mbamba Bay should be evacuated. As a result of this evacuation the parishes of Tingi, Liparamba suffered most. The convent of sisters at

Liparamba was forced to close down. The Kigonsera station though on the south of

Lindi-Mbamba Bay road was allowed to retain German missionaries on account that

546 Fr.T.Ndunguru a parish priest of Kigonsera and Fr. J.Ndunguru, a deputy parish priest of Litembo interviewed in July 2013. 218

it was running a minor seminary which needed enough personnel as instructors.547

This was compensated by evacuating German missionaries at Nangombo parish which was on the north side of Lindi-Mbamba Bay road. Nangombo mission had also to close its convent due to the lack of German sisters who were evacuated in compliance to the agreement concluded.548 More German missionaries concentrated in Kigonsera, Litembo, Mbinga and Matiri. This explain why there were big numbers of brothers in parishes which were located in the north side of Lindi-Mbamba Bay road as indicated in Table 4.4 above.

The Swiss Benedictine Order is also reckoned with due to their substantial contribution towards the phenomenal growth of Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands on the following areas. Due to the mistrust on the German missionaries by the British government, the Swiss missionaries had to shoulder all top administrative posts in south western Tanzania.549 At the headquarters of the Abbey Nullius of

Peramiho Gallus Steiger a Swiss national missionary was the Abbot-Bishop. At the

Abbey itself the prominent lieutenants were all Swiss nationals. The prior at the same time Vicar General and parish priest, the sub-superior, the procurator, the headmaster of the Peramiho schools and the educational secretary were all Swiss nationals. The parish superiors in the whole of Peramiho were to be of Swiss origin and those of neutral missions from allied powers including French nationals. 550 Some of the

Benedictines missionaries were exchanged with the Holy Ghost Fathers. The following Benedictines were transferred to Moshi diocese from Peramiho Abbey

547 Doerr, 1998:165 548 Doerr, 1998:167 549TNA, AB. 7 File No. 1733, Annual Report on Songea District 1921. The report blamed Roman Catholic Native Teachers employed by the Benedictine Missions in Songea District were somewhat pro-German in their sympathies. 550 Doerr, 1998:167 219

Nullius: Elzear Ebner, Enhard Bundshuh, Ferrnand Fitchtner Nathanael Biller,

Wener Brodhun, and Bonaventure. From Moshi diocese the following priests were transferred to Peramiho: Richard Gillet, Alois, Joseph and Mcquire.551

Besides, the personality of Abbot-Bishop Gallus was an outstanding and impressive to the British administration. The Abbot-Bishop was indeed trusted by the colonial administration as he did not afford to annoy the administrators and could even afford to compromise the demands of the Roman Catholic Church.552 He did not want to jeopardize the survival of the Benedictine mission in case the German aggressive foreign policy can provoke war between Germany and Britain.553 The Abbot-Bishop further made sure that in front of the colonial officials he maintained good relations.

The government officials often visited Peramiho and were indeed well entertained.

He could give them assistance when necessity arose. In August 1942 the District

Commissioner of Songea Wyatt needed assistance from brothers of Peramiho to work at the Songea boma. The Abbot-Bishop made available two brothers Gislar and

Alto.554 He insisted his missionaries to abide by government regulation, lest they offend the officials concerned. Further to that, the Abbot-Bishop created an impression that even though the majority of missionaries were Germans, the Abbot created an impression in the eyes of the colonial administration that Peramiho continued to be perceived as a Swiss mission. As a result the official blue book of the

Songea Distrct government always listed the Swiss Benedictine Fathers of Uznach.555

551 Kamati, 1998:78 552 Doerr 1998:163 553 Doerr, Ibid. :154 554 Doerr, Ibid.1998:168 555 Blue Book, was published annually by the Songea District government 220

More important is the work of Abbot-Bishop Gallus in consolidating Christianity in the Southern Tanzania. During the period of Second World War the Benedictine

Fathers faced a threat of collapse due to the British authorities‘ intention of evacuating the German missionaries who happened to be the majority in the area. It was the trusted personality and the personal good relations Bishop Gallus had nurtured with the British authorities. British authorities regarded Bishop Gallus as a man who could be trusted and whose authority over his subjects could be relied upon by the British side.556 The cordial and harmonious relationship between the British authorities and Bishop Gallus enabled the church to peacefully sail through the rough waters without him the boat would have sunk. His resignation in 1952 implied thus not only a change in leadership but it was in fact the end of an epoch in the history of the mission.557

4.3 The Return of German Benedictine Missionaries The Tanganyika government agreed to the return of ex-enemy and to the getting back of all their property558. With that government order, the German Benedictine Fathers came back in 1926, but they left the Vicariate of Dar-es-Salaam to the Swiss

Capuchins and the Consolata Fathers and went to the South where they had been working before the war. They concentrated on the southern Highlands and on the districts of Lindi comprising Peramiho and Ndanda. 559 The return of German missionaries had impact on increase of personnel in the Matengo Highlands as is reflected in Tables 6 and 8 above. The number of priests and brothers show a steady increase in the Matengo Highlands. Moreover, the increase in personnel led to the

556 APA, entry of 1943 557 Doerr, 1998:208 558 The Paris Peace Treaty 1919, op.cit. cf. TNA, AB, No. 3197, op.cit. 559Rweyemamu and Msambure, op.cit. :17. 221

increase of mission stations. In 1927 the Kigonsera mission embarked on the foundation of another station at Liparamba. The Litembo mission station undertook to found a daughter mission station at Nangombo in the hills close to Lake Nyasa.

The other important mission station was established at Mbinga in 1935. An additional mission station at this period was founded at Matiri in 1937 from the

Kigonsera mission. It is argued that Matiri was anticipated that the Benedictines would launch a large scale gold mining in the area.560 In the southern part of the

Matengo Highlands Tingi was established as a separate mission from Litembo in

1937.

Table 4.5 below suggests that the arrival of German missionaries from 1926 pursued a very aggressive strategy in conversion. There were 24 mission stations manned by priests which were opened in Abbatia Nullius of Peramiho. The statistics in Table 4.5 show that most of the stations were opened in Ungoni and Ubena, 8 mission stations each. Umatengo and Unyasa 4 mission station each. For Unyasa the problem was that of intense competition from the UMCA with a very stronghold in the shore of Lake

Nyasa. The case of Umatengo had been portrayed by missionaries as being very conservative to accept a foreign culture especially Christian religion.561 Even the colonial government condemned the Matengo as being predominantly and obsessed with witchcraft.562 The Lipumba court reported cases of witchcraft dominating the court sessions which prompted them apart from using the Witchcraft Ordinance of 18

December 1928, to come up with Witch-weed Rules of August 1, 1945 to deal with

560Doerr, op.cit. 134 561 Ibid. Throughout his discussion he accuses the Matengo as being conservative and reluctant to accept conversion. 562 TNA, Acc. 155, Songea District Book 222

problem of witchcraft in the Matengo Highlands.563 In 1923 for instance, Lipumba court reported that out of 14 convictions of witchcraft contravention of Witchcraft

Ordinance 0f 1928, ten (10) of them were Matengo who are obsessed of malignant supernatural powers.564

Table 4.5: Mission Stations Established from 1926 to 1939 (2nd Phase of Benedictines’ work) YEAR MISSION LOCATION FOUNDING NATIONALITY ARRIVAL SUPERIOR YEAR 1926 Mahanje Ubena Fr. Oswald Friedl German 1926 1927 Liparamba Umatengo Fr. Herbert Meyer Swiss 1922 1928 Matimira Ungoni Fr. Beatus Iten Swiss 1922 1928 Mpitimbi Ungoni Fr. Trudbert German 1926 Muhling 1928 Lugarawa Ubena Fr. Joseph Damm German 1927 1929 Luilo Ubena Fr. Eugen Feller German 1926 1930 Lundu Unyasa Fr. Odo Braun Swiss 1924 1930 Matogoro Ungoni Fr. Fulko Schurer French 1922 1931 Mango Unyasa Fr. Odo Braun Swiss 1924 1931 Ruanda Unyasa Fr. Stephan Swiss 1929 Muller 1931 Ifinga Ubena Fr. Justin Swiss 1930 Baumgartiner 1931 Uwemba Ubena Fr. Joseph Damm German 1927 1932 Lupingu Ubena Fr. Thaddaeus German 1928 Hausler 1932 Mgazini Ungoni Fr. Daniel Fah Swiss 1929 1933 Nangombo Unyasa Fr. Leodegar Swiss 1927 Olbrecht 1934 Kifanya Ubena Fr. Meinuf Kuster German 1927 1934 Madunda Ubena Fr. Leonhard Swiss 1931 Wuest 1934 Namabengo Ungoni Fr. Vinzenz German 1931 Holzgassner 1935 Mbinga Umatengo Fr. Innozenz German 1933 Muller 1937 Magagura Ungoni Fr. Elzear Ebner German 1930 1937 Tingi Umatengo Fr. Werner German 1931 Brodhun 1937 Matiri Umatengo Fr. Rainald German 1930 Braun 1938 Mtyangimbo Ungoni Fr. David Schmid German 1933 le 1939 Ligera Ungoni Fr. Bonaventura German 1934 Breunig Source: Parish Records, APA,

563 TNA, Acc. 155 L 5/9, Sheria za Utawala wa Wenyeji 1945. 564 TNA, AB. 16 part 1733/15 Annual Report Songea District, 1923 223

The evidence through oral interview and the archival sources gathered show that the years when the government or missionaries shouted very loud against witchcraft were preceded by an outbreak of epidemics. In1920/21 the missionaries at Litembo complained very much of witchcraft practice among Christians and non-Christians among the Matengo. 565 However, there was a severe outbreak of influenza and smallpox in 1918/19 in the area which killed many people.566 In 1923 many Matengo people were convicted at the Lipumba Sub-District for violating the witchcraft law as recorded in the Songea District Report of 1923.567 This situation was preceded by severe outbreak of influenza in mid-1923 which ended up killing 540 people in the

Lipumba Sub-District.568 There were also outbreaks of chickenpox in 1925 and 1926 killing a number of people which were also followed by serious crisis in Christianity as well as the government administration. There was also another outbreak of chickenpox in 1931 followed with many deaths which were construed to have resulted from witchcraft. There was intense witch hunt the case which was presented to the chiefs‘ court (baraza) at Myangayanga on 12.11.1931 in the presence of the

Provincial Commissioner of Lindi province.569 The witchcraft problem came again very forcefully in 1942 among Christians and non-Christians. There weregreat number of people from the Matengo Highlands who crossed Lake Nyasa to

Nyasaland where a famous mganga (a native doctor) by the name of Chakanga and

Ngonyani of Songea lived.570 The Matengo believed that amganga was capable of unveiling, recognizing, and win over a witchdoctor.571 The missionaries attempted to combat witchcraft beliefs but also other traditional institutions like polygamy,

565 TNA, Songea District Book 566 TNA, AB, 7 File No. 1733 – Annual Report 1920-21 567TNA, AB. 16 op.cit. 568TNA, Ibid. 569 TNA, Songea District Book 570 Kamati, 1998:84-86 571 Fr. Alex Kenyata, Maish ya Matengo Kabla ya Ujio wa Wamisionari Wakatpliki, 1999: 31-32 224

ancestor veneration, ritual offerings, traditional dances and healing and customary marriage (libagula) by offering special instructions in the church and in schools against beliefs in witchcraft. Articles attacking witchcraft were published in the

Katolikinewspaper to educate people so that they can discredit witchcraft. The church also meted severe punishment including excommunication to the Christians who practiced witchcraft. The colonial government on the other side strictly applied the

Witchcraft Ordinance to fight against witchcraft and witchdoctors.572

All these steps by the missionaries and the colonial government notwithstanding, the

Matengo Christians and non-Christians continued to practice witchcraft and other traditional practices in secrecy. The Matengo believed that the cause of death is either the unfolding of the wish of God (Sapanga) or the plan of wicked people

(witches).573 The Matengo believe in no natural death except that of advanced age.

Any premature decease is the result of witchcraft and suspicion is cast upon various people as having caused the death by witchcraft. The reason of persistence was not concretely grasped by the neither the missionaries nor the colonial government. One explanation is that, as it is already argued above, witchcraft was part and parcel of the

Matengo culture. The superimposition of foreign religious beliefs in the name of

Christianity did not thoroughly percolate into the mantle of the Matengo system of belief. Whereas the Matengo thought that would solve human problems like sickness, misfortune and death the reality was not the case. There was also no direct impact of

Christianity in solving day-to-day challenges of life as a result they laid much trust to their traditional beliefs in solving their this-worldly problems.574 Moreover, as also

572 TNA, Songea District Book 573Kenyata, op.cit. 1999:32 574 John Iliffe, 1979, op.cit. 1979:236 225

mentioned above, the tendency among the Matengo up to 1940s was to send their children to schools and where they were converted into Christianity and observe what the effect was. Most of the old people converted to Christianity at a very advanced age. Most important was the insensitivity and arrogance showed by

German missionaries and the colonial officials and later the British officials towards the solid, complex and instrumentalist the Matengo cultural values towards their material life. It was therefore difficulty to make change and forego their solid cultural values without seeing any tangible replacement.

However, the evidence shows that there was a fleet of bush schools in the Matengo

Highlands as it is reported in the Lipumba Sub-District Report of 1926 that the Swiss

Order of Benedictines maintained 129 schools and 12,404 Christian pupils.575 To put more emphasis on education at conference of all bishops and leading missionaries at

Dar-es-Salaam in August 1928 the Apostolic Visitator Bishop Hinsley gave his orders:

‗Collaborate with all your power; and where it is impossible for you to carry on both the immediate task of evangelization and your educational work, neglect your churches in order to perfect your schools.576 These bush schools were run by African catechist-teachers who were answerable to the priests at the nearby mission station in terms of training and remuneration.

According to Table 4.3 these schools were not officially registered by the British government and thus were categorized as village schools whose main objective was to train young people in spiritual instructions and some basic reading and counting.577

The impact of these schools in the Matengo Highlands was enormous. The graduates

575 TNA, AB. 78, Lipumba Sub-District Report 1926 576 Roland Oliver, Missionary Factor in East Africa, (2nd ed.), Longmans 1965: 275 577TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Education Committee – Meetings Minutes for various years. 226

were qualitatively transformed by adapting new system of life like changing their consumption pattern through adapting modern life of dressing, eating, housing, doing white-collar jobs and entering Christian vocations as priests or sisters.578 The first to adapt coffee production and planting of European fruits guavas, plums, peaches, oranges, passions and trees were these graduates.579 The schools were again used as recruitment ground for new Christians. As the young people understood the religious instructions as catechumens they then qualified to be baptized hence increasing the numbers of Christians. Monogamy marriages were steadily increasing with the help of Marriage Ordinance which was instrumental in solemnizing marriages.

Furthermore, the Native Authority Ordinance (cap. 72) Rules of Songea District

Marriages and Divorce (non-Christians) Rules 1952 to some extent consolidated the monogamous marriages as required by the Roman Catholic Church in the Matengo

Highlands. 580 The increase of monogamous marriages in the Matengo Highlands suggests that there was an increase of Christians in the area from 1920s to

1940s.581Table 4.6 below shows the steady growth of Christianity through increase of

Christian marriages.

578 The first African priests were ordained in 1943, one of them was a Matengo Simon Kapinga from Litembo and the second priest was a Gervas Ntara a Mngoni. The second ordination in 1944 saw another indigenous priest Christian Kapinga from Litembo joining the ranks of local clergy. 579 Osmund Minga Kapinga, retired DC, interviewed at Mbinga June 2013. His late father Makarius at Lunoro/Nuntula and his uncle Mpwata at Mhagawa Asili are among the pioneers. The first church in the Matengo proper was built in 1901 at Mhagawa Asili by Fr. Johannes Hafliger 580 T59NA, Acc.106 155 L5/9, Sheria za Utawala wa wenyeji 581Mihanjo, op.c95it. :36 227

Table 4.6: Annual Totals of Marriages 1926-1968 YEAR KIGONSERA LITEMBO LIPARAMBA MBINGA TOTAL 1926 51 12 7 - 70 1927 70 12 - - 82 1928 55 22 23 - 100 1929 50 33 13 - 96 1930 56 33 16 - 105 1931 79 39 15 - 133 1932 67 65 21 - 147 1933 55 56 17 - 128 1934 52 48 40 - 140 1935 35 46 22 - 103 1936 25 80 15 24 144 1937 35 69 8 24 136 1938 25 72 16 19 132 1939 41 77 16 28 162 1940 29 78 17 23 147 1941 16 73 8 22 119 1942 20 44 14 9 87 1943 26 94 7 9 136 1944 20 94 7 20 141 1945 22 94 9 25 150 1946 25 163 27 35 250 1947 35 101 28 29 193 1948 39 71 25 24 159 1949 27 48 21 22 118 1950 31 70 35 25 161 1951 30 58 28 29 145 1952 24 73 18 36 151 1953 34 63 10 33 140 1954 25 71 12 34 142 1955 33 75 17 53 178 1956 44 56 15 77 192 1957 30 84 31 78 223 1958 34 82 39 92 247 1959 34 106 18 68 226 1960 40 99 31 82 248 1961 28 47 20 64 159 1962 27 106 17 39 142 1963 26 35 19 27 107 1964 23 46 10 27 106 1965 21 47 14 22 99 1966 25 40 15 34 114 1967 7 30 8 18 63 1968 25 63 21 49 157 Source: Parish Records and Registers

228

The fluctuation of figures in different parishes must be understood from different contexts. The first context should be looked from the point of view of the monastic approach of evangelization applied by the Benedictine Order. They used to establish a monastic mission stations as centers which were self-supporting.582 The station was served with various outstations and bush schools which were under the control of catechist – teachers. The priests used to visit the stations and the bush schools four times annually. The converts from all outstations used to attend masses at the monastic centers during the feasting days especially Christmas and Passover. What happened is that when an outstation grows in terms of numbers of converts it becomes an independent mission station. The number of converts in the founding parish will necessarily decrease. For example,Table 4.6 above shows that Kigonsera parish had the biggest number of converts who married in 1926 being the earliest parish in the Matengo Highlands, Litembo the least number. As years went by the marriages increased in Litembo parish reaching 80 in 1936 after 10 years. The explanation here is that in 1927 Liparamba parish was founded and Mbinga parish was founded in 1935 both broke from Kigonsera parish. Litembo parish on the other side founded Nangombo parish in 1933 which also reduced the number of marriages of Litembo parish. The foundation of daughter parishes reduced the converts, marriages, as well as the geographical jurisdiction of the parent parish. This process continued as many outstations were transformed into full mission stations until 1968 when the church was left to the indigenous leadership there were 12 parishes in place in the Matengo Highlands.

582Doerr op.cit.:114, discusses in detail how monastic life look like by using the concrete example of Peramiho. 229

Another cause of fluctuation of marriage figures and consequently the number of converts in individual parishes is the outbreak of Second World War in 1939. The

British government was very suspicious of the German missionaries who were suspected of supporting the Nazi course. It was a period of uncertainty on the part of

German missionaries in Tanganyika. The colonial government imposed regulation on the German missionaries. The British imposed restrictions to the German missionaries. The government had decided to remove all of them from the southern province. Thank you to Abbot-Bishop a Swiss national and a friend to British district authorities at Songea who was allowed to keep them but a very close supervision.

The eventuality of which was the transfer of all German missionaries South of Lindi

- Mbamba-Bay road. The Liparamba and Nangombo parishes had to be evacuated until when Holy Ghost missionaries from Kilimanjaro were brought in. The rest of the German missionaries had to concentrate at Litembo and Kigonsera where they were put under close supervision of missionaries from neutral nations. Lack of personnel led to the decline of marriages and hence the number of converts at

Liparamba and Nangombo parishes as per Table 4.6 above. There was virtually no founding of a mission for 12 years from 1937 when Matiri parish was founded to

1949 when Maguu parish was founded as Table 4.5 above indicates.

The problem of personnel was further compounded by financial constraints. When the number of Protestant missionaries working all over the world declined between

1925 and 1938, the Roman Catholic Church maintained the momentum of its missionary recruitment but suffered severely in financial support.583 This problem

583 Roland Oliver, op.cit. 1965:232 230

was another challenge to the missionary work in the Matengo Highlands.584 The new

German of Hitler was pursuing anti-Catholic stance with his new policy of not sending funds from Germany to the missions.585 There was no longer any support from Germany, the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho depended on the procures from

Uznach in Switzerland and Schuyler in the United States which continued to provide financial assistance as did the Propaganda Fide in Rome. There were in addition some funds generated locally by various projects of different missions.586 Lack of new missionary personnel and financial constraints had inhabited further growth of the missionary work. Though no mission was opened in the whole of the decade, the number of Christians grew from 81,000 in 1939 to 105,000 in 1945. The number of pupils also increased from 28,000 in 1939 to 31,000 in 1945.587

Contradictions among the missionaries arose out of the difference in nationality.

Evidence obtained through available literature and interview revealed that the

German missionaries looked down upon the Swiss missionaries who apparently were the superiors.588 At the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho Abbot-Bishop Gallus Steiger was

Swiss national and all big departmental offices at the Abbey Nullius were under the

Swiss nationals. The Vicar General was Fr. Heribert Meyer who was also the Prior of

Peramiho parish; Fr. Odo Braun was a Procurator; Fr. Otmar Morger was the

Headmaster of Peramiho schools and Fr. Gerold Rupper was Education Secretary.

The rest of the Swiss missionaries were parish priests across the area under the

584 Kamati, 1998:78 585 Doerr, 1998:154 586 Doerr, 1998:169 587 Archives of Peramiho Abbey, entry of 1943 588 Fr. Fidelis Mligo, prior of Peramiho Abbatia, interviewed May 2013, cf. Doerr interviewed May 2013 at Peramiho 231

jurisdiction of Abbey Nullius of Peramiho.589 Among other blames labeled against

Abbot-Bishop Gallus include that he had no rigorous theory of development of the church, he was never a great strategist and not man of brilliant theories. A man of eminently practical nature man, concerned with the tasks immediately at hand.590

Further blamed for being authoritative to his subjects and he never took to task the high-handed manner in which Fr. Prior Heribert that was unpopular with the community. His leadership was neither dynamic nor charismatic, though it provided framework necessary for the growth of mission work in the area. The German missionaries also blamed the Bishop for forging good relationship with British government which was a natural enemy of Germany. Finally he is alson blamed for not giving sufficient attention to the indigenization and African in Christian community developing under his leadership. This kind of relationship nursed a kind attitude not giving cooperation to the Bishop in pursuing the noble job of God for which they were committed to. There is a very big possibility of deliberately sabotaging the work as assigned to them. Coupled with the negative attitude the

British government on them for their pro-Nazi attitude, German missionaries seemed to be very frustrated and desperate.

Despite all these challenges, the available statistics attest to phenomenal growth of

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands from 1922 to 1950s. The growth of

Christianity is measured here using the numbers of Christians by using baptismal records, marriage records, number of missions, number of schools, number pupils, number of communicants, number of seminaries, number of missionaries –priests, brothers, sisters and catechists. The commitment to Christianity through looking at

589 Archives of Peramiho Abbey, entries of 1940s 590 Doer, op. cit. 1998:153 232

spiritual values is difficult to ascertain nevertheless. Basing on this available information the following can be taken as the factors for the phenomenal growth of

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. There was enormous commitment of the teacher – catechists who labored much to hold intact the converts even when the missionaries were not forthcoming. Though not very well remunerated, catechists did much of the basic training of the catechumens and conducted the Sunday services in the outstations.591 The catechists were also in charge of the bush schools which were again the recruitment ground for the would-be Christians.592

On the other hand relatives of catechists were compelled to be converted to

Christianity for the following reasons. First it was easy for them to secure employment in the mission centers. But the first and foremost qualification for employment in mission center one has to be Christian. The mission centers offered employments in cooking, gardening, cleanliness, shamba work and in the workshops.

The second reason is the security of job of the catechist. It sounds not good for a catechist whose wife; children and his siblings are not Christians. In order not to subject the catechist into difficult situation it would be considered wise for relatives be converted into Christianity.593

There was steady increase in Christian marriages as it is indicated in Table 4.6 above.

One of the reasons for the increase was the material incentives the missionaries used to provide to the couples. They were given such things as cloth (mitumba) for the

591 Benjamini Akitanda, a retired teacher and a son of Benjamn interviewed at Matiri August 2013. 592 Xaver Mbunda an ex-catechist, interviewed at Mbinga August 2012 593 Ibid. cf. John Nchimbi, a catechist at Litembo parish, interviewed June 2013 233

wedding, salt, sugar and utensils.594 For the married couples to remain committed members to the church they had to baptize their children so that the children would also join the kingdom of God. It is during this period when it became common for infants to be baptized without necessarily undergoing spiritual instructions as it was the case to the adults. The near-death people and the elderly were among the targeted groups. There were always close coordination between the hospitals and mission centers especially during epidemics. For instance, during the influenza outbreak of the Matengo Highlands in 1918 catechists Costantin Akitanda of Matiri and Petri of

Litembo baptized many near-death patients. When a patient was in bad situation a priest or a nun was called to administer baptismal or pray for the sick person. This helped to increase the number of Christians in the mission station. It should be born in mind that the missionaries were receiving subsidies, subvention and capitation from their home governments depending on the number of Christians in their mission station.595 The counting of Christians basing on baptismal records tended to inflate the number of Christians and therefore phenomenal growth of Christianity.596

The other groups of people who offered themselves for conversion included those who wanted to join seminary schools or sisters‘ convents. To join these institutions one has to be a Christian and it was also necessary for parents to be Christians. This exercise boosted the number of Christians in the Matengo Highlands especially after the opening of the Kigonsera minor seminary and Peramiho major seminary in

594 Mzee Manyahi, Nangombo parish, interviewed July 2013 595Fr. Fidelis Mligo, prior of Peramiho Abbatia, interviewed May 2013. Cf. Fr. Timoth Ndunguru, parish priest of Kigonsera, interviewed June 2013. 596The second generation Christians where children of first generation Christians who were recruited through bush schools as teenagers. These are the ones who married in the church and found it reasonable to baptize their children just at birth. 234

1926.597 The sisters‘ convents for girls were opened in the Matengo Highlands at

Litembo (1930), Kigonsera (1931) and Liparamba (1935).598 The same conditions applied to the young people who wanted to join Peramiho, Kigonsera and Litembo

Central Schools and Peramiho Teachers Training College. 599 In addition, an industrial school was also established to provide training in different crafts.600

The missions and their institutions were very important employers and job creators of the people around them. It was a natural development of the mission station that the first employees were the families around the mission station. Local inhabitants who came to work for the mission were expected to receive instructions and in due course to pray at the mission.601 Taking a look at Kigonsera parish with very huge shoe making factory and health center of necessity it needed reasonable labour supply.

Litembo with very big carpentry workshop, a health center, a central school and many other activities required reasonable amount of labour. The labour requirement was also true to other mission stations of the Matengo Highlands as enumerated in

Table 4.5 above. As a custom, all these mission stations were centers of innovation and rural transformation, hence to secure workforce the people around were potential employees. To secure an employment in these mission centers one of the prerequisite was to become a Christian. This again contributed to the growing number of

Christians.

597 Wamisionari Mashujaa, Padre Severin Hofbauer, OSB na Padre Josef Dmm, OSB, Benedictine Publictions Ndanda – Peramiho, 1998: 23-25 598Doerr, op.cit. 275-276 599 Wamisionari Mashuja, op.cit. :26 600 Doerr, Op.cit. 1998:101 601 Roland Oliver, op.cit. 196:172 235

Evidence from an interview survey in the Matengo Highlands created an impression that; some people had found out that there was no fundamental contradiction between

Christianity and their traditional beliefs. Christianity did not make local religion to collapse because Christianity didn‘t seem to pose a threat to local Matengo religion.602 These types of people were ready to join the new religion and at the same time continue with traditional beliefs practices. One deputy parish priest Mmatengo himself puts it clear that having grown up in the Matengo society he can‘t deter the converts to perform traditional rituals because it is not easy. So long as they don‘t interfere in the activities of the church, the best he can is to pretend that he doesn‘t see them.603

4.4 The British Government and Christianity in the Matengo Highlands In 1918 Germany lost the war and her colonies were mandated to the allied powers as per Article No. 22 of the Versailles Peace Treaty.604 Tanganyika was put under the

British rule as a mandate territory. The British policy pursued by Horrace Byatt its first governor in Tanganyika from 1917 to 1924 was to destroy the German presence and he ruthlessly deported German missionaries and settlers. He further reorganized the administrative machinery, the police force and introduced Indian Penal Code. He admired German social services and thought to revive the state education system.605

602 Fr. Timoth Ndunguru, parish priest at Kigonsera, interviewd in June 2013. 603 Fr. Majeshi interviewed at Litembo 604 Versilles Peace Treaty 1919 605 John Iliffe, 1979, op.cit. :262 236

Map 4.1: Administration Groups of Songea District as at 1926

Source: TNA, AB. 56 1733/7/61, Secretariat File, Annual Report 1926 Mahenge

Province

In the Matengo Highlands the British government undertook to reorganize the political set up in view of allowing and enhancing the exploitation of the economic potential of the area. Langiro division which was under Tukuyu District during the

German rule was transferred to Songea District.606 They established an administrative boma at Litembo mission from 1917 to 1919 when the White Fathers missionaries returned to the mission station. The boma was then shifted to Lipumba from 1920 to

1926 when it was closed due to further reorganization of boundaries.607 The necessity of Lipumba sub-district seized and closed down because Wabena, Wapangwa and

Wakisi as they appear in Map 4.1 were put under the Mlangali administration

606 M.O.Kapinga, Capitalism and the Disintegration of the Pre-Capitalist Social Formation: The case of Cash Crop Production in the Matengo Highlands, 1885-1960, MA Dissertation, UDSM,1993:68 607 TNA, Songea District Book 1: Matengo 237

division. 608 At the end of 1926 the whole of Umatengo was organized along sultanates and jumbeates whose areas were quite difficult to define. It was observed by one district officer that in one hour‘s walk, one might pass over lands belonging to four or five different sultans. 609 Due to these problems, the British government attempted to introduce a system of grouping the chiefs into a paramount. Hereditary paramount in the Matengo area were found in Bambo Makita at Myangayanga and

Marcus Howahowa at Langiro.610

4.5 Indirect Rule in the Matengo Highlands This reorganization was executed in line with legal backing through Native

Authorities Ordinance of 1926. The native administration of Umatengo was gazetted in January 1927.611 It was then followed by the establishment of first class Native

Court at Mahenge near Litembo mission and it was later in 1928 abandoned in favour of Myangayanga where the so-called paramount chief or Bambo Mkulungu Makita II of Umatengo was living. Second class courts were established at Langiro under sob- chief Markus Howahowa and another at Liganga under sub-chief Putire.612Putire ruled a Ngoni section in the Matengo Highlands.In the understanding of this discrepancy the British authority transferred Putire to Ungoni in 1926.

Furthermore, the Matengo Native Treasury was established in 1926 at the Matengo headquarters of Myangayanga. Sub-treasuries were established at Langiro and

Lipumba. Under this system, workers of Native Authorities were paid salaries

608 TNA AB. 56, 1733/7/61 op.cit. 609 TNA, Songea District Book, Micro Film 40 Volume II Sheet 6F. 610 From the Diary of Bambo Chrisostomus Makita in possession of his son Kastor Makita, Myangayanga. Cf. Bambo Elaxander Howahowa son of Bambo Markus Howahowa, interviewed at Langiro 611 TNA, Tanganyika Gazette 1927 612 TNA, Songea District Book 1: op.cit. 238

collected through hut and poll tax, court fees and other revenues. The collection of these taxes was so aggressive forcing the Matengo people to produce cash crops or look for wage labor. The most common crops were European potatoes, wheat and later coffee which were introduced in the Matengo Highlands by the missionaries.613

The missionaries at Kigonsera and Peramiho were the major market of the Matengo wheat, European potatoes, onions and the Arabica coffee.614 Besides, the missionary educated elite and devout Christians pioneered the production of cash crops in the

Matengo Highlands. 615 The British government was busy conducting agricultural researches on how to incorporate the Matengo into the capitalist production system.

A.H. Kirby, who was an agricultural officer, was entrusted with the task of conducting an economic survey of Umatengo in 1928. He recommended the growing of tropical and temperate cereals beans, peas, tobacco, flax, potatoes, groundnuts, wattle bark, tungo oil. Vegetables, citrus fruits, stone fruits, and robusta coffee were allowed to be in limited scope. With regard to the production of Arabica coffee in the

Matengo Highlands the expert discouraged its production.616 The recommendations were presented to the district administration for the policy formulation. However, the

District Administrator in his Annual Report of 1923 commented that the district has excellent agricultural prospects but the district is by far isolated.617

This way of looking at Songea was again repeated in the Annual Report of

Tanganyika Territory of 1925 when the debate came again for discussion. This time

613 TNA, AB. 4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area 1919/20 Songea District Report, 1920. Cf TNA AB. 16 Part 1733/15 Annual Report Songea District 1923. Germans successfully experimented coffee at Songea, Kigonsera Mission planted coffee before World War I 614Kapinga, op.cit.:62, cf. Cosmas Masingi interviewed who himself carried European potatoes to Peramiho in 1942 in order to get school fees and uniforms. 615 Osmund Minga Kapinga, interviewed at Mbinga, he cited his father Makarius , his uncle Mpwata as among early Christians who were the pioneers of cash crop cultivation. 616 TNA, SDB, MF. 40 op.cit.Folio 5-11 617 TNA AB. 16, part 1733/15 op.cit. 239

it was proposed that the German proposal to connect rail link between Ngerengere to

Manda on Lake Nyasa via Kilombero be revived. The reason for the construction of this railway was to assist development of south western highlands and the basin of

Lake Nyasa. The Germans gave the following reasons for the construction of this railway. Firstly, it was said to be the best and cheapest route for dual purpose.

Secondly, it would open up rich, well-watered country to the East and South of

Uluguru Mountains. Thirdly, it will also open the Kilombero valley-great alluvial plain to be turned into fine cotton, sugar and rice production areas in the world.

Fourthly, it would develop southwestern Tanganyika. And lastly, it would provide quickest and cheapest route and outlet for northern half of Nyasaland and eastern parts of North-eastern Rhodesia.618 The project was however rejected by the British government on the account that it was expensive. What we can gather from these observations is that the Matengo Highlands and its adjacent areas were very potential in resources. However, the political will among the decision makers has been absent and hence letting down the people of this area. This situation is still haunting the people of south western Tanzania to date.

4.6 British Administration and Infrastructure The other move to facilitate political legitimacy made by the government administration was to do away with transport problem. The Governor visited Songea

District in 1925 who admitted that Songea is so remote and has been neglected in the past.619 To this effect the construction of roads was given ample consideration in the

District of Songea. The main artery of the district is Mbamba Bay-Songea-Tunduru boundary road. Whereas the road was classified from Songea eastwards to Tunduru

618 TNA, AB. 13, File No. 1733:11, Annual Report Tangnyika Territory, 1925 619 TNA AB. 56, 1733/7/61 op.cit. 240

boundary as under main road Grade A, the Songea westwards to Mbamba Bay road was classified as district road grade B.620

A road was to be constructed from Songea boma to Peramiho mission, from there to

Mitomoni and from there to Likuyu. From Likuyu one route branched to Kigonsera mission and from there to Lipumba. From there it branched to Mbamba Bay and another branch to Litembo mission. Another branch from Likuyu junction went as far as Manda (Weidhafen) through Lituhi mission.621 All other roads were village roads and were made and maintained from the funds provided annually by the Native

Treasury estimates. Annually all the able-bodied male natives supervised by their headmen were called upon to turn out for the annual cleaning which consisted of filling the holes, cut grass and provided bamboos and ropes for bridges. Sultans and jumbes cleaned and maintained good paths between villages and between the villages and the trunk roads.622 Bridges and culvert were done by skilled laborers who were paid per diem.623

In the construction of these roads one can note that there is big concentration to cover the mission stations. The bulk of the Matengo Highlands was not well covered by the road networks. This was not by accident since mission stations were indeed the nucleus of rural based Matengo society. These mission stations were also used by the colonial government as centers of tax collection.624 The Mbinga to Myangayanga,

620 TNA, Acc. 155 SDB 621 TNA, Songea District Book, Micro Film 38 Volume I Sheet 27. Cf. TNA, District Book 1: Matengo 622 TNA, AB.4 (1733), Annual Reports Southern Area 1919/1920. Cf. TNA, Acc. 155 F.64/1, Native Treasury Matengo-Nyasa 1938 and 1942 the N.T. embarked on the repair of village roads between Myangayanga and Mbinga 6 miles, between Mbinga and Litembo, and between Mbinga and Langiro. 623Op.cit. 624 TNA, SDB, Litembo mission was one of the British colonial tax collection station 241

Lumeme to Langiro and a road to Litembo from Kwanga bridge on Songea –

Mbamba Bay roads were maintained by the Native Authorities because all were bomas through them taxes were collected.625

4.7 British Rule and Social Services The Aministrative Officer of Lipumba Sub-District G. Van Dam reported that in the

Annual Report of 1925:

―There is no Government School in this Sub-District. In the early part of 1923, with the permission ofthe Education Department the then existing Government School at Lipumba was transferred to Manda on Lake Nyasa where it was hoped such an institution would be more useful‖626 It is not that the Matengo Highlands children did not want to go to school but the fact was that the Catholic missionaries had established and spread schools deep into the remote interior. Right from the beginning the British admired the state education and vowed to adapt it.627 However, the German government did not have any school in the Matengo Highlands because it was so remote and there were limited resources to run the schools. The only option was to encourage and emphasize the coming of

European missionaries who would among other things establish schools, health services and other social services on behalf of colonial government.628

When the British took over, the mandate territory did not establish schools in the

Matengo Highlands. The evidence available from the archival sources, show that, until 1961 at independence, there was no government school in the Matengo

Highlands. The first attempt to establish native school during the British rule was in

625 Cicular 4 of 1930 in SDB 626 TNA, AB. 78, Annual Report, Lipumba Sub-District, 1925 627Iliffe 1979 op.cit. 1979:263 628 TNA, Acc. 155, The Minutes of Education Committee of Songea District, 1960 242

1923 at Lipumba. 629 However, this school with the permission of the Education

Department was closed and was transferred to Manda due to poor enrolment and attendance. Furthermore, the area of Lipumba Sub-district was supplied with schools by the Benedictine Mission. 630 The other attempt to establish Mbinga Native

Administration School in the 1947 Ten Year Plan for Development of Education was once again proved futile.631 The reason for the failure was it being very close to

Benedictine school at Mbinga. The Bambo Markus of Myangayanga and jumbe of

Mbinga informed the Provincial Educational Officer that no children of school going age in the area who were not attending mission schools. Consequently the native

Administration school was therefore not recommended to open.632

Basing on the recommendation of Phelps Stokes Commission Report on Education

(1924) the colonial government in Tanganyika convened a conference of 1925 in

Dar-es-Salaam which deliberated on how to forge cooperation between the government and missions in the field of education provision in Tanganyika.633 The

Benedictines were represented by Fr. Gallus Steigler (later Abbot-Bishop of

Peramiho in 1931). The conference agreed that the colonial government will subside in educational materials and to mission schools. The mission should appoint

Educational Secretaries to liaise with Education Department in the matters pertaining to education. The government will design uniform syllabi and inspect the schools, and on the other hand the missions should abide by the government regulations. With these issues in place, the colonial government passed an Education Ordinance in

629TNA, AB. 16 op.cit. 630TNA. AB. 78, Annual Report Lipumba Sub-district 1925 631TNA, Acc. 155, District Office Songea, Minutes of Songea District Education Committee. 632TNA, Ibid. 633 TNA, AB. 13, File No. 1733: 11, Annual Report Tanganyika Territory, 1925 243

1927 which provided the legal framework on how to implement provisions agreed upon in the 1925 Educational Conference.

The implementation of the Ordinance in the Matengo Highlands included the application for registration of schools. 634 The Secretarial Confidential Circular required that only schools which were long established where land is available, where the natives desire the schools and the Native Authority have given their consent can be granted registration. In order to establish a school, missions were supposed to lodge a request for right of occupancy. 635 The work of sorting out mission schools, visiting them ascertaining the wishes of the native population regarding them, and eventually recommending where necessary, the granting to various missions of Right of Occupancy is being done.636 British further laid down regulations to be followed when missionaries wanted to set a school. 637 At the national level there was a Central Advisory Committee assisted by Provincial and

District Committees. In the Songea District the Benedictine mission was represented in the committee by its Educational Secretary.638

As far as education in the Matengo Highlands is concerned, the Benedictine Order was the main player. The government however, provided grants-in-aid for the registered mission schools. That is why when in 1951 the mission asked the Matengo

634 TNA, AB 1322, File No. 7981/5/13, Mahenge Province, Right of Occupancy for school plots and other Missionary purposes. 1926, provides a Secretarial Confidential Circular for Missions 29.3.1926 M.P. 0374/15 635 TNA, AB. 570, Secretariat File No. 312/1/36 (10.02.1926) cf. TNA, AB. 1320, File No. 7981/4/13, 1926 636 TNA, AB. 56. Secretariat File No. 1733/7/61, Annual Report 1926. Mahenge Province 637 TNA AB. 4 (1733), Annual Reports Southern Area 1919/20 638 The first Secretary for Benedictine Fathers was Fr. Patrick, Fr. Edmund Lederer (1929-1939) and was relieved by Fr. Gerold Rupper(1939-1952), Fr. Matthias Tremel (1957), Fr. Bruno Zwissler (1956-1962) 244

Native Authority to extend assistance for school fees of poor pupils studying in

Roman Catholic mission schools; the District Commissioners‘ Conference did not approve the request.639 The ground for the refusal was that grants-in-aid provided for the approved schools were a satisfactory contribution. Besides, the Matengo Native

Treasury from its inception 1926 used to subscribe to the running of Luhira Native

Administration School at Songea. The Matengo Native Treasury also used to set aside expenditure on the upkeep and school fees of pupils attending Luhira School from Umatengo.640 But it is important to note here that, all pupils who were attending the government school of Luhira from the Matengo Highlands were children of

Bambos and jumbes only. The children of the common people of the Matengo

Highlands relied on the Benedictine Roman Catholic mission schools only. It can be concluded that, in the absence of the mission schools in the Matengo Highlands even the elementary education provided by missionaries would not have been there.

This is evidenced by the available archival data which show that, the Provincial

Education Officer set aside £6000 for the construction of secondary school at

Songea. The first intake of standard VII students was taken in 1951 school year. The entrance exam for the same was administered to the following schools Luhira,

Mbamba Bay, Songea, Mbemba, Mbesa, Ziwani, UMCA Liuli, RC Mission

Kipatimu, UMCA Ngumbo, Masasi, Benedictine Ndanda, and Mahuta middle schools. 641 The strange thing here is that the Benedictine middle schools in the

Matengo Highlands which included Kigonsera, Litembo, Mbinga and Maguu were

639 TNA, Acc. 155, File 428/1 640 TNA, Acc. 155 F.64/1, Native Treasury Matengo-Nyasa, 1938 641 TNA, EDU. 137/6, Education, 1948, 245

not allowed to sit for the entrance examination for secondary education.642 The only alternative given to them was either to go to Kigonsera Minor Seminary, Peramiho

Teachers‘ College, Nursing School Peramiho and Peramiho Trade School. This in a way explains why during the early years of independence, the majority of the

Matengo youths who had secured jobs were in the fields of the professions mentioned above.

The next social service needed was health provision to the Matengo people. The

Matengo had their traditional healing system using herbs and when the Benedictine missions established their centers there were health services which were being offered. The British colonial government established a health station at Lipumba but still acknowledged the existence of uganga. In his visit of Myangayanga Baraza in

November 12th, 1931 R.A. Thompson the Provincial Commissioner of Mahenge province urged the chief to militate against alien native doctors and the sale of imported medicines.643 This implies that he accepted the use of local native doctors as they did not pose any threat or danger. The hospital was becoming much more popular with the natives who were coming for treatment. It had a native dresser who looked capable and well up in his responsibility. It was a non-dietary hospital whereby patients who were admitted had to supply their own food except in rare cases. The bulk of the patients were attending for either dressing of cuts and wounds or for medicine. In 1925 there were 58 in-patients and 394 out-patients attended at the Lipumba government hospital.644

642 TNA, Acc. 155, District Office Songea : Songea District Education Committee minutes of various years. 643 TNA, Acc. 155, SDB 644 TNA, AB. 78, Annual Report , Lipumba Sub-District, 1925 246

The colonial government provided grants-in-aid to the mission medical organizations. Much of the money was spent in staff training and reposaria training of village nurses. This training was conducted at Liuli, Peramiho and Mwanza.645

Training of Medical dressers was conducted at Lindi Hospital and Mwanza School whereby the government through grants-in-aid and the Native Treasury sponsored the training of the personnel. There was always a warning from the government to the missionaries and the volunteer societies that they should not incline to regard grants-in-aid as their right.646 But the fact was that, mission societies were doing the work of the government and hence it would appear imperative for the government to step up provision of health services.

Steps were being taken to provide public health, sanitation and to combat epidemics.

The Matengo Highlands was frequently affected by epidemics as demonstrated in

Table 4.7 below. As it is discussed above, the outbreaks of these epidemics were associated with the witchcraft practice. Witchcraft beliefs among the Matengo was so rampant and caused a lot of conflicts among relatives and even neighbours. Though in scientific terms, these are diseases caused by the deteriorated state of hygiene related to poor housing and living condition. However, the Matengo did not subscribe to this cause. The epidemics are extremely colossal if health precautions are not taken. The ignorance of the cause and how the disease spreads culminated into enormous death tolls. It was out of this reality that the British colonial government addressed this problem by instituting preventive measures through

645 TNA, Acc. 155/428/1, Songea Provincial Administration, District Commissioners‘ Conferences, 10th-12th July 1952 646 Ibid. 17th-18th November 1950 247

public health initiative.647 Emphasis was also made on medical expenses and tribal dressers by allocating a substantial amount of money from the Native Treasury. The other important expenditure in the field of health involved the purchase of drugs as is revealed in financial statements of the Matengo Native Treasury.648

Table 4.7: Outbreak of Epidemics in the Matengo Highlands SN YEAR EPIDEMIC 1 1918 Influenza 2 1919 Smallpox 3 1920 Smallpox 4 1921 Smallpox 5 1922 Influenza 6 1923 Influenza 7 1925 Chickenpox 8 1926 Chickenpox 9 1931 Chickenpox 10 1942 Influenza Source: TNA Records

Looking at the extent to which the Matengo Highlands is covering, the colonial effort of addressing the health challenge was so minimal. For instance the government Hospital at Lipumba was rather difficult to be reached by the remote and unreachable places. To the contrary the missionaries had deeply penetrated in the interior of the Matengo Highlands. They had established bush schools and outstations which served as centers of innovation and civilization in the Matengo rural setting.

These centers were equipped with among other things medical centers or first aid kits. Apart from serving the souls of the converts, the Benedictine missionary priests,

647TNA, Acc. 155. 64/4, Songea Native Affairs, Final Financial Statements 1945/47 648 TNA, Acc. 155: 64/1 Native Treasury, 1933, cf. TNA, AB. File No. 1733, Annual Report, Songea, Mahenge 1920-1921 248

brothers and nuns made sure that the souls of Matengo are in health bodies. The majority of Matengo however, kept on using their local native medicines and they were still very essential component in the diseases and healing.

In June 1919 the Civil Postal Authority took over posts as one of the important component of communication. There were postal links between Songea and Lipumba on a weekly basis. Another postal service connected Lipumba to Wiedhafen on monthly basis. 649 Mails from Britain to Songea were received from Nyasaland through Manda. 650 A telegraph line stationed at Johannesbruke equipped with telephone line running to Lipumba. Massages went to Songea from Lipumba through

Johannesbruke or to Songea directly. 651 Just like other services in the Matengo

Highlands, the posts and telegraphic networks did not penetrate deep in the interior of the Matengo Highlands. Alternatively the Matengo people received their services through the mission. It was very often to receive postal mails through the mission.

The addresses used to bear the following tags. Osmund Kapinga, Primary School

Mbugu, via C.M. (Catholic Mission) Litembo, Mbinga.

British colonial authorities had been suspicious of German Benedictine missionaries much as the missionaries helped them to provide social services. British were negative to Roman Catholic missionaries from the beginning but very parternerlistic to UMCA. The British authorities put restrictions to German missionaries. Just like what happened in 1919 when German missionaries were interned and repatriated; in

1942 the British authorities had decided to remove all German missionaries from the

649 TNA, AB. 4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, 1919/1920, Songea District Report (1920). 650TNA, AB. 7 File No. 1733, op.cit. 651 TNA, AB. 4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, 1919/1920, Songea District Report (1920). 249

southern province which bordered the Portuguese Mozambique a friend of

Germany.652 Friction between British administration and Benedictine Fathers became assertive. The missionaries were barred from trading in the mission stations on account that it was detrimental to African traders.653 They also wanted to remove all

German missionaries in southern Tanganyika as it was suspected that some of the

German missionaries were supporting Hitler claims of returning Tanganyika mandate territory to Germany morally and materially. British authorities resented influence of

Benedictine missionaries because they were believed to be pro-German Nazi ideology. The British authorities ignored and neglected the contribution of the missionary enterprise to the general development of the Matengo Highlands and the entire south western Tanganyika in the field of social services and infrastructure.

4.8 Phenomenal Progress and Continuities in the Matengo Highlands during British Rule This section will attempt an explanation on how the Matengo perceived Christianity and what their contribution and response towards the phenomenal expansion of

Christianity at this juncture. In the foregoing discussion evidence has been presented to show how Christianity was growing and expanding in the Matengo Highlands.

Different indicators have been presented including numbers of missionaries, schools, mission stations, outstations, baptisms, confirmations, infrastructure and social services. The role of missionaries and the British colonial state has been analysed.

This section attempts to address the role of the Matengo society towards this phenomenal expansion of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands.

652Doerr op.cit. 1998:173 653 TNA, Acc. 155/428, 1949 250

Colonialism and Christianity all over Africa were running simultaneously constituting what is popularly known as union or cooperation between the rulers and the evangelists. The cross preceded the flag.654 In the Matengo Highlands for reasons specific to the area, missionaries followed the German occupation of Ungoni in

1898.655 The Wangoni are said to fiercely ravaging the southern eastern towns of

Mikindni, Kilwa and Lindi. The south western parts of Tanzania including the

Matengo Highlands and Undendeuli were not safe from the Ngoni frequent attacks. It was amidst these attacks the German forces of conquest mounted expedition against the Ngoni invading forces. 656 The German erected their administrative boma at

Songea.657 Peace and order was thus established in the southern Tanzania in general and the Matengo Highlands in particular.

The peaceful situation established by the German colonial rulers made the

Benedictine Fathers to establish their station at Peramiho in 1898. From there the

Benedictines moved to Kigonsera, where the first station of Benedictine missionaries was established among the Matengo. From there the missionary activities spread to the other parts of the Matengo Highlands. They included the Ngima area where it is alleged that the elders did not welcome them as a result the missionaries went further to Litembo where a second parish station in Umatengo was established in 1914, few

654 Many places in Africa were colonized after the missionaries had prepared the ground for colonial occupation. Examples are abound Moffat in Rhodesia, Livingstone in Nyasaland, 655 The Matengo Highlands were believed to be under the fierce Wangoni warriors hence the missionaries felt insecure in the area. When the colonialists subdued the Wangoni the Benedictine missionaries started entering Ungoni and Umatengo. Cf. Kamati op. cit. :39, cf. Napachihi op. cit. :27 and 80 656 Temu,Anold Tanzania Societies and Colonial Invasion,1875-1907, in Kaniki,M (ed), Tanzania Under Colonial Rule, London, 1980:112. Cf Oscar Mapunda and Gaudens Mpangala, The Majimaji War in Ungoni, Dar-es-Salaaam, 1968:12 657 Kamati, op. cit. :39 251

days before the outbreak of World War I. 658 At this juncture Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands was no longer negotiable, it had to be accepted in any way due to the obtaining objective conditions. The British colonial masters were forcing their way consolidating their political, economic and social system. The remaining issue to the Matengo was not to choose to accept or not rather how to accommodate it. There were other places where missionaries were cordially received by Matengo. Such places include Matiri, Liparamba, Mbinga, Maguu, Tingi, Mpapa and Nangombo.659

However, evidence from oral histories have it that most of these areas where the

Benedictines established their stations were very rich in natural resources notably minerals, land and wild game.660 There were plenty of gold at Kigonsera, Litembo,

Tingi, Matiri, Liparamba, Mpepo, which have been secretly mined by the

Benedictine missionaries. That is why among the popular projects at Peramiho is gold smith and an expert on that field a brother was stationed as an in charge of that factory.661 Lundumato was said to be very rich in pythons. The missionaries are said to have killed the bulk of them and the skins of which were smuggled outside the country. As a signal of appreciation for the riches they took away from Lundumato, the missionaries used some of the wealth accrued to build a magnificent church at

Lundumato.662

Along with these resources many parts of the Matengo Highlands accepted

Christianity at least at the level of accepting their children to be baptized at a tender age. The youth accepted joining the new religion by marrying through the Christian

658 Matei Kinunda: Interviewed in Litembo. Cf. Fr. Alex Kenyata, Mambo Yaliyostawisha Maisha ya Matengo, Kabla ya Ujio wa Wamisionari Wabenediktini, 1999:29 659 Kenyata ibid. :30 cf. Fr. Egno Ndunguru, Mila na Desturi za Matengo, 1972:18 660 Interviews with Frs. Timoth Ndunguru, Ben Akitanda, Gerold Kalenyula, Anton Matanila, Xaver Mbunda, Osmund Minga Kapinga 661 Lambert Doerr, Peramiho1898-1998, In the Service of the Missionary Church vol. 3 :101 662 Fr. T.Ndunguru a Kigonsera parish priest interviewed 2013 252

procedures in the church. In the previous discussion some statistics have been presented to demonstrate the increase in numbers of Christians in the Matengo

Highlands. That increase notwithstanding, the evidence from the field survey demonstrates that it was not due to the proper understanding of the Christian principles which made the Matengo to accept Christianity. To the contrary, there were several inducements which the missionaries used to attract the Matengo people into Christianity. Fr. Josephat Malunda a parish priest of Mbinga speaks of visaidizi and Fr. Francis Ndunguru Majeshi a deputy parish priest of Litembo speaks of zawadi za kizungu. Benjamin Akitanda a son of prominent catechist of Kigonsera and

Matiri and retired teacher speaks of vijizawadior inducements which included provision of social services such as education and health services; provision of basic needs especially calico cloth, sugar, money and salt; teaching of life skills such as masonry, brick-making, roof and floor tiles making, carpentry, and gardening; introducing to the Matengo European crops such as coffee, fruits, wheat, Irish potatoes and variety of trees.663 The UMCA used to ridicule Matengo for accepting what they called as dini ya mitumba meaning that secondhand cloth were used as an inducement to convince Matengo to join Christianity.664 This line of argument seems to be shared by a number of respondents who were interviewed in the course of field research.665

Matengo were not disturbed by Christianity in the sense that the Benedictines did not impose very strict rules towards conversion. It appears that the quantity of converts

663 Fr. J.Malunda a Mbinga Parish Priest interviewed 2013 664 Fr. T.Ndunguru Kigonsera Parish Priest interviewed 2013 665 Most of the respondents indicated the important role of the use of salt, second cloth, sugar, cash as inducements to win converts. Frs. Timoth, Josephat, Francis. Others include Mzee Matanila, Xaver, Masingi, Nyang‘ali, Werner, Sunkono, and Ngelageli. 253

was more important than the quality of the Christians. The approach of Benedictines did not concentrate on evangelization like the Protestants.666 According to Fr. Fidelis

Mligo, a prior of Peramiho, the Benedictine Order of St. Otillien used to award its missionaries who manage to convert many people. The missionaries were remunerated big sums of money for work best done in the form of salaries and other benefits like tax exemption, insurance benefits and medical allowances.667 In order to achieve this expectation the missionaries sometimes had to make compromise by allowing some polygamous men, wachumba/makunja (traditional marriages) and non-communicants into the congregation.668 The services of the traditional religion continued unabated among the Matengo elders.

For example on 8th March 1956 was a day of coronation of Bambo Mkulungu the paramount chief of the whole Umatengo for the first time to conform to the British

Indirect rule policy as stipulated in the Native Authorities Ordinance of 1926. This ceremony was attended and participated by three main authorities. It started off by a holy mass conducted by parish priest of Mbinga Fr. Yustin O.S.B. The procession then proceeded to the ground where the District Commissioner made a speech to usher in the inauguration the Umatengo paramount chiefdom. Thereafter, the

Matengo elders performed a traditional ceremony by saying prayers, dressed the bambo into tradition robe and a hat and gave him nyengo/mundu a traditional bill- hook as a symbol of authority.669 The masses thereafter celebrated the event through traditional dances including mhambo, kioda, lindeko, linguga, mganda and traditional

666 Doerr, op. cit. 1998 :151 667 Fr. Mligo interviewed at Peramiho Abbatia 2013 668 Frs. T.Ndunguru, Francis Ndunguru Majeshi, interviewed 2013 669 Fr. Egno Ndunguru, 1972:36-37 254

songs.670 This is a typical example of compromise which the Benedictines tolerated the Matengo people. The missionaries did not make the local religion to collapse consequently the Matengo also understood that Christianity was not a threat to their traditional worship.

Preoccupation in conflicts between Makita clan and Kawanila clan over paramount control of the whole Umatengo created conditions for conflicts. Literally, from 1926 when the Council of the whole of Umatengo was created by British government most of the time was spent in trying to solve the conflict of who should assume the office of paramount chief. The conflict which was finally resolved on 8th March 1956

Yohhanes Makita was confirmed to the throne. However the conflict kept on haunting the Matengo Highlands until the time of independence. The conflict revolved around two clans Makita of Myangayanga and Kawanila of Litembo.

Whereas Makita was not a Mmatengo by origin Kawanila clan was hereditary chiefly clan.671 This conflict over who should assume the office of a paramount chief created central power vacuum. Sultans and jumbes settled most of the petty cases and disputes.672 For example bamboo Markus Howahowa of Langiro council took most active part in looking after his sultanate and was conscientiously working in the interest of his people.673 Out of this power vacuum the mission stations assumed a central role of organizing the population not only spiritually but also politically. The church structure of Diocese at the top, followed by parish at the lower level, followed by outstation and a small Christian community at the bottommost place in the structure was so efficient in organizing the population. It has been mentioned in this

670 Fr. Ndunguru, E. Ibid. 1972:39 671 TNA, Acc. 155, SDB 672 TNA, AB. 78, Lipumba Sub-District Annual Report 1925 673TNA, ibid. 255

study that a mission station provided a parallel administration to that of political structure. Missions acted as an economic center, as social services provider, as place where Christian could get shop services and disputes and conflicts among the converts.

The rite of passage among the Matengo people was also tolerated by the missionaries. A new born among the Matengo followed a procedure of introducing the child to public eight days after the child is born. Here there is a ceremony being done whereby amganga is commissioned to perform the celebration. Prayers were said to Sapangaand mahoka asking them to protect the new born baby.674 Relatives gathered in a procession towards a place where the ceremony has been arranged to be performed. Traditional dances and songs coloured the event. In this ceremony the child was then given a name, in most cases the names were those of the fallen ancestors.675 If the child did not accept the given name he/she will continuously keep on crying until a new name is given once again. This process will continue until the name given is accepted.676 It did not matter whether the child was born at home or at the hospital. The issue was that before the performance of the kupia mwana celebration there was no permission to the members of the public to see the child.677

This child was after one month taken to the church for baptismal where he/she was given a Christian name. Missionaries did not allow traditional names in the church; instead the parents were instructed to choose European names for the new born

674 Fr. Emilian Kapinga, Parish priest of Kigonsera 1992 (Fr.Kenyata) 675 Bishop Maurus Komba, Mbinga, 1991 676 The child was given a hen signifying he/she is officially known by that name. 677 Kenyata, 1999:43 256

babies. This partly explains why it was very common for Christians of this period to bear two names; the Christian/European one and a traditional name.678

Table 4.8: Catechumen Class of Lihiso Bush School 1942 TRADITIONAL CHRISTIAN SURNAME DEATHDATE NAME NAME Mihobile Silvanus Kapinga 2009 Kamunga Marianus Ngui 2012 Masingi Cosmas Kapinga Alive Kingolingoli/Kitukula Christian Mapunda 2013 Kimwaga Casmir Kapinga 2012 Makuta/Tumbuu Alois Kapinga 2001 Lindu/Magesa Maurus Kapinga 1990 Imbegu/Komeka Henrick Ngui 2014 Magonso Camilius Kapinga 1991 Mwiili Kajugu Ngui Alive Ngelageli Kastory Kapinga Alive Kabumaji Alois Ndunguru Alive Kajusi Liborius Kapinga Alive Kivumbi Thobias Kapinga Alive Sophia Otilia Ostina Source: Field survey by the author

The bringing up of children was the role of the whole society. The boys were involved in hunting and gathering which went together with looking after animals.

The Matengo family used to have some livestock including about 3-10 cattle goats and sheep though not as many as those kept by pastoral societies. While attending livestock depending on the season, a boy was supposed to hunt small animals like imboku, ihehe, makupi, ipesa, holoku, insects like mapai, inyenda, mabongu, inama, etc. For girls, their duty according to the Matengo division of labour was mainly in the home assisting their mothers or elder sisters to perform household chores.

678 Cosmas Maingi Kapinga, interviewed 257

However, during the period from 1940s children were taken to the bush schools for religious instructions as well as some elementary reading, writing and counting. It was now customary for the children of ten to eighteen years to be taken to the bush schools and later subgrade (primary) school which were not registered by the government. 679 Mzee Cosmas Masingi narrated his personal experience that his father Bwanalika attended a bush school at Lihiso during the German colonial period.

Bwanalika and his collegue Malingana were then to be sent to Kigonsera for further studies (there was training programme for future catechists at Kigonsera). However, the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 aborted the plan. Masingi himself was also enrolled at Lihiso as a catechumen on the request of his father in 1942. He recites that he was forced to abandon school for some intervals in order to work in the tile factory at Lihiso and Peramiho mission garden in order to get some cash for buying some cloth.680

The marriage system also reflected the kind of tolerance between the missionaries and the Matengo traditional marriage system. The process of payment of dowry was following traditional system. Part of the dowry (two goats) also known as mpeto, was set aside for informing the mahoka/ancestors and Sapanga about what is happening in the family. It was believed that in an event of the girl getting some problems (most common one was infertility or sickness) one of the goat should be slaughtered to inform the ancestors and request them to relieve her out of the problems. If the goats are used for another purpose they have to be replaced immediately. The process of paying and receiving dowry involved consulting the mahoka/ancestors through prayers conducted by elders and wapenga utunu.Normally early in the morning the

679 Masingi was interviewed as one of the child who were taken to school 680 Ibid. interviewed 2013 258

elders would go to the graveyard to inform the ancestors about the event and request their protection and clean (kupyagia) the graves. 681 After this process was accomplished, the couples then went to the church to solemnize the traditional marriage through Christian procedures. But as they left the church grounds they went home where the marriage was celebrated in a traditional way. Many traditional procedures were performed. The procedures included inviting the mahoka to the celebration, a rain-maker was commissioned to monitor the metrological changes and specifically see to it that no downpour during the event. Traditional prayers, dances and songs coloured the event.682 Here it should be emphasized that the missionary teachings among other things had imposed ban and prohibition on native dances, ritualistic purification, native medicines, girl‘s initiation and traditional offerings.683

Power of Christianity over traditionalism was another attraction which made the

Matengo people to be attracted to Christianity.684 This is demonstrated by western medicines which missionaries brought them in the form of health services. Different medicines were made available in most of the mission stations. The priests, brothers and sisters worked hand in hand with the natives in administering western medicines.

The medicines performed very well in the area of wounds and epidemics such as influenza, chickenpox, smallpox, malaria and dysentery. Natives rushed to the mission centers and dispensary for treatment of different ailments. In the dispensaries and hospitals the treatment activities were preceded by prayers ran by sisters. The priests paid visits to the hospitals and dispensaries to give a word of God to the

681 Masingi, Nkwenda, interviewed 2013 682 TNA, AB. 56 1733/7/61, Annual Report 1926 683 TNA, AB. 16, Part 1733/15, Annual Report – Songea District 1923 684 Mzee Kakobano interviewed by Fr.Alex Kenyata 1993 259

sick.685 In the event of the preaching the power of Christianity was demonstrated convincing the local people to accept conversion. The power of Christianity was also demonstrated through destruction of the powers of local healers. Fr. Venant Hunja working in the Matengo Highlands in 1960s broke and destroyed tools and charms of a traditional healer. To the surprise of many who thought that the priest will be hurt, the priest went unhurt. In the eyes of the Matengo, it demonstrated that Christianity had power over witchdoctors. Many started appreciating Christianity and disregarding traditional medicine men.686

Unlike the surrounding areas of Umatengo which included Ungoni and Unyasa which were predominantly Christian, the Matengo Highlands was predominated with paganism. The theory says that, Christianity worked better in areas where paganism is predominant.687 Throughout the history of Christianity in southwestern Tanzania there has been a constant complaint among the Benedictine missionaries accusing the

Matengo being very conservatives to accept new religion and education.688 After

World War II the Benedictines expansion in Ungoni and Unyasa seized because of presence of Islam in Undendeule and presence of UMCA in Unyasa area. The only area for further expansion was in the Matengo Highlands. According to Abbot

Lambert Doerr the Matengo people were receptive and generous to live with compared to Ngoni.689 That explains why from 1949 to 1968 six mission stations were established in the Matengo Highlands which now appeared to be a buffer zone

685 Kamati, :42, 686 Fr. Josephat Malunda parish priest and Vicar General Mbinga Diocese interviewed. Cf Jimbo Katoliki Mbinga, Ustawi wa Injili Jimbo la Mbinga Kuelekea Mwaka 2000, Printed by Peramiho Printing Press, 1997:40. Fr. Gregory Mwageni research on ―Uchawi na Majini ― at Mkumbi Parish in 1950s. 687 TNA, AB 7File No 1733, Annual Report1920-21 688 Doerr, :30, 32, 33, 74, 80, 86, 104, 116, 149, 689 Ibid. interviewed at Peramiho 2013. The funny thing is that these are the same people who Doerr is claiming conservatism in accepting new religion. 260

between UMCA along Lake Nyasa and a predominant RC Ungoni. 690 But Fr.

T.Ndunguru has the feelings that the ignorance of Matengo about their resources explains why the missionaries this time praised the Matengo people. 691 The missionaries capitalized on this ignorance of Matengo to open up mission station in all areas with abundance of resources and highlands with the best climate. Even the

British administration officer at Lipumba Sub-District described Matengo as peaceful, calm, industrious cultivators and law-abiding.692

Some Matengo were interested in securing employment at the mission centers.

Several job opportunities were available in the mission centers in the form of household work, cooking, cleanliness and gardening and in the workshops. Due to transport problem between one mission and another, head portage was so common.

The Matengo Highlands has a unique terrain which is mountainous with series of range of ridges demarcated by river valleys. This physical feature required abundance of resources in financial, human and materials for construction of roads and bridges. These required resources were not forthcoming so that the use of head porters was the best option. Often than not, there were people from Litembo carrying with them luggage of potatoes and wheat to Peramiho, Kigonsera and Lituhi mission stations.693 Many others were engaged in teaching bush schools, and others served as catechists to undertake the spiritual instructions.694 The African catechists gained substantial significance in the Matengo Highlands for the following reasons. One, the area was so vast with very limited number of missionaries. In order to satisfactorily

690 Catholic Directory Taanzania, 2006, :145-146 691 Fr. T.Ndunguru, interviewed 692 TNA, AB. 78, Annual Report Lipumba Sub-District,1925 693 Masingi, Gerold, Nyang‘ali, Nkwenda, interviewed 2013 694Interviews, Ibid. 261

run the work of evangelization, the need for training of local catechists was so pressing.695 Secondly, when the White Fathers took over the evangelization of the

Matengo Highlands they perused an aggressive policy of recruiting catechumens without regard to the number of missionary personnel at their disposal. This situation again called for increase recruitment of catechists. In some cases he missionaries made use of the senior pupils to give instructions to the junior pupils.

Third reason is associated with the two world wars. After the World War I the

Benedictine Fathers in the Matengo Highlands were interned and finally deported hence creating serious shortage of missionary personnel.696 Furthermore, during the

World War II, the German missionaries stationed to the South of Lindi-Mbamba Bay road were removed living their mission stations Liparamba, Tingi and Nangombo without missionary personnel. This situation made it compelling to extensively make use of local catechists. Fourthly, during the outbreak of epidemics we have referred to in Table 4.7 above, the need to serve the souls was also so pressing in the area.

Catechists assumed control of the situation in the absence of European personnel.

Catechist Constantin Akitanda of Matiri, Petro Ndunguru of Litembo, Cassian

Homahoma Gama of Lituhi baptized many sick and near death people during the influenza epidemic of 1918-1919.697 These catechists went further to disregarding the command of the British government who had imposed a travel ban in order to be able to minister to the sick and dying. 698 In order to secure employment in the mission station it was obligatory one should be a Christians. It is therefore plausible

695 Parishes organized training programmes for the local catechists. 696 Doerr, cf. Kamati :66 697 CKO 1923/7,10 698 Kamati, :74 cf. Doerr, :85 262

to conclude that job seekers were mainly interested in getting jobs rather than commitment to Christianity itself.

In 1926 the British colonial government erected a council at Mahenge in Umatengo to cater for the administration of the entire Umatengo area in line with the indirect rule policy which inter alia required the creation of Native Administrative

Authorities. Makita Kipwele a sub-chief of Myangayanga council, Mathias Kawanila a sub-chief of Litembo council and Markus Howahowa were given legal and administrative training on British system of government at the Mahenge Baraza.699

Yohannes Krisostom Makita and Dominikus were appointed secretaries to the

Mahenge council on account that they had already acquired considerable amount of mission formal education.700 There were also a number of literate tax collectors who assisted tax collection in areas far distant from the Matengo courts. Tax centers had been set up at Lipinda for Langiro court, at Gumbo and Hanga for Myangayanga court and another clerk should also visit Litembo mission and Kipapa plantation at various times for the purpose of collecting tax.701 According to the report of Native

Treasury of Matengo-Nyasa of 1937 and 1941, the recurrent expenditure incurred on wage bill was used as personal emoluments to the chiefs, headmen, advisor, clerks, messengers, foresters, tax collectors and tribal dressers.702 These were among the individuals who were able to secure jobs in the Matengo Native Authority.

699 Fr. Egno Ndunguru op. cit. :22 cf. TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Book 700 TNA, Acc 155. SDB 701TNA, Ibid. 702 TNA, Acc. 155/64/ Native Treasury Matengo-Nyasa, 1937-1941 263

When coffee was introduced in the Matengo Highlands the main pioneers were mainly Christians, political leaders, court elders and migrant labourers.703 Mpwata of

Mhagawa Asili, Makarius of Kipololo, Kakuli of Kingua, Limuka of Kindimba, and

Chrisostoms of Myangayanga were some of the Christian pioneers of coffee planting in the Matengo Highlands. 704 Most of them had been a product of the German government order of 1910 that the chiefs and the jumbes of the Matengo Highlands had to persuade parents to send their children to school. Several boys joined

Kindimba Roman Catholic elementary school where they learned elementary reading, arithmetic, writing and catechism. In 1913 they went to Kigonsera mission school to continue with studies and there they were converted to Christianity. From

1914 to 1916 they joined another school at Ugano where they completed their formal education.705 These pioneers with at least formal education formed cooperative union

– Matengo Native Cooperative Union (MANCU) which was registered on 10.9.1954 to facilitate production and marketing of their produce.706 Employment opportunities in the local authority, cooperative, tax collection required some formal education.

The situation in the colonial Matengo Highlands was that, all schools were mission schools until independence in 1961. For this reason young people had to join mission schools to get formal education which will serve as a springboard to employment.

Here the condition was one to join Christianity hence increasing the number of converts.

703 Haule, The Entrepreneurs, in Iliffe, Tanzanians, EAPH, 1973:163 704 Osmund M.Kapinga a retired long serving DC interviewed at Mbinga 2013. 705 Kapinga, op. cit. :81 706 Tanganyika Territory: Annual Report of Provincial Commissioners on Native Administration, Government Printer, 1956 264

4.9 Conclusion All through no indication that Matengo accepted Christianity because they had understood and appropriated the basics of Christianity. It is to the contrary, that the inducements provided by missionaries were basically the motive force for joining

Christianity. Furthermore, Christianity did not threaten the existence of traditional worship there was continuities in local religion. No fundamental contradiction between the two faiths. Missionaries thought to be clever over Matengo on the other hand Matengo thought to be clever by cheating missionaries. Utility to each side was relative, missionaries took land, minerals, game which to Matengo were useless; to them Wamatengo salt, sugar, mitumba and skills were valuable than land and minerals. The criteria the missionaries used to measure the success of Christianity were not reliable. Using the number of baptisms, marriages, growth of vocations and school attendants were in most cases inflated hence unreliable. Wamatengo kept on venerating their ancestors, traditional religion was still intact, polygamy and church un-solemnized marriages were still practiced by many baptized people. The people who benefited from missionary services were also those who lived close to the missionaries, while those in the distant outstations were least advantaged. There was a creation of center-periphery relation between the mission center and the outstations.

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CHAPTER FIVE TRANSITION FROM MISSIONARY TO AFRICAN OR LOCAL CHRISTIANITY 1950-1968

5.1 Introduction This chapter intended to investigate the reasons for the transition from mission

Christianity in theMatengo Highlands to African local church. Specifically the analysis revolved around the changes of attitudes regarding missionary work in

Europe and America. There was also the contribution of the Second Vatican Council of 1962 to 1965 which was urging for indigenization of the church. The relation between the processes of decolonization with transition from missionary Christianity was another area constituting the object of investigation. The motive was to establish whether there was some influence exerted by one variable on the other variable. The forms of transition and how the Wamatengo appropriated them was another subject of investigation. The overall purpose was to evaluate how this transition in

Christianity impacted upon the socio-economic development of the Matengo people.

5.2 Things that Entailed Transition from Mission Christianity to Local Church After the World War II Christianity in the Matengo Highlands had started to experience changes in form and content towards local church. The transition entailed a shift from mission church to indigenous or local church. Some scholars refer to the local church as folk Christianities whereby Catholics introduced Lourdes grottoes and Fatima shrines;707 the Anglicans introduced village Christianity; the Methodists

707R i c h a r d Gray, Christianity, in Andrew D. Roberts, (ed.) The Colonial Moment in Africa: Essays on the movement of minds and materials 1900—1940 Africa, Cambridge Univesity Press,2003:168 266

introduced Revival camps.708 The local church was to shift the area of focus from that of evangelist approach of working in extensive manner, baptizing and converting, building networks of bush schools, middle schools and catechistical schools and encouraging converts to abandon their old beliefs. Instead the mission stations whose main task was to evangelize for expansion or quantitative growth they were tuned to embark on pastoral work organized and implemented by regular parishes with the major objective of strengthening and deepening faith.709 Also a shift from a mission church manned by European personnel to indigenous church manned by African personnel, self-supporting and self-propagated church. It also involved the change in the liturgy by including African language, dressing, music and melody.710

The structure of the church buildings also changed from Romanesque rectangular- shaped character churches with long nave to roundish-shaped or cruciform buildings where the Christians from all sides will have easier eye-contact with the altar. These structures can be witnessed at the Bishop‘s Church of Songea, and the new churches of Chipole, Nakahuga, Maguu, Mpandangindo and Kitura. 711 The transition also involved the quest for decolonization of the church so as to bring independence to the running of church as it was the case in the political sphere. The context of the transition from Missionary Christianity to African Christianity or local church in the

Matengo Highlands and its timing needs to be historicized. This historicization will

708 Terence Ranger, Religion in Africa: a series of three lectures, OCMS, 2005:16 709 Adrian Hastings, Church and Mission in Modern Africa, Fordham University Press, New York 10458, 1967:34-37, cf. Roland Oliver, The Missionary Factor in East Africa, Longmans, London, 1965:288-292 710 Kamati 1998:97 711 Lucius Marquart, ‗Peramiho: Benedictine Mission to African Local Church 1953 to 1998‘, in Lambert Doerr, (ed.), Peramiho 1898-1998: In the Service of the Missionary Church , volume 2, BPNP, 1998:58 267

involve examining factors for transition, forces involved from international level down to the local level and how did this transition affect the transformation of the

Matengo social formation.712

Vuguvugu la Siasa lilileta changamotomoja kubwa la kuwafanya viongozi wa kanisa yaani wamisionariwa jimbo la Peramiho waanze polepole kufikiria kutoa madaraka ya ngazi ya juu kwa mapadre wazalendo.713 The process of political independence made the European missionaries in the

Diocese of Peramiho started to feel a state of insecurity. The fears which missionaries showed proved to be unfounded. Instead there was rich relationship between missionaries and the new independent government.714 Even in theMatengo

Highlands there was no fundamental contradiction between the independent government and the missionaries.715

5.3 Mission Christianity The meaning of the word ‗mission‘ in an expansionist sense is of recent origin. The only Gospel that refers explicitly to mission is John‘s, which speaks of the sending of the Son by the Father and the sending of the Holy Spirit. In biblical theology, therefore, the word ‗mission‘ primarily connotes communication between God and the world and communication within the Trinity. 716 The word "mission" was historically often applied to the building, the "mission station" in which the

712 Kamati, op. cit. 1998:89 713 Kamati, 1998:89 & 91 714TNA Acc. 155 TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39, 1964 & 1965, TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39/vol. II, District Council Development Project. In Mbinga district the parish priest was a member of the District Development Committee. 715TNA ibid. 716 A missionary of 19th century was not different from other colonial agents. 268

missionary lives or works. In some colonies, these mission stations became a focus of settlement of displaced or formerly people.717

Missionary is a member of a religious group sent into an area to do evangelism or ministries of service, such as education, literacy, social justice, health care and economic development. The word "mission" originates from 1598 when the Jesuits sent members abroad, derived from the Latin missionem, meaning "act of sending" or mittere, meaning "to send".

However, it is not the missionary who brings God to those who do not know him.

God is already there, working in mysterious ways. The missionary‘s task is to discover and reveal God among them.718 This understanding derives from the early

Christian belief in the universal presence of the divine Logos. The technical meaning of mission as it is known now dates back to 16th century Jesuit mission, when mission was equated with territory. ‗Going into the mission field‘ meant going abroad to serve the church in a foreign country. In contemporary terms, however, missiologists regard mission as demonstrating the universal relevance of their own message.

5.4 Mission Christianity in African Context Christian mission is "an organized effort for the propagation of the Christian faith."

Mission often involves sending individuals and groups, called "missionaries", to foreign countries and to places in their homeland for the purpose of proselytism

(conversion to Christianity, or from one Christian tradition to another). This involves evangelism (preaching a set of beliefs for the purpose of conversion), and

717 Wikipedia the Free Encyclopedia 718 Healey, 1981 269

humanitarian work, especially among the poor and disadvantaged. There are a few different kinds of mission trips: short-term, long-term, and relational and ones meant simply for helping people in need. Some might choose to dedicate their whole lives to missions as well. Missionaries have the authority to preach the Christian faith (and sometimes to administer sacraments), and provide humanitarian work to improve economic development, literacy, education, health care, and orphanages. Christian doctrines (such as the "Doctrine of Love" professed by many missions) permit the provision of aid without requiring religious conversion.

The first category, Mission Christianity, represents those churches established by

Christian missionary agencies from Europe and America in Africa during the 18th and 19th centuries. Usually, these churches came with the advent of European colonialism, although there are some exceptions, for example, in Nigeria, where the first contacts between the indigenous peoples and European missionaries was in the

16th century when Portuguese Catholic priests visited the Kingdoms of Bini (1485-

1707) and Warri (1574-1807).

There are some discernible features of missionary Christianity in Africa. Although it came in varied denominational incarnations, they all carried with them, Euro-

American formalized theology, liturgy and method. Furthermore, because missionary

Christianity came with the baggage of Euro-American culture, the feeling of superiority by the missionaries inadvertently caused them to demonize indigenous cultures and everything African. The missionaries viewed Africans as ‗savages‘ who needed western/missionary intervention in overcoming their ‗barbaric stage‘ of development and access ‗civilized stage‘ which the missionaries represented. Much

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of the agenda of missionary Christianity was to eradicate African cultures and replace them with Euro-American ways of living. This is not just true with material aspects of culture but also with non-material aspects such as names, drinks, organizational systems and dress codes.

Missionary Christianity is an importation from the West; it also had a leadership structure that was dominated by non-Africans. Foreign leadership of any organization is often perceived as authoritarian and exploitative. It was not long, therefore, before such sentiments were translated into action such as agitations for self-governance and self-determination by the local membership of some of these churches.

Because Africans were conceived of as ―uncivilized‖, one important defining social feature of missionary Christianity was, and still is, its immersion in social services: education and hospital works. Missionary Christianity provides significant strategies of social transformation through the construction of schools and health care facilities in many African cities and towns, thus creating a new cadre of educated African elites necessary to man the new bureaucracy of colonialism. While these projects introduced new forms of learning and knowledge, they further demonized and discredited African indigenous knowledge and medical traditions and systems. What counted as knowledge was the ‗Whiteman‘s ideas‘ and, in some places, there were legal strictures to stop the people from using indigenous medicines and participating in indigenous religious rituals.

Perhaps the most important image of missionary Christianity was, and still is, its identification with colonialism. It was perceived as a religion of ―the Whiteman‖

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which came with the cultural baggage of the Euro-Americans who did not separate the gospel message from western cultural practices and idiosyncrasies. Because colonialism was seen as unjust, oppressive and repressive, Christianity was as well perceived as an ally or collaborator in a system of unwarranted economic, cultural and political exploitation. Such perception not only bred resentment, it soon became one of the most important weaknesses of missionary Christianity. Colonialism was associated with the obnoxious trade in Africans as slaves; this was a basic contradiction in the integrity and sincerity of purpose of the gospel message the same group of White men and women claimed to bring.

5.5 Reasons for Transition from Mission Christianity to African Christianity 5.5.1 The International Situation – Religious Revivalism By the 1870s Protestant missions around the world generally acknowledged the long- term material goal was the formation of independent, self-governing, self-supporting, self-propagating churches. The rise of nationalism in the Third World provoked challenges from critics who complained that the missionaries were teaching Western ways, and ignoring the indigenous culture. The Boxer Rebellion in China in 1898 involved very large scale attacks on Christian missions and their converts. The First

World War diverted resources, and pulled most Germans out of missionary work when that country lost its empire. The worldwide Great Depression of the 1930s was a major blow to funding mission activities.719 The priority of Germans was no longer to support missionary work. This impact was strongly felt in theMatengo Highlands when the funds from Germany were no more forthcoming.720

719 Erwin Fahlbusch, ed. The Encyclopedia of Christianity (1999) 1:301, 416-7 720 Doerr op. cit. 1998:169 272

5.5.2 Nazism and Fascism Fascism describes certain related political regimes in 20th-century Europe, especially the Nazi Germany of Hitler, the Fascist Italy of Mussolini and the falangist Spain of

Franco. About Italian Fascism Pope Pius XI is said to have been moderately skeptic and G. K. Chesterton friendly but critical. Nazi ideology was spearheaded by

Heinrich Himmler and the SS. In the struggle for total control over German minds and bodies, the SS developed an anti-religious agenda. No Catholic or Protestant chaplains were allowed in its units (although they were allowed in the regular army).

Himmler established a special unit to identify and eliminate Catholic influences. The

SS decided the German Catholic Church was a serious threat to its hegemony and while it was too strong to be abolished it was partly stripped of its influence, for example by closing its youth clubs and publications.

After the Second World War which began in September 1939, the Church condemned the invasion of Poland and subsequent 1940 Nazi invasions. In the

Holocaust, Pope Pius XII directed the Church hierarchy to help protect Jews from the

Nazis. While Pius XII has been credited with helping to save hundreds of thousands of Jews the Church has also been falsely accused of encouraging anti-SemitismAlbert

Einstein, addressing the Catholic Church's role during the Holocaust, said the following: "Being a lover of freedom, when the revolution came in Germany, I looked to the universities to defend it, knowing that they had always boasted of their devotion to the cause of truth; but, no, the universities immediately were silenced.

Then I looked to the great editors of the newspapers whose flaming editorials in days gone by had proclaimed their love of freedom; but they, like the universities, were silenced in a few short weeks. The Catholic Church was in opposition to Nazism as

273

well as other ideologies like Communism, because these ideologies were deemed incompatible with Christian morals. Most Catholics and their bishops also expected their priests to promote the Centre Party's interests. In addition, the majority of

Catholic-sponsored newspapers also supported the Centre Party over the National

Socialist Party. The church faced opposition from the fascist regimes of Hitler and

Mussolini in Europe and sometimes the missionaries were recalled home for war mobilization hence causing shortage of personnel in Africa.

5.5.3 Second World War After World War II the Catholics in the zone occupied by the Soviet army found themselves under a militantly atheist government. Many parishes were cut off from their dioceses in the western part of Germany. Modern society is changing old structures. Exclusively Catholic environments are disintegrating, even in traditional areas like the Bundesländ Bavaria where the Catholic majority was lost in the capital city of Munich. The number of Catholics who attend Sunday mass has decreased.

One of the biggest challenges facing the church is to retain the registered, tax-paying members (regardless of how often they attend services) to fund parishes and church agencies, especially its international relief organizations like Adveniat. German

Roman Catholics, however, are divided over the issue of a compulsory Church tax.

The European economies collapsed as the World War II raged. The war disrupted life in Europe and left huge numbers dead or maimed. Personal suffering and starvation was widespread.721 The European nations had to accept American Marshall Plan for reconstruction that extended loans to European nation to assist them in revamping

721 Norbert Brockman, S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J. (5th print) A History of the Catholic Church Paulines Publications Africa,2010:193 274

their economies. 722 These loans were with many strings attached including decolonization of their colonies. Missionaries in various African countries started contemplating about their future in Africa in the absence of colonial powers. This condition was aimed at allowing American capital and investments to penetrate in

African colonies. The European powers had no choice except to prepare a neo- colonial strategy in their colonies. This policy had effects on the missionary position in Africa considering the close relation that existed between the European missionaries and the colonial administration. Missionaries were in a way forced to start thinking about preparing local personnel to take over the administration of the church.

5.5.4 The Second Vatican Council Pope John XXIII took over office the Holy See after the death of his predecessor

Pope Pius XII 1958. He announced the convening of the Second Vatican Council to deal with restating the church‘s ancient faith in new ways to the modern world. The

Catholic Church engaged in a comprehensive process of reform following the Second

Vatican Council (1962–65). Among other things, Second Vatican Council fostered the development of local clergy and the indigenization of hierarchies; and opening the door to co-operation between Catholic, Protestant and Orthodox Christians. The choice of bishops which was largely in the hands of missionary societies was now vested in the powers of the Pope. By contrast to the missionaries, religious and priestly vocations grew in the young churches including the foundation of local communities. After long years of colonialism the Council also allowed the indigenous liturgies to develop. The liturgy incorporated the invocation of the

722 Ibid. 193 275

ancestors, communal dance and tribal symbols and dress. Music using local instruments proved particularly important for liturgical inculturation.723 In the final analysis the Second Vatican Council accelerated the transition from missionary

Christianity to local indigenous church.

Changes to old rites and ceremonies following Vatican II produced a variety of responses. Some stopped going to church, while others tried to preserve the old liturgy with the help of sympathetic priests. These formed the basis of today's

Traditionalist Catholic groups, which believe that the reforms of Vatican II have gone too far. Liberal Catholics form another dissenting group who feel that the

Vatican II reforms did not go far enough. The liberal views of theologians such as

Hans Küng and Charles Curran, led to Church withdrawal of their authorization to teach as Catholics. According to Professor Thomas Bokenkotter, most Catholics

"accepted the changes more or less gracefully. In 2007, Benedict XVI eased permission for the optional old Mass to be celebrated upon request by the faithful.

In the 1960s, growing social awareness and politicization in the Latin American

Church gave birth to liberation theology. The Peruvian priest, Gustavo Gutiérrez, became it primary proponent and, in 1979, the bishops' conference in Mexico officially declared the Latin American Church's "preferential option for the poor.

Both Pope John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI (as Cardinal Ratzinger) denounced the movement. Liberation theology scared the missionaries and leaders of the church.

They were thinking that such movement can spread to Africa and pose a threat to missionaries.

723Norbert Brockman, S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J. (5th print), op.cit. 200 276

5.5.5 Secularization Process in Europe and America Characteristic of Christianity in the 19th century were Evangelical revivals in some largely Protestant countries and later the effects of modern scientific theories such as

Darwinism on the churches. In Europe there was a general move away from religious observance and belief in Christian teachings and a move towards secularism. The

"secularization of society", attributed to the Age of Enlightenment and its following years, is largely responsible for the spread of secularism. Secularization was rapidly growing in Europe brought about by the growth of science and resultant loss of religious certainties. 724 Cox a scholar on religion and development describes the secularization as a process in which human beings digress from the "beyond-world" in order to turn towards the "present-world". Secularization indicates the changing process from a sacred to a more profane worldview, in which the mysterious, reverence and awe attitudes have to give way to the commonplace, mundane and ordinary aspects of life. 725 Economic development, functional and structural differentiation, urbanization, science, technology, industrialization and rising education are said to weaken religion. 726 The number of church goers especially among the youth was drastically dropped. Only the old people were the main group of church goers.727

724 Erich Kolig, Modernisation without Secularisation? Civil Pluralism, Democratisation, and Re- Islamisation in Indonesia, in New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies 3, 2 (December, 2001): 17-41 725 Kibreab Wolde-Mikael, The interrelation of modernisation and religion in western countries, Term Paper Intercultural Communication 1 , Medien / Kommunikation - Interkulturelle Kommunikation, 2004 726Thorleif Pettersson, Church Oriented Religion as a Factor for Global Development: Eroded by human well-being and supported by cultural diversity, but still kicking and alive? Paper presented at the Conference on Religion and Development, Centre for International Cooperation, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, the Netherlands, June 14 – 16, 2007 727 Fr. Timoth Ndunguru Kigonsera Parish Priest interviewed 2013 at Kigonsera. 277

The events in Europe had impact on the decline missionary work in Africa and

Matengo Highlands in particular. The increase in modernization reduced the number of youth who joined vocations in the mission congregations in Europe and

America. 728 Consequently, the number of mission personnel going to Africa dwindled and therefore some mission stations did not have priests to perform the spiritual work. In such situation the need to hand over the mission stations to local personnel was now pressing. The decline of the church goers meant reduction in income. For instance in Germany the state deducted tax from the church goers among the Lutherans and the Catholics to use it for church matters. With their number declining, the income from church tax also dropped. The drop in income from tax meant shortage of funds to be spent on church matters including sending money to

African missions.729 This challenge to the missionary Christianity called for effort to introduce self-reliance in the church financially and human resource by recruiting

African clergy to take over the leadership of the local church.

5.5.6 Communism and Cold War Christianity found itself locked in conflict with growing communism and Cold War after the end of World War II. While in the West the dilapidated church underwent reconstruction, in the East the communist regimes persecuted Christian churches, churches were confiscated, their bishops imprisoned, tortured, expatriate missionary priest were expelled.730 The church experienced serious setback in East Europe as a result of the communism and cold war existing between the western bloc and eastern

728Norbert Brockman, S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J. (5th print), op.cit. 200 729 Roland Oliver, op.cit. 243-5 730Norbert Brockman, S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J. (5th print) op.cit. 194-5 278

bloc. To some extent this setback impacted upon the activities in other areas where missionaries were working particularly in Africa.

During Nazism the position of Christians affected by Nazism is highly complex.

Regarding the matter, historian Derek Holmes wrote, "There is no doubt that the

Catholic districts resisted the lure of National Socialism [Nazism] far better than the

Protestant ones." Pope Pius XI declared - Mit brennender Sorge - that Fascist governments had hidden "pagan intentions" and expressed the irreconcilability of the

Catholic position and Totalitarian Fascist State Worship, which placed the nation above God and fundamental human rights and dignity. His declaration that

"Spiritually, [Christians] are all Semites" prompted the Nazis to give him the title

"Chief Rabbi of the Christian World."

Catholic priests were executed in concentration camps alongside Jews; for example,

2,600 Catholic Priests were imprisoned in Dachau, and 2,000 of them were executed.

A further 2,700 Polish priests were executed (a quarter of all Polish priests), and

5,350 Polish nuns were displaced, imprisoned, or executed. Many Catholic laymen and clergy played notable roles in sheltering Jews during the Holocaust, including

Pope Pius XII (1876–1958). The head rabbi of Rome became a Catholic in 1945 and, in honour of the actions the Pope undertook to save Jewish lives, he took the name

Eugenio (the Pope's first name). A former Israeli consul in Italy claimed: "The

Catholic Church saved more Jewish lives during the war than all the other churches, religious institutions, and rescue organisations put together."

279

The relationship between Nazism and Protestantism, especially the German Lutheran

Church, was complex. Though many -Protestant church leaders in Germany supported the Nazis' growing anti-Jewish activities, some, such as Dietrich

Bonhoeffer (a Lutheran pastor) were strongly opposed to the Nazis. Bonhoeffer was later found guilty in the conspiracy to assassinate Hitler and executed.

5.6 Reasons for Transition from African Context 5.6.1 The Second Vatican Council Vatican II also encouraged the development of local ecclesiastical leadership, precisely at the time when African nations were asserting their independence from colonial domination and developing local leadership. By the close of the 19th century, new technologies and superior weaponry had allowed European powers to gain control of most of the African interior. The new rulers introduced a cash economy which required African people to become literate and so created a great demand for schools. At the time, the only possibility open to Africans for a western education was through Christian missionaries. Catholic missionaries followed colonial governments into Africa and built schools, monasteries, and churches. This rapid occupation of sub-Saharan Africa by virtually independent, and sometimes rival,

Catholic missionary societies created problems of co-ordination and control for the

Vatican, even though the missionaries were among its most trusted supporters.731

In 1966 Hastings called for the need to make assessment of church work, especially mission work. This assessment is important because by then African church was facing crisis of reorientation being hit by hurricane of social and political revolution

731 Andrew Roberts, (ed.), The Colonial Moment in Africa,Cambridge University Press, 2003:160 280

of Africa, rapidly church expansion and the revolution of the universal church represented by the Vatican Council.732

5.6.2 African Church Facing Crisis With the exception of North Africa, Egypt and Ethiopia most of Africa was effectively evangelized less than two hundred years ago. Outside North Africa and the Nile valley, Christianity had arrived in Africa in partnership with European colonialism.733 Christianity has grown very fast, so that while in 1900 Christians constituted only 9.21% of the population, by 1950 they had grown to 24.79% and in year 2000 they are estimated to be 46.59% and the major religious belief on the continent. Christianity, though divided, is the fastest growing religion in Africa. With few exceptions Southern, Central and Eastern African countries have a Christian majority. Some countries, though strongly Christian, have an almost equally strong

Muslim presence, examples being Nigeria, Tanzania, Liberia and Cameroon. In the

Christian majority countries there are some where the Catholic church is the big stake holder like Tanzania, Uganda, Togo, Cameroon, RD Congo, Rwanda Burundi etc. and in others especially the English colonies Catholicism is a minority like South

Africa, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Ethiopia and Zambia.

5.6.3 Popes’ Attitude to Local Church in Africa From the end of First World War the popes and the Propaganda Fide wanted to propagate Catholic faith and educate indigenous clergy to prepare them for taking up leadership of the church.734 There was a pressing need to rethink on how to conduct

732 Adrian Hastings, Church and Mission in Modern Africa, Fordham University Press, 1967:13 733 GHA VII p.139 734 Sunkler, op. cit. 609 281

themselves especially in Africa. There was the directive role of the Popes and the

Propaganda Fide. The `Missionary Popes', Benedict XV and Pius XI, responded magnificently to the challenge of the new era. In 1919 Benedict published the encyclical Maximum Illud which emphasized the necessity of propagating the

Catholic faith to all and the need for an educated indigenous clergy prepared to take over the leadership of the Churches in their respective countries.735 Seven years later,

Pius XI, the `Missionary Pope' par pre ÂfeÂrence, issued his Rerum Ecclesiae which can be seen as a reinforcement of Maximum Illud. Indigenous clergy were to be given precedence while the Western missionary was to take an auxiliary position. While

Pius XI emphasized indigenization, he also exhorted `every religious order to engage in missionary work, with the result that he saw the number of missionaries doubled in his reign'.736 Pope Pius XI also undertook to send supervising Apostolic Delegates to

South Africa (1922), British Africa (1928), Belgian Congo (1930) and French Africa in 1948. This new evangelizing impulse from Pope Pius XI inspired the missionaries to expand to all corners of Africa.737 It was the wish of the Popes and Propaganda

Fide to prepare Africans to take up the leadership of the church in Africa. It was thought that the black church will convert Africa while the church of missionaries was in transitory stage.738

The dramatic theme of the 1950s was to be a resolute preparation of the African clergy and an African hierarchy. There was dramatic transformation in village life through schools, middle schools, boarding schools seminaries, new culture and

735 Ibid. 736 John Baun, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, (2nd ed),Paulines Publications Africa, 2009:365 737 Bengt Sundkler and Christopher Steed, A History of the Church in Africa, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, United Kingdom, 2004:627 738 Zulu Observer, 4 March, 1988. 282

community life. Scholarships were granted to African priests who were sent to USA and Europe for further studies. Two decades after the Second World War the number of major seminaries rose from five in 1920 to 33 in 1960 while some 12,000 students were in minor seminaries. The number of African priests rose from 50 to 2,000, half of them ordained in the 1950s.739 An effective bond between Rome and Africa was established through the twentieth-century institution of `Apostolic Delegates', i.e., papal envoys to the Churches with a supervising function. The 1950s saw a fundamental change in canonic law, of immense importance for the Church in Africa and its future. This change meant the ending of traditional ius commissionis by which, until then, mission territories had been entrusted to missionary societies. From then on they were commissioned to hierarchies in Africa and were soon, as we shall see, entrusted to African archbishops.740

5.6.4 Decolonization of Africa and Transition to Local Church The Church establishments were thus part of the colonial structures that African independence movements were trying to decolonize and the search for nationalist ideology. Most of the leaders were products of Western education, but they were nonetheless most conscious of the extent to which their education had involved a degree of mental colonization, enforced subordination to Western ideas, and alienation from the roots of African culture.741 One of the important changes of postwar era was the liquidation of colonial imperialism and with it began the shift from missionary Christianity to indigenous churches. Territorial hierarchies were already in place throughout much of the colonial world under Pope Pius XII, who accelerated

739Baun op.cit. 367 740Sundkler, op.cit. 632 741 General History of Africa, vol.VII 283

the appointment of indigenous bishops. It was not by accident that when each new country in Africa achieved independence, a national hierarchy was established, normally headed by native archbishop. While Pope Pius XII named the Asian cardinals, Pope JohnXXIII appointed Laurean Rugambwa of Tanzania the first cardinal from Africa. Under Pope John Paul VI cardinals from young churches became numerous.742

Thus, decolonization had to begin with the Church, not only to transform its structures and replace European leadership with African, but also to seek indigenization of its form and content without losing the essence of Christian values.

This task of indigenizing the Christian Church was tackled by both Catholics and

Protestants, but it was widely recognized that the issues involved went beyond the question of control, content and form of the Christian churches. It concerned the whole development strategy, Nkrumah's search for an ideology of social transformation, the adaptation of Western science and technology, the search for an

African philosophy, and a definition of the identity of the African in the modern world.743

The decolonization of the church in Africa was not a simple and automatic process because of the existence of contradictions between missionaries and the Africans.

One of the most influential documents on the question of the indigenization of the

Church was the collective work of African leaders of the Catholic Church published in 1956 and setting out the various issues involved: Des prêtres noirs s'interrogent

(Black priests ask themselves questions).

742Norbert Brockman, S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J. (5th print) op.cit. 200 743 General History of Africa, vol.VII op.cit. 284

Diop used the journal Présence Africaine to conduct a lively debate on African religious thought, and specifically even theological research. AtRome in 1959, a sub- committee of African theologians and philosophers was established. In 1962, at the time of the Second Vatican Congress, Alioune Diop canvassed the opinion of African

Christian intellectuals and, in 1963, published a special issue of the journal on the work of the Vatican Congress entitled Personnalité africaine et catholicisme. Diop was also the moving spirit in the three international symposia, in Abidjan in 1961 on

'Religions in Africa' in general, in 1970 in Cotonou on 'African Religions as a Source of Values of Civilization.' and in Abidjan in September 1977 on 'The Catholic

Church Festival and Black Civilization'.744 While Africans wanted more authority over the control of the church, which is presented as a local initiative in church leadership; missionaries on the other hand wanted to retain their superior in the church hierarchy.745 The Vatican on the other hand used to control Roman Catholic through appointing the superiors, providing financial support, monitor mission activities through Apostolic Deligates and urged for rapid indigenization of the

Church. What is happening here is the same as neo-colonial solution advocated by the colonialists.746 That can be explained as that, indigenous church was detached from colonialism of missionaries to colonialism of Vatican. The indigenous leadership was to be used to cater for the interests of the Holy See at Vatican.

The ultimate check on the powers of the missionary societies depended, however, on the emergence of an African priesthood from which eventually could be recruited

African hierarchies in direct relation with Rome. From its creation in the seventeenth century, Propaganda had insisted on the paramount need for an indigenous clergy

744 General History of Africa, vol.VII 745 Andrew Roberts 746 Adrian Hastings, op.cit. 285

which, following the Council of Trent, had to conform to universal standards of training and discipline. This charge was solemnly given absolute priority in Benedict

XV's Maximum Mud (November 1919). It was reiterated in a circular letter dated

20th May 1923 sent from the prefect of Propaganda, Cardinal van Rossum, to every

Catholic missionary institute, and in Pius XI's Rerum Ecclesiae gestarum (28th

February 1926). At the same time Catholic missiology, as professed by Pierre

Charles at Louvain, was turning from J. Schmidlin's earlier emphasis at Munster on the saving of souls or the evangelisation of individuals.747

5.6.5 Colonial Governments After First World War the colonial governments were preoccupied with schools in their colonial possessions. African territories required personnel with reasonable education which has to be well organized. Governments offered money to the missionaries in the form of grants-in aids, but the governments insisted on supervision of the schools. Both Roman Catholic and Protestants rushed into the new work. Bush schools were transformed into government recognized primary schools, catechist training became Teachers Training Colleges and secondary schools came above primary schools. 748 The Apostolic Visitor addressing the conference of bishops at Dare-es-Salaam in 1928:

Collaborate with all your power; and where it is impossible for you to carry on both the immediate task of evangelization and educational work, neglect your churches in order to perfect your schools.749 The wave of construction of educational system with externally recognized standards from primary to university level led to a new pattern of mission work is beginning to

747 Roberts op.cit 748 Adrian Hastings, op. cit. :80 749Quoted in Roloand Oliver, The Missionary Factor in East Africa op.cit.275 286

show up. The cost of running education was growing and the mission orders were unable to provide enough trained staff. Many lay people who participated in teaching these institutions demanded high salaries which only the governments were able to afford.750 As a result at independence the new governments took over the schools from missionaries. Training centres for catechists were closed down, the earlier prestige of catechist was slowly lost, and people refrained from taking up the job which was poorly paid. Poor pay forced the catechist to work for himself and his catechist‘s activities suffered most.

The collapse of colonial regimes in Africa led to the achievement of political independence. This meant that the European colonization had come to an end; it meant the end of overseas rule and the end of nationalist struggle for independence.

The expectations remaining were now economic and mental liberation. Missionary who have always enjoyed the patron-ship of the colonial regimes found themselves unprotected hence contemplated to retreat to Europe.

5.7 Tanzania Situation The transition from missionary Christianity to African Christianity in Tanzania started showing signs in 1940s when revival movements started showing signs and manifesting itself as a critique to mission Christianity in Bukoba, Dodoma, Mara,

Rungwe, Mbeya, Mwanza and Shambaa. 751 These revival movements were advocating for the responsibility of the lay people in the running of church matters.

Some steps were underway towards African control of mission churches. The consecration of Rugambwa in 1952 was a clear sign of transition to African control

750 Hastings, 81-85 751 John Iliffe, op.cit. 364 287

of the church. This process accelerated as self-government neared. It is argued that

Roman Catholic had smooth transfer of power because priests were so well trained, partly because Tanganyika‘s dioceses were elements in the universal hierarchy.752

On the other hand the Protestants found the transition remarkably smooth partly because mission often lacked staff and money. The German missions had been weakened so much during the Second World War. During this period Moravian church in Rungwe and Lutheran work in Meru had almost entirely passed to under the African control.753 Nationals were given responsibility and leadership during this period of war because the number of missionaries and financial support drastically reduced in contradistinction to the phenomenal growth of Christianity.754

5.7.1 Decolonization Process Tanzania was engaged on nationalist movement from 1930s when peasants, workers, proletariat and petty bourgeoisie demanding different benefits which they were denied by colonial regime. This movement was articulated by the formation of political parties in 1950s such as All Muslim National Union of Tanganyika

(AMNUT) with very strong support of urban Muslims;755 United Tanganyika Party

(UTP) supported by Europeans, African chiefs, and some Indians; 756 Tanganyika

African Union (TANU) with strong support from peasants, workers, proletariat,

African elites and petty bourgeoisie.757 Of all the nationalist movements, TANU was the most popular across the country.

752 Ibid. 753 ibid. 754 Roland Oliver, op.cit. 178 755 John Iliffe, op. cit. 551 756Illffe,Ibid. 521 757Illffe,Ibid. 523 288

The mission Christian attitudes to growing nationalism were diverse. This was so because missions were extensively intertwined with the colonial state which paid ninth of tenth of their teachers‘ salaries. But there were cases where TANU suspected missionaries of obstructing the nationalist movement like it was the case in Songea,

Masasi, Dodoma and Ukaguru.758 On the other hand missionaries sympathized with the nationalists because missionary schools had produced these nationalists. Julius

Nyerere was a product of the Roman Catholics while Oscar Kambona was a son of

Anglican priest; Job Lusinde was a product of Anglican Church. At independence many high standard students opted to go into secular employment in the government where wages were five to ten times than that of the clergy.

Further to this relation in 1960 the missionaries controlled 70% places in the primary schools and 56% places in the secondary schools.759 In 1961the population of 71% of the children in Tanganyika were educated in the church owned schools from primary to secondary level. Only 29% of the student population in Tanganyika found their way into government schools.760 On the field of medical services, Roman Catholic

Church owned 52 hospitals and 198 dispensaries in 1959; the Lutheran Church operated 12 hospitals, 70 dispensaries and Nurses Training College at Bumbuli in

1963; the Anglican Church was operating 9 hospitals and several dispensaries the rest of the denominations operated one hospital each.761 This contributed much to the war against the three enemies of poverty, disease and ignorance which Nyerere and his TANU vowed to combat with all vigor.

758Illffe,Ibid. 546 759 Illffe, ibid. 364 760 Lloyd W. Swantz, Church, Mission and the State Relations in Pre and Post-Independence Tanzania(1955-1964) Occassional Paper 19 Maxiwell Graduate School, of Citizenship and Public Affairs, 1965:6 761 Ibid. 10 289

The church contributed much in national building during the maiden days of independence. For instance the clergy supported in civic and national affairs. The

Roman Catholic made series of publications on responsible citizenship and what people should expect from the state and vice versa. They also contributed to the refugee and relief services to the needy and the Christian Council of Tanganyika organized study groups to inform the population on their civic responsibilities and rights as independent citizens.762

The second and successful evangelization in the 19th century pioneered by three religious congregations, the Holy Ghost Fathers, the White Fathers and the

Benedictine Monks. The Holy Ghost Fathers, under the leadership of Fr. Antoine

Horner, were the first to arrive in Zanzibar in 1863 and crossed to Tanzania mainland, Bagamoyo in 1868 where they opened freed slaves' villages. In these villages they received and taught slaves freed by the British marines from the Arab slave traders. With the help of catechists trained in these villages, the missionaries evangelized northwards till the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro. The ex-slaves were the first catechists. The missionaries of Africa (White Fathers) led by, Fr. Livinhac, arrived in 1878 in two groups. One group started on the shores of Lake Tanganyika and the other on those of Lake Victoria. This mission to the great lakes evangelized all the West of Tanzania together with the neighboring countries of Rwanda,

Burundi, Uganda and East Zaire.

The Benedictine missionary Monks of St. Ottilien landed in Dar es Salaam in 1887.

From there they evangelized southward to Ruvuma River on the border with

762 Ibid. 12 290

Mozambique. Their two monasteries of Ndanda and Peramiho became centers of development and modern civilization in the South of Tanzania. After the First World

War, more missionary congregations and societies came in to help. The congregations that arrived at this time were: the Capuchins, Consolata, Passionists and the Pallotines. More missionaries came after the Second World War namely: the

Maryknolls, Rosminians and the Salvatorians. Propaganda Fide gave to each of these missionary groups a Diocese or two to evangelize.

The characteristics of the Three Main Evangelizers: During the period of struggle for independence though some individual missionaries and the local clergy participated, the official church maintained its neutrality.763 To a large extent the Catholic elite followed the church stand. Though the post-independence government had many

Moslems and some anti-missionary Marxist politicians, the fact that Julius Nyerere, a committed practicing Catholic headed the government assured the church. Nyerere even managed to calm the fears of the Bishops concerning the ruling party's

"Ujamaa" ideology (a blend of African Socialism). The Bishops suspected Ujamaa of

Communist elements. 764 The relations between the church and government were strained after the Arusha declaration in 1967. In the implementation of the

Declaration not only the big houses, factories and banks were nationalized but also in

1970 the church owned schools. The economic crisis of the late 1970s and 1980s weakened Ujamaa and the 1990s saw the introduction of multipartism and liberal economy. In spite of all the church's mistrust of Ujamaa, they concurred on the social policy towards the poor. This included free education and health services given by

763 Lucius Marquardt, in Lambert Doerr (ed.), volume 2, op. cit. 1998:29-30, The majority were European missionaries who were apparently worried about their future in independent Tanganyika. 764 J.K.Nyerere Adress to religious leaders 1967 291

the government. With the introduction of liberal economy, everybody has to pay for the services that one gets. The rich became richer while the poor became poorer and desperate. The government employees are poorly paid and corruption has increased.

Against this trend in 1993 the church issued two strong pastoral letters: "Ukweli utawapeni uhuru" (Truth will make you free); and "Dhamira Safi - Dira ya Taifa

Letu" (Good Conscience - Vision of our Nation). These two letters were well received by the people.

5.7.2 Second Vatican in Tanzania The Second Vatican Council brought a new life to the Tanzania church. Liturgical books were translated into Swahili and Mass hymns in Swahili were composed.

Drums and other traditional musical instruments were introduced in the liturgy. This increased the people's active participation in the liturgy. Lay people became more involved in the church activities. For effective pastoral work, the church introduced a system of Small Christian Communities. The Catholic families are divided into small

Christian Communities of 12 to 20 families each. These communities become the basic churches with leaders, liturgical services and a shared social life. Where these have succeeded, the church is healthy and alive with a strong lay participation in the church leadership. Nyerere's (the first president of Tanzania) political ideology of

Ujamaa (African Socialism) which was organized on similar lines facilitated the introduction of these basic communities. Now though Ujamaa ideology is declining, the Small Christian Communities are still strong.

During the thirty-five years from 1914 to 1949, while the missions have been declining, or at least ceasing to expand, the membership of the Church has increased

292

five-fold. The year 1955 churches were in great transitional period in organizational sense. The societies of missions 1875, British UMCA, French Holy Ghost Roman

Catholic 1868, Lutheran Berlin Mission Society 1887, Moravians German 1891,

German Benedictine Fathers, Swiss Capuchin Fathers, Italian Passionist Fathers,

Italian Consolata Fathers, White Fathers, German Bethel Mission Society and

German Leipzig Mission Society, found themselves redundant as the colonial regime was active in social service provision especially intervention in secondary and tertiary education.765 There was also lay participation in education system; a sector hitherto was controlled by missionaries.

5.7.3 Economic Transformation of Africans Many Africans have indulged in economic transformation especially agriculture.

Many societies have accepted cultivation of cash crops as means of getting income.

Coffee growing became a popular investment in Buhaya, Kilimanjaro, Umatengo,

Southern highlands, and Tarime. Cotton was important crop cultivated in the lake zone of Mwanza, Shinyanga, Mara and Tabora. Other cash crops cultivated in colonial Tanganyika included cashewnuts in southwestern Tanzania; tobacco in

Songea; tea and pyrethrum in Southern Highlands and livestock in Arusha, Mara,

Mwanza and Shinyanga. To profitably market their produce the farmers launched cooperative unions under their own leadership. Most of the farmers were Christians and therefore influenced the missionary enterprise.766

765 John Iliffe, op. cit. 355, 439, 444, government educational spending increased by 126 per cent in 1939-45. 766Iliffe, op.cit. 463-65 293

5.8 Transition to Local Church in the Matengo Highlands The players in the transition from mission Christianity to local Christianity were the colonial state, the missionaries and the Matengo society. Each of this group had a role to play according to their perception of transition or otherwise. The Matengo area was politically administered using indirect rule through the Matengo Native

Authority under a Bambo Mkulungu assisted by sub-chiefs of Litembo and Langiro barazas who were assisted by majumbe at the lower level.767 This administration did not have decisions of its own. This was an administration receiving orders from the

Songea District boma where the District Commissioner was the head. The District

Commissioner was answerable to the Provincial commissioner who was stationed at

Lindi.768 At the apex of the administration was the Governor who was housed at Dar- es-Salaam and who apparently was in charge of the whole Tanganyika Territory.769

The other player was the colonial state which represented the interest of the governor. It was administering all policies, rules and laws which were coming from the territorial administration in Dar-es-Salaam. It was responsible to carry over the economic, political and social policies. The other player was the missionaries who were also receiving instructions from their superiors who were stationed at their

Abbey Nullius at Peramiho under Abbot-Bishop. The Abbot-Bishop was answerable to their superior Archabbot of Benedictine Order at St. Ottilien in Germany.770 The

Congregation liaised with the Propaganda Fide at Vatican for final decisions regarding the running of the Roman Catholic Church.771

767 TNA, AB.56, Annual Report 1926 Mahenge Province, This Authority was gazetted in March 2nd 1926 as Matengo group together with Wanyasa, Wangoni – Mbonani and Wangoni Zulu constituting the Songea District 768 Songea District was removed from Mahenge Province and placed under Lindi Province to allow smooth running of its affairs. 769 The governor was the representative of the head of state in London. 770 The Benedictine Order Constitution of 1880 771 Vatican is the organ in the running and coordinating of the Catholic Church across the world. 294

This study set out to look at several areas regarding transition from mission

Christianity to local church. Starting with the perception of Matengo regarding transition an interview formed part of the method of understanding the whether the

Matengo understood the process of transition. The responses showed that the local

Matengo people were not aware of the difference in the two epochs. To the contrary it was a period of much consolidation of Christianity. The number of mission stations increased from 6 in1937 to 12 in 1968 as it is presented in Table 5.1 below. This means that for 50 years (1899 to 1949) Matengo Highlands had established only 6 mission stations. While for 17 years only (1949 to 1966) the same area was able to establish 6 mission stations. There are three historical phases in the establishment of mission stations in the Matengo Highlands. The first was from 1899 to 1914 which was essentially the formative phase with only 2 mission stations. During this period the Matengo people were still suspicious of the missionaries. This phase was interrupted by the outbreak of the First World War. The German missionaries were interned and ultimately deported hence creating a situation of orphan church in the hands of catechists and from 1922 the White Fathers held a brief in running the church in the Matengo Highlands. The White Fathers were not enough in number in numerical terms to run the church given the big numbers of catechumens in the

Matengo Highlands but also the geographical expansion of the area.

The second phase was that of 1926 to 1939 when the British government offered to allow the German missionaries to return to the Matengo Highlands. Despite its short period, the Benedictine missionaries were able to establish 4 mission stations as it is presented in Table 5.1 below. This progress again was interrupted by the outbreak of

295

Second World War in 1939. As it was during the World War1 the German missionaries once again were restricted to move around freely by the British government. Save for the personal amicable relationship of a Swiss-born Abbot

Gallus Steigler with the Songea District administration who was able to persuade the government authority to spare German Missionaries in the Matengo area. The government granted permission on condition that these missionaries should not hold superior positions in the mission stations. Furthermore, German missionaries were not allowed to be stationed in mission stations south of Lindi to Mbamba Bay road.

As a result the Liparamba and Tingi mission stations together with the Sisters‘

Convent at Liparamba which was running a Health Centre were temporarily closed down. Once again, missionary work in the Matengo Highlands experienced another setback.

The third phase in the Matengo Highlands was that of post-World War II era. This was a historical epoch which was characterized by increase in the establishment of mission stations as Table 5.1belowseems to present that 6 mission stations were found during this period. One striking feature of this phase was that one third of mission stations opened had local founding superiors. These were Fr. Venant Hunja the founding superior of Mkumbi mission in 1959 and Fr. Matthei Mapunda a founding superior of Mbangamao mission in 1966. There were also diocesan priests who were appointed to large mission stations as parish priests, for example Fathers

Christian Kapinga for Mbinga and Baltasar Soko for Litembo. 772 By the

772 Lucius Marquart, 0p.cit. 50 296

establishment of minor seminary at Kigonsera in 1938 it was an enough incentive to the youth around to join the vocation and consecrated priests in the end.773

Construction of smaller mission stations or parishes which would be manageable for

African priests who do not have outside resources as expatriate priests was emphasized by Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess of Abbey Nullius of Peramiho.774 To this effect, a number of small scale mission stations were built at Mpapa and

Lundumato. If both Europeans and African priests were for Christianity, why outside resources were only available to expatriate priests only? Besides, a number of priests;

Christian Kapinga and Daniel Mbunda from the Matengo Highlands, were sent to

Europe and United States of America for further training in order to prepare them take up posts manned by European missionaries.

Table 5.1: Mission Station in the Matengo Highlands (1899-1968) NU S/ MISSIO YE FOUNDING NATION MB N NS AR SUPERIOR ALITY ER 1 KIGONS 1899 1 Fr. Innozenz Hendle German ERA 2 LITEMB 1914 1 Fr. Ludger Briedl German O 3 LIPARA 1927 1 Fr. Heribert Meyer Swiss MBA 4 MBINGA 1935 1 Fr. Innozenz Muller German 5 TINGI 1937 2 Fr. Werner Brodhun German 6 MATIRI Fr. Rainald Braun German 7 MAGUU 1949 1 Fr. Joseph Damm German

773 Wamisionari Mashujaa Padre Severin Hofbauer OSB na Padre Joseph Damm, BPNP, 1998:32 774 Abbo-Bishop Eberhard Spiess, in Peramiho 1898-1998, vol. 2, 1998:50 297

8 MPAPA 1953 1 Fr. Adelgott Ruckli Swiss 9 LUNDU 1959 2 Fr. Aidan Krapf Swiss MATO 10 MKUMBI Fr. Venant Hunja Tanzanian 11 MBANG 1966 2 Fr. Matthei Mapunda Tanzanian 12 AMAO Fr. Michael Heinlein German/A MIKALA merican NGA 13 TOTAL 1968 12 12 3 Nations of origin Source: Abbey of Peramiho Archives - Parish Records

The numbers of Christians were increasing steadily as it is presented in Table 5.2 below. The number doubled between 1945 and 1968. This is partly because the

Matengo had accepted and internalized the new Eurocentric based culture given the advantages they accrued economically and socially. 775 In view of the above, the establishment of missionary stations was part of inducing the local population into

Christianity. It has to be taken into account that the numbers were based on the parish baptismal records and registers. That is why the column in Table5.2 below shows how baptisms form the life line of the expansion of Christianity. However, looking at criterion of baptism as indication for the expansion of Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands cannot communicate the clear and objective reality. One reason to support this argument is that during this period most of the baptisms were to the infants who did not understand what Catholic faith really meant. For this reason Christianity was showing quantitative expansion rather than qualitative expansion.

775 E.Mihanjo, Impact of Christianity on Population…, 2000, 56 298

This quantitative expansion of Christianity called for more personnel to cater for the growing numbers. Missionaries were however, not enough anymore because there was lack of new missionary personnel coming to the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho.776

In Europe and America there was rapid decrease in vocation among the young people. Partly because during this period was strongly affected by secularization process in Europe and America due to the growth of so-called modernization, urbanization, science and technology. The number of church goers among the youth declined drastically leaving only the old church goers. The other reason for shortage of mission personnel was due to the loss of manpower during the Second World War.

Some German missionary were mobilized for the war and others were repatriated by the British authorities suspected of supporting war mobilization for Germany leaving back vacant mission stations.777 Furthermore, the missionary authorities at Peramiho found the other missionaries had become older to perform their duties effectively.

For these reasons and others the Abbot-Bishop could not help except prepare transition to local church hierarchy which would be able to mobilize human resources for the church within the changing times and the people.778

776Lucius op.cit. 777 Abbey of Peramiho Archives (APA), File ‗Evacuation‘, November 1948, All mission stations in the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho south of Lindi to Mbamba Bay road were not allowed to have German missionaries or else they were under travel restriction within Songea District. There was also a plan to repatriate them to Germany 778 Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess was among other things charged with the task of establishing local church under African Leadership. 299

Table 5.2: Growth of Christianity in the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho

YEAR MISSIONS CATHOLICS BAPTISMS LOCAL PRIESTS LOCAL BROTHERS LOCALSISTERS LOCAL CATECHISTS 1945 28 105,559 8,723 3 - 66 1,325 1948 28 119,178 8,579 4 - 75 1,421 1951 30 136,205 9,202 4 - 72 1,258 1954 31 154,880 10,020 7 - 78 1,171 1957 34 170,794 11,905 14 - 64 1,249 1960 40 192,075 12,040 26 7 74 1,172 1964 45 223,524 11,902 36 13 113 1,067 1967 51 257,193 13,077 55 16 149 1,183 Source: Documentary Survey

The other factor for transition was the funds being cut off from German. From 1933

German of Hitler was so anti-Catholic has imposed new regulations which forbade sending out money from Germany. This policy made transfer of funds to the Abbey

Nullius of Peramiho. There was no longer any support from Germany to the missionaries abroad. The only remaining source of financial support were procures of

St. Ottilien, Munsterschwarzach, Schweiklberg, Meschede, Uznach in Switzerland and Schuyler in the United States of America as well as Propaganda Fide in Rome.

There were some locally generated incomes from the existing projects in different missions.779 Despite these constraints in monetary terms and missionary personnel, the number of Christians continued to grow as Table 5.2 above would tend to confirm. What this suggests is that the growth was attributed to hard work of the catechists who labored much to put together the converts. The number of catechists was so big according to figures presented in Table 5.2 above. One can ask why the number of catechists was growing while the missions‘ financial status was declining.

779Lucius, op.cit. 67 cf. Doerr, op.cit. 169 300

The explanation for this situation was that catechists were lowly paid and sometimes they were remunerated in terms second hand clothes and other fancy materials.780

The justification for underpaying the catechists was the fact that most of them were not trained in that profession. Benjamin Akitanda narrated the story of his father who worked as catechist at Matiri outstation from 1914 to 1960. The Matiri outstation grew into full-fledged mission station in 1937 passing through all rough waters emanating from First World War and Second World War. But when he retired he received a token of 500/= (five hundred shillings only).781

Another story was narrated by Anton Kapinga Matanila about catechist Daniel

Thomas of Kigonsera mission station and catechist Galus Kapinga Mpwata of

Litembo mission station. These catechists worked very hard to evangelize in their respective areas of jurisdiction. Among other activities the catechists performed, were teaching the catechumens; giving instructions to sick people; teaching the bush schools the basic literacy, writing, numeracy and basic religious instructions. This hard work notwithstanding, these catechists were remunerated only 5/= (five shillings) per month. This pay was sometimes topped up with presents in the form of second hand cloth, sugar, salt and taking their children to mission schools free of charge.782

780 Xaver Mbunda, retired catechist of Kigonsera Parish from 1940s to 1980s. Interviewed at Mbinga, 2012. Cf. Benjamin Akitanda, a son of catechist Constantin Akitanda who passed away in August 12th 1964 781 Benjamin Akitanda, a son of catechist Constantin Akitanda who passed away in August 12th 1964. Interviewed at Matiri, August 2013 782 Anton Matanila, among the beneficiaries of mission education, worked as a teacher at Tosamaganga secondary school, as entomologist, as magistrate and Matengo Native Cooperative Union officer, interviewed at Mbinga, 2012 301

The problem of insufficient financial support to missionary work and lack of missionary personnel compelled the authority of Abbey Nullius of Peramiho to start contemplating the possibility of transition from mission church to local church in the area including the Matengo Highlands. This need was more pressing when the qualified local mission teachers gradually started getting dissatisfied with low wages and went on strike demanding for higher wages. Missionaries were unable to pay those high salaries to the workers.783 In 1963 the Abbot Bishop Eberhard Spiess and his auxiliary bishop Jacob Komba issued a pastoral letter on mission schools. This letter insisted on self-reliance instead of depending on donors from Europe and

America. It revealed that the diocese was the last in self-reliance among all the

Catholic dioceses in Tanganyika 784 despite its big numbers of Christians, local priests, local sisters, local brothers and local catechists as it is shown in Table 5.2 above. It further called on the missions to be self-reliant on building and maintaining its schools; paying salaries of its catechists; upkeep and feed its priests, brother and sisters; to build and maintain its churches; to build other buildings like hospital, school and missionaries‘ building.785 This was a preparation to take up challenges as the missionaries were preparing a transition towards a local church.

Another challenge to the missionary work during the period of transition was growing signs of stagnation were to be observed. Christian practice and life were often becoming more a matter of routine and custom than the genuine conviction.786

There existed a contradiction between the numbers of baptisms and marriages against

783 Fr. Francis Ndunguru deputy parish priest of Litembo, interviewed 2013 at Litembo. He argues that whereas missionaries were supported by home companies, governments, donors, exempted from different taxes and paid high salaries, African local clergy did not benefit from those facilities. 784 Kamati,op. cit. 93 785Kamati, idid. :92-93 786 Lucius Marquardt, op.cit. 17 302

the number of communicants; the number of catechumens declined so did the number of those who took penance.787 Once the church administration complained about the Catholic Church was confronted with beliefs in witchcraft and Catholics easily became prey to the agents of witchcraft elimination movement during sickness or death. The period between 1950s and 1968 a big mob of Matengo boarded MV

Ilala, a Nyasaland-bound ship plying between Tanganyika and Nyasaland. This mob headed to Nkata Bay in Nyasaland where a famous witch hunter by the name of

Chakanga was believed to cure people who have been bewitched.788 This mob was composed of majority baptized Christians and few unbaptized as well. This tendency clearly indicated a movement towards relapse into ‗paganism‘. It was therefore a disappointment to the missionaries. This partly explains why the missionaries had to make arrangement for a transition towards local church which if applying the ethos and spirit of Vatican II Council of inculturazation the local clergy will be able to synchronize the Christianity and traditional beliefs in witchcraft.

The other challenge to the mission church in late 1950s and 1960s was polygamous marriages. The available statistics show that there was rapid increase of church solemnized marriages as the shown in Table 5.3 below. This is an indication of the success of spreading of Christianity if we take solemnized marriage as criterion for ones‘ commitment to Christianity. But there was an increase relapse into polygamy mainly in the Matengo Highlands on a scale never anticipated by the early missionaries.789 The explanation for growing polygamous marriage in the Matengo

787Kamati, op.cit. 106 788 Werner Dudu interviewed, 2013. Cf Kamati op.cit. 84-85 789Lucius, op.cit. 18 303

Highlands was necessitated by the intensification of coffee growing.790 The rising coffee prices encouraged many Matengo to enter into this enterprise by expanding acreage which consequently demanded more labour. Marrying many wives and therefore producing many children guaranteed constant labour supply. Labour demand was so high during peak seasons notably during coffee weeding and harvesting season. 791 These trends seemed to frustrate missionaries and were intolerant in it. The local church was better placed to address this challenge because the clergy has been reared within this same cultural setting.

In response to this imperative there was an increase in seminarians both in the minor and major seminaries. In 1955 when Fr. Severin Ofbauer OSB the founder of

Kigonsera minor seminary boasted of having trained more then 200 seminarians.792

The number of seminarians kept on growing as the number of local clergy was needed as a necessary prerequisite to take up the leadership positions in the mission centres as well as undertaking pastoral work for the local church. The missionaries have already erected the church but the faithful in the young Christian communities needed to grow in faith. To cater for this demand it was necessary for local clergy to be in place not only seminarians but also the local sisters‘ orders as it is presented in

Table 5.2 above. The number of local sisters was growing steadily in comparison to the brothers as the statistics in Table 5.2 above suggests. It was the policy of

Benedictine missionaries to restrict African brothers to be recruited in their congregation. Even when the African Benedictine Brothers opened a monastery in

1957, it was decided that it should be situated at Hanga far away (around 100 km)

790 Kapinga 1993:116 791 Kapinga 1993 :102 792 Wamisionari Mashujaa, op. cit. 35 304

from Peramiho.793 This attitude has been blamed by many people who accuse the

Benedictine Fathers of St. Ottilien of racial segregation, and the Benedictines have not been able to prove otherwise.794

Table 5.3: Marriages in the Matengo Highlands, Selected Missions YEAR KIGONSERA LITEMBO LIPARAMBA MBINGA

1929 392 157 43 NOT YET

1939 470 579 186 95

1949 259 860 163 218

1959 319 738 223 525

1969 255 506 165 393

1979 218 744 82 282

1989 123 985 94 527

Source: Mihanjo, 2000

The leadership of the Catholic Church was all out to challenge the practice of witchcraft. Among the steps instituted to curb witchcraft were preaching against witchcraft in churches and schools. Newspapers wrote articles to castigate witchcraft practices; ‗Katoliki‘ newspaper was in the forefront producing pieces aimed at educating people the negativity of witchcraft in people‘s lives. Fr. Clodwig Hornug

OSB wrote a book ‗Uchawi Mjini Lusuma‘ with the aim of opposing the practice of witchcraft among the Christians and other people. 795 Above all, the church administered severe punishment to Christians who in one way or another practiced witchcraft. Furthermore, the colonial government on its side enacted law which

793 Kamati op. cit, 186 794 Fr. Timoth Ndunguru, Parish priest of Kigonsera, and Fr. Fidelis Mligo the Prior of Peramiho Abbasia. Interviewed 2013 795 Kamati, op. cit. 85 305

prohibited the practice of witchcraft.796 All these steps notwithstanding, the Matengo

Christians clandestinely practiced witchcraft. A good number of those who went to

Chakanga and other witchdoctors were Christians. 797 This situation was against living styles of the missionaries hence contemplating to surrender the mission stations to the local clergy.

5.8.1 Education From the onset of missionaries in the Matengo Highlands, they had constantly been usingeducation as an important component for evangelization. Up 1950s there was a chain of mission schools in the Matengo Highlands. Together with these registered schools there was another fleet of sub-grade schools which were established, owned and operated by the Roman Catholic Church in the Matengo Highlands as they are presented in Table 5.5 below. Sub-grade schools were mainly offering ecclesiastical instructions to catechumens and those pupils preparing for confirmation in

Christianity. These schools were also used as bush schools where children were prepared to enter the mission registered schools. Catechists did great job of teaching large numbers of pupils in these schools sub-grade schools with very low wages as we have argued above. 798 The 1963 pastoral letter issued by the Abbot-Bishop required that where there is a sub-grade school and/or catechetical centre, the faithful of that location/outstation should form a Council to run the schools and pay the catechists.799

796 Witchcraft Ordinance, of 18th December, 1928 797 Interviews, retired catechist Xavery 798 The Abbot-Bishop had issued a pastoral letter in 1963 which required 799 Kamati, op. cit. 93-94 306

Table 5.4: Schools Existing in the Matengo Highlands REGISTERED CATECHESTICAL

SCHOOLS CENTRES

MISSION PUPILS SCHOOLS PUPILS

SCHOOLS

KIGONSERA 1 121 19 715

LITEMBO * 4 793 33 2,061

MBINGA ** 2 506 33 1,699

TINGI 3 298 27 778

MAGUU *** 2 418 32 1,943

TOTAL 12 2136 144 7196

Source: Catholic Directory as quoted by Mihanjo, 2000

NB: * Includes Lugari an outstation of Litembo

** Includes one district school

***Includes Mpapa an outstation of Maguu

The concept of sub-grade schools was coined by the colonial government when it started intervening in the control and supervision of education in the Matengo

Highlands in 1946.800 Through its power to register schools, colonial government was able to prune down the Catholic schools by registering only 12 schools as they appear in Table 5.4 above. The rest of the schools were denied registration purportedly of being sub-grade. By refusing registration to sub-grade schools, the colonial authority reserved all rights to deny the so-called sub-grade schools right to get assistance through government grants-in aid. The missionaries had to keep on

800 TNA, Acc. 155, District Office Songea: Songea District Education Committee, Minutes of Meeting 30.10.1946 307

maintaining these schools since they helped the missions to train their catechumens and other religious instructions to the young people. In a way the Benedictines accused the British colonial government of indifference to the Roman Catholic despite its important role it played to provide education for the entire Matengo

Highlands. 801 This negative attitude is based on the fact that Benedictines were basically of German nationals, from Germany which apparently was an arch enemy of United Kingdom. The British authority had no trust on the missionaries of German nationals since the time of World War I and World War II. This mistrust had a paralyzing effect on many missionaries Abbey Nullius of Peramiho as Fr. Lucius puts it:

―… the relationship between colonial officials and missionaries, though on the whole correct (good weather friends!), was not free from distrust. … negotiations concerning school policy health policy and marking out of new mission plots were sometimes characterized by bickering and haggling, even in questions of minor importance.‖802 During the Songea District Education Committee meeting of 26.02.1951, the

Educational Secretary of Peramiho presented request to the Southern Province

Development Plan for assistance of Native Treasury in paying school fees of boys attending Roman Catholic Mission schools who are unable to pay school fees. The request also wanted the Native Treasury to assist in contribution towards the cost of school materials.803 The District Commissioners Conference of Lindi Province in their meeting of 12-14th July, 1951 declined to approve the request on the grounds that Roman Catholic missions should exempt poor pupils from payment of school

801 Until the time of independence in 1961, the Matengo had all its schools belonging to the Roman Catholic missions. 802 Lucius op. cit. 30 803 TNA, Acc. 155, File 428/1, Minutes of Songea District Education Committee Meeting 26.2.1951 308

fees. And for the costs of purchasing school materials, argued that the government grants-in aid was enough and adequate.804

In comparison of the two missionary groups working in Songea District the British colonial authority did not hide their negative attitude to the Roman Catholics. The other missionary group working in Songea District was the U.M.C.A. whose centre was in Likoma Island. Roman Catholic mission was locked into conflict with the

U.M.C.A. over establishment of schools along Lake Nyasa shore. The British colonial authority did hide its partisanship to the U.M.C.A. group which was apparently made up of British nationals. The British District Officer did not hide his hatred to the German Roman Catholic missionaries by blatantly saying:

―The Roman Priests in this district cannot be considered all cultured men, thus they are prone to condemn all non- Romans unheard. It is worth of note here that the U.M.C.A. repudiate the name of ‗Protestant‘ as applied to them, … it seems ‗Protestant‘ means ‗Mshenji‘in this district‖805 It is this negative attitude on the part of British authority in Songea District which contributed towards Roman Catholic missionaries in the Songea District and

Matengo Highlands in particular to start contemplating on their retreat to the

Peramiho monastery where they will rarely get into contact with British authority.

Instead they advocated for the local church that will have to interact with the colonial authority and the independent government which was around the corner.

804 TNA,Acc. 155, File 428/1Provincial Administration, District Commissioners Conference, Lindi Province of 12-14th July 1951 805 TNA, Acc. 155, Songea District Book 309

Table 5.5: Sub-Grade Schools under Roman Catholic 1950s S/N MISSIONS SCHOOLS LOCATION/VILLAGE/OUTSTATION 1 Kigonsera 8 Lipumba, Litorongi, Mkako, Mtandazi, Iringa, Makoro, Mkurumusi, Lukarasi 2 LITEMBO 6 Mahenge, Mandita, Wukiro, Mbuji, Kindimba, Mbugu 3 LIPARAMBA 6 Nindi, Sesenda, Mpepai, Lipembe, Mamanda, Mtua 4 LUNDUMATO 2 Kipololo, Mpikira 5 MATIRI 8 Kihangi*, Kilindi*, Luluhai*, Mahuka*, Mapipiri*, Liwihi, Majira, Ngeruka (*subject to suitably qualified teacher) 6 MBINGA 13 Kilmani, Luwaita, Mtama, Ndembo, Mbangamao, Lifakara, Ilela, Mkwaya, Uzena, Mombasa,Kitanda, Masasi, Tukuzi 7 MPAPA 9 Buruma, Kimbango, Kingoli, Mhekera, Lusilingo, Ndengo, Punga, Ngingama, Unyoni 8 TINGI 11 Luhonda, Malungu, Mtetema, Manzeye, Lumeme, Mkutano, Tindo, Kunane, Mbelembe, Luhongahi, Lulimbo 9 MAGUU 5 Hagati, Kioga, Kiyosi, Kihoro, Magingu 10 MKUMBI 3 Longa, Linda, Ngima 11 TOTAL 71 Source: TNA, Acc. 155, District Office Songea: Songea District Education

Committee Minutes, Registration of Sub-grade Schools, 1957.

From the evidence above the following conclusions can be drawn. First education as a missionary strategy of evangelizing the Matengo Highlands had reached saturated condition and its agenda was somewhat accomplished. Almost all the children in the

Matengo Highlands were either enrolled in the mission registered schools or in the so-called sub-grade schools. At the bottom line, the objective of spreading

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands had reached a point where schooling was no 310

longer an important component in missionary work. Furthermore, the Christian character of the schools had to undergo changes in the late fifties because of losing its intrinsic Christian character. 806 Teachers of mission schools were no longer accepting the position of passive employees of mission, but were ready to take up an active part in the shaping of the whole education policy. Further emancipation of teachers was the result of increasing share in the running of schools through grants- in-aid. Until 1969 when schools were nationalized in the Matengo Highlands, the government was paying up to 90 percent of teachers‘ salaries. Many teachers felt much more government employees than that of missionaries.

Rising and escalating costs of running educational sector was another challenge to the Benedictine missionaries. This cost rose because the number of pupils had increased drastically in the 1950s as Tables 4 and 5 above tend to reveal. This challenge was made more complicated due to the lack of funds from Europe and

America which were now not forthcoming. At the same time the colonial government was reluctant to assist the schools financially especially the so-called sub-grade schools which formed the majority of school children. Furthermore, the government intervention in the education system disturbed the missionaries in the Matengo highlands. Policy of registration of schools was not very friendly to the Benedictines who seemed to prefer relative freedom. That is why when they found increase of colonial interference they could not want to stay in the mission stations where freedom was not forthcoming. With few exceptions many missionaries retreated to the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho. But the missionaries had succeeded through

806Lucius, op.cit. :44 311

Christianity and education for that matter to bring about cultural formation and indoctrination to the western culture.

Christianity had brought all the children of up to seven years old into its circles and children were no longer exposed to traditional upbringing. Instead the children passed through bush schools, catechetical centers and registered schools where they got learning skills, writing and numerals, they were also indoctrination of Euro-

Christian ideologies.807 Above all children were detached from traditionalism and local skills, were integrated into new demands, behavior and taste such as elitist attitude. The youth who were the products of missionary schools started looking for wage labour at the coastal plantations and in the South African mines in order to meet their modern demands which included cloth, sugar, salt, shoes payment of poll and hut tax and other exotic goods.808 There was a contradiction in this regard due to the fact that the missionary schools had produced experts who needed jobs which were not available in the Matengo Highlands. As a result the youth started marching to the coast where there were jobs in the plantations; mines and in offices. Sometimes basing on the Masters and Servants Ordinance of 1923 many recruitment agents arrived in the district to recruit labors. An agent arrived in the district in 1948 to get labourers for Messrs Bird and Company Ltd sisal plantations; for Mikindani sisal plantation in Lindi District. However the Matengo were no forthcoming for jobs attainable outside their locality. One of the reasons was that the Roman Catholic missionaries in the Matengo Highlands were reluctant to allow their followers to go to the coast.809 The reasoning was that when the youth went to the coast they never

807Mihanjo, op. cit. 58 808 TNA, AB. 78Annual Report Lipumba Sub-District 1925 809 TNA File AB part 1733, Annual Report Songea District 1923 312

returned. If it happened that they return to their homes in Umatengo they came as members of other religions, they changed their Christian religion. The other reason was that Matengo did not want to work in plantations where the wages were very low shs 14/= per month while if they cultivated coffee crop it was earning them huge money. As a result the recruitment agencies preferred taking the Wanyasa and

Wangoni.810

Traditional courtship was abandoned as the Christian codes required them to abide by Christian ethics of courtship. Even the bride price system had to be changed from a traditional system where some traditional rituals like consulting the ancestors were part and parcel of dowry payment process. The new system of dowry was supposed to abide by the Native Authority rules (Sheria za Utawala wa Wenyeji). Bride Price

Rules which was passed in 1946 by the Matengo Native Authority provided a maximum ceiling of bride price of dowry payable at shs.150/= only in the Matengo

Highlands. 811 Marriages were to be solemnized in church otherwise traditional marriages (makunja) were not recognized by the Christian authorities. Dressing pattern shifted from the tradition ndenda clothing to modern clothing. This was a precondition for a child going to bush school, going to catechumen class, going for confirmation, a couple going for marriage one had to put on modern cloth.

5.8.2 Economic Transformation in the Matengo Highlands The economy of the Matengo Highlands revolved around cultivation of food crop which included maize, beans, peas, wheat and coffee. At the beginning the missionaries encouraged their followers to practice agriculture in order to produce

810 TNAA, Acc. 155, Songea District Book 811 TNA, Acc. 155, 5/9: Sheria za Utawala wa Wenyeji 313

cash crops especially wheat and coffee which the missionaries were the potential market for crops.812 Wheat crop was introduced by Fr. Johannes Hafliger at Litembo

Mission station before World War I in order to get bread for the community.813 From there it spread like bush fire to other areas of the Matengo Highlands constituting one of the most important cash crop. 814 The Acting Provincial Commissioner was worried with the expansion in the production of wheat, and he urged the district authority to discourage expansion of production until a reliable market is secured probably in Nyasaland, Portuguese East Africa and Northern Rhodesia. 815 The missionaries introduced the European potatoes which again became an important money generating crop to the Matengo people. The first coffee experiment in the

Matengo Highlands was done by missionaries at Litembo. The German colonial rulers tried it at Lipumba, but it was the British government which established coffee as a cash crop in the Matengo Highlands. The real commercial production started in

1930s. The experiment was done at Lipumba in 1920s by L.V.A. Haviland an officer incharge of Litembo boma. The results of the experiment proved encouraging, the thicket of coffee trees were in excellent condition. 816 These good results at the

Lipumba experimental station encouraged the District Officer to bring seeds of Kent coffee which were planted at Lipumba, Litembo, Pilakano, and Myangayanga nurseries in 1934. 817 The coffee seedlings were then distributed to the Matengo native growers under the close supervision of the agricultural officer. Table 5.6below

812 TNA, Acc. 155, 37, Acting Provincial Commissioner‘s Report of Songea District 1930, cf. TNA, Acc. 155/37, Provincial Commissioners‘ Report for Songea, July-August 1929, Mahenge Province. 813TNA, Acc. 155, AB. 78, Annual Report, Lipumba Sub-District, 1925. Cf. Fr. Francis Ndunguru Majeshi, Deputy parish priest Litembo, interviewed 2013 at Litembo, cf. Jacob Hyera Agricultural Officer, Mbinga District, interviewed at Mbinga 2013 814 Fr. Francis Ndunguru Majeshi, Deputy parish priest Litembo, interviewed 2013 at Litembo 815 TNA, Acc. 155, 37, Acting Provincial Commissioner‘s Report of Songea District 1930 816 TNA, SDB MF 40, Volume II cf. TNA, Acc. 155, 37, ibid. 817 Kapinga op. cit. :80 314

shows the villages to which coffee seedling in the Matengo Highlands were distributed:

Table 5.6: Summary of Kent Coffee Planting in 1935 in the Matengo Highlands

PLACE GROWERS PLANTINGS MYANGAYANGA 60 4882 WALANZI 44 4400 PILIKANO 45 4123 LITEMBO 49 2500 UGANO 10 1200 LIPUMBA 5 376 TOTAL 213 17,551 Source: TNA Acc. 155 A. 3/22

The colonial government instituted close supervision on coffee growing in order to get best quality coffee. The government issued coffee rules under the Sheria za

Utawala wa Wenyeji (Rules of Matengo Native Authority).818 The coffee rules are appended as Annex 12. Through these Native Authority Rules the state was able to supervise coffee production in the Matengo Highlands. It was further agreed that

Coffee Industry (Improvement and Registration) Ordinance of 1936 be applicable to

Umatengo. This law required coffee growers to sell their coffee through a cooperative union.819 The result of this state intervention is revealed in the increase of coffee production as presented in Table 5.7 below:

818 TNA, Acc. 155, L 5/9 819 TNA, Acc.155 File 64/7, Songea Annual Report 1936 315

Table 5.7: Ngoni-Matengo Cooperative Marketing Union Ltd (Coffee Handled by Ngaka Cooperative Society – Unregistered)

Coffee sold 1936/37 1937/38 Handled by Union 1399 kgs 5675 kgs Sold Locally 199 kgs 175 kgs Sold – England 1200 5500 kgs Local Price 50-60 cents per kgs 50-60 cents per kgs England Price 40 – 72 cents per kg - Price to Growers 53cts per kg. - Levy 5 cents - Source: TNA, Acc. 155 Coop/27/II

NB: Growing Areas:-Lipumba Cooperative Society at Lipumba and Answika villages. Mbinga Cooperative Society of Mbinga and Walazi villages. Tingi Cooperative Society at Tingi Mbangamao Coperative Society at Mbangamao

From 1950s coffee production in the Matengo Highlands has become generalized and a concerted effort by the colonial government to improve coffee production was producing positive results. The price available to growers in Umatengo Highlands rose from 53 cents per kilogram in 1936/37 season as it is shown in Table 5.7 above to 5.50 shillings per kilogram in 1950.820 To some extent the rise in price of coffee contributed to the rapid expansion of coffee planting in Umatengo as it is indicated in

Table 5.8 below. The number of coffee trees increased from 271,909 in 1940s to over one million trees in 1952.821 The number of villages producing coffee increased from six (6) in 1935 as it is presented in Table 5.6 above to twenty four (24) villages in

1952 as it is presented in Table 5.8 below. The number of coffee growers in the

Matengo Highlands also increased from 278 growers in 1935 as in Table 5.6 above to

820 TNA, Acc. 155 11/260/50 821 TNA, Acc. 155 A. 3/22 Folio 207-213 316

4420 growers in 1952 as presented in Table 5.8 below. In 1945 coffee was for the first time planted in Hagati area which originally was not recommended for coffee planting. However, the rapid spread of coffee growing in Hagati valley was achieved in in the 1950s.822 Above all, the volume of production in terms of tonnage increased ten folds from 12 tons in 1941 to 110 tons in 1950. Production further increased almost two folds from 110 tons to 196 tons in 1952.823

The introduction and consolidation of coffee production in the Matengo Highlands cannot be discussed exhaustibly without touching missionaries because they are the first to experiment growing it during their early days in the Matengo Highlands at

Kigonsera and Litembo. The crop did very well at Kigonsera and Litembo unlike at

Peramiho. At Litembo the crop was planted in the valley of River Ruhunei near the mission station. However, when the First World War broke out in 1914, the crop was neglected. But it was evident after the war that coffee could successfully be grown in the Matengo Highlands. 824 The other contribution the missionaries made towards coffee production was the fact that the social services they were providing like health and education required the beneficiaries to contribute some money. For this reason the Matengo people had to grow coffee in order to get money to pay for these services.

The missionaries had introduced western education in the Matengo Highlands since the time of their arrival. The products of the missionary schools were among the coffee planting pioneers in the Matengo Highlands. Many of the early coffee growers

822 Mageuza Nganyanyuka Ndomba, Simon Soteka interviewed at Maguu, cf Kapinga, op. cit. 88 823 TNA, Acc. 155.A 3/22 Folio 435 824 Kapinga, op. cit. 64 317

in Umatengo were Christian older people with formal education who included

Makitas relatives and school mates, court elders and ex-migrant labourers.825 Other mission educated elite were employed as instructors and inspectors in coffee cultivation. In 1935 the colonial government sent Chrisostomus Makita to Moshi for studies on how coffee was cultivated.826 Henrick Limuka and Kalistus Kayuni were chosen as coffee planting demonstrators. They then were sent to Moshi to attend a seven months course on matters pertaining to coffee production. That is the choice of land and seeds, preparation of coffee nurseries, planting, lining out, holing, catch crops, shade planting, weeding, compost pits, manuring, capping, topping, pruning and handling, preparation of the crop, identification and control of insects pests, and preparation of time table of seasonal work. 827 In 1954 several mission educated

Matengo youth teamed up to form Matengo Native Cooperative Union (MANCU) which was charged with marketing, supervising and improving quality of the coffee crop.828 It is in this context that mission education produced learned people in the

Matengo Highlands who were then instrumental in improving the coffee production.

It was true that the proceeds of coffee sales contributed to the improvement of lives of the Matengo people. The Matengo were able to build better houses using baked bricks and thatched with corrugated iron sheets; they were able to send their children to schools; they were able to pay for health services; the Matengo were able to buy transport facilities; they could manage to procure uptodate furniture; and to buy agricultural inputs and better cloth for their families.

825 Kapinga, Ibid. 82 826 Kapinga, ibid. 82 827 TNA, Annual Report 1929 828 Anton Kapinga Matanila, interviewed at Mbinga – Mkumbi, 2012 318

Missionaries from different stations were potential buyers of coffee especially before the formation of MANCU. Missionaries bought coffee for their consumption in their monasteries but they also used to export the crop to Germany and other places outside Tanganyika. For this reason missionaries were potential market for the

Matengo coffee. Presence of reliable market was an incentive for increase and improvement of coffee production in the Matengo Highlands. However, the District

Commissioner was of the opinion that the mission trading was detrimental to African traders. For this reason it was his opinion that mission should be barred from trading so as to avoid competition.829

In 1953 coffee growing achieved further development when a warehouse was constructed at Mkinga ten kilometres from Mbinga.830 This development ushered in the transfer of all activities pertaining to coffee handling from Songea to the Matengo

Highlands. Such tasks as weighing and packing of coffee were done under the supervision of the Ngaka Cooperative Society. More primary societies were formed at Mhagawa, (Litembo mission), Pilakano (Mkumbi mission) and Mapera (Maguu mission). Finally these primary cooperative societies of Matengo Highlands united to form Matengo Native Cooperative Union (MANCU) which was registered on 10th

September, 1954 to handle the Matengo coffee instead of Ngoni Matengo

Cooperative Marketing Union (NGOMAT).831

829 TNA Acc. 155 File 428/1 Provincial Administration, Distrct Commissioners Conference at Lindi 1949. Cf. intrviews Anton op. cit. 830 TNA,NA/39. Minutes of the District Team, 1961 831 Tanganyika Territory: Annual Reports of Provincial Commissioners on Native Administration, Government Printer, DSM, 1956 319

Table 5.8: Coffee Tree Census in Umatengo Highlands 1952 (31.3.1952) S/N Village/Area Coffee Old Trees planted in Total Growers trees trees 1950 1951 1952 1. Lituru 355 22,401 9,455 9,019 23,682 64,557 2. Litembo 97 11,759 6,522 6,522 10,107 34,910 3. Mhagawa 220 30,901 13,069 15,063 10,107 52396 4. Mbuji 181 11,263 12,625 14,863 17,905 56,660 Langiro 1045 35,412 23,527 73,067 81,088 213,094 Mpapa 251 4,715 7,345 14,336 37,224 57,620 Litindo 84 534 417 4,580 8,117 13,648 Tingi 9 - - 433 1,445 1,878 5. Kindimba 259 25,275 10,910 14,367 28,989 79,553 6. Walanzi 129 11,440 11,898 5,389 14,584 43,291 7. Lubino 83 5,999 1,366 908 4,273 12,546 8. Lipumba 92 1,500 - 971 7,255 9,726 Kilumbalero 150 6,922 - 2,151 1,179 10,252 Linda 95 16,550 - 8,216 10,125 34,891 9. Longa/Lugal 243 32,910 3,445 15,341 8,693 60,391 i/Pilakano 10. Ngima 266 7,686 26,066 13,539 5,843 53,134 11. Wukiro 100 11,715 3,871 5,782 5,277 26,645 Gumbiro 163 978 2,121 1,641 19,170 23,910 Mbinga 180 2,520 12,555 12,817 2,513 30,405 12. Myangayang 126 8,910 - 7,370 6,846 23,126 a Lipitigu 66 19,008 1,751 8,987 17,928 47,674 13. Ugano 226 3,500 400 831 900 5,631 Umatengo - 4,420 271,909 147,336 236,193 341,118 995,566 Total Source: TNA 155/A.3/22 320

NB: The numbered villages are the traditional coffee growing villages.

The colonial government apart from price incentive introduced what was known as increased productivity plan. Under this plan, the Matengo coffee growers were urged to use insecticide against antestia. Antestia was a disease which happened when insects had suck juice from the premature coffee cherries. As a result coffee beans are destroyed. Staff for the coffee scheme was brought to the Matengo Highlands towards the end of 1958whose duty was to advise coffee growers on how to obtain higher yields from the existing acreage. This was a practical translation of a colonial so-called transformation approach to Matengo situation. On top of that move, the colonial government staged an agricultural show at Songea in 1958 whereby different trade goods were displayed. The goods shown were an eye opener and inspiration to

African peasants to enter commodity production.

From 1950s when coffee prices went skyrocketing and therefore the acreage kept on increasing and the colonial government increased its intervention. Through the primary cooperative societies the government loaned pulpers to coffee growers.

These loans were recovered through the proceeds from coffee sales. Since it was not easy for each individual farmer to purchase pulper, a group of people within one clan or friends purchased one which was used by them all. From 1960s each grower had to have his own pulper due to the rapid increase in coffee planting. In 1960s the production of coffee in the Matengo Highlands had reached the climax with almost every household producing the crop. The average trees for each household were about 1000 trees which was almost one acre depending on the spacing one adopted.

321

This intensification of coffee production had some implications to the Matengo

Society. These households as we discussed above were Christian families who had to abide by Christian rules and regulations. Since most of the coffee produced found market in the mission stations, this time it was difficult to get coffee from growers who now preferred selling the crop to cooperative unions which provided better price compared to mission station.832 This was a blow to the mission economy, taking into consideration that the financial support to missions was no longer forthcoming as it has been highlighted in the preceding discussion.

The other implication with regard to mission enterprise was that coffee production as it was rapidly expanding it became very labour intensive especially during peak seasons. Peak seasons included weeding season which was at the same time a season to attend to food crop farms. Coffee picking season was another peak season which demanded abundant labour supply.833 The family labour was all round required to attend to coffee processing. This demand for labour brought in two interferences in the Christian life. The first interference made was that family Christian members had to sometimes compromise their church routine in order to get time for attending to the coffee crop. Some Christian started working on Sundays hence failing to attend

Sunday mass and other church obligations. It was like the Matengo people started worshipping coffee rather than God hence relapsing to paganism.834

832 Mission stations used to buy coffee and exported it to Germany where they used to fetch best price. 833 Kapinga, op. cit. 111 834 The late Archbishop Jacob Komba of Songea Archdiocese during celebration of mass at Litembo parish once condemned the Matengo for worshipping coffee rather than God. Cf. Xaver Mbunda, retired catechist interviewed at Mbinga 2012 322

The second implication was also related to labour. Since coffee was mainly attended by family labour, the need to expand family was so pressing among the Matengo in

1960s. The only possible and easy solution was for the Matengo males to marry more wives. Therefore polygamous marriage, became so common among the Matengo during this period. Table 5.9 below is a sample of catechumen class of 1968 at Lihiso bush school an outstation of Litembo mission station. The group had solemnized their marriages in church at different times. However, by 1968 seven or 54% of them had already entered into polygamous marriage. These polygamists were having big coffee farms and other farms of food crops which needed reliable source of labour.

Due to the big families in terms of number of wives and the big number of children thereof the polygamous families were capable of managing their big farms. In view of this, the practice of polygamous marriage became a common phenomenon in the

Matengo Highlands. Consequently, Christianity was facing a serious challenge which the missionaries were no longer capable of addressing it. It was therefore anticipated that if the local church is established and inculturazation institutionalized it would be able to deal with this problem of polygamous marriages.

Table 5.9: Polygamous Marriages in 1968 TRADITIONAL CHRISTIAN SURNAME MARRIAGE DEATHDATE NAME NAME STATUS Mihobile Silvanus Kapinga POLYGAMOUS 2009 Kamunga Marianus Ngui POLYGAMOUS 2012 Masingi Cosmas Kapinga POLYGAMOUS Alive Kitukula Christian Mapunda POLYGAMOUS 2013 Kimwaga Casmir Kapinga POLYGAMOUS 2012 Makuta Alois Kapinga 2001 Magesa Maurus Kapinga POLYGAMOUS 1990 Imbegu Henrick Ngui POLYGAMOUS Alive Magonso Camilius Kapinga 1991 Mwiili Kajugu Ngui Alive Ngelageli Kastor Kapinga Alive

323

Kabumaji Alois Ndunguru Alive Kajusi Liborius Kapinga Alive Kivumbi Thobias Kapinga POLYGAMOUS Alive Sophia POLYGAMOUS Dead Otilia POLYGAMOUS Dead Ostina POLYGAMOUS Dead Source: Field survey by the author

Polygamy was a practice which contravened the Christian rules and norms. There were a lot of complaints among the missionaries on the practice of polygamy among the Christians. But this cry met a deaf eye because it was a historical necessity that coffee an income generating crop cannot be left unattended because of religion. In response, missionaries started imposing strict measures against defaulters. Among the punishments included barring or excommunicating polygamous partners from receiving sacraments. In this case the victims were mainly men and those women who were married outside wedlock. For the missionaries there was no wedlock outside the Roman Catholic Church. A woman married outside the church was believed to have an illegal marriage or perpetual courtship (makunja) and in fact the couple was alleged to be committing adultery or fornication.835

Another punishment was that of barring a polygamous parent from baptizing children who are born by mothers who are not officially married in the church. These same children were also not accepted to take any other sacrament such as communion, confirmation and marriage. The children of a polygamous father were not accepted in the church vocations such as priesthood, brotherhood or sisterhood.

835 Kamati, op. cit. 1998:95 324

Missionaries were quite uncompromising with the polygamous habits of Matengo, relapse into paganism by not attending Sunday prayers and also working on holy days and Sundays. Out of this situation the missionaries started preparing the local clergy whom they were convinced that they will be able to compromise with the

Matengo people. With inculturation as one condition stipulated by the Second

Vatican Council of 1962-65, the local clergy would be able to bring at the fore in the

Liturgy things like family life, marriage, healing practices; music dances songs and burial rituals could flourish in local dioceses as was emphasized by a missionary at

Peramiho:

―… but it will surely take a long time to connect the wisdom of the ‗Wahenga‘(old folks) with the Christian gospel and contemporary experience. In any case, genuine inculturation will come more from the grassroots, from simple folk whose style of life is not any assumed manner, nor an imitation of a foreign perfection. It rather grows from from the inside, and is an expression of the people, their culture and tradition.‖836 This shows how the missionaries in Peramiho started realizing that there was a need to restructure the church. In order to effect this restructuring there was need of involvement not only of the local clergy but also the local faithful population. Even the Abbot-Bishop of Peramiho in his pastoral letter namely Communicationes

Officialles 1965, No 2 emphasized this fact by reiterating that:

―We should follow common line in introducing liturgical innovations, avoiding any individualism and superficial improvisation, always keeping in mind the mentality and spiritual background of our faithful.837‖ Most of these suggested liturgical changes required through inculturation, were only possible if the local church was put in place. The mission church according to Abbot

Bishop Eberhard Spiess was no longer at this juncture capable of bringing the

836 Lucius, op. cit. 57 837 Quoted by Lucius, op. cit. 56 325

innovations which was required by the Vatican Council and the objective conditions pertaining to Christianity in Africa generally and Matengo Highlands in particular.

Under such obtaining material conditions the Abbot-Bishop from the beginning

(consecrated in 1953) adopted a pastoral approach as opposed to the hitherto mission approach in dealing with the faithful. The mission approach adopted by Benedictine from the time they arrived in the Matengo Highlands was that of treating the local people as pagans, primitive and above all very conservative people.838 Fr. Johannes

Hafliger for instance, felt strongly that the attitude of the Matengo was not promising by saying:

―The majority of the villages do not wish to have any dealing with Europeans and it would be only a question of time if not many would emigrate in case we should actually move there.‖839 He insisted that the success of mission would depend on the right attitude of priests to the Christians. Priests should be firm in principles, but they should show love and understanding in handling individual cases. Controversies should not be tackled and settled in the manner as was done in local courts, but in an atmosphere of charity and sympathy. Threats, insults, and coercion should be avoided on all accounts. Instead persuasion and appeal to conscience should be used. Christians should be helped to make their own decisions. Reactions and feelings of the Africans should be taken more into account. The authority of missions should be in his integrity and dedication to his work and not a superior bearing. Missionaries should rejoice over all the good elements to be found in African traditional and culture.840

838Doerr, op.cit. 30 839 APA, Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Vol. I, entry or January 1st 1902 840Lucius op.cit. 19-20 326

In dealing with the faithful, the bishop identified three groups to deal with; the older generation who are simple and unlettered folk who are not difficult to relate. But the local leaders should be given due respect and their weaknesses should not be exposed in public. The young generation was educated in mission schools with growing sense of self-consciousness and self-assertiveness often a bit sophisticated. Missionaries should relate with them in a nuanced attitude and a special sensitiveness. He recommended patience and prudence by which young people would be more easily won over. Missionaries should regard teachers not as employees but in an informal way so as to win their confidence and readiness for collaboration.841

The new approach suggested by Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess was a reaction to the hitherto existing relation between the missionaries and the faithful. The relation was that of a superior missionary and an inferior faithful, the missionaries had the perception that Africans are empty and have nothing to offer to the development of missionary work in the Matengo Highlands. It was a realization that the signs of stagnation in Christian life manifesting in polygamous marriages, poor attendance, witchcraft practice and relapse into paganism in the Matengo Highlands was a sign that there is weakness on the part of missionaries to distance themselves from the faithful. The missionaries were insensitive, rigid, arrogant and coercive to the faithful.

The Abbot-Bishop‘s first task was to prepare and facilitate the establishment of the local church under African leadership. He did this by appointing African priests to top posts in the church and some of the priests were sent for further studies in order to prepare them for top posts in the church institutions. The Educated lay people were

841 Ibid. 20 327

given responsibilities which were held before by the missionaries such as Education

Secretaries, Heads of Colleges and schools. And above all, the lay people were to be given responsibilities in running the church affairs so that they should fill themselves as responsible ―for their own church, for their own country, for their own future.‖842

Evidence is also available that there was conflicting outlooks between the

Benedictines of German nationals and those of Swiss nationals. The retired Abbot-

Bishop Gallus Steiger was of Swiss origin that was so compromising with the British colonial administration. German confreres because of their extreme nationalism and inherent hatred to Britain were not happy with the way Abbot-Bishop Gallus was relating to Brish authority. That is why when he retired he strongly recommended that his replacement should better be a German national in order to make the existing missionaries cooperative.843 The new approach pursued by the new German Bishop can also be construed as a critique to the approach which was used by his predecessor as it is summarized by Lambert Doerr the third Abbot of Abbey Nullius of Peramiho thus:

―If Abbot-Bishop is blamed for not giving sufficient attention to indigenization and Africanization in the Christian community developing under his leadership, this is not suprising. But then the Abbot was never a great strategist nor a man of brilliant theories, …844.

5.8.3 Political Transformation in the Matengo Highlands The study investigated whether the transition from mission Christianity to local church was influenced by political transformation taking place in the Matengo

Highlands in the following areas. There was power struggle for office of paramount

842 Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess quoted in Lucius 22 843 APA, Abbot-Bishop Gallus, Diary for 152, cf. Doerr, op. cit. 204 844 Doerr, ibid. 152-53 328

chief of the whole Umatengo between Makita clan of Myangayanga boma and

Kawanila clan of Litembo boma. The British had altered political system comprising a paramount chief and three subordinate chiefs (Myangayanga, Langiro, and

Litembo) continued in force in Umatengo until the period just prior to Tanganyikan independence. The conflict revolved around who should be the paramount chief

(Bambo Mkulungu) between Mathias Kawanila of Litembo and Makita Kipwele of

Myangayanga. Whereas Mathias claimed to be a proper descendant of Matengo,

Makita was alleged to be a descendant of Ungoni hence lacked justification to become a paramount chief of the whole Umatengo.845 Even the investigation done by the Songea District Officer in 1929846 and the Mahenge Provincial Commissioner in

1930 attest to the claim of Mathias Kawanila.847This conflict did not however, stop with the election of Mathias as executive young man to assist the illiterate, inept and old Makita in 1930. It was finally in 1946 decided that no paramount in Umatengo, instead there were established three councils one at Myangayanga, another at

Litembo and the third at Langiro with a central council at Myangayanga848 The struggle for paramount did not end until 1955 when the District Commissioner allowed a voting to decide whether the paramount should be erected. The voting decided in affirmative in favour of Chrisostomus as the Bambo Mkulungu. In 1956 the Bambo Mkululungu was coronated with a ceremony which was coloured by a mass celebrated by a Roman Catholic parish priest of Mbinga. Bambo Alex

Howahowa of Langiro and Bambo Daniel Kawanila of Litembo did not attend the coronation ceremony contesting the establishment of paramount for the whole

845 TNA, Acc. 155/37/2/22, Administrative Office Songea District, 1929. Cf TNA, Acc. 155/37, Provincial Commissioner‘s Report for July-August 1929, Mahenge Province 846 Ibid. 847 TNA, Acc. 155, 37, Provincial Commissioner‘s Report for July-August 1929, Mahenge Province. Cf. ibid., Acting Provincial Commissioner of Mahenge, August, 1930 . 848 TNA, Rport 1946 329

Umatengo.849This suggested the British authority was deliberately fuelling seeds of discord in the Matengo Highlands through divide and rule. This conflict lasted until when chiefdoms were abolished by the independence government. With this unstable native administration the missionaries were not happy because they could not get support or influence as they used to get in Songea, where the Nkosi were of a great help for the missionary work.

The structure of paramount chiefdom was a British colonial creation when in 1926 they constructed a baraza for the whole Matengo Council based on the principle of indirect rule. Before that, Umatengo was administratively such a fluid society without central administration.850It was therefore the missionaries who created the missionary structures of administration based on mission station with several outstations with several bush schools. Even the Administrative Officer of Lipumba

Sub-District raised this reality in his annual report to the Provincial Commissioner in

1925:

―The Roman Catholic Mission continues to endeavour to increase their hold over the native and undoubtedly among a simple population who are easily overawed their position is a powerful one.‖851 In order to run their administration in the Matengo Highlands, the British authority had to create chiefs, jumbes, and paramount to assist in running their affairs.

However, this artificially created administrative structure did not have intrinsic and solid foundation in the communal-based Matengo political structure. The jumbes were colonial appointees (employees?) who were loyal to the colonial rulers with less legitimacy to the population they purported to rule. The conflicts for paramount

849 Fr. Egno Ndunguru, op. cit. 36-37 850 TNA,AB.78, Annual Report Lipumba Sub-District, 1925 851 TNA, AB.78, ibid 330

position were not very big issue to the common Matengo people since it was not making any sense to them. The focus of the majority common men in the Matengo

Highlands was to the mission station where they were getting almost everything for their life.852 Table 5.10 below shows the distribution of the Matengo population in terms of villages under certain jumbes who also belonged to one of the three bambosbaraza. The barazaswere a colonial creation rather than the traditional setting of the Matengo society. On the other hand there is a presentation of mission stations created by the missionaries.

The Matengo had never in history accepted colonial rule since the period of war of

Karonga in 1902. They have always been very suspicious to colonial authority than they were to missionaries. Even the distribution of the jumbe territories were a reflection of conspiracy and may be corruption in getting loyal followers. This was reflected by the nature of proximity of the bambo, the jumbe and the bambo. For instance jumbes Kahwahi, Kakoyo and Kambombo are in Maguu mission which is proper to be located in Langiro baraza of Howahowa. They are very far from

Myangayanga baraza and worse still they have to pass through Litembo baraza to pay tax to Myangayanga which was in Mbinga Mission station. One can ask what was the reason for these jumbes to be under the authority of Bambo Makita if no any use of inducement was employed? One can also ask why Litembo baraza the original ruler of Matengo and most populated area had only three jumbes. Why Litembo the most expansive mission station had only three jumbes while the reality was that most of the Matengo people belonged to the Litembo mission. These questions suggest

852 Mission station was a place where most of the basic needs were accessed by the Matengo people. For them the government was just a peripheral affair and just felt its presence when tax and labour were needed by the government. 331

that the British authority found that they can profitably make use of bambo Makita and there they used all available support to make him paramount chief for their smooth running of the administration of Umatengo.

Table 5.10: Matengo Paramount Chiefdom 1. BAMBO JUMBE PLACE MISSION MKULUNGU KAKOYO HANGA MAGUU (PARAMOUNT) MAKITA GABRIEL LIPUMBA KIGONSERA KIPWELEBARAZA OF KANGEKA NGUMBU LITEMBO MYANGAYANGA LINDENGA MKURUZI KIGONSERA KANDULILA NKEGETU LITEMBO KAHWAHI KITOGOTA MAGUU KAMBOMBO MKUKA MAGUU 2. BAMBO MARKUS LUKONDELA LISAU LITEMBO HOWAHOWA JIMUA WOLELU MAGUU BARAZA OF GOMERA MKOHA MAGUU LANGIRO MPONDA MATIRI MATIRI MASOLA MIKALANGA MAGUU 3. BAMBO MATIAS KASULUSI NGIMA LITEMBO BARAZA OF LITEMBO KITIMBWILI SEPUKILA MBINGA MPUTA KITUNDA LITEMBO Source: Field Survey by the Author 2012

Despite the colonial authority having very reliable evidence from the very old people that Matias was the grandson of Kawanila, the headman of Matengo of Litembo, yet they did not grant Matias the administration of Matengo.853 Further proved that the

Matengo never had paramount chief but was made up of numerous clans which had a chief and that Kawanila lived at Litembo and was the head of the clan residing in the area.854 And that the British authority accepts that the reason for Makita to refuse

853 TNA, Acc. 155, 37, Songea District Administration Report, 1929 854 Ibid. 332

Matias being given a sub-chief position is that he was educated more than anybody in

Umatengo and he may be tempted in a course of time to eliminate all his followers.

The district officer also acknowledged that Makita was useless, illiterate, lenient and incapable of understanding and carrying out the colonial orders. Still the British authority refused to recognize this fact instead Matias was given a post of advisor to the Bambo Mkulungu – paramount chief of the whole Umatengo.

Why the British refused Matias and insisted on Makita, can be explained in the following arguments. The British wanted a submissive and unquestioning puppet ruler whom they can bulldoze the way they wished. This character was very rich in

Makita. To the contrary Matias was well educated and was a teacher by then, was suspected would be prone to questioning the colonial administration. To make

Makita more accountable, he was being paid well some of money as monthly salary.

The headmen or jumbes were also remunerated per month hence automatically becoming employees of the colonial regime through the Native Authority and hence accountable to the colonial regime. In his inauguration of the Matengo Native

Treasury in 1938, the Provisional Commissioner of Mahenge insisted that the native administrators‘ salaries should be raised to make them motivated and hence aggressive to carry out colonial orders regardless how unpopular they may be.855 The headmen and other colonial workers were receiving salaries plus provident donation.

Table 5.11 below presents some of the available data of payments made to the

Chiefs, headmen, messengers, tribal dressers, forest supervisors and advisors. The monthly payment of salaries made headmen very aggressive in collection of taxes and in carrying out other colonial directives. That also explains why Makita was able

855TNA, Acc. Native Treasury Matengo-Nyasa, 1938. The two accounts of Matengo-Wanyasa Native Treasury were amalgamated in 1938, but each kept its balance. 333

to bribe headmen of Maguu to support the Bambo Mkulungu at Myangayanga instead of Bambo Markus of Langiro baraza.

Table 5.11: Matengo Native Treasury, Tribal Administration Personal Emoluments YEAR STAFF NUMBER AMOUNT TOTAL 1937 3 CHIEFS, 1 4 £ 69 ADVISOR, SUBCHIEFS HEADMEN £ 39.09.36 CLERKS £ 45.09.50 TAX £ 20.08.00 COLLECTORS MESSENGERS £ 48.00.00 FOREST £ 22.17.00 SUPERVISORS TRIBAL £ 24.12.60 £ 269.16.40 DRESSERS 1938 Bambo Mkulungu 1 45/=@12=540/= Bambo Mathias 1 40/=@12=480/= Bambo Markus 1 30/=@12=360/= Headmen (Jumbes) 16 1940 Chiefs – Bambo 1 50/=@12=600/= Mkululngu Sub-chiefs 3 45/=@12@3=162 0 Headmen 36 3424/= Advisor 1 85/=@12=1020/= Clerks 9 2292/= Messengers 19 2256/= Forest supervisors 2 300/= Tribal dressers 2 960/= £ 625

334

1941 Chiefs 3 £ 111 Headmen 36 £ 170 Advisor 1 £ 51 Clerks 9 £ 113 Messengers 19 £ 113 Forest supervisors 2 £ 15 Tribal dressers 2 £ 14.05.00 £ 588.01.00 1949 Chief 1 Sub-chiefs Advisor Headmen Clerks Drivers Messengers Market staff - clerk & sweepers Forest guards GRAND TOTAL £ 2146 Source: Native Treasury of Matengo-Nyasa, 1937,1938, 1940, 1941, 1942, 1949,

1951,

The statistics in table 5.11 above tend to tell something on the importance of the tribal administration in carrying out colonial orders. The creation of a vote in the

Native Treasury for the personal emolument for the tribal administration was supposed to be a motivation of the chiefs and jumbes to work more responsively towards the realization of colonial policies in the Matengo highlands. The missionaries on the other hand showed their support to the Native Authority. During the coronation of Bambo Mkulungu of all Umatengo on 8th February, 1956 the event was launched by a mass celebration supervised by the parish priest of Mbinga parish

Fr. Yustin O.S.B. assisted by Fr. Maurus Komba one of the early local priest in the 335

Matengo Highlands and Fr. Yohnes Mwageni (later Fr. Gregory Mwageni O.S.B.) another early local priest from Uwemba. Fr. Felix Huber the assistant parish priest of

Mbinga parish led the mass during this coronation of Bambo Mkulungu.The altar for the mass was arranged just under the eaves of the Myangayanga baraza. Fr. Yustin gave the homily after the gospel was read out. Students of Mbinga Middle School which was a mission school and their teachers led the procession of the event they also participated in games and singing. The missionaries from Peramiho carpentry school prepared the platform plus the podium.856

Ivo Mhaiki a teacher from Mbinga Middle School gave a word of thanks on behalf of his colleagues and the students. Joseph Ponera from Kigonsera minor seminary presented greetings from the seminary community wishing Bambo Mkulungu success and prosperity in pursuing his duties. From Litembo Middle School Joseph

Liwa a teacher at that school presented greetings and well wishes to the Bambo

Mkulungu and prosperity to the whole Umatengo society from students of Litembo

Middle School. From the foregoing discussion, missionaries in the Matengo

Highlands were collaborating with the Native Authority in the same way as the political atmosphere was changing. While the colonial state was assigning much of the powers over the Matengo tribal administration, the missionaries were also acquainting themselves with the local administration which actually owned the people. On August 2nd, 1956 the Matengo Divisional Council under Songea Council was created its constitution provided that there should be three advisors to the council, one of which was from religious leaders, Roman Catholic in this case which was the only denomination in the Matengo Highlands. Traditional religions in this

856 Fr. Egno Ndunguru, :36-39 336

case were not counted as religions. Fr. Maurus Komba from Mbinga parish was appointed an advisor from religious sector.857 The expectation was to make a smooth transition to the local church which will be supported by the tribal administration.

After independence in 1961 Provincial Commissioners were replaced by Regional

Commissioners from the political party – TANU. In 1962 District Commissioners were replaced by Area Commissioners. From 1st July, 1962 all Native Authorities became District Councils under Cap.333 which replaced Cap.72 of the laws.858 The

District Team which was a colonial creation was renamed District Development

Committee under the chairmanship of the Area Commissioner with expanded membership.859 In July 1st 1963 Ruvuma region was officially formed with three districts namely Songea, Tunduru and Mbinga. The Mbinga District Development

Committee held its first meeting in December 20th 1963 at its headquarters at

Ndengo.860 Among its pressing issues on the agenda was to deliberate on where the district headquarters should be. Evidence from minutes of the District Development

Committee maintained its relationship to the missionaries by appointing Fr. Venant

O.S.B. from Mbinga parish one of its members.861

5.8.4 Decolonization, the Colonial State and the Missionaries in the Matengo Highlands Just like other parts of Tanganyika, the post-World War II Matengo Highlands was characterized by struggles for independence. By this time the British colonial government was pursuing new policies towards their colonies in order to prepare

857 Fr. Egno Ndunguru, op. cit. :50 858TNA, Ref. No. TNA/18/120 - 1963 859 TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39, Minutes of the District Team – Songea 860TNA, Ref. No. NA/18/120 861 TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39, Muhtasari wa Kamati ya Maendeleo ya Wilaya – Mbinga 1964-65 337

themselves for new colonialism. Tanganyika changed from mandate to trusteeship territory under the newly formed United Nations Organization. The attitude of colonial authority was also changing under such circumstances. The British government resented the Benedictine Fathers influence in the Matengo Highlands especially the fast expansion of schools which the missions used as an instrument of indoctrination. This expansion of mission schools hindered the opening of Native

Authority schools in the Matengo Highlands. The District Commissioners‘

Conference of 17-18th June, 1950 castigated the missionary‘s insistence on religious instructions was not desirable. They further warned that missionaries should not incline to regard grants-in-aid as their right. The grants-in-aid will stop as soon as

Native Treasury concerned reached certain percentage of total expenditure.862 Until the advent of independence there was no single native school in the Matengo

Highlands. The fleet of middle schools, primary schools and bush schools were all the property of missionaries. This influence of missionaries in the Matengo

Highlands was no longer tolerated by the government and was no longer accepted unquestioned and unchallenged. In the July District Commissioners‘ Conference it was insisted that the Native Treasury assistance to mission schools should be refused and that the Native Treasury should use more on coastal regions and those districts with less mission schools. The conclusion drawn by the missionaries was that the colonial government is at loggerheads with the missionary enterprise. This attitude again pushed the missionaries to hasten the process of transition towards local church from 1950s onwards.

862 TNA, Acc. 155/428/1, Songea, Provincial Administration District Commissioners Conferences. 338

The Benedictine missionaries perceive this with mixed feelings. However, the concern of the missionaries under this frustrating situation was to make sure there was survival of the things sown, planted and ripened over decades in the hearts of the

Matengo people. The missionaries were all out to make sure the foundation of

Christian faith is strong enough to withstand suddenly erupting forces that can deter the faithful from maintaining their beliefs system. 863 Contrary to the general perception that there was collaboration between the colonial masters and missionaries in exploiting and suppressing the African masses, this case showed it was not the case always and everywhere. For instance, the situation in the Matengo

Highlands was further complicated with the fact that most of the missionaries were

German nationals while the colonial masters were the British. History is very clear about the antagonistic relation existing between United Kingdom and Germany since the event of World War I. Here the two groups lived on constant suspicion; none of them trusted the other party a hundred percent.

When this transition was well under way there was another development which took place in the Matengo Highlands in particular and Tanganyika in general. This was nothing other than the anticolonial movements. It began with the rudimentary movements like peasants organization through the formation of cooperative movement. The breakthrough in Umatengo started with the formation of Ngaka

Cooperative Society in 1934 which was led by Matengo mission educated group of

Henrick Limka, Chisostoms Makita, Anton and others.864 Ngaka Cooperative Society though not registered used to market Matengo coffee through the Ngoni Matengo

Cooperative Marketing Union (NGOMAT). With the expansion of coffee production

863 Fr. Lucius, 29-30 864Illife, op.cit. 195 339

in terms of acreage, a number of villages, number of growers and above all volume of coffee produce, many other primary societies were formed at Pilakano, Mhagawa

Asili, and Mapera.865 These primary societies united to form MANCU in 1954. The main preoccupation of MANCU was to ensure that the Matengo coffee and tobacco growers get better prices for their crops and agricultural inputs at a reasonable price.

Apart from peasants the urban population had formed branch of African Association at Songea in August, 13th 1948. In the Matengo Highlands the tribal association by educated elite concealed essentially factionalambitions. 866 This association was essentially geared towards welfare improvement of the black elite who were facing humiliation at the hands of the colonial masters. They were segregated in residential facilities, work place and social amenities.867

Matengo Highlands was facing and experiencing very poor social services deliveries despite their contribution in terms of taxes they were paying to the colonial government. 868 Infrastructure were very poor in the area making communication within and with outside the area extremely difficulty. Roads were very poor and impassable during the rainy season. Bridges were poorly constructed using tree logs which were swept by water during rainy season. It took almost the whole day for instance to travel from Litembo and Langiro barazas to Songea the district headquarters some hundred kilometres distance. This is evident from the early days of British administration when the District Commissioner reported that ‗despite its agricultural prospects but the district is isolated.‘869 This observation was amplified

865Anton Matanila, interview 2012 866 John Illife, op. cit. :489 867 TNA, Acc. 155, A.6/4 868 TNA, Songea District Book MF 40 volume II 869 TNA, AB. 16 Part I 733/15, Annual Report – Songea District 1923. 340

by the Excellency the Governor after his visit in Songea District that ‗Songea is so remote and that it has been neglected in the past …‘870 Health and education services were solely left in the hands of the missionaries. The colonial government was less responsible to the provision of social services in the Matengo Highlands. In a meeting of District Development Committee of January 1965 at Ndengo, an agenda was tabled informing the Committee the worse condition of a road from Ndengo which was the seat of the District Council to Litembo mission where there was the largest mission hospital for the whole district. After a long discussion it was found that not only that road which is in bad condition, but almost all roads were in very bad condition. The meeting resolved to write to the Regional Commissioner informing him of the bad situation of roads and appealed for regional support to maintain all district roads.871 This is a proof that theMatengo Highlands and the entire district which was founded in 1963 was among the neglected areas in terms of infrastructure, leave for efforts made by missionaries to make the roads passable.

The people of Matengo Highlands were very bitter about maltreatment unleashed to them by the colonial administration. Interference into the Matengo traditional administration which the colonialist did by stirring up seeds of discord among the

Matengo clan leaders was very destructive to Matengo political set up. Through the introduction of indirect rule the British reorganized the administration in the Matengo

Highlands by creating three barazas at Liembo, Myangayanga and Langiro which were all competing for paramount position. Through this perpetual conflict among

Matengo clan heads, the British colonial rulers were able to control the Matengo with

870 TNA, AB. 56 1733/7/61, Annual Report Mahenge Province 1926 871 TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39, Muhtasari wa Mkutano wa Kamati ya Maendeleo ya Wilaya uliofanyika tarehe 18.01.1965 katka jumba la Halmashauri Ndengu 341

easy. Furthermore, the colonial rulers were harsh in the collection taxes imposed on the natives. District Commissioner Insley of 1950s in Umatengo was nicknamed kalwembi(razor blade) meaning he was as harsh as razor blade in a way he was treating the Matengo natives.872 Male adults in the Matengo Highlands spent most of the time in the hideouts escaping from tax collectors who used to harass them if they have not paid the poll and hut taxes. If caught tax defaulters,were subjected to torture and sometimes were conscripted in hard manual labour notably the public works.

These grievances basically were problems which TANU came to articulate later hence winning the support of Matengo.

TANU made its appearance in Songea District in 1957 when they convened the

TANU Annual Conference from 17.3.1957 to 22.3.1957. There were five representatives from Umatengo Amandus Hyera from Litembo, Beatus Whero from

Langiro, Kalistus Kayuni from Kindimba, Melkion John and Bonavetura Justus from

Mbinga. 873 Series of TANU branches were registered in the Matengo Highlands beginning with the registration of TANU branch at Mbinga – madukani area in

Myangayanga sub-chiefdom on 11th November, 1958 with Damian Kumburu as the branch secretary.874 On 17th January, 1959, Julius Nyerere arrived at Mbinga and held a mammoth meeting at Mbinga – madukani which was attended by a big crowd drawn from different parts of the Matengo Highlands demonstrating their support to the course of TANU and its clear message of uhuru.875

872 Fr. E. Ndunguru op. cit. :28 873TNA, Acc. 155, A.6/4Songea Genaral African Clubs and Associations in Tanganyika. 874TNA, ibid. 875TNA, ibid. 342

Another development took place in August, 28th 1958 when another TANU branch was registered at Litembo Umatengo division. The following were the founding members Ivo Lilanika, Franz Ngalima, Yeremiah Polisa, Yohanes Lulukila, Elias

Lilanika, Lusia Yatembo, Thomas Hildefins and Kanisius Abdala. This branch attracted membership from many different villages of the Litembo division who were disrupted by the colonial policies of exploitation, repression and humiliation. 876

Another TANU branch was opened at Kigonsera – Halali in order to capture the population in the vicinity of Lipumba sub – division in 1960.877

For the purpose of familiarizing the party policies and ideologies of independence, series of public meetings and rallies were held in the Matengo Highlands. The meetings were organized by local secretary of TANU of the Umatengo division

Nathaniel Ngambila. The first phase of the meetings took place from 24th November,

1959 to 1st December, 1959. The main speakers were Mmuni the Songea District party secretary, J. Nzunda the Provincial Secretary of Southern Province and Oscar

Kambona the national Organizing Secretary General. The second phase of the meetings took place from 23rd July to 12th August, 1960. These meetings were addressed by M.U. Hinjuson and Chief Ivo Mhaiki. The main agenda was to educate the masses on siasa ya TANU, how to vote and the work of Legislative Council members.

Table 5.12: Schedule of TANU Meetings in Umatengo 1959 DATE PLACE SPEAKERS 24.11.1959 Upolo Oscar Kambona, J.Nzunda, Mmuni 26.11.1959 Mpapa Ditto

876TNA, ibid. 877TNA, Ibid. 343

27.11.1959 Langiro Dittto 28.11.1959 Litembo Ditto 29.11.1959 Lundumato Ditto 30.11.1959 Pilikano Ditto 01.12.1959 Kigonsera Ditto 01.12.1959 Mbinga Ditto Source: TNA, Acc. 155, A.6/4,

Table 5.13: Schedule of TANU Meetings in Umatengo 1960 DATE PLACE SPEAKERS 26.07.1960 Mbinga M.Hinjuson, Ivo Mhaiki 27.07.1960 Pilikano Ditto 28.07.1960 Litembo Ditto 29.071960 Langiro Ditto Source: TNA, Acc. 155, A.6/4,

TANU was able to win strong followership in the Matengo Highlands as it articulated the existing grievances of the population. Uhuru message percolated deep into the remote villages where conversations among the villagers revolved around the issue of uhuru. The collaboration between TANU and MANCU which had spread its networks over all coffee growing villages (primary cooperative societies) made it easy for TANU to spread rapidly in the Matengo Highlands. It was hoped that at one time TANU will be able to liberate the people from the colonial oppression and exploitation. Some people were very pessimistic on the objectives of TANU and its policies. The bambos and jumbes were among the group of people in Umatengo who were very negative to the activities of TANU. The colonial government imposed strict measures to bar civil servants from joining political parties. 878 Relations between TANU and chiefs and jumbes were not good. Chiefs and jumbes were

878 TNA, Acc. 155 A.6/14, Tangazo la Serikali No. 14 ya 1953 344

regarded as mere skilled in administration. They are public servants and TANU was not supposed to interfere with chiefs.879 This negative attitude to political party of chiefs was natural since they were all aware that TANU was aiming at taking over their position in the administration of the Matengo Highlands.880 That is why the chiefs were supporting the colonial masters in opposing TANU.

5.8.5 Response of Missionaries to TANU Evidence shows that the missionaries received message of TANU with mixed feelings. There were worries that the decolonization movement can plunge the nation into chaos like what was happening in the neighbouring Kenya under Maumau.

There were cases where missionaries were equated to the colonial as oppressors, exploiters, and racists. During this transition period towards freedom, missionaries were abused, harassed and humiliated.881 Political independence in 1961 adversely affected missionary work on the ground that Christians started to go back to paganism. Missionaries and most of the catechists were very hostile to TANU and its liberation movement by accusing it for causing insecurity by inciting Christians to humiliate missionaries and the church in general.882

Before Tanganyika gained her independence, Julius Nyerere twice paid a visit to

Peramiho in 1954 and in 1959. His audience with community of Peramiho and private talk to Abbot-Bishop left missionaries rest assured that there was no cause of worry since the decolonization movement was in right hands. He assured them that no European or Asian will suffer in independent Tanganyika because TANU policies do not subscribe to racial bias and that the real of the country were not the

879TNA, Acc. 155, A.6/4, General African Clubs and Associations in Tanganyika. 880 John Illife, op. cit. 534 881 Kamati, op. cit. 86-88 882Ben Akitanda narrating a story of catechist Constantin Akitanda who was so bitter to TANU and urged his faithful not to join it. 345

expatriates, but ignorance, poverty and disease. 883 Before that missionaries of

Peramiho and Matengo Highland in particular were very suspicious with TANU movement. Pastoral letters were written to alert the faithful and teach them what independence meant.884 All the worries raised by missionaries were found baseless after Nyerere‘s clarifications in his speeches. The arrival of Hashim Mbita the TANU secretary at Peramiho in 1959 where he appealed to the crowd in a public meeting that missionary came to save souls of the people and not to colonize them. He called on the missionaries to remain in Tanganyika even after the colonialists had left the country after gaining independence.885

Missionaries of Peramiho had to chart out strategies on how to fit in post- independence era. Understandably, the missionaries confirmed that the new independent Tanganyika state had granted freedom of religion hence there was ample room for continuation of missionary work. But this exercise was to take place in a quite different milieu. With this effect the missionary leadership in Peramiho called the missionaries to follow the government guidelines and regulation on how to run missionary institutions. It was further directed that priests should not involve themselves in politics. This directive was in line with Tanzania Episcopal Conference of 1965 which restricted priests, brothers and sisters not to accept posts of leadership or functions or responsibilities in politics nor stand as candidates or stand for such functions or posts.886

883 J.K.Nyerere, Uhuru na Umoja 1955 884 Abbo-Bishop Spiess, ―Wakristu na Mamlaka ya Wakubwa‖ in Katoliki, Machi 1958 885 Hashim Mbita, Katoliki Machi 1959 886 lucius 346

With the independent government assuming powers in most areas of Matengo

Highlands where the missionaries had an upper hand, the missionaries found themselves redundant. The transition of missionary church to local church further eroded the primary role of missionaries in the Matengo Highlands. With exception of few parishes like Litembo, Lundumato, Mikalanga and Maguu which were still under the Benedictines, all parishes in the Matengo Highlands were under the local clergy.887

Besides, spiritual transformation was also taking place together with other changes in other fields. With the influence of Vatican II there were changes in liturgy whereby inculturation was introduced in the language of communication. Kiswahili was used as a medium of instruction in running the church services instead of Latin which was hitherto used.

5.8.6 Missionaries in the Midst of the Arusha Declaration The TANU slogan of uhuru na umoja was changed to uhuru na kazi during the eve of independence. This slogan wanted to tell the people of Tanganyika that without hard work independence means nothing. It also became clear that development and transformation of the people will only come through involvement of the people from the grass root level. Pursuance to this the Arusha Declaration was promulgated in

1967 as the TANU policy of Ujamaa and Self-reliance. 888 In the course of implementation of the villagization policy ujamaa villages were created by transferring people closer to social services such as schools, hospitals, water and infrastructure. This policy affected missionary stations as they were abandoned by the faithful. In other words they had to shift the already existing social service

887 Ibid. 92 888 J.K.Nyerere, The Arusha Declaration, 1967 347

structures to newly formed villages. This factor did not very much affect most part of the Matengo Highlands as there was little movement of people to form new Ujamaa villages in this part of Tanzania.889

The effect of Africanization and nationalization as required by Ujamaa policy affected the missionary work. Some of their institutions were nationalized; all the schools in the Matengo Highlands belonged to the missionaries. As a result of nationalization policy all mission schools in the Matengo Highlands were nationalized in 1969. There was also some encroachment in the health services whereby the government provided some subsidies and personnel so that they can provide free health services to the population. This was true to Litembo Hospital which was designated as District Hospital.890 On the same vein the missionaries speeded up the process of handing over leadership of the church to the local clergy and urged the local church to design self-reliance strategies. An African local bishop was consecrated in 1962 that came to take over the newly created Songea diocese in

February 1969 with its seat at Songea.891 The missionaries were to be confined at a small Abbey Nullius of Peramiho marking the end of long endeavor of evangelization and civilization of the Matengo Highlands and the entire Songea diocese.892 Local clergy was entrusted with the pastoral task of keeping the faithful intact by preaching the word of God from the Matengo context. However, there was a tendency of giving responsibilities without financial and human resources.893 Until recently the treasurers for many years in this diocese were German Benedictines and

889 The terrain of Matengo Highlands did not allow resettlement. The existence of coffee a permanent crop and very productive by the time commanding high rank in foreign exchange generation the government did not afford to disturb the Matengo people. 890 Fr. Josephat Malunda, interviewed at Mbinga parish, 2013 891Kamati op. cit. 892Kamati, ibid. 893 Fr. Timoth Nduguru Kigonsera parish 348

nobody else knew where they got the money. The clergy just went to beg for financial assistance and to get their monthly stipend. The treasury of the diocese of

Songea was still under a European missionary which meant that the local clergy was not able to perform its functions without Abbey Nullius of Peramiho approving it.894

Wealth was concentrated in the Benedictine Abbey and all monks could go and enjoy it there. The Abbeys were developed into economic centres in the areas with everything a government needs except prisons.895 The big problem with the local clergy especially after getting the indigenous hierarchy is that they had no economic independence; they continued to depend on the abbeys.896 This dependency though led to rebellion by some of the clergy especially the first generation that studied in

Europe.897Unfortunately even the people became dependent on the abbeys as for a long time they were the only ones who could give salaried jobs in the area. They were like in old Europe the centers of civilization. They must be complemented that they also produced some of the most convinced Christians. There still a lot of questions regarding the source of the wealth accumulated by the Abbey. Evidence from respondents indicates that apart from the Swiss- German monasteries continued to support the monasteries and the dioceses, there is every reason to believe that much of the wealth was internally generated by fair and foul means. Projects like hunting, mining and gold smithing in the Matengo Highlands leave a lot of questions unanswered. Natural resources from the forest products, animal products, farm products, and many others must have contributed towards accumulation of wealth

894 Bishop M.Kilaini, op. cit. :4 895 J.K.Nyerere address to Peramiho community 1960s 896Bishop Kioaini, Ibid. 897 Frs. Christian Kapinga, Mbunda, Chengula, took up employment in the government where their performance was very productive 349

that is lying at the procure of Peramiho and its parishes like Litembo, Tingi,

Liparamba, Lundumato, Mbinga and even Nangombo.898

When the Benedictines retreated to Abbey Nullius of Peramiho it was common to transfer most of the valuable assets to Peramiho and if the assets were not transferable, the parishes with that wealth were not handed to local clergy. In case a local priest is stationed in such wealthy parish there were European brothers and sisters who were in charge of those stations, local priests were not allowed to supervise parish income generating projects. Small parishes were put under the local clergy who was dependent to the abbey in terms of resources.899 It was also very strange that the Benedictine missionaries did not train African brothers in their order.

Peramiho was strictly an Abbey for European monks. Even when it was accepted that there should be training of African Benedictine monks, the monastery was established in 1957 at Hanga more than a hundred kilometres away from

Peramiho.900 Whatever reasons can be propounded, the reality is that there was generation gap in the Benedictine Order as discussed above. Very few people took vocation in Europe and America.901 The demand for personnel in Abbey Nullius of

Peramiho was rising so rapidly. Though the Benedictines have been segregative from the beginning, the reality was that there was no other alternative except to allow

Africans join the order but not at Peramiho.902 Why didn‘t they want to mix with

Africans is a question which has not been answered adequately.

898 Fr. T.Ndunguru, Anton Matanila, Xavery Mbunda, Gerold Komba, Fr. Fidelis Mligo, 899Fr. Lucius op. cit. Introduction 900 Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess inaugurated the monastery in January, 1st 1957 901 Fr. Timoth Ndunguru Kigonsera Parish Priest interviewed 2013 902 Fr. Fidelis Mligo and Fr. Timoth Ndunguru, interviewed 2013 350

The catechists were relived from teaching the sub-grade schools which were now converted into primary schools. The reason was to allow the catechists ample time to intensify preaching of the gospel to the faithful. Besides, catechists were given one occasion in a month to appear at the parish station for recollection. A syllabus for religious classes for each month was prepared during that occasion. Furthermore, a catechist was obliged to attend a one week workshop on religious instruction once or twice a year.903

The faithful were at this juncture very much involved in the running of the church through taking more responsibility in the spiritual milieu. Priests were encouraged to involve the faithful in formulating plans and the implementation of which. In 1958 a step was taken to put in place a church body known as Washauri wa Kanisawhich was charged with the work of administering the church funds from taxes or tithe and offerings the faithful for catechist salaries and payment of the cult. The body also advised the priest on pastoral issues. This structure was improved and perfected in the following years to form a strict structured Church Council or Halmashauri ya

Kanisa.A new form of integration came in 1968 when the church put in place the so- called Pastoral Council or Halmashauri ya Uchungaji which was dealing with pastoral issues.904The Christian intellectuals with membership drawn from teachers and other professionals formed what was called ―Social Guilds.‖ They used to organize meetings, workshops and seminars to train the lay apostolate in political, social and economic issues.

903 Lucius op. cit. 26-27 904 Lucius, Ibid. 53 351

These discussions and meetings between the lay apostolate and the missionaries were not received well by missionaries who claimed them to be meaningless. But in the long run they often proved to be very fruitful and valuable for the smooth running of the mission work. Participation in the meetings of the lay apostolate indeed offered missionaries an avenue to learn better how to live and work with the African

Christians from the point of view of their angle.905

The question of self-reliance was supposed to be introduced to the faithful step by step. The payment of church taxes was made obligatory not only to the Matengo

Highlands but the whole mission territory. The purpose for the introduction of church tax was to cushion the financial deficits caused by failure of donors in Europe and

America to disburse funds to the monastery. On top of that from 1960s it was laid down that no schools, churches, or chapels were to be built without the faithful had contributed money for the bricks. The upkeep of catechists had to be shouldered by the contribution from the faithful. Since some parishes in the Matengo Highlands were unable to meet these obligations, the catechists lived very difficult lives. Some of the catechist decided to quit the job so as to join the secular employment were they received big salaries.906 As a result of this plight many outstations lacked enough personnel which caused shockwaves in the entire church enterprise. The shock was a necessary result of heavy dependence on the catechists to do most of the church work with exception of administration of sacraments which was deserved to the priests only.

905 Lucius, ibid. (ibidem) 906 Anton, Xavery interviewed 2012 352

From these Small Christian Communities, leaders are chosen to represent the faithful in the Sub-Parish, Parish, Diocesan and finally in the National Lay Council. These councils at sub-parish and parish level control most of the church activities. They have been instrumental in raising the self sufficiency of the local churches financially. Together with the clergy, they prepared the church programs and the budget, including the maintenance of the clergy and the catechists and engage themselves in raising the funds. Coordinated by the Lay Council at all levels are the lay organizations and movements. There were many traditional pious organizations as the Sacred Heart of Jesus, Legionaries of Mary, Charismatics, Tertiaries of different orders and prayer groups under the patronage of different saints. The association of the Sacred Heart of Jesus is very strong in the country and very active.907

5.8.7 Response of Matengo to Transition Process During the period of transition from missionary church to local church, the entire

Matengo Highlands was already evangelized. More than 85% of the people were already Christians at least by virtual of being baptized.908 In one way or the other this population of the faithful was involved in the transition. The transition was an effort initiated by the missionaries due to the material condition obtained in the church as it is discussed at length in preceding paragraphs. Since the Matengo Highlands was the theatre on which missionaries were interacting, the society was necessarily to experience some shockwaves. From the ecclesiastical point of view the Matengo had to participate in supporting the church materially in form of offerings and tithe in order to facilitate the running of the local church. Missions were supposed to build

907M.Kilaini op.cit. (opus citatum), 1998:7 908 Doerr, vol.3, 1998:233 353

and maintain their schools, to provide for the upkeep of the priests, brothers and sisters. The faithful was to construct churches, priests‘ and brothers‘ houses and those for sisters. Statistics show that this role of the faithful was very challenging.

For instance the last mission stations of Mbangamao and Mikalanga by missionaries were built in 1966. Since then, it took the Matengo Highlands more than 29 years to build another mission station in 1994 at Mpepo.909 The missionaries left with their income generating projects leaving the local clergy without reliable sources of income and heavily dependent on the Abbey of Peramiho.

The lay apostolate of the Matengo Highlands was not accustomed to giving and self- reliance unlike their Anglicans counterparts along Lake Nyasa who had been groomed to be self-reliant. When the idea of contributing to the development of the local church was raised it was received with mixed feelings among the Matengo people. The priests had to employ some measures to induce the Matengo to comply.

Some of the measures were to disallow them from baptizing their children, to solemnize weddings, to receive confirmation and to deny them sick and funeral services. This move was detrimental to the development and consolidation of

Christianity in the area as many people found recourse to pre-Christian era and an increase in non-Christian marriages (mabagula/makunja) and polygamous marriages.

In reaction to this situation the Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess had to intervene by ordering the priests not to deny the people sacraments for failure to pay the tithe and other church obligations.910

909 Kamati ya Mawasiliano, Jimbo la Mbinga na Askofu Mstaafu Jubilei Pacha, 2012:21 910 Lucius, op. cit. 54 354

The faithful were confused with the transition from missionary church to local church because they appeared not to understand what was happening in the church.

On the one hand they perceived the changes to local church as a formation of new religion. Many wondered the how traditional music was relevant in the church environment.

―Mh, dini inakwenda wapi siku hizi jamani.? Eti zinaingizwa kanisani hata nyimbo za porini‖911 Of course the lay people had rationale to raise this concern because at the beginning the missionaries used to condemn everything of the natives as ‗ushenzi‘ and sheer paganism. More serious was the time when the local clergy was so much close to lay postulate to point that, there such sarcastic songs among the Matengo people leveled against the local church.

―Nakaungama kwako na patii wee nkohanu, na nakaungama kwako na patii wee mbona ntwae, nakahungama kwako na patii wee nndamu, na nakaungamaa kwako mbona patii na nzemba wango?‖912 An unofficial translation in English is as follows: ―Where can I take penance sacrament when the priest in my son-in-law, where do I take penance sacrament when the priest is my mtwae, where can I take penance sacrament when the priest is brother-in-law, where can I take my penance sacrament when the priest is my mjemba? This song used to convey a message showing a corrupt relationship between the clergy and the lay apostolate which is unbecoming. The worst scenario is when priests were accused of having an affair with a daughter or wife of the lay apostolate.

This individual in the song is complaining how he/she is going to say his/her sins in front of the in-law because it will be embarrassing. To them a European priest would

911 Kamati, op. cit. 97 & 99 912 This was a song very popular among the Matengo accusing the local clergy of involving in unethical interactions with lay apostolate to the extent it was difficult for some people to take penance sacrament from a priest very closely related. 355

have done the justice. But again the message is how can one go for repentance to a priest he/she is sure committed similar sin with someone known to him. In this situation the Matengo people started looking at local Christianity in a very negative perspective.

Matengo had their traditional beliefs, customs and practices in which Sapanga the divine was acknowledged and venerated but the missionaries tried to fight. By the end of the Territorial Abbey Nullius of Peramiho, mission stations were placed in the hands of native priests.913 But after the transition most marital relationships were polygamous and second or third marriages were very common. About ninety percent of the Matengo were Christians belonging to the Roman Catholic Church, although beliefs in witchcraft, traditional religions and medicines were very prevalent. A dual standard in religious practice was therefore very common and the Matengo people performed most of their cultural activities concurrently with church festivals and ceremonies.914 Cultural performance during official events of the government, party and religious were so common among the Matengo. The 39 songs performed at one occasion, 20 songs were self-praises of the groups, 15 songs were lamentations to the dead, and 4 songs were about a church event (the inauguration ceremony of the

Mbinga Catholic Cathedral Church).915 There were also religious functions such as consecration of new clergy and churches and ordination ceremonies which were coloured by traditional dances and songs.

These traditional dances were part and parcel of the Matengo traditional cultural life which the missionaries had challenged throughout their stay in the Matengo

913 Sr. Redemista Ngonyani, The Power of Governance of the Docesan Bishop in Relation to the Institutes of Concecrated life …, PhD Thesis, Catholic University, Nairobi, 2011:18-19 914 Frowin Nyoni, 1998, 118 915 Ibid. 156 356

Highlands. Their appearance in the 1960s context suggests that these traditions were still intact despite the existence of Christianity. Again the acceptance of traditional ngomas to colour Christian events suggests the acceptance of procedures through which these ngomas are prepared. For mganda or kihoda dance to be prepared it had leaders known as kingi, these were essentially clan leaders possessing magical secular powers to protect their groups against rival groups‘ ill-intentioned machinations masopa.Ironically, most of the leaders of the cultural groups were

Christians who sometimes commanded high positions of authority in the church including members of the Halmashauri ya Kanisa. This shows that the Matengo people had joined Christianity and accessed what was good in Christianity, but at the same time retained what they thought was good and good for the reproduction of their society.

It is true that after the introduction of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands many families kept on following the traditional customs and cultural values. There was constant communication with the ancestors through mahoka, ibuta and the Sapanga.

In the Matengo Highlands there was no any event that was performed without involving the ancestors through preparation of local beer, slaughtering animals, administering cassava flour kondagolaand conducting traditional prayers. Fr. Francis

Majeshi Ndunguru advised that the effort should be to discourage all destructive traditional and cultural practices which are detrimental to the society. But for those positive practices they should be improved and promoted for the purpose of cementing the society together for the good of all members.916

916 Fr. Francis Ndunguru Majeshi deputy parish priest of Litembo in Mbinga Diocese admitted that it is difficult for the Matengo to stop performing traditional ritual in their undertakings. 357

This argument tallies with the concept of acculturation as embodied in the Second

Vatican Council of 1962 to 1965 which called for the church of the place Kanisa

Mahalia which is required to incorporate the culture of the people of the respective place.917 The spirit of the Vatican Council II was that the missionaries were wrong in thinking that they can kill everything traditional in the Matengo Highlands and erect

Christianity onto them. To the contrary the missionaries would have done better if they had learned the Matengo prayers, traditions, customs and the entire culture before the start of evangelization. This approach would have made missionaries to introduce Christianity in the environment of the culture of Matengo. This would have enhanced the establishment of the Matengo church in an amicable atmosphere.

In the field of education the Matengo Highlands was affected by the transition from mission Christianity to local church. As it has been put in the aforementioned discussion, until 1969, all the schools in the Matengo Highlands were owned and managed by the missionaries. And that the missionaries enjoyed considerable freedom in the matter of running the education sector for their advantage including teaching religious instructions at their own will. But now the school system was compelled to follow the national educational system which reduced its power to influence indoctrination of the pupils.918 The school teachers were no longer involved in teaching religious instructions in schools; instead the work was entrusted to the catechists who were no longer part of school system.

917 The Documents of the Second Vatican Council in Norbert Brockman, S.M. with Umberto Pescantini M.C.C.J., A History of Catholic Church 2004:198 918 TNA, Acc. 155, Songea District Education Committee Meetings, Minutes of 4.7.1957 Five Year Plan Proposal, Minutes of 10.12.1960, New Education Plan 358

The political system of the Matengo Highlands was Native Administration which was forced in place by the British colonialists. The advent of independence changed the political structure of the Matengo Highlands. It became a district of Mbinga combined together with Unyanja to form its District Council. The whole district was divided into divisions of Matengo Highlands and the Unyanja division which were further divided into Village Development Committees (VDC).919 But as religious entity Matengo Highlands still retained its status under the Litembo deanery. Mission structure which had changed name to parish was still intact and strong. The parish station remained the administration centre reporting to Abbey Nullius of Peramiho which was changed to a diocese in 1956. At the lower level there were outstations which supervised the pastoral work, development work, social work and other activities. The outstation coordinated the work Basic Christian Communities which were the coordinators of the Christian families. In 1968 the missionaries ended their assignment of leading the diocese retreated at Abbey Nullius of Peramiho and the local clergy took the leadership which shifted to Songea. The religious structure in the Matengo Highlands was running parallel with the secular structure; in the long run the religious structure was much influential in running the day to day matters of the society.

Evidence reveals that the transition created a kind of center-periphery relations between the Abbey and the parishes. In the parishes the same relation also existed whereby the outstations, the basic Christian communities were dependent on the mission station. At the end the families and individuals were also very dependent on

919 Fr. Egno Ndunguru, op. cit. :63 359

the missionary enterprise for their reproduction.920The dependency syndrome had persisted to individuals in the Matengo Highlands especially those living around the mission stations. However, with administration going to local clergy the ability to assist the population around the mission stations has declined. The reason for this is that the local priests depended on the contributions from the faithful in the form of tithe and other contributions. Their African families were also poor to support their priests as it used to be to European and American missionaries. The need for self- reliance became so pressing in order to run the church activities.

5.9 Conclusion In this chapter we have attempted to analyze the process of transition from mission

Christianity to local church in the Matengo Highlands. The reasons for transition have been explored and its necessity established. There were externally propelled reasons from the Propaganda Fide which seemed to favour indigenous based

Christianity than missionary Christianity. Though the Benedictines were thinking of permanence in their territories including the Matengo Highlands, the pressure from

Rome reinforced with Second Vatican Council there was no other alternative except to succumb to that pressure. This was further reinforced by the failure to get young missionaries from Europe and America due to fall in vocation among the young people. The number of faithful was growing so fast while the number of missionary personnel was declining fast.

Internally generated factors were also compelling. Decolonization process made the missionaries start to contemplate about their future in the Matengo Highlands. This

920 Fr. Francis Ndunguru, Catechist John Nchimbi and retired DC Osmund Kapinga interviewed at litembo and Mbinga 360

was again prompted by the suspicion the missionaries had on the British colonial government. There seemed to exist a strong mistrust between the colonial authority and the missionaries who were mainly German nationals. Furthermore, the primary objective of evangelization seemed to have been accomplished by the fact that more than ninety percent of the Matengo was already baptized. What was needed now was the pastoral work of deepening and strengthening faith of the faithful. This success of the German missionary made them redundant and of necessity to allow the local clergy to continue with this task.

361

CHAPTER SIX CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN THE MATENGO HIGHLANDS

6.0 Introduction This chapter will evaluate the influence of Christianity in the socio-economic development of the Matengo Highlands. As it was stated from the outset that this study intended to investigate the role of Christian religion in the socio-economic development in the Matengo Highlands, therefore this section will analyze the data presented in the preceding chapters to see how they contributed to the transformation of the Matengo society. From the beginning, missionaries said they wanted to bring to Africans both religion and civilization. It was their opinion that their faith would not be able to acquire stable form among the Africans without the aid of a civilization that has attained a certain level of perfection.

By such a civilization we mean one that is based on science and work in addition to religion… But civilization is impossible without faith. Hence it is the task, nay the duty, of the mission to work at it, not only in so far as morality is concerned, but also in its intellectual and physical aspects: education, agriculture and technology.‖921 Even the Benedictine missions had stated in their constitution that their main objective was to bring civilization to the faithful through their philosophy of ora et labora or prayer and work. The tactic employed to implement this objective was the use of monastic approach. In this situation the monastery was supposed to be a center of civilization through the introduction of modern styles of life. Table 6.1 below enumerates some of the modern styles introduced by missionaries in their centers.

The facilities with modern etiquettes included electricity, running water, brick

921 John Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa (2nd Edition) 2009:137 362

buildings with aluminum iron sheet thatching, hospitals, shops, post services and education facilities. The surrounding society will be drawn into this civilization through evangelization into Christianity which constitutes a civilization values like education, religion, health services, cleanliness, monogamy, spiritual values, submissiveness and modern styles of life. Those Matengo who adopted this set of beliefs were at the forefront. They comprised a broad middle-class of farmers who have adopted an appreciation for modernity and progress, people who held positions of administrative power (local chiefs), who controlled the spiritual and economic power of the Church (catechists), or who gained economic or educational superiority

(educated businessmen and teachers). This group aligned itself with European powers and cultivated tastes they saw as ―modern,‖ often to the detriment of long- held beliefs and practices among their cohorts.922

In implementing this agenda the Benedictines undertook to establish infrastructure to facilitate evangelization and spread of Christianity through preaching the word of

God. The infrastructure established included opening of mission stations as the centers of their operation, opening schools to facilitate reading and learning of the bible, opening of health centers to oversee the health status of the faithful, constructing roads and bridges to facilitate the communication and movements of the missionaries and their work implements, opening of trade schools to train people who would assist in construction and other skilled labour, domestic science training to young ladies to facilitate nutritional health improvement of the faithful. While these establishments were intended to be infrastructure to facilitate missionary work, to the

Matengo society, these establishments were construed as development. However, it

922 Stephen Hill, Machini Kubwa!: Group Dancing, Politics, and Modernity in Umatengo, Tanzania, PhD Thesis, Urbana, Illinois, 2001: 75 363

has to be noted with caution that not all the people around were beneficiaries to the missionaries. Those close to the rose flower enjoyed the smell the most while those far from the proximity could not enjoy the good smell the same way. There is a section below which demonstrates the presentation of the findings of the study on the perception of what development is in the Matengo Highlands.

Can we conclude that missionaries were the custodian of socio-economic development in the Matengo Highlands? When the Holy Ghost missionaries arrived at Zanzibar in 1860 Sultan Seyyid Majid asked them what the objectives of their mission were. The leader of the mission Fr. Fava who was sent to Zanzibar by

Bishop Armand Moupoint of Reunion answered that:

―Tumekuja kuwatunza wagonjwa, kuwasaidia maskini, kuwasomesha watoto na kuwafundisha ufundi mbalimbali.‖923 Bishop Raymond Mwanyika put it this way:

―Wamisionari wetu walishughulika sana kuondoa ujinga wetu kuhusu maisha bora zaidi ya binadamu hapa duniani, ili ajiandae vema kurudi kwa Mungu anayetupenda. Kwa nia hiyo walianzisha bush schools, primary schools, Middle Schools, Central Schools, TTC, Trade Schools, Domestic Schools, Nursing Schools, Seminari na Utawa; kujenga Hospitali na Zahanati; kutengeneza njia za usafiri na kutafuta vyombo vya kusafiria‖924 It was also an acknowledgement of the scholars that missionaries had played vital role in the development in Africa as Sarah White and Romy Tiongco put it:

Historically, development is the successor to colonialism, in which Christian missions played an important part. One

923 Risala ya Maaskofu kwenye Ukumbusho wa Miaka 100 ya Kanisa, 1975:4. Cf. John Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa (2nd Edition)Paulines Publications Africa, Nairobi, 2009:213 924Bishop Raymond Mwanyika, Bishop of Njombe, Ujumbe katika Jubilei ya Miaka 100 ya Ukristo Jimbo la Peramiho. Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu Songea, Peramiho, Historia ya Uenjilishaji Songea: Jubilei ya Miaka 100, Printing Press, 1998:xi-xii 364

legacy of this is evident even today in Christian Schools and hospitals all over Africa.‖925 From the aforementioned discussion it is the conviction of this study that there is a consensus that Christian missions were part and parcel of civilizing mission. Apart from evangelizing the backward Africans they were also supposed to be exposed to the values of civilization through western education, health services, monogamy, modern houses and dressing codes. According to this line of thinking these values of civilization will eradicate traditional values, paganism and primitivity among the recipients of the new civilized values. For most European missions in the 19th century and early 20th century, conversion to Christianity was viewed as a necessary component of global project of modernization premised and groomed in a particular notion of civilization as a culmination of evolutionary progression away from barbarism and savagery.926

Before answering this question it is imperative that we explore what development is.

There are various perspectives on development. But also there are various stand points on development from the Christian point of view. It is indeed a crucial idea that the concept development be analysed from these points of view. Therefore this study starts by looking at development from the point of view of modernists,

Marxists, neo-Marxist, liberals and neo-liberals.

925 Sarah White and Romy Tiongco, What has Theology to do with Development, Peace and Reconstruction? In Isabel Phiri, et al (eds.), The role of Christianity in development, peace and reconstruction, All Africa Conference of Churches, Nairobi. 1996:10 926 Maia Green, Witches, Priests and Power, The Global Christianity and the Structure Power, Cambridge University Press, 2003:2 365

6.1 Development Paradigms The modernist perspective viewed development as a process of breaking from traditional institutions to modern ones. In this perspective missionaries undertook the task of bringing change to backward societies through evangelization. Becoming a

Christian meant becoming civilized. The 20th century was characterized by the dominant understanding of development as modernization as expressed in Walt

Rostow‘s927 ―stages of economic growth.‖ The technological development of the

North, which was modern, rational and industrialized, was considered the answer to the development of the South, which was ‗backward, traditional and primitive. ―It meant that the technical and economic development within the capitalist framework was considered to be the panacea for all socio-economic problems.‖ To generalize, these theorists saw development as involving a change from the traditional to the modern. Tradition was generally seen as too backward and primitive for modern conditions and modernity was defined in the image of the North. Religion was not considered in economic modernization literature.

The rejection from the South to development as modernization, gave rise to another macro-theory known as dependency theory. This theory was the response from the

South to modernization theory. Dependency theorists believed that the more powerful states and economies took wealth from weaker countries. The key proponents of dependency theories were Raoul Prebisch, 928 Paul Baran, 929 André

927 W.W. Rostow The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (1960). He was an American economist who presented 'Stages of Growth' model of development. According to Rostow, the process whereby all the developed industrial nations of the world transformed themselves from backwardness to prosperity can be described in terms of a series of stages. These stages of economic growth are: (1) Traditional society, (2) Pre-conditions to take-off, (3) Take-off, (4) Drive to maturity, (5) High mass consumption. 928 Dependency Theory developed in the late 1950s under the guidance of the Director of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Raul Prebisch 366

Frank 930 and Immanuel Wallerstein. 931 As the debate on dependency and underdevelopment continued, a number of new and ingenious variations upon the theme emerged. These were highly integrated theoretical models of increasing complexity which attempted to explain the development experience of humankind in terms of the operation of the world system viewed as a whole.932

Development as globalization propounded by current liberal point of view of development is now the dominant theory. To adequately understand development in the new millennium, one needs to have an understanding of these new concepts, ideas and debates surrounding globalization. Globalization is a process that embodies a transformation in the spatial organization of social relations and transactions, generating transcontinental or interregional flows and networks of activity, interaction, and power.933 This theory does not adequately address the problems of underdevelopment in the south. To the contrary the south is closely drawn to the north hence more dependent.

Alternative development refers to a development vision that rejects economic growth as the locus of development. It rejects the aim of economic progress, which in modernity‘s story implies a world where everyone should aspire to the high consumption, high-pollution way of the rich minority today. Supporters of alternative

929 Monthly Review author Paul Baran in "Political Economy of Growth". According to Baran, early colonization by Europe had left Asia (except for Japan), Africa and Latin America in a disadvantageous position. 930 Andre Gunder Frank (February 24, 1929 – April 23, 2005) was a German-American economic historian and sociologist who promoted dependency theory after 1970 and world-systems theory after 1984. He employed some Marxian concepts on political economy, but rejected Marx's stages of history, and economic history generally. 931 Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World Economy in the Sixteenth Century, New York: Academic Press, 1974. 932 Hans Martin, 2002:194 933 John Arun Kumar, Mission and Postmodernity, Neocolonialism and Globalization 367

development have become a small social movement, spread across the world. Like other social movements, alternative development has many different interests, factions and trends within it; and it has complex relations to other social movements, such as women‘s and environmental movements. Some consider alternative development as prophetic rather than immediately practical. While today, alternative development is strong on vision, values, new ideas and is strong in its contacts with

NGOs on the grassroots levels; it does not have the political or economic influence.

Development as transformation is partially informed and in dialogue with the alternative development theories of: David Korten‘s people-centered development,934

Manfred Max-Neef‘s 935 psychological model of satisfying human needs, John

Friedman‘s 936 access to social power and Robert Chamber‘s 937 responsible well- being. Then from an evangelical perspective, is the theory of Jayakumar

Christian‘s938 kingdom of God response to powerlessness.

In summary, the argument for development as transformation is based on a People

Centered Development approach. It has a specific philosophy of development

(poverty has a spiritual dimension and development must be holistic) and seeks to mobilize vision.939 Its praxis is contextual established by Trans disciplinary research and synergistic planning strategies 940 and personal through empowerment and

934 Korten, theories of development based on people-centered development (1990, 1992, 1995) 935 Manfred Max-Neef‘s, 1991 936 FRIEDMAN, J. Empowerment: The Politics of Alternative Development. Cambridge: Blackwell, 1992 937 Robert Chamber, Whose Reality Counts? Putting the First Last. London: Intermediate Technology Publications, 1983, 1994, 1997 938 Jayakumar Christian‘s, Powerless of the Poor: Toward an Alternative Kingdom of God based Paradigm of Response.Unpublished PhD thesis. Pasadena: Fuller Theological Seminary (1994) 939 Korten, 1990:4 940Max-Neef, M.A. Human Scale Development.Conception, Application and Further Directions. New York: 1991: Apex 368

‗bottom up‘ participation because it recognizes individual and local potential and capabilities.941 It utilizes the local church that is uniquely equipped and positioned to address issues of: truth, powerlessness, worldview and the axiological dimension of development (Christian) theological reflection on mission as development in this chapter, a framework for transformation emerges that points us to the best human future—the kingdom of God. Transformational development implies a process of social change or transformation in every sphere of life for individuals and communities, in the fullest sense of God‘s redemptive purpose.

Marxists perceive development as stages of development of society from communalism, slavery, feudalism, capitalism, socialism and communism.942 With the dissolution of the primeval communities, society begins to be differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic classes.943 Class antagonism and struggle to improve productive forces are the motive forces of change of society qualitative and quantitative leap. Development in this regard was the change from lower mode of production to upper mode of production; the latter was much advanced in terms of improved level of productive forces as well as change in the relations of production.

These changes in the basic structure affected the superstructure which essentially was the custodian of the ideological tools like ideas, religion, laws and politics of power.

The modernist theory of development as developed by Rostow was a critique to this

Marxist theory of development. Both these approaches describe the evolution of

941 Friedman, Chambers, op. cit. 942 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1969, pp. 98-137; 943 Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, second edition, Stuttgart, 1886. 369

society from economic point of view. Both the approaches admit that economic changes have social, political and cultural consequences.

Central to the concept of development are ideas about economic, social and political change and progress underpinned by certain values, such as justice, equality, hardworking, honest, respect, and trustworthiness. Nevertheless, issues central to development objectives have always been amongst the concern of main religious tradition. These include ideas about poverty and wealth legitimate livelihood, belief about command of knowledge and the transmission of values and thus access to education and ideas about gender roles and equality.944

For the purpose of evaluating the socio-economic development of the Matengo

Highlands this study is informed by a theory that looks at society as constantly in dynamic changes that of growing and transformation both qualitatively and quantitatively. In this situation the Matengo Highlands was internally changing unlike those who attribute the transformation to foreign pressures from the Ngoni invasion and European colonialists and missionaries.945 To the contrary this study establishes that internal dynamics related to the need to increase production to feed the fast growing population necessitated the improvement of productive forces by evolving iron technology and devising intensive land use technique of ngolo system.

The external forces cannot be ruled out because it used to condition the internal dynamics and shape them in the way they were happening.

944Justina Dugbazar, The Relationship between Values and Religious Teaching and Development Concepts and Practices: A Preliminary Literature Review, RDA Working Paper 33, 2009:32 945 Stephen Hill, op. cit. 2001:11 370

6.2 What is Development? At a minimum, development is a movement from a worse state to a better one. For a society to develop it must improve in some relevant way. The standards of relevance are by far not clear, so it is not clear to know whether development has taken place without the conception of the ends of its ends or end. The consensus is that it is based on the concept of well-being. Development should reflect people‘s ideas about how they would like to improve their well-being, social organization views about societies should be improved and the aims and aspirations of national government not only economic growth.

Today it is widely accepted that the concept of human development incorporates both economic growth and the creation of the enabling environment for the people to live long healthy and creative lives. This involves wide distribution of benefits of economic growth; access to assets, livelihood and services; and physical and economic security. Improvement to well-being implies not only increased material resources and incomes, but also recognition of rights, access to opportunities and the capacity to make the most of them.946

Historically, the concept of ‗development‘ has had varying meanings, in changing historical contexts, and propelled by changing visions of its telos — i.e. the state of being that development ideally should lead to. At the end of World War II the word

‗development‘ acquired the new meaning of re-building the infrastructure and economy of Europe, as epitomized in the Marshall Plan. Development concerned — and was directed at — Europe in President Truman‘s vision of a brave new postwar

946 Carole Rakodi, A Guide to Analyzing Relationships between Religion and Development. Working Paper 67, 2012 371

world order characterized by the Bretton Woods financial architecture. 947

Development only acquired missionary and messianic overtones after it was re- oriented from Europe to the Third World.

Development as transformation is based on fourth-generation development models, people-centered development. Development is what happens when people learn, grow and change. It is at once a process and a result. It is a process because people are learning, taking charge of their own lives and solving their own problems. It is a result, when people actually change their context of their lives.948

6. 3 Perception of Development in the Matengo Highlands In the course of the study research a question was set to elucidate information on what was the perception of the people on development. The information was gathered through in depth interviews, archival information and some secondary data.

Local people in Matengo Highlands viewed that development occurs when all problems facing the people have found solutions. They used examples of increase of production of crops both cash and food crops such as maharage, ulezi, ngano, which make them, live in peace and respect of humanity. 949 Further to that, others associated development with reproduction of cultural values of the society. They capitalize on such cultural elements like traditions, customs, healing and medicines war against witches and sorcerers. Consequently this situation will bring peace and tranquility to the whole society. 950 Still more others, perceived development to

947 Oscar Salemink, Faith-Based Development Initiatives as ‗Prosperity Religions.‘? Reflections on religion and development. Religion and Development: Crisis or new opportunities? 2007 948 Hans Martin Wilhelm, Walking far Together: Theological Education and Development in African Pastoral Formation 2002:39 949 Mzee Anton Matanila retired civil servant, interviewed 2012. 950 Julius Komba, mzee wa mila (mchawi?), interviewed at Kingua 2013, 372

getting good health because of medical facilities availed to them through mission hospitals. 951 Catechist John Nchimbi 952 believes that Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands made people to know the word of God which ultimately made them to live together harmoniously. Christian virtues made the Matengo to obey the colonial and independent regimes without resistance. This is because Christianity has emphasized in its basic teachings the Ten Commandments and Church Laws which stressed on hard work, honesty, humility and love in the course of preaching.953 Besides, the missionaries opened factories in the mission stations which provided employment, skills learning and products such as canned meat and biscuits; they also opened up hospitals and dispensaries to ensure the health of the faithful.

Xavery Mbunda 954 perceives development as civilization through the power of

Christianity to eradicate paganism and witchcraft. Development was also manifested in the improvement of dressing style from the traditional bark cloth ndenda to second hand cloth mitumba or popularly known as malijohn. Traditionally the Wamatengo were using local cloth manufactured from tree barks. A tree known asntaba possessed a bark with fibre-like materials which was softened to produce bark cloth known as ndenda. This material was used as bedding material as well as clothing material. The feminine garment was called mpati and masculine garment was known as mpinda.The clothes were made in such a way that they were only covering the private parts only. Sometimes the Matengo people used to put on animal skin clothes.

With the arrival of Christianity, catechumens, school children, marriage couples and

951 Masingi Cosmas Kapinga, who personally had been admitted to Litembo Mission Hospital twice in 1962 and 1965 admitted that in the absence of that service he would have passed away. Despite his confidence to Christianity Masingi entered into polygamous marriage. Interviewed 2013 952 Catechist John Nchimbi, interviewed at Litembo 2013 953 TNA, Acc. 155, Songea District Book, Colonial records show that Matengo were hard working naturally. 954 Xavery Mbunda katekista mstaafu 373

communicants were supposed to put on some decent cloth during the pass out celebrations. The missionaries used to provide some second hand clothes to these

Christians something that attracted Wamatengo to join Christianity. Together with missionaries there were also some itinerant traders who had established themselves a trading center at Mbinga and other traders came from Songea bringing with them clothes, salt, sugar and other merchandise. The common fashion was that of kikwinda or nsalu for boys and kimau for girls. The catechists and teachers were dressed in a short and a shirt. Later it became fashionable for all Christians to have new clothes during Christian feast days especially Christmas and Passover occasions. This way the dressing fashion of modern clothes became part and parcel of the Wamatengo dressing code.

The church teachings and prohibitions created fear among the Matengo of offending

God. Repentance system in the Catholic Church was followed by penance system which to some extent was instrumental in a creation of good and righteous conduct among the Matengo faithful, young and adults. In general, respondents in this group had the opinion that what is construed as development in the Matengo Highlands owes much to the presence of missionaries and Christianity in general. Therefore, in the absence of Christianity and its missionaries there would have been a disaster to the Matengo Highlands in as far as development is concerned. There would have been no hospitals, schools, civilization, foreign crops and variety of skills.955

Missionaries who were respondents in this study perceived development as to free

Matengo from the power of evil because the Matengo were regarded as pagans.956 As

955 Litembo elders Paul Jeremia Ndunguru, Remigius Mikael Churchil Hyera, Constanitn Manyuka Mwingira, Longnus Mathias Tilia Interviewed the at Litembo, 2014. 956 Abbot Lambert, a retired Abbot of Peramiho Abbasia interviewed at Peramiho, 2013 374

a result of missionary hard work, Christianity was and is still deep-rooted in the

Matengo Highlands. To the missionaries, the consolidation of Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands was indeed a sign of development.957 Fr. Christian Mhagama parish priest of Nangombo equates development with what the missionaries introduced in the Matengo Highlands. He attributes development to the missionary schools which introduced and spread western education which is the basis of understanding the world. Furthermore missionaries introduced health services which assured good health to the faithful hence spiritual development.958

Fr.Majeshi Ndunguru959 stressed on the role of doctrine of Christianity and its basic teachings which played a crucial role in modeling the Matengo people to refrain from primitive and communal life like paganism. But development was associated with the habit of making prayers according to the rules of the Catholic Church. Adaptation of

Christian ethics by Matengo made them civilized in terms of organizing their activities according to the philosophy of ora et labora or prayer and work. The faithful admired the style of lives of the missionaries which in most caseswere used as life models. Apart from spiritual values the missionaries insisted on the faithful to learn different skills, planting of trees, fruits, wheat and coffee; build brick houses and use aluminium iron sheets for thatching.960 Fr. Francis Ndunguru Majeshi further emphasized that the Christian faithful around mission stations benefited from services such as infrastructure, radio calls, postal services, roads and spiritual values offered by the mission stations.

957 Ibid. interviewed at Peramiho 2013, 958 Fr. Christian Mhagama, parish priest of Nangombo interviewed 2013 at Nangombo, 959 Fr.Majeshi Ndunguru, deputy parish priest of Litembo interviewed at Litembo 2013 960 Around mission stations there a lot of beneficiaries of this type of development. The outstations at the mission periphery used to have little chance of meeting the missionaries. Most of the time, the faithful in outstations were under the spiritual care of the catechists. 375

Fr. Ndunguru Timoth961 was of the opinion that development enjoyed by Christians in the Matengo Highlands can be translated in terms of health services, education facility, basic needs such as sugar, salt and soap; art of building, cloth, infrastructure, afforestation, bricks making and house construction. All these facilities were introduced and spread by missionaries. The system of repentance, symbolized regret of commission of an offence was making people God fearing hence refrained from making sins as stipulated in Christian scriptures.

The missionaries in the Matengo Highlands made a lot of impact on development to the people. Fr. Christian Mhagama962 maintained that Matengo development should directly be related to missionary‘s activities in the process of evangelization because they introduced coffee, wheat, skills and ora et labora philosophy contributed to the development of the area. Fr. Josephat Malunda 963 associated development of the

Matengo Highlands to the establishment of schools, agriculture, animal husbandry, health services, salt, cloth, running water, housing and eating style. He gave a narration of the common practice during the repentance session, that some priests brought with them some salt which they used to distribute to the faithful who appeared for repentance session. 964 This was an inducement introduced by the missionaries to the faithful to appear for the repentance and hence make Christianity lively in the area.

The people in the state perceived development in the Matengo Highlands in terms of education provision, morality, infrastructure construction, skills in brick laying,

961 Fr. Ndunguru Timoth, interviewed at Kigonsera, 2013. 962 Fr. Christian Mhagama, interviewed at Mbinga, 2013. 963 Fr. Josephat Malunda, , interviewed at Mbinga, 2013. 964 Fr. Josephat Malunda, interviewed at Mbinga, 2013 376

construction of decent houses, adult education, agriculture and gardening, use of fertilizer made of animal manure and composite, animal husbandry, timber work, shoe making, tailoring, carpentry, dressing style, eating style.965Osmund Kapinga the retired District Commissioner (DC) of several districts including Mbinga district, perceives development of the Matengo Highlands in terms of coffee economy and education, trade school, nursing school and domestic science school.966

The retired DC further argued that the coffee economy was just operating at production level not at the market level, therefore it did not constitute development.

Furthermore, missionary education provided by missionaries in the Matengo

Highlands ended at middle school level. It ended into producing catechists, teachers, technicians, nurses and domestic science workers making the Matengo very narrow in world view. Roman Catholic Church retained monopoly in the Matengo Highlands from the beginning; there was virtually no denominational competition. This had negative effects on the Matengo Highlands in the sense that it generated non- competitive spirit on the faithful. More badly the tendency marginalized the faithful and hence generating submissive and docile character. The educated class was found among the local clergy priests and seminarians who were part and parcel of the missionary enterprise and they were unable to challenge the missionary establishment.967 To Jacob Hyera missionaries were custodians of development in the

Matengo Highlands by introducing new crops in the area. The crops introduced include coffee, wheat, fruits, trees and vegetables.968

965 Mzee Engelbert Nyang‘ali, retired nurse of mission hospital, interviewed at Mbinga 966 Osmund Kapinga, retired DC interviewed at Mbinga 2013 967 Osmund Kapinga, exDC, interviewed at Mbinga 2013. 968 Jacob Hyera, District Agricultural Officer, interviewed at Mbinga, 2013 377

Local rulers of Mbinga District Council interviewed, perceived development by looking at the development projects which included road construction, subgrade schools, lower primary school building, furrow and market.969 After independence development projects which were insisted by District Council were on the Village

Development Committees to follow up village development projects. The development projects included cooperative agriculture,970 wheat flour milling, village development farms, village adult education programs, environmental conservation, animal husbandry, use of fertilizers from manure and composite in agriculture and improvement of communication by making roads and an air strip at Mbinga.971

Looking at the different perceptions by different groups of people interviewed and literature consulted it is true that development as a concept mean a lot of things to different people. But still it is possible to make generalization on what development is. For a human society development is about growth, transformation, change, improvement and betterment. It involves both quality and quantity and relates to human and material improvement. A number of conclusions have been made in this study. The study has drawn up the main important evidence and conclusions made in this study. The evidence presented so far on the establishment and spread of

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands show that; Socio-economic development is the process of social and economic development in a society. Socio-economic development is measured with indicators, such as GDP, life expectancy, healthy, income, literacy and levels of employment. Changes in less-tangible factors are also

969 TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39, 1964 & 1965, TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39/vol. II, District Council Development Project 970 The cooperative farms were opened at Kigonsera, 971 TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39/vol. II, District Council Development Project 378

considered, such as personal dignity, freedom of association, personal safety and freedom from fear of physical harm, and the extent of participation in civil society.

Development implies increased skill and capacity, greater freedom, creativity, self- discipline, responsibility and material well-being. … At the level of society development implies an increasing capacity to regulate both internal and external relationship. 972 This being the case, the advent of Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands brought with them many services like schools, hospitals, colleges, religion, infrastructure and employment. Looking at these attributes many people often have automatically equated them to development. Gauging these services from the Rodneys‘ formulation, the study can here draw some conclusions as hereunder presented.

6.4 Religion and Development All religions are part and parcel of human history they evolved as a result of some obtaining historical material conditions. Karl Marx stressed that, the various positions and beliefs held by people, be it religious, moral and so on, are created and conditioned by their material circumstances.973 For Marx the "superstructure" which includes culture, ideology, ideas and religion is determined by the material base, and not as the Idealist philosophers would have it.974 Religion is where people tend to turn during desperate times. It is within human nature to search for a greater force

972Walter Rodney, op. cit. 1972; 9-10 973 Karl Marx, The Germany Ideology, op. cit. 974 Ibid. 379

when the rest of the world appears to be against you or if the world cannot provide any real answers or solutions to our problems.975

At one stage in human history societies evolved one type of religion or another. It is in this context that we have evolution of Islam, Buddhism, Christianity, Judaism,

Confucianism, Taoism and African Traditional Religions. All these religions played a crucial role in history of the respective societies. Each religion had its way of interpreting of what entailed development according to the scriptures. Even the main stream Christianity, the perception of development differed from one denomination to another.976 It is in this context that, this study looked at Christianity as religion which was introduced in the Matengo Highlands played a role in the transformation of the society.

From the onset history has furnished us with information on the role of Christianity in development of societies. From 4th century AD Christianity had become a state religion in the Roman Empire. This was made possible as a result of Constantine the

Roman Emperor accepting baptismal. During medieval period the church became very powerful following the collapse of Roman Empire and plunging Europe in the state of insecurity. People rallied behind the church since it was providing security spiritually and bodily leading to the institutionalization of serfdom in Western

Europe. Church extracted taxes from citizen in the name of tithe or ten percent.

Monastic movement was a major force in development of northern Europe to 1500.

Monasteries offered relief to the poor, introduced new forms of learning, education,

975 Evolution of religion in human society was necessitated by the need to address challenges confronting human beings 976 Kirsteen Kim, Concepts of Development in the Christian Tradition, RDA, 2007 380

health care and agriculture. Monks and nuns espoused poverty as religious path, living in community depending on alms for their living, though many monastic orders became very wealthy in the medieval period.

In 16th century the emergence of renaissance movement, science and technology and the reformation movement challenged the rulers of church and state due to corruption, autocracy and nepotism. Protestant rulers broke from Roman Catholic

Church to form Lutheran under Martin Luther, Dutch Reformed/Presbyterian Church under John Calvin, and Anglican under the English monarchy. In the chaos of the period of religious wars of 16th and 17th centuries the powers of priesthoods and the monasteries were crashed in Northern Europe, refugees from Europe sought religious freedom in colonies in other parts of the world. The England Puritans who developed modern democracy in America and protestant work ethics led to the rise of capitalism.

In colonial era Christian missionaries initiated many aspects of what now can be described as development. Mission work included mass education, health care, movements to improve the conditions of women, campaign against caste, slavery, and alcohol, generate commerce and industry to improve lives of the poor people, care and advocacy for the disenfranchised, prisoners, widows, orphans and child labourers. They did not always support colonial authorities and their religious values sometimes clashed with those of the government.977 In the high imperial era most missionaries were serving the interest of the colonial enterprise and many failed to

977 Isabel Phiri et al, (eds), The role of Christianity in Development, peace and reconstruction, All Africa Conference of Churches, Nairobi ,1996:10 381

distinguish between the Christian gospel and western civilization.978 The Protestant missionaries for instance held an international conference in 1910 at Edinburgh for evangelization of the world, conversion of the world to Christianity and programmes for human welfare. The vision of the conference was impaired by the world wars and when the Europeans empires broke out, initiative set up by missionaries were often integrated into government programmes in the era of development.

Development in Christian missions was a distinct evolution from the policy of

―benevolent colonialism‖ and later the ―comprehensive approach‖ spawned at the

Jerusalem Conference of the International Missionary Council in 1928. After World

War II the comprehensive approach was revamped and replaced by the notion of development,979 which assumed the concept of the world, was a single entity.980 The year 1945 punctuated the history of the world, ending World War II and initiating the nuclear age. The end of the war found many nations crippled from devastation.

Although the United States suffered human loss in the hundreds of thousands, it stood almost alone in having been spared the destruction of land and resources.981

Statistical evidence from ten countries namely Uganda, Malawi, Tanzania, Congo

(Leopoldville), Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Rhodesia, and Zambia shows positive relationships between the rise of Christianity and the growth of indicators of development such as education, wage labor, electrical consumption and

978 Pontifical Decree on the Mission Activities of the Church, Ad Gentes 1965 979 D. J. Bosch, op.cit. 1991:356 980 M. Porter, Caught in the Web? Feminists Doing Development. In Feminists Doing Development: A Practical Critique, M Porter & E Judd (eds). New York: Zed Books, 1999:5. 981 Hans-Martin Wilhelm, 2002:188 382

urbanization.982 Oliver sums up the point this way: "During the last 50 years (since

1900) Christianity in Africa has been more than a mere religion. It has been that which has helped the African adapt himself to the new order."983

6.5 Christianity and Socio-economic Development in the Matengo Highlands One of the important influences to the social, economic and political change to

Africa South of Sahara has been the impact of Christian missionaries.984 The overall effect of Christianity, however, has been positive. Christianity as a modern and civilized religion for evangelization and spreading the word of God; as institution which has churches, schools, seminaries, businesses, projects of different type; as a way of living, civilizing agent, mode of life and behavior which is more advanced and elitist985 as ideological instrument of the superstructure986 must have influence on the host society of Matengo Highlands. The establishment of Christianity in backward society like the Matengo Highlands is a long and multidimensional process. The history of this process of development of Christianity has to be investigated in order to identify the dynamics involved in the transformation of mode of life. This section through evidence from the findings will demonstrate how

Christianity influenced the socio-economic development of the Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1968.

This section demonstrates the findings of the study. It provides answers to the question whether establishment of Christianity and its spread across the Matengo

982 Raymond F. Hopkins, Christianity and Sociopolitical Change in Sub-Saharan Africa, Social Forces, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Jun., 1966),: 555, ULR: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2575091 . 983 Roland A. Oliver, How Christian is Africa? (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1956:17. Sundkler writes: "As the old ancestral order was dissolved by modern Western influences, the Christian churches grew to represent a new rallying point, a new order, a new life and a new leadership, op. cit. :45 984 R. Hopkins, op. cit. 555 985 Mihanjo; op cit. :59 986 Marx and Engels;op. cit. 383

Highlands had any influence to the socio-economic development from 1890s to 1968 to the Matengo Highlands. This periodization is deliberately chosen since it is when the Benedictine Christian missionaries retreated to the Peramiho Abbatia and the church was left to the indigenous leadership. The findings are presented into three main subsections, infrastructure, social services, and spiritual formation and values.

6.6 Christianity and Social services Development in the Matengo Highlands What are social services? The organized government services and department that help and advise people in community with problems or special needs, health, education, housing:

6.7 Christianity and Spiritual Values Development in the Matengo Highlands Mihanjo speaks of Euro-centric indoctrination which was undertaken by the priests, catechists and teachers through the establishment of missions and acculturation process.987 The number of people served by mission centers was so high hence the impact was serious because they reached most people and therefore the indoctrination was heavy and frequent.988

Enrollment in the Matengo Highlands Roman Catholic schools was; Kigonsera mission opened schools at its outstations of Mhagawa-Litembo 1901, Kipapa 1909,

Kindimba 1910, and Matiri 1911. In 1914 Litembo mission boasted of 16 schools with 2,182 pupils.989 When the German Benedictines left the Matengo Highlands in

1916 due to World War I, they left back 18 schools with 4,000 pupils and 2,000

987 Mihanjo, 2000, cf. TNA 2286 Register of Mission Stations 1935/37, cf. TNA, 23/10 Mission Schools for which no Rights of Occupancy are Registered 1922-1926. 988Mihanjo, Ibid. 989 Lambert, 1998:80 384

adults following instructions in Christian faith.990 When hearing the word "mission", many people still think of primary evangelization, that is, to preach the gospel to people who never heard of it before.

The first Benedictines founded Peramiho as a mission station in 1898, which was their very task and aim at that particular time. But today, in 2008, this "mission" has since long been completed. Three dioceses (Songea, Njombe, and Mbinga) emerged from the work of the Benedictines of Peramiho, Peramiho parish has 20000 Catholics among 30000 inhabitants - primary evangelization is no longer among our tasks.

What remains much more of pastoral work and this role has been assigned to the leadership of the local clergy.

The second great watershed for Roman Catholicism came in the 1960s when the

Church presence in Africa was reshaped by the twin events of decolonization and

Vatican Council II (1962-65). The coincidence of the two movements meant that the process of decolonization helped African Catholics participate enthusiastically in the wholesale change of direction Vatican II proposed for the church; and at the same time Vatican II prepared Catholic Christians to play an active role in decolonization and the political and social upheaval that was its aftermath.

Vatican II stressed understanding; encouraging the use of the vernacular, rather than

Latin, in worship, and opening the door to co-operation between Catholic, Protestant and Orthodox Christians. Perhaps the key African Catholic response to Vatican II

990 Ibid, 1998: 81 385

was the use of the vernacular liturgy and the development of African hymnody and instrumentation.

"It may seem odd, but it is probably true, that the most important single effect in Africa in popular terms of the Council has been the change in singing, in hymns, in music, in the use of musical instruments. The pre- Conciliar African church set its heart on the possession of a harmonium. The post-Conciliar African Church glories in its use of drums."991 Vatican II also permitted, and even encouraged African Catholic Christians to read

Protestant vernacular translations of the Bible.

At the same time, however, Vatican II, which "brought the Church into the 20th century‖, also made the Church more firmly western in its modernity. When the

Church "de-mystified" folk Catholicism, reducing her approval of healing shrines, holy water, statues and candles, she removed the points of contact between traditional African religions and Catholic Christianity, changes which were resisted by African Catholic Christians.

Vatican II also encouraged the development of local ecclesiastical leadership, precisely at the time when African nations were asserting their independence from colonial domination and developing local leadership. In 1960 most priests and virtually all bishops were European or American. Many of them enthusiastically embraced the principles of Vatican II and worked to develop African liturgies, hymns and musical styles. By the early 1970s the missionaries began to leave Africa, voluntarily relinquishing their leadership positions to African churchmen. By the time of African Synod of 1994 ninety percent of the hierarchy was African.

991 Adrian Hastings, African Catholicism, pp 128-29 386

As the European missionaries left, the African bishops became more conservative than their white predecessors, and began to reign in the reforms initiated by the missionary priests and bishop. This coincides with a political shift from the heady independence of the 1960s to an increasingly repressive series of regimes in the

1970s. The bishops in Uganda under Idi Amin, the Congo/Zaire under Mobutu,

Ethiopia under Mengistu, the Sudan, Angola and Mozambique found themselves struggling for their survival and that of their flocks, working to equip them to withstand persecution and accept martyrdom. They also found themselves isolated from each other and no longer speaking with a common voice, as they had in the

1960s when travel grants and conference money were plentiful. 992

Mainstream Catholic and Protestant churches have undergone radical change since the formal end of the colonial period. Most have indigenized to some extent, although financial dependence on missionary churches remains. They are less likely to retain previous monopolies in health and educational provision, although they remain engaged in service delivery, often as part of an expanding not for profit sector which may provide an alternative to lower quality state managed services.993

6.8 Roman Catholic Church Perception on Development Roman Catholic with its centralized authority at Vatican has its teachings based on the teachings of Jesus Christ in the Old Testament a twofold attitude towards economic goods and riches are found. On one hand, it sees availability of material goods as necessary for life. On the other hand, economic goods and riches are not in

992 Green Maia, op. cit. :7 993 Semboja and Therkilsden 1995 387

themselves condemned so much as their misuse. 994 The papal documents have always insisted the role of the church in development of the people especially those who striving to escape from hunger, misery, endemic diseases, poverty and ignorance.995 Following the Second Vatican there was renewal of consciousness on the demands of the gospel to make herself duty-bound at the service of all, to make them grasp their serious problem in all dimension.996 There was also the teaching of apostles and the good example of the good deeds of the saints of the church.

Implementation of the Catholic teachings on development differed according to the nature of the particular order and its constitution. The implemented depended on the origin and the culture of missionaries. There were several orders including the Holy

Ghost, White Fathers, and Benedictines. Each of these denominations was representative of a European power as its colonial agent. The Holy Ghost Fathers, were mainly French under the leadership of Fr. Antoine Horner, were the first to arrive in Zanzibar in 1863 and crossed to Tanzania mainland, Bagamoyo in 1868 where they opened freed slaves' villages. In these villages they received and taught slaves freed by the British marines from the Arab slave traders. With the help of catechists trained in these villages, the missionaries evangelized northwards till the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro. The ex-slaves were the first catechists.

The missionaries of Africa (White Fathers) led by, Fr. Livinhac, arrived in 1878 in two groups. One group started on the shores of Lake Tanganyika and the other on

994 Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace, Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church. Copyright 2004 Libreria Editrice Vaticana, Article 323, www.vatican accessed June, 2014 995 Pope Paul VI, Populorum Progressio (On the Develoment of the Peoples), Paulines Publications Africa, Nairobi, 2008:7, cf. his predecessors Leo XIII in Reru Novarum, 1892, Pius XI in Quadragesmo Anno, 1931, John XXIII in Mater et Magistra, 1961 and Pacem in Terris, 1963. 996 Holy Father John Paul II, The Church in Africa, Paulines Publications Africa, 2009:23 388

those of Lake Victoria. This mission to the great lakes evangelized all the West of

Tanzania together with the neighboring countries of Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and

East Zaire.

The Benedictine missionary Monks of St. Ottilien landed in Dar es Salaam in 1887.

From there they evangelized southward to Ruvuma River on the border with

Mozambique. Their two monasteries of Ndanda and Peramiho became centers of development and modern civilization in the South of Tanzania.

After the First World War more missionary congregations and Societies came in to help. The congregations that arrived at this time were: the Capuchins, Consolata,

Passionists and the Pallotines. More missionaries came after the Second Word War namely: the Maryknolls, Rosminians and the Salvatorians. Propaganda Fide gave to each of these missionary groups a Diocese or two to evangelize.

The Catholic missionaries approach to development was based on the specific missionary order. The Holy Ghost missionaries applied the style of establishing center along the coast as ex-slave settlement. The freed slaves were then converted to

Christianity within those coastal settlements of Bagamoyo and Zanzibar. On the other hand the White Fathers had forged the approach of indigenized conversion approach and involvement of the African faithful. The White Fathers, unlike the

Benedictines were the first to allow the participation in the church activities hence were very early in getting African local clergy in 1917while the Benedictines ordained the first African priest in 1943. The Benedictines and the Franciscans applied the monastic approach whereby a center was erected equipped with all

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European needs. This center was supposed to be a center of civilization which should permeate to the rest of the surroundings. In the Matengo Highlands the Benedictine established series of mission stations where the missionaries priests, brothers and sisters lived. The kind of relation which was forged in these monastic centers was that a replica of European cultural standards still the missionaries wanted Africans to assimilate. Besides, it was hard for the Africans to learn because there was a long social distance between the the mission centers and the African laity. Even when the

African clergy was introduced in the scene, the distance between European clergy and African clergy was hardly bridged.

6.9 Developmental Role of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands 1890s to 1968 Christianity in the Matengo Highlands played a crucial role as an eye opener to the remote placed and neglected by all political regimes in history. The Catholic Church has had a greater influence on people‘s daily lives with regard to providing opportunities for material and spiritual advancement, controlling behavior, and defining worldview than any other institution, including the successive governments that have ruled Tanzania.997 The German, the British and the independence regimes neglected the Matengo Highlands as less potential contributor to national development. 998 During the spreading of Christianity the missionaries introduced infrastructures which finally transformed the whole social, political and economic system. The German regime had left its mandatory role of developing the society to the Benedictine Fathers. The missionaries apart from evangelizing the people they opened schools, hospitals, shops, factories, introduced cash crops, potatoes, wheat, trees, fruits, constructed roads and bridges, opened mining centres, pacified the

997 Stephen Hill, op. cit. :33-34 998 TNA, Acc. 155, Annual Report, Lipumba Sub-District 1925 390

population for smooth running of the colonial administration etc. The colonial regime was just preoccupied with the role of tax collection, policing the population, expropriating labour for public work, keeping law and order, collection of honey, wax, forest products, supervise production, control their administrative agents like akidas, jumbes, liwalis and nyaparas.

The British regime consolidated the German foundation in social services. They did not detach from the German policy of leaving all developmental activities to the local people. The only difference was extension of supervisory role to social services.

They offered grants-in aid to the educational and health services, they designed the curricula, they inspected the schools, they gave rules and regulations to the operation of hospitals and dispensaries, through indirect rule they administered their area using

Native Authority, the Native Authority was financially supported by taxes collected on poll tax, head tax and hut tax, infrastructures were all under the Native Authority and the missionaries. All the schools in Matengo Highlands were under the Roman

Catholic missionaries until the time of independence and Native Authority hospital and otherwise all health services were owned and managed by the missionaries.

6.10 Christianity and Infrastructure Development in the Matengo Highlands Infrastructure are the basic systems, facilities and structures necessary a country or organization needs in order to work properly and effectively, for example roads, railways, buildings, transport, bridges, administrative systems, water and energy resources and banks. In the context of this study infrastructure is referred to the roads, bridges, agriculture, industries construction which the missionaries erected to facilitate evangelization.

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On the basis of the importance of infrastructure, it is our assumption that the introduction of Christianity had impact in establishing and expanding infrastructure.

Consequently this led to the increase of development ventures which were facilitated by these infrastructures put in place by the Christian missionaries. This study undertook to prove the validity of this assumption.

To establish and amass evidence as regards the question we examined archival information, oral histories through interviews and secondary information. Interviews were conducted in six parishes Kigonsera, Litembo, Maguu, Matiri, Liparamba and

Mbinga.

Matengo Highlands was perceived as a remote and backward area up to 1970s. This problem was compounded by poor road connecting the two points. Even the British colonial Governor who paid visit to Songea District in 1926 had experienced the problem and commented thus:

―Songea is so remote that she must produce something more valuable than rice and it is for that reason that I elected for coffee. …The province has been neglected in the past and I should be ready to help Native Authorities (with the acquiescence of legislative council) if they want a little money for their stock farms etc.‖999 The independence era found the Matengo Highlands in a situation very dependent on the missionaries in return of their accepting Christianity in large numbers. About

85% of Matengo at independence were Roman Catholic Christians. The independent government like its two predecessors did not take deliberate steps to develop the area in terms of infrastructure. It inherited the existing poor and crude infrastructures put in place by missionaries and institutionalized by the colonial regimes. Missionaries

999 TNA, AB. 56, 1733/7/61 (gazetted on 2.3.1926) 392

established infrastructures of roads, bridges and postal services to link its mission stations; to link mission stations with their outstations, middle schools and bush schools; to link mission stations with their headquarters at the Abbey Nullius of

Peramiho. Communication with the rest of the districts, region and nation remained very crude. It took someone ten or more hours to reach Mbamba Bay in the same district 100 kilometers away. It also took another 8-10 hours from Mbinga to reach the regional headquarters at Songea some 80 kilometers away. The worst scenario was to reach Dar-es-Salaam the national headquarters from Mbinga – Matengo

Highlands which took almost a week. All in all, the missionary effort to connect different places in the Matengo Highlands by establishing infrastructure cannot be ignored. The colonial German and British governments and the independent government just reinforced what the missionaries had already put in place. For this reason the introduction of Christianity in a nutshell improved communication system in the Matengo Highlands.

6.11 Christianity and Education in the Matengo Highlands The Matengo Highlands has never been carefully attended to by the German, British or Tanzania independent governments in the area of education. For instance, it was not until late 1960s did the government begin building schools (actually not building but rather nationalizing existing mission schools). In fact the building of new schools in the Matengo Highlands came much more lately perhaps in 1980s. The evidence gathered through oral interviews discovered that in the Matengo Highlands colonial contact was strictly done when taxes needed to be collected or recruitment of labour for boma and road construction and military services. German administration had no effect in Umatengo for the first 10 years of German colonization, it is clear that their

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influence was minimal and that their presence played no role in historical memory.1000 In fact, the first direct effect of German colonization on Umatengo was the construction of the first church by German Benedictine missionaries, in Litembo in 1901. From this time until the present, the Catholic Church has had a greater influence on people‘s daily lives, with regard to providing opportunities for material and spiritual advancement, controlling behavior, and defining worldview – than any other institution, including the successive governments that have ruled Tanzania.1001

Much contact with Europeans in the Matengo Highlands was that with the

Benedictine Fathers missionaries. In practical terms, the relationship between the

Matengo and the Catholic Church largely defined the Matengo‘s experience of colonization, administrative control, and to a large degree their experience of the cosmopolitan world.1002 Education system was just nationalization of mission schools and health facilities remained in the hands of the missionaries.

Education provided by the missionaries to the Matengo Highlands was very elementary according to the data and evidence presented herein before. It was based on bush schools, primary schools, middle schools, upper primary schools. The graduates ended in teachers‘ college, catechetical college, nursing school, home craft and trade schools. Up to independence 1961 Roman Catholic mission schools were not sending their products to secondary schools except for those who went to pursue seminary studies for the preparation into priesthood.1003

1000 Stephen Hill, op. cit. 2001:33 1001 Hill, ibid. 2001:34 1002 Mzee Cosmas Masingi of Kitura Parish interviewed June 2013, Mzee Nyang‘ali of Mbinga interviewed June 2013; zee Anton Matanila Kapinga of Mkumbi Parish interviewed July 2012. Cf Stephen Hill, op. cit. 2001:34 1003 TNA, EDU. 137/6, Education, 1948 394

It is therefore no wonder why Matengo Highlands had big number of teachers, nurses, social workers and technicians who were found across the country up to

1960s. To the contrary it was very rear to get secondary graduates in the Matengo

Highlands at that time. This education was not liberative by not creating situation of addressing the challenges confronting the Matengo society. The deliberate effort to deny the pupils the chances to go to secular secondary level education was a calculation to make them ignorant of what is going on around the world and hence confining the Matengo people to parochial setting. The recipients of mission education were not of inquiring mind but rather submissive people.

Schools had become recruitment ground for the future Christians in the Matengo

Highlands. The number of schools included bush schools, prepatory schools, catechestiacal schools, subgrade schools, registered schools, middle schools, secondary schools, teachers colleges, domestic science and trade schools. These institutions were owned and managed by the Benedictine missionaries until 1969 when they were nationalized by the independent government. As it is stated above, the colonial government used to furnish the registered schools with grants-in-aid in return for supervision of the curriculum administration. The content of what was taught was based both in secular education and religious instructions.

The non–registered schools were mainly taught by the catechists who devoted much time on religious instructions. The pupil was expected to excel in religious studies which led her/him to get the necessary sacraments. At standard II the pupil who performed well in religious instructions qualified for Eucharist sacrament. At standard III the pupil qualified for Confirmation sacrament hence becoming a full

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equipped person in the Godly nation. It was anticipated that upon completion standard IV or VIII, this person will straight way qualify for next sacrament of marriage for a lay person or for priesthood for those who received vocation to serve in the church as clergy. Consequently this system served as a strategy to enhance reproduction of Christianity in the society because this circle was continuously perpetuated. However, the educational situation in the Matengo Highlands during this period would have beed bleak if the Benedictine Fathers did not establish schools. As the study found that the colonial governments, both German and British did not establish any school in the Matengo Highlands.

6.13 Christianity and Health Sector in theMatengo Highlands Medical Development was part of the missionary establishments of the missionaries in the Matengo Highlands. There was some training in first aid and the rudiments of medicine, sick people were brought for treatment, a nursing and midwifery schools were established. Hospitals, health centers and dispensaries were established in all mission stations and some outstations as it is demonstrated in Table 6.1below. Where there were no dispensaries, the priests used to carry with them first aid kits for the service of their faithful. Personnel of these establishments included doctors, nurses and auxiliaries most of whom were Benedictine Sisters from Tutzing, St. Vincent

Sisters of Mbinga and St. Agnes Benedictine Sisters of Chipole. Attendance was often to the OPD patients, inpatients and Maternal Health Care.

Most of the hospitals built by the missionaries are in shambles in terms of infrastructure and the services rendered. No medicines and equipment, the workers are very demoralized with the treatment they are accorded plus very meager salaries.

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During the presence of missionaries meager salaries of hospital workers were supplemented by presents such as second hand cloth and other provisions.1004 These motivations are no longer forthcoming. The schools are almost collapsing and the local people are unable to rehabilitate the infrastructure. The government which nationalized them in 1960s don‘t seem to put any effort to make the schools run as they used to be during the missionary era. The number of beggars around most of the missions‘ centers is conspicuously alarming. 1005 The mission centers which were supposed to be agents of rural transformation don‘t seem to have accomplished the vision and mission they had anticipated. Those who used to get second hand cloth are no longer getting them. Those who used to get casual labour around the mission centres are no longer getting employment.

6.10 Christianity and Spiritual Values in the Matengo Highlands Christianity as system was strong in the Matengo Highlands at least in terms of numbers. By the time the missionaries withdrew to Peramiho about 85% of the

Matengo people were RC Christians at least by baptism, confirmation and marriage. 1006 However some observations can be made basing on the available evidence. Many were converted through baptism which was done at childhood. The evidence shows that the first generation Christians in the Matengo Highlands were youth while the older generation was reluctant to join Christianity. These first generation Christians used to baptize their children at birth and therefore in the late

1950s and early 1960s the big number of Christians were youth and children. Just like what Mihanjo commented:

1004 Gerold Komba Kalenyula and Engelbert Nyang‘ali both retired nurses at Litembo hospital interviewed at Litembo and Mbinga respectively, 2013 1005 John Nchimbi catechist of Litembo parish, Xaver Mbunda retired catechist interviewed at Litembo and Mbinga respectively, 2013 1006 Catholic Directory, 2006:145-146 397

Christianity was foreign ideology which was imposed over the African people. … It was first resisted. … After some, the African people accepted Christianity as a ―modern civilized‖ church based on elitist way of life. Since then the African people articulated and internalized Christianity as religion, an institution, a way of living and a mode of behavior.1007 This comment was very relevant to the Matengo Highlands as it came a point where a child who is not baptized at childhood was ridiculed and booed by age mates and the parents likewise were not at peace in front of other parents. It was considered irresponsibility of highest order on the part of parents who do not baptize their children at birth.1008 This perception has continued throughout to the extent that all ceremonies related to Christian rites of passage which involve different sacraments of baptism, Eucharist, confirmation and marriage are given considerable attention.1009

Sundays were given considerable respect among the Matengo people. Sunday was now observed as a day of rest and worship. It was extremely immoral for anyone in the Matengo Highlands to work on Sunday or put on unpresentable attire. ‗Noeli‘ or

Christmas and ‗Pasaka‘ or Passover days were very great days of the year.1010

Very often than not, during the 1960s it was stylistic that the catechumens who were usually in standard II or III were in most cases attending religious instructions with their grandmothers and/or grandfathers. These are the same people originally hesitated to accept conversion during the early days of Christianity. They have now realized that this new religion is an accepted and accommodated ideology among the

Matengo as a civilized church. It was now clear that to be a Christian implied accepting and internalizing the good attributes associated with Christianity such as

1007 Mihanjo 2001:20 1008 Interviews Litembo elders, 2014 1009 Observation of the researcher 1010 Interviews and observation 398

putting on nice clothes, building brick houses thatched with iron sheets, sending children to schools, respecting Sundays as holy days, using modern utensils and furniture. These old age people were baptized and received the Eucharist sacraments at the same time, while the already baptized young people received the Eucharist sacrament only.1011

The adaption of Christianity to some extent influenced the Matengo in terms of spiritual values which manifested themselves in honesty, hardworking, affection, tolerance, courage, thrift, honest, virtuous, values, compassion, empathy, trustworthiness, generosity, humility, willingness to sacrifice for common good.

These are intangible values which are hard to empirically prove. However, some manifestations can be demonstrated by way of looking into the common behavior of the population. We will come to this later.

Through the evidence gathered by way of interviews, observations and some archival sources, another conclusion we can draw is that the missionaries made an exit in the

1960s, concentrating in Abbey Nullius of Peramiho after getting some advantages.

Missionary societies were voluntary agencies like any other non-governmental organizations. To function properly they received big amount of money and other materials from interested well-wishers, sympathizers and beneficiaries. The founder of Benedictine Order Fr. Andreas Amrhein in 1887 was so concerned and worried that he would have not received 15,000 marks promised by the Ludwig-Missions-

Verein if the decree from propaganda Fide was not received in time.1012 This rush for money indicates that the financial element was so important in the missionary

1011 This researcher when in class II in 1965 received Eucharist sacrament together with his grandmother and they were both confirmed in 1966 when this researcher was in standard III. 1012 Napachihi, When the Benedictines were approved by the German government and the Propaganda Fide they started receiving donations from different organizations. Op. cit. :59 399

activities. The missionary organizations created employment to the priests, nuns and brothers who did missionary work as an employment component. To some extent missionary work was a source of income. Missionaries were paid salaries, allowances and other resources from their home government. 1013 The information available shows that there is available evidence that missionaries in the Matengo Highlands settled in rich resource areas where they were involved in mineral exploration and mining.1014 Why did the home organizations finance missionary work with huge human and financial resources? How can we prove the commitment of individual missionaries to the course of their mission? How did their constitutions safeguard the mission and vision of their missions?

Polygamy was rampant, church marriages were declining in number and ethics among the Christians is no longer tenable.1015 This state of situation suggests that

Christianity made the Matengo people especially those around the vicinity of the missions to be very dependent and submissive to the missions. They were groomed in such a way that they could not think of fending for themselves. This is why as the missionaries left, these people rendered completely unable to stand on their own feet.

The self-help scheme practiced by UMCA in Lake Nyasa shore did not develop in the Matengo Highlands by the Catholic Church. Missionaries did not liberate them.

Promotion of Morality or Moral Values - morality is looked upon as fundamentally a matter of self-regarded rules, realization, and its laws are regarded as rules for attainment of a good which every man naturally seeks. Christianity is an agent of moral piety. Since its advent to Matengo Highlands it had always condemned

1013Interview with Frs. Timoth Ndunguru, a parish priest of Kigonsera and Fidelis Mligo, Prior of Peramiho Abbatia June 2013 at Kigonsera nd Peramiho respectively. 1014 Interviews – Anton Kapinga, Xavery Mbunda, Fr. Timoth Ndunguru 1015 Parish Registers Litembo and Kigonsera 400

injustice, stealing (robbery), murder, adultery, fornication, cheating, incest and other sexual immoralities, corruption and other social vices that are capable of destroying

Matengo moral development. The standards of moral conducts are written in the

Holy literature called the Bible. Christianity in Matengo Highlands has always been involved in the preaching of the fear of God. Once the heart and mind are sanitized by Christian moral doctrines, crime will be less in Matengo Highlands. Many of the citizens and dwellers of Matengo Highlands have received the gospel and repented from their immoral lives.1016

Abbot Ebehard once stressed on religious instruction or catechetical methods by preaching in churches and schools, agents of handing faith were Christian family, parents to prepare their children for the sacraments. Though there were priests, teachers and catechists as agents for transmitting the faith, he reminded priests not to administer sacraments only but proclamation of the word by catechesis and preaching.1017

Right approach in teaching techiniques – catechisms should be updated to answer the needs of new generation, to help and inspire Christians to build and form their lives in a Christian manner. He complained the preaching of missionaries was not understood by the Christians, the preaching was often too dull and too dry. His was well written but he complained the lack of gift to spice them with stories, proverbs and aphorisms which appealed so much to African ears.

1016 Fr. Francis Majeshi interviewed at Litembo, 2013 1017 Fr. Lucius Marquardt, op. cit. 25-28 401

6.12 ‘Mission’ vis-à-vis ‘bomani’ The perception of Matengo about ‗mission‘ (kwimisoni) was a heavily loaded concept.1018 This was a place where one can worship because there are all facilities for that purpose. The facilities included the church and its fanfare, amazing decorations and flamboyant attires of the ecclesiastical processions worth reminding any one as being very close to heaven. The elderly missionaries still remember the times right up to early sixties, when mission stations and their many outstations spread throughout their mission territory, came alive on Sundays and feast days with people, often after long marches on foot, converging from all sides on their missin churches and chapels, clad in colourful garments, exchanging cheerful Swahili greetings. During service, singing became often a lung strengthening exercise, punctuated by the strident cries of scores of babies slung to the backs of their mothers.1019

Mission was a place where there were social amenities including hospitals, schools, trade schools, domestic science schools and nursing schools. A mission was a market place where whoever wants to sell or buy anything from foodstuffs (fruits, mushrooms, vegetables, fish, meat, ‘togwa‘, ‗wagi‘ cassava, Irish potatoes, and sweet potatoes); cloth products (woven materials – sweater/pullovers, socks, table clothes, hats and bed sheets); animal products (chickens, goats, sheep and pigeon); edible insects (kumbikumbi-flying ants,) tobacco and local beer.

1018 Francis Ndunguru (Majeshi) deputy parish priest of Litembo, 1019 Fr. Lucius Marquardt, O.S.B. Peramiho: Benedictine Mission to African Local Church 1953 to 1998, in Lambert Doerr (ed.) op. cit. Volume 2:16 402

Together with converts interacting in exchange at the mission, but mission was also a potential market of produce of the population around. The major produce of the

Matengo Highlands which found its market at the mission stations mainly Litembo,

Kigonsera and Peramiho was wheat. There was a big wheat flour milling plant at

Peramiho. They used to supply wheat flour for their consumption-mkate, but also to the Songea town and beyond especially the whole of Lindi province.1020 The other produce from the Matengo Highlands which found its market in the mission was

European potatoes. Evidence obtained from archival data, observation and interviews confirm that bundles and bundles of potatoes were carried through head porters from the Matengo Highlands to Peramiho mission, Lituhi mission, Kigonsera mission,

Litembo mission and Matiri mission.1021 The rise of potatoes demand in the missions called for increase in the production of the product in the Matengo Highlands.

Varieties of jobs were available at the mission station. There were skilled labourers such as teachers, nurses, doctors, carpenters, masons, and mechanics. These jobs were available in the institutions of the mission station. There were also non-skilled jobs like attending to the livestock such as dairy farm, poultry farm, piggery farm, vegetable gardens, horticulture, grains fields, cooking, cleaning and sanitation. There were again casual labourers in the field of construction of buildings, roads and bridges. These were jobs on temporary basis depending on the contract the mission has received.1022

1020 Fr. Lucius Marquardt, O.S.B. Peramiho: Benedictine Mission to African Local Church 1953 to 1998, in Lambert Doerr (ed.) op. cit. Volume 2:16, . cf TNA, Acc. 155, 64/4 Songea Native Affairs: Final Financial Statements 1945/47 1021Masingi op.cit. cf. Crispin Mandiluli regular conversation with the researcher 1022 Frs. Ndunguru Majeshi and Timoth Ndunguru 403

Evidence drawn from interviews and observation confirms to the contention that mission was acting as a place where converts can get justice in day to day life. The mission handled all matrimonial disputes between couples. Though in some instances some people queries the ability of a missionary be it a priest, a brother or a sister to handle a matrimonial cases while they are themselves living a celibacy life. This challenge notwithstanding, the missionaries were duly trusted by their followers without any doubt. The mission could also settle disputes and quarrels among the converts. The dispute settlement of their followers went together with guidance and counseling services to converts who had spiritual and bodily problems.1023

On the same trust convert accorded to the mission, it was customary to the converts to find solutions to their financial problems from the missions. The missions used to offer soft loans to the converts in most case the loans were interest free. On the other side, the converts accorded much trust to the missions to the extent that the missions served as banks where converts kept their money and other valuable properties.

Converts believed that the mission is safe custody in terms of security but also they believed that the missionaries were people of God who cannot harm their property.

Further to that they also had a belief that missionaries are rich people who cannot tamper with the meager property of the converts.1024 The missions were also the postal and telegraphic centres of the people in the entire parish. All letters were channeled through the mission mail box. The missions also possessed telegraphic lines which also served the converts in case they wanted to communicate to relatives living outside the village. It was no wonder having such addresses as C.M. Litembo,

C.M. Maguu, C.M. Kigonsera, C.M.Mbinga. People in the Matengo Highlands were

1023 Interviews Anton Matanila, interviewed July 2012, Nyang‘ali, interviewed June 2013 1024 All those Matengo living close to the mission station witnessed this process 404

identified by their parish, outstation to which they belong. The outstations were normally a centre of a bush school or registered primary school which belonged to the Benedictine Order. Up until 1968 there was no government school or college in the Matengo Highlands, hence all schools were associated with the Benedictine

Fathers.

At the mission station there were bells which used to ring at 6.00 AM, 12.00Noon and 6.00 PM signaling specific services (Angelus-the Engel of the Lord) in the church. It was now common to the neighboring communities to determine periods by using the church bells. Even the Sunday services were directed by the sounds of the bells at the mission station. In this manner the Matengo were in the mode of life which was monitored by the mission.1025

Mission stations became agents of modernizing agriculture in the Matengo

Highlands. The evidence gathered show that the introduction of new crops especially different fruits, coffee, wheat, and new farming methods. Missionaries introduced farms and gardens in which they planted different types of crops. These farms were acting as teaching fields and gardens to the faithful where they learned and adopted the new techniques of agriculture and they also practiced planting the new crops.

That is why all those who were close to mission station were the first to adopt the agricultural innovations.1026

Christianity was instrumental in skills development in carpentry, bricklaying, masonry, tiles making and sewing. Mission stations had introduced different trade institutions to produce for the mission stations. At the end those who worked in those institutions learned different types of skills which they used for their development

1025 Fr. Alex Kenyata, Maisha ya Wamatengo kabla ya ujio wa Wamisionari. 1999:31 1026 Paul, churchil Hyera, Mwingira, Tilia interviewed at Litembo, 2014 405

but also they were compensated money in due when they offered these skilled services to other folks.

Table 6.1: Mission Social Services

Mission Population Health Running Electricity Schools center water Kigonsera 14,352 1** V V V Litembo 28,993 1* V V V Liparamba 6,945 1*** V V V Mbinga 37,996 1*** V V V Tingi 13,481 1*** V V V Matiri 15, 844 1*** V V V Maguu 28,620 1** V V V Mpapa 17,530 1** V V V Lundumato 8,470 1*** V V V Mkumbi 12,665 1*** V V V Mbangamao 19,432 1*** V V V Mikalanga 8,558 1*** V V V Source: Metropolitan of Songea Health Services

NB: * Hospital ** Health Center *** Dispensary

Rural transformation as standard of living underwent changes. Traditionally the

Matengo houses were in the caves orlikolo (singular) makolo (plural) up to around

1880s, many of them were located around Mikiga mountain range running from

Litembo through Lituru, Mitambotambo, Mbugu to Mahande where it overlooks

Lake Nyasa. On the other side of Mikiga mountain range there is the Hagati valley in the Maguu mission station. From then up to 1940s the housing style of the

Wamatengo people were made of trees thatched with grass. From then to around

1960s the houses were made up of mud and still thatched with grass. From 1960s

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most of the Matengo houses were built by using bricks and thatched by aluminum iron sheets while others still using grass thatch.1027 This improvement in housing was the result of missionary innovations in the mission centers where the Wamatengo learned the skills. These skills were then introduced in their rural setting. The skilled personnel also used these skills to earn money by providing the services to the rest of the people in theMatengo Highlands who wanted to build the modern houses. When the missionaries left the whole of theMatengo Highlands was using bricks in building their houses and thatched by corrugated iron sheet.

Water supply in theMatengo Highlands improved very much. The construction of mission centers required constant supply of water. The terrain of Matengo Highlands is full of mountain ridges with numerous perennial rivers. Wamatengo used to go down stream to draw water for different uses. The missionaries introduced canalization system of accessing water. By using the gravity technology the missionaries were able to direct water by using simple canals to their destination even high up the mountain peak. The Wamatengo learned this technique and hence applied it to bring water to their mountaneous dwellings. From then onwards the

Wamatengo mountaneous dwellings were fed with running water through the use of canals. In some areas this water was used to generate electric power for the use of the center. Litembo, Kigonsera were among the important examples using electricity from hydro generation. Mission centers at Kigonsera, Litembo, Liparamba, Mbinga,

Tingi, Matiri, Maguu, Mpapa, Lundumato, Mkumbi, Mbangamao, and Mikalanga became urban centers with the following features discussed hereunder.

1027 Interview with Wamatengo elders at Litembo, Paul Jeremia Ndunguru, Remigius Mikael Churchil Hyera, Constanitn Manyuka Mwingira, Longnus Mathias Tilia and Raphael Gervas Mapunda Interviewed at Litembo, 2014 407

Coffee cultivation became the main stay of the Matengo economy from 1940s and it was the graduates of mission schools who took up the pioneering initiatives to plant coffee. This is evident in the areas around mission stations which are clustered with pioneer coffee growers. The wealth accrued from the proceeds of coffee sales helped the producers to improve their lives by building modern brick houses, buying transport facilities, sending their children to school and buying modern cloth and furniture.

Protection of the mission property was ensured through acquiring land through offers and title deeds unlike the local population or the ancient urban centers which used to fence their areas with heavy walls.1028 Because the availability of water was also an important consideration, these settlements were usually supplied with sufficient water. Such settlements led to specialization and the division of labor. Markets developed in which artisans could exchange their specialties for other types of goods.

A growing priesthood contributed to intellectual life, bush schools, sub-grade and middle schools, domestic science schools and trade schools. Thus, mission stations were responsible not only for the rise of commerce and industry but also of art and learning, and they played an essential role in the emergence of all great civilizations.

Among the most notable mission centres of the Matengo Highlands were, in the order of their development, Kigonsera, Litembo, Liparamba, Mbinga, Tingi, Matiri,

Maguu, Mpapa, Lundumato, Mkumbi, Mbangamao, and Mikalanga.

The development of mission stations in the Matengo Highlands was a feature of the breakup of the traditional life towards modern system of life. At the beginning of the

1028TNA, AB. 56, 1733/7/61, Secretariat File, Annual Report 1926, Mahenge Province. Government Granting Rights of Occupancy to Missionaries who applied for them. 408

20th century Matengo Highlands had two mission centres at Kigonsera and Litembo of 100 or more inhabitants; at the end of the missionary work in 1968 it had 12 such mission stations. Most of the missions were assuming an urban setting vis-a-vis rural setting. Litembo for instance developed into educational center as well as commercial. The presence of big mission hospital attracted people as far as Dar-es-

Salaam. Kigonsera also developed into industrial center in leather work as well as educational center which was housing the minor seminary before it was shifted to

Likonde in 1960s. Kigonsera Health Center was so beneficial to the population around. Maguu was among a fast growing mission into an urban center. It attracted a large number of population with it domestic science school attracting as many girls from across the whole of Matengo Highlands. Maguu Health Center was one of the most popular in the Hagati valley of the Matengo Highlands. Mbinga mission was apart from educational center with a middle school, Sisters Convent of St. Vincent and later Teachers Training College was developing into a fast growing commercial center which in 1965 hosted the headquarters of a new Mbinga District (formed

1963) from Ndengo. Matiri mission was anticipated to be one of the biggest mining centers of Benedictine missionaries. However the project is claimed to turn out into a complete fiasco for reasons better known to the missionaries. But the sources from the area have it that when World War I broke out one of the area of fierce battles was

Matiri and it is argued when they ran away leaving behind the mining center as well as other belongs.1029

These mission stations assumed political status by the fact that after independence all of them were housing political administrative centers. The government structure after

1029 Benjamin Akitanda interviewed at Kigonsera, 2013 409

independence went parallel to the Christian structure of administration. Most of the mission centers became government administrative centers as division or ward seats of the government. Mbinga mission station became the seat of new Mbinga district and Mbinga urban division. Litembo became a seat for Mbuji division and Litembo ward. Kigonsera, Matiri, Liparamba, Mkumbi, Maguu, Lundumato, Mpapa,

Mbangamao, Tingi and Mikalanga became the seats of ward administrative centers.

Likewise, all outstation centers were accorded village administrative centers in the new independent government structure. Such outstations included Kitura, Wukiro,

Unango, Kipapa, Kipololo, Ngima, Ngwambo, Kindimba, Mpepo, Mpepai, Utiri,

Kilimani, Kihungu, Kikolo, Mapera, Kipapa, Kipololo, Nyoni, Luwaita, Maguu,

Kitumbalomo, Mkako, Mkalanga, Langiro, Mbuji, Ngima, Myangayanga, Mkumbi,

Linda, Matiri, Ukata, Kitanda, Kitura and Mpepai. The Basic Christian Communities or popularly known as Jumuiya Ndogondogo which came in force after the Second

Vatican Council became the political equivalent of hamlet or Kitongoji or in other area thejumuiyabecame theten cell orubalozipolitical unit. These units became mobilazation centers for economic development through cooperation in work activities, as a unit for political mobilization like leadership election and social mobilization by cooperating in socio-cultural activities like organizing church singing, traditional dances like mganda, kioda, mhamboand football and netball games.

6.13 Conclusion To conclude this chapter an answer can now be provided to the question of development role of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. If the meaning of concept development is transformation of society from lower stage to upper stage

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taking into consideration both qualitative and quantitative aspects, the following conclusion can be drawn. The missionaries introduced Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands through the use of the following infrastructure: establishment of mission station based on monastery system, they built schools and introduced western education, they taught them the Christian basics as they appear in the Holy Bible, they also introduced health services, introduced innovation in agriculture and animal husbandry and many other things.

However, looking at Christianity as religion and its teachings, it is evidently difficult to establish the indicators of socio-economic development to the Matengo society.

On the other side looking at the Christian institutions, the impact of which to the

Matengo society is very evident. Many people benefited from missionary education, health services, mitumbaor secondhand clothes, cash crops such as wheat and coffee, animal husbandry and gardening. How development was the impact of these institutions is very crucial one. Development is about change, growth, more capacity to address problems confronting a particular society. The missionary facilities were not equally distributed because they had established center-periphery relations.

People who lived far from the mission station constituted the periphery and benefited the least unlike those whose proximity was adjacent to the mission stations that benefited the most.

In the Litembo mission which was the center, people around the mission station were the first to adapt the mission ―civilization‖ like construction of brick houses, planting of fruits and trees, accepting Christian faith, wearing imported cloth and owning

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cars.1030 Africans learned new norms and habits and were inducted into new roles such as recruitment into local churches, mass parties and role in the modern sector of society has occurred. Looking at these achievements and the other attributes, one can conclude that what was taking place in Matengo Highlands was more of underdevelopment. Majority of the Matengo were not accessing the benefits generated by missionaries. Furthermore, the facilities around the monastery such as water, electricity and shelter were reserved to the missionaries only.

1030 Paul Jeremia Ndunguru, Remigius Mikael Churchil Hyera, Constantin Manyuka Mwingira, Longnus Mathias Tilia Interviewed the at Litembo, 2014 412

CHAPTER SEVEN CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

7.1 Introduction In general this thesis has explored the role of religion in this case Christianity, in development. In particular, it raised one fundamental question: what might be the contribution of Christianity in socio-economic development in the Matengo

Highlands? From the beginning of chapter one through to chapter six, the thesis has been concerned with different key aspects of the question. The thesis addressed the following basic issues: an empirical investigation of the issues pertaining to

Christianity and development and exploration of how Christianity was operating in the Matengo Highlands. Philosophical and conceptual analysis in the light of qualitative inquiry informed the thesis. It is not the purpose of this chapter to reiterate what has been already said. Instead, the present chapter outlines the major research findings and reflections of the thesis.

Before enlightenment in Europe, religion was considered important in public life of humankind. Post-enlightenment period marked with relegation of religion to the sidelines of public life of mankind. The reason for sidelining religion was the emergence of modernization which consequently led to secularization of society.

Religion was considered as hindrance to human progress. However, from 1990s there is rapid growth of religious resurgence in public life. There had been cases where religion has played dynamic roles in public life. Examples are drawn from Iranian

Islamic revolution of 1979, Liberation theology of Latin America in 1970s, South

African Church, the September, 11 event in USA, etc. People of different affiliations started critically looking at religion and its role in public life including development.

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In Africa and other developing countries this theory was imported and is being popularized by these liberal and neo-liberal theorists.1031 They justify by saying that the developing nations are part of the world dynamics ie. Globalized world through colonialism, developing nations, they are very strongly/deadly in need of development, they are extremely religious, and there is resurgence of religion in the form of African Christianity and Pentecostalism. Theoretically when modernization went hand in hand with secularization in Europe (religion as backward looking, destructive, anti-developmental) in Africa Christianity was construed as part of modernization through conversion, evangelization, liberation, redeem Africa from barbarism, darkness, backwardness, superstitions, ignorance, diseases, poverty etc.

One need to ask why is this pressure so high now than any other time before?

Historically in Africa Christianity was part of modernization through conversion, evangelization, provision of social services, economic ventures. Christianity claimed a liberating role of redeeming Africa from barbarism, backwardness, darkness, slavery, witchcraft, spirits, etc. Christianity was influenced by evolutionary theories and modernization strategy in Europe which claimed a burden of developed society with its mission to civilize the less developed spiritually. But also Christianity was being challenged in Europe by rationalists and secularism. It was rather on the defensive not open to dialogue, with other religions.

1031Rakode, 2007, Barro & Maclary 2004, Jeffy, WB, IMF. 1032 Marcia Green, 2003 414

Christianity was not distinctive from colonialism; Africans could not distinguish

Christianity from colonialism. Africans for example could not distinguish between

European administrators and traders from missionaries. ―All whites were birds of the same feather.‖1033 The missionaries were working where their governments were involved behaving as cultural agents of their nations. Christianity was being applied as strategy of conversion and governance.1034

The 19th century Christianity was preceded in Africa by Coptic Christianity in North

Africa, Nubia, Kush and Ethiopia. There was Islam in other parts like Maghreb, West

Africa, and along the coastal areas of East Africa and African Traditional Religions

(ATRs) across all over. Ironically when the Christianity missionaries arrived, they considered Africa religiously tabula rasa on which new religion has to be imprinted.

Thus the coming of Europeans (traders, explorers and missionaries) to Africa was considered as a civilizing mission or modernization (politically – colonialism, economically – trade and production, socially – religion and education). Irrespective of the kinds of technological innovations they introduced, the certainties of colonial

Christianity were arguably antithetical either to the scientific enquiry or epistemological relativism which are today bound up with Western understandings of modernity and the post-modern. Missionary Christianity was essentially ‗pre enlightenment‘, obscuring from converts ‗what were the essential achievements of

Western enlightenment, the rational technical, that is positivistic scientific control of the world on the one hand, and the acceptance of diversity of cultural worlds on the other. This conception constitutes the point of departure in the process of

1033 Ayendele, 1967 1034 Green, 2003 415

modernization of Africa and other developing nations. Christianity played a pioneering and crucial role in Africa.

Missionaries in Tanzania came from different nations (Britain, France, Germany,

Belgium, Holland and Portugal), different denominations (RC, Protestants,

Pentecostal, Methodists, and Presbyterian), and different orders (White Fathers, Holy

Ghost Fathers, and Benedictine Fathers) with different approaches (monastic, indigenization, free missions, and conquest and conversion) different visions and different models of development started their work of civilizing mission.1035 They began by establishing different development models such asthe freed slave model, the Church-state model, the free mission model, and the new mission station model.

These missionaries were locked in the ecclesiastical scramble for parts in Tanzania.

During colonial rule missionaries played the role of provision of education, working together during liberation struggles, African Christians were coming slowly but systematically with a role of providing services, post-colonial state was working with as ally to development.

Using the case study of the Matengo Highlands, this study addresses the role of religion in development. Here the Catholic Church belonging to the Order of

Benedictine Fathers arrived at the insistence of the German Government.

Specifically, when Christianity arrived in the Matengo Highlands during the early colonialism, what was the response of the indigenous people who presumably had their traditional religion? Secondly, how did the colonialists work with their brothers, the missionaries in their endeavour of evangelization and ‗liberation‘ of Africans

1035 Maia, op. cit. 2003:5 416

after WW1 to the end of WW2? How did for example society perceive the working of the European enterprise. Furthermore, how did this missionary enterprise bring in the society some elements leading to decolonization after WW2 to independence and post-colonial period, and how the missionaries adjust themselves in post-colonial situation taking into consideration the departure of their colonial brothers? How do they fit in the new post-colonial state? Is there also decolonization in the church or like the projection that when colonialism collapses church will also die out.1036 And finally an assessment was attempted of the role of religion in socio-economic development using the case study of Roman Catholic Church in the Matengo

Highlands.

7.2 Inferences from the Findings The conclusions of this thesis are as follows: in chapter one theoretical and conceptual issue are discussed with primary focus on the Marxist conception of religion and its influence on the transformation of society. Chapter two introduces pre-Christian Matengo Highlands social formation by the late 19th century and how traditional transcendental ideas influenced the socio-economic and political dynamics of society. The Matengo people had some religious ideas and the concept of one God that of Sapanga which was venerated across the area. He was assisted by mahoka the clan ancestors who were consulted through the use of mediums known as wapenga utunu. Historically, all these institutions were addressing all issues concerning the society until the time of arrival of Christian missionaries.

1036Green Marcia. Op. cit. :6 417

Chapter three was concerned with the arrival of German colonialists together with their brothers the German Benedictines missionaries. Though the colonial authority tried to assist the missionaries to convert the Matengo people into Christianity things could not be done with much easy. The Matengo resisted the German colonial administration through both violence and non-cooperation methods but also resisted conversion into Christianity. The perception of the German colonialists and the missionaries that Matengo were a tabula rasa proved to the contrary, because they had both religious ideas as well as political system based on clan organization. The missionaries blamed the Matengo on being persistently conservative by refusing civilization in the form of Christianity, but they failed to grasp the historical reality that this was a self-knitted society over a period experiences with specific world view.

Surprisingly, from 1930s there was phenomenal expansion of Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands in terms of the number baptisms, church solemnized marriages and attendance in mission schools. This was analyzed in chapter four. There was also increase in the opening of mission centers as well as outstations; a large number of catechists were recruited to assist missionaries in the work of evangelization. The findings of the study revealed that the phenomenal increase in evangelization was not spiritually propelled but it was due to aggressive missionary use of material inducements like salt, cloth, sugar and other material inducements. Furthermore, it was revealed that Matengo had realized that Christianity was not at contradistinction with their traditional religious beliefs. The traditional religious beliefs were conducted simultaneously with Christianity. The infrastructure of spreading

Christianity which included mission schools, hospitals, trade schools, agriculture,

418

gardening, infrastructure and other social services had some positive impacts on the

Matengo people. The school leavers got employment; they also got money compensation in return of their skills of carpentry, masonry, agriculture and animal husbandry; they got modern things like furniture, utensils and transport facilities; mission hospitals helped them cure life threatening diseases such small and chicken pox, influenza, malaria and other tropical diseases. Whereas the missionaries perceived these services as infrastructure for spreading Christianity, the Matengo people perceived these infrastructures as modernizing and civilizing agents in their socio-economic transformation.

In chapter five the study examined reasons for the transition from mission

Christianity to local church Christianity. The findings of the study revealed that

Benedictine missionaries did not want to leave the Matengo Highlands because of material gains ranging from minerals, forest products and wild game products.

Evidence showed that each missionary station was potential producer of one valuable product or another. The study therefore contents that the transition from mission

Christianity to local church was prompted by some objective historical conditions ranging from externally generated factors like pressure from Vatican to have direct control of the church instead of control through the missionary societies like

Benedictine of St. Hotillien in German. Other external generated factors were World

War II, Nazism, Fascism, the Second Vatican Council and many others. There were internally generated factors such as economic transformation after the introduction of coffee, decolonization process, the Arusha Declaration which nationalized many missionary enterprises and the awareness of the population as a result of missionary

419

education. Some educated people from mission schools joined nationalist struggles and started to question the legality and contribution on the missionary enterprise.

Chapter six is an evaluation of the role of Christianity in socio-economic development.Given the understanding that socio-economic development is about transformation of individual and society at large the study established that

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands was based on materialism and instrumentalist rather than transforming human beings as all round person. The so-called development ventures were concentrated in and around the monastery. The majority

Christian lived far away from mission centers where facilities which indicate socio- economic development were not forthcoming. There social services like running water, electricity, schools and hospitals were very far away. Spiritual values were not emphasized by the missionaries to the faithful; instead quantity of faithful in terms of numbers was the main concern of the missionaries. This amounted to the extent that polygamous life became very common among the Christians, young people married traditionally without necessarily solemnizing their marriages in the church. This became one of the dominant challenges which the local church confronted after 1968 when missionaries handed church leadership to the local clergy.

7.3 Conclusion We reiterate the aforementioned assertion that missionaries did not have good intention for the Matengo and that is why they showed all symptoms of segregation and extreme nationalism. They suffered superiority complex in the manner they treated the local people. The Benedictines did not admit Africans to their society.

When the material conditions were compelling them to admit Africans in their

420

congregation they established a monastery of Africans at Hanga far away from

Peramiho.1037 This is a necked demonstration of segregation and sheer appeal to superiority complex vis-à-vis inferiority complex. The missionaries gave the needy people a fish instead of teaching them how to fish. This kind of approach was demonstrated right from the beginning of the missionary work in the Matengo

Highlands. Evidence showed that the Benedictines were so materialistic in introducing Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. Since the Matengo demonstrated reluctance to the introduction of Christianity, the tendency was to revert to material inducements like small presents including second hand cloth, sweets, salt, soap, sugar and other material things in the form of relief services. That is why there was a popular saying of dini ya mitumba,meaning that one received payment in kind upon joining Christian religion.1038 Consequently, by and large Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands has largely been seen as materialistic and instrumentalist agent rather than spiritual agent. According to Spear,1039 people sought to gain materials in the forms of political allies, land, education, medicine and jobs in the new colonial order through Christianity. This is witnessed by the growing syncretism in many areas of life. The African priests1040 showed how difficult it is to completely disengage from the traditional religious practices like offerings to ancestors. Missionaries perception of the local people as primitive people hence be converted1041 but the reality is that

1037 Pd. Gerold Rupper, OSB (ed.) Pugu hadi Peramiho, Benedictine Publications Ndanda - Peramiho, 1988:135. cf. Kamati ya Uenjilishaji, 1998, op.cit. :100 & 111 1038Fr. Ndunguru, ibid. 1039 Thomas Spear, Toward the History of African Christianity, in Thomas Spear and I.Kimambo (eds), East African Expressions of Christianity, Mkuki and Nyota, Dar-es-Salaam, 1999:6 1040 Frs. Francis Ndunguru (Majeshi) deputy parish priest of Litembo, Malunda parish priest of Mbinga, T.Ndunguru parish priest of Kigonsera, Christian Mhagama senior priest at Mbinga, Mahundi parish priest of Kitura, interviewed 1041 Fr. Haule in Fumbuka Africa 421

the BF did not understand the Matengo until they left. Abbot Ebehard showed this very vividly in his observation urging missionaries to change.1042

However, another important foreign entity that occupied Umatengo, the Catholic

Church, also arrived in Umatengo at this time of German colonization. In fact, the first direct effect of German colonization on Umatengo was the construction of the first church by German Benedictine missionaries, in Litembo in 1901. From this time until the present, the Catholic Church has had a greater influence on people‘s daily lives – with regard to providing opportunities for material and spiritual advancement, controlling behavior, and defining worldview – than any other institution, including the successive governments that have ruled Tanzania. In practical terms, the relationship between the Matengo and the Catholic Church largely defined the Matengo‘s experience of colonization, administrative control, and to a large degree their experience of the cosmopolitan world.1043

It is not enough to preach the gospel verbally; it must also address human physical and spiritual needs. The church in Matengo Highlands was involved in community development in such a way that the community felt the positive impact of such developments. The church preached the Gospel side by side with physical developments. This act shows that the Gospel the church preached did not only address the spiritual salvation of man but also the physical salvation of man. Using the evaluative method, the aim of this study therefore, was to examine the role of the church in community development, using the church in Umatengo as an illustration.

In order to effectively do this, oral interviews were carried out. Secondary sources

1042 Fr. Lucius 1998 in Doerr vol. 3 1043 Stephen Hill, 2001: 63-64 422

were also consulted. It was discovered that Christianity has made socio-religious, educational, political, medical and economic impacts in the development of Matengo community, and it is still capableof doing more in the contemporary times. This study could be concluded on the presupposition that the developmental stride of the church in Matengo can serve as a model to churches in other parts of Tanzania and contemporary churches can still do more in Matengo Highlands when they continue in missionary ventures that can address both the spiritual and physical needs of the people where the church is sighted and beyond.

Lastly we can ask if there is evidence that Christianity as religion teachings brought socio-economic development in the Matengo Highlands? Christianity as religious faith offered some Christian basic teachings basing on the Bible and the deeds of

Jesus Christ and saints. This gospel influenced socio-economic development of the recipients. Missionary institutions were however the most influential developmental attributes to the Matengo people as it is evidenced by the presence of educated elite though at a very elementary level of class eight, teaching, nursing, domestic science and different trades. There was some positive relationship between the rise of

Christianity and the growth of indicators of development such as education, wage labour, electrical consumption and urbanization.

423

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441

APPENDICES Annex 1a: Ecclesiastical and secular administrative structure of Umatengo Parishes Outstations Kigonsera Kigonsera, Mkako, Lipumba, Lukarasi, Amani Makoro, Lihale and Mkwera Mbinga Myangayanga, Tukuzi, Utiri, Luwaita, Kilimani, Mateka, Mtama, Kitanda, Zomba, Sepukila, Mhekela, Masasi, Mkwaya, Kihukla, Kihulila, Masimeri and Nsenga Liparamba Liparamba, Ndondo and Mipotopoto Matiri 10 Mkumbi 10 Mbangamao Mbangamao, Uzena, Kagugu and Makatani Mpepai 7 Litembo 21 Tingi Tingi, Litindo, Mpepo, Luhindo, Upolo, Kikole, Kilindinda, and Malungu Maguu 18 Mpapa 8 Lundumato Lundumato, Litoho, Litoromero, Lunoro, Kipololo and Ndanga Mikalanga 5 Kindimba Kitura Kitura, Lisau, Lutondo, Mzuzu na Mahiro Wukiro

Annex 1b Division Wards Mbuji Mapera, Kipapa, Kipololo, Nyoni, Luwaita Maguu, Kitumbalomo, Mkako, Mkalanga, Langiro, Mbuji, Litembo, Ngima, Kitura, Mpepai, Mpapa Mbinga Urban Myangayanga, Mkumbi, Linda, Matiri, Ukata, Kitanda, Kigonsera , Kihangi Mahuka, Utiri Mbinga Mjini, Kilimani, Mbangamao, Kihungu, Kikolo, Kambarage,

442

Annex 2: Interview Guide 1 The following tentative themes provide framework for conversations with different respondents.

Background information

Introduction

Education history

Professional qualifications

Number of years in service

Objective 1: To examine the transcendental status (religious ideas) of the

Matengo Highlands people at the time of contact with Christianity.

 Was there existence of religion in the Matengo Highlands?

 How did this traditional religion or belief on God evolve?

 What in your views is the universe and who created it? (cosmos)

 Are there mythical explanations for the evolution of traditional religion?

 How were the concepts of God, prayers, spirits, and mediums invented?

 How this traditional religion was practised among the Matengo people?

 What were the forms of ceremonies, beliefs, rituals, symbols, objects and

places used for worshipping?

 What was the role of traditional religion in solving the problems and/or

challenges of society?

 Did this traditional religion have development concepts, perception and

practice?

 What was the role of traditional religion in the control of essential resources?

 Who invented the word superstition and paganism?

 What values did the missionaries find in the traditional religion?

443

 Which were new values brought by Christianity – Roman Catholic?

How, where and which instruments will be used to get the information on

Matengo Traditional religion and its contact with Christianity?

i. In-depth interviews with people with the information ie. Elders of above 70

years in the Metengo Highlands, retired mission leaders – bishops, priests,

nuns, brothers at Kigonsera, Litembo, government workers

ii. Archival sources will be consulted at Propaganda Fides in Rome, St. Ottilien

in Gemany,

iii. National Archives in Dar-es-Dar-es-Salaam

The National Archives of Tanzania (TNA)

• Songea District Book Vol. I MF 38

• Songea District Book Vol. II MF 40

• Acc. 155: District Book I: Matengo

iv. Archives of Peramiho Abbey (APA), - Diary of Kigonsera Mission.

APA, - Chronicles of Litembo,

v. Tanganyika Notes and Records, University of Dar-es-Salaam

vi. Oral sources from stories, legends, epics and Wazee wa Mila vii. Discussion with people viii. Secondary documentary sources at UDSM library, TEC library, UDOM

library and Peramiho

Instruments to be used will include an interview guide, video recorders and checklists.

444

Objective 2: To investigate the introduction and spread of Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1918 during the German Rule and its effects on development.

 What were the circumstances which were obtained in Germany and Vatican?

Berlin Conference, Bismarck, Carl Peters, and the 1st Vatican 1868-70

 What prompted the Benedictine Fathers from Germany coming to German

East Africa and the Matengo Highlands?

 How were the Benedictine Fathers affected by Abushiri rising, the majimaji

war?

 How did the First World war and the Paris Peace Treaty affect the

Benedictine Fathers in German East Africa and the Matengo Highlands?

 What was the nature of ecclesiastiastical scramble and powers involved?

 What were the methods used to introduce Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands?

 Who were the first converts in terms of age, sex, location and history?

 What methods were used to spread Christianity in the Matengo Highlands?

 Why is monastic approach the cornerstone of Benedictine Fathers‘ success in

the Matengo Highlands?

 What was their perception about development based on ora et labora?

 What was the response of the Matengo society towards missionary

enterprise?

 What was the position of German administration to Christianity?

 How were infrastructure and social services financed? Did money come from

German government?

445

How, where and what instruments to be used to get information

i. Archival information – Check list

ii. In-depth interviews with retired catechists, priests, bishops, civil servants, old people - interview guide iii. Discussion with people deemed to be informative – focus group discussion guide 10 people of diverse age groups iv. Oral sources – recorder and note taking v. Secondary documentary sources – check list of documents to consult

Objective 3: To examine how Christianity operated in the Matengo Highlands from 1919 to 1950 during British rule and its effects on development.  How did change of colonial administration from German to British colonial state affect Christianity in the Matengo Highlands?  What was the position/attitude of British to the German Benedictine Fathers?  What were the British policies towards Christianity?  How were the Matengo Highlands affected by the change of colonial state and its policies towards Christianity?  How and why did the orphan RC achieve phenomenal progress during this period inMatengo Highlands?  What were the continuities and changes of Christianity, local religion and the impact to the Matengo society?  Did infrastructures and social services benefit the RC in one form or another?  How did the missionary enterprise transform the socio-economic conditions of the Matengo Highlands?  What was the relationship between the colonial effort of introducing coffee and Christianity? How and where to get information i. Archival sources – checklist of documents to consult

446

ii. In-depth interviews with people who worked during British colonial rule in ecclesiastical capacities as well secular capacities, - interview guide iii. Documentary secondary sources – checklist of documents to consult. iv. Oral information from people in the Matengo area – guide on what information to elicit. v. Discussion – ten people women and men with diverse age statuses.

Objective 4: Examine the transition from Missionary Christianity in 1950-68 to African Christianity and how it transformed the Matengo society.  Did the Second Vatican 1962-5 have effects on Christianity on the MH?  What were the reasons for the transition from missionary church to African local church?  Is it due to decline in vocation in Europe and change of attitude to missionary work?  What were the forms of transition in the Matengo Highlands (Africanisation)?  What was the perception of the colonial administration towards the transition in terms of development policies?  How did the Matengo society respond to the transition to African Christianity?  What was the implication from the decolonisation and later the Arusha Declaration process to Christianity?  Was there decolonisation in Christianity as well?  What were the missionary reactions to the transition? Retreat to Peramiho Abbot?  How did the nationalists posit during the post-colonial state functioning?

447

 What was the relation between the post-colonial state and the local mission Christianity?  What were the challenges to the local Christianity and what were the prospects?  Wasn‘t provision of infrastructures and social services part and parcel of the colonising strategy and therefore a way of siphoning profits from economic activities of the Wamatengo?  What is the role of the current Matengo traditional religion? How and where to get information i. Focus group discussion with African missionaries -10 people of both sex and diverse age groups ii. Documentary secondary sources – checklist of documents to consult iii. In-depth interviews with nationalists, missionaries – interview guide iv. Archival sources – checklist of sources to consult v. Observation – observation checklist vi. Oral sources – recorders and note taking

448

Annex 3: Oral sources Guide for Wapenga utunu, clan heads, traditional religion leaders, magicians, witches, sorcerers and healers. Background information Introduction Education history Occupation Information to be elicited  Prayers in traditional religion

 Songs – in traditional dances, healing, burial ceremonies, birth,

 Stories, riddles and wise sayings

 Myths and legends

 Utani and festivals

 Rites of passage

 Music and dance

 Rituals and Beliefs

 Customs, morals and traditions,

 Sacred sites, sacrifices and offerings

 Death and the hereafter

 Traditional leaders, diviners, rainmakers, seers, priests, ritual elders

 Health, magic, medicines, sorcery

Annex 4: Documentary Review List

• Library – The University of Dodoma, Dodoma, Tanzania

• Library – University of Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania

• Resource Centre – TEC, Dar-es-Salaam

• Library- St. Augustine Peramiho Major Seminary

449

Annex 5: Observation Checklist for Socio-economic related items Basic Christian Communities and Hamlet SN ITEMS TO UNI PLACE REMA CHECK TS WARD/PA VILLAGE/OU HAMLET/ RKS RISH TSTATION S COMMU NITY 1. Houses 3. Hospitals 4. Church goers 5. Income 6. Agriculture 7. Industries 8. Food supplies 9. Property 10. Schools 11. Churches 12. Priests 13. Nuns 14. Brothers/monks 15. Students 16. Colleges 17. Houses 18. Cash crops 19. Food crops 20. Orphanage Centres

Checklist of Documents to be consulted during research

450

Annex 6: Archival Sources

 The National Archives of Tanzania (TNA) Dar-es-Salaam -Songea District Book Vol. I MF 38 -Songea District Book Vol. I MF 40 -Acc. 155: Districk Book I: Matengo -Acc.155: /37 Songea District Report Vol.I 1929 -Acc. 155: 11/260/50 Songea Districf Report 1950 -Secretarial Files - 22943 1935-36 - 19593 1931-37  Archives of Peramiho Abbey (APA) Peramiho, Songea -Chronicles of Peramiho -Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Vol. I, entry of 1901, 1902, 1903, 1905, 1906, 1907 -Litembo Chrinicles -Newsletter of Peramiho Abbey -‗Signa Temporum‘ of Abbey Nullius of Peramiho and Songea Diocese -Statistical of Abbey Nullius -Quarterly Reports of Peramiho -Missionsblatere von St. Ottilien – MB 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9 -Chronik de Kongregation von St. Ottilien (CKO)  Parish Records – Kigonsera, Litembo, Mbinga, Maguu  Catholic Directories – Tanzania Episcopal Conference Centre (TEC) Dar-es-Salaam and UDSM  Tanganyika Notes and Records – University of Dar-es-Salaam

451

Annex 7: Kilau system (clan names) in the Matengo Highlands

# Masculine names Feminine names – Place found patronymic names 1 Hyera/Ndiu Ngongolu 2 Kapinga Pilika 3 Kihwili Hombagou 4 Kinunda Kinunda 5 Komba Sobo/Kitunda/Muandi 6 Kumburu Mahuka 7 Lupogo Kindembo 8 Mapunda Lwanda/Hanzi 9 Matembo Neindi 10 Mbepera Kilwambo/Chiwalo 11 Mbunda Bolela 12 Milinga Hyehu 13 Nchimbi Lundo/Kigumi 14 Ndimbo Mango 15 Ndunguru Mwegela 16 Ngongi Kegeto 17 Ngui Pata 18 Nombo Kihosi 19 Sangana Ndeka 20 Turuka Nikombo 21 Tilia Kouli 22 Mbungu Jengu 23 Matenga Nkoungu 24 Njako Kindembo 25 Mbele Kigano 27 Kibanga Kibanga 28 Msuha Ndogota 29 Ndomba Tindo 30 Landulila Hekela 32 Lupembe Mihanzo 33 Mahai Kobani Source: Field survey.

452

Annex 8: Deutsch Ostafrika: Reich commissioners and governors Period of office Name Position Life data 05/27/1885 - Dr. Carl Peters, Reich 1856 - 02/08/1888 Commissioner 1918 08/02/1888 - Hermann von Reich 1853 - 21/02/1891 Wissmann, Commissioner 1905 14/02/1891 - 1891 Julius Freiherr Governor (1st 1846 - von Soden, term) 1921 1891 Rüdiger, (provisional) ? 1891 - 09/15/1893 Julius Freiherr Governor (2nd so von Soden, term) 09/15/1893 - Radbod von Governor 1847 - 04/26/1895 Scheele, 1904 04/26/1895 - Hermann von Governor so 12/03/1896 Wissmann , 12/03/1896 - Eduard von Governor 1850 - 03/12/1901 Liebert, 1934 03/12/1901 - Gustav Adolf Governor 1866 - 04/15/1906 Graf von idols, 1910 04/15/1906 - Georg Albrecht Governor 1861 - 22/04/1912 Rechenberg, 1935 22/04/1912 - Dr. Albert Governor 1871 - 14/11/1918 Heinrich Schnee, 1949

453

Annex 9:Memorandum of Understanding between Benedictines and Bismarck power 1887 Zum Schlusse möge den ehrerbietigst Unterzeichneten verstattet sein, auf das

Zusammentreffen dieses Unternehmens mit den inzwischen eingetretenen deutschen

Kolonialbestrebungen aufmerksam zu machen, was dem ersteren gerade wegen der

Bildung von Laien- Missionären zur vorausgehenden Kultivierung des Landes und

Erziehung seiner Bewohner für die Arbeit eine besondere Bedeutung gibt.

Haben doch deutsche Afrikaforscher erst kürzlich die Meinung ausgesprochen, das

Notwendigste zur Kolonisation jener Gebiete sei, dessen Einwohner zu Arbeitern zu machen (statt zu Sklaven), und sie geistlich und sittlich zu heben.

Möge endlich deutschen Missionären vergönnt sein, eine eigene Gesellschaft zu bilden. Bisher waren sie genötigt, französischen oder englischen oder holländischen oder italienischen Gesellschaften beizutreten und daher fremd nationale

Kolonialinteressen fördern zu helfen, weil die Missionen allerorts die Nationalität der Gesellschaft, der sie angehören, zum herrschenden Einfluss bei den

Einheimischen bringen.

Stanley fordert für Afrika die Tätigkeit des Handelsmannes und des Missionärs. >>

Beiuns wird sich mancher darüber wundern, - bemerkt ein großes Blatt, - aber die

Engländer und Amerikaner denken anders und haben längst die Mission der Heiden in Ihrem Wert erkannt. England weiß, dass, das Gelingen seiner Arbeit unter den

Heiden ihm nur möglich gemacht wurde durch die vorangehende Wirksamkeit der

Missionäre... << (A. Ztg).

454

Möge durch gnädigste Gewährung des vorliegenden unterthänigsten Gesuches eine

Möglichkeit geschaffen werden, dass die zahlreichen deutschen katholischen

Missionärenicht mehr ausländischen Gesellschaften einverleibt werden müssen, sondern in einer eigenen deutschen Missionsgesellschaft an der Hebung und

Gewinnung der für die Kulturvölker neueröffneten Länder Afrikas mitarbeiten können, Religion und Kultur und sowohl die damit beglückten, jetzt so armen

Volksstämme, als auch Deutschland selbst warden Eurer Exzellenz hiefür zum größten Danke verpflichtet sein.

In tiefst ehrerbietigster Ergebenheit geharrt.

An Euer Exzellenz

Seine des K. Ministerpräsidenten Herr Staatsminister

Für Kirchen – und Schulangelegenheiten pp. Diener

Dr. Freiherrn von Lutz J. A. Amrhein

Exzellenz München, 18.Dez. 1884<<

Annex 10 Interview guide for Division Executive Officer, Ward Executive Officer and Village Executive Officer and retired ones Background information

Introduction

Education history

Professional qualifications

Number of years in service

Objective 1: To examine the transcendental status (religious ideas) of the

Matengo Highlands people at the time of contact with Christianity

and whether it had development perception.

Was there existence of religion in the Matengo Highlands?

455

Are there mythical explanations for the evolution of traditional religion?

How were the concepts of God, prayers, spirits, and mediums invented?

How this traditional religion was practised among the Matengo people?

What were the forms of ceremonies, beliefs, rituals, symbols, objects and

places used for worshipping?

What was the role of traditional religion in solving the problems and/or

challenges of society?

Did this traditional religion have development concepts, perception and

practice?

What was the role of traditional religion in the control of essential resources?

Objective 2: To investigate the introduction and spread of Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1918 during the German

Ruleand its effects on development. .

What were the methods used to introduce Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands?

Who were the first converts in terms of age, sex, location and history?

What methods were used to spread Christianity in the Matengo Highlands?

What was their perception about development based on ora et labora?

What was the response of the Matengo society towards missionary

enterprise?

What was the position of German administration to Christianity?

How were infrastructure and social services financed? Did money come from

German government?

456

Objective 3: To examine how Christianity operated in the Matengo Highlands from 1919 to 1950 and its effects on development.

What were the British policies towards Christianity?

How were the Matengo Highlands affected by the change of colonial state

and its policies towards Christianity?

Did infrastructures and social services benefit the RC in one form or another?

How did the missionary enterprise transform the socio-economic conditions

of the Matengo Highlands?

What was the relationship between the colonial effort of introducing coffee

and Christianity?

Objective 4: Examine the transition from Missionary Christianity in 1950-68 to African Christianity and how it transformed the Matengo society.

What was the perception of the colonial administration towards the transition

in terms of development policies?

How did the Matengo society respond to the transition to African

Christianity?

What was the implication from the decolonisation and later the Arusha

Declaration process to Christianity?

How did the nationalists posit during the post-colonial state functioning?

What was the relation between the post-colonial state and the local mission

Christianity?

Wasn‘t provision of infrastructures and social services part and parcel of the

colonising strategy and therefore a way of siphoning profits from economic

activities of the Wamatengo?

What is the role of the current Matengo traditional religion?

457

Annex 11: Interview Guide for Bishop and Retired Bishop 1A Background information

Introduction

Education history

Professional qualifications

Number of years in service

Objective 1: To examine the transcendental status (religious ideas) of the Matengo Highlands people atthe time of contact with Christianity and whether it had development perception. Was there existence of religion in the Matengo Highlands before advent of

Christianity?

Who invented the word superstition and paganism in the Matengo Highlands?

What values did the missionaries find in the traditional religion?

Which were new values brought by Christianity – Roman Catholic?

Objective 2: To investigate the introduction and spread of Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1918 during the German Rule

and its effects on development.

What were the circumstances which were obtained in Germany and Vatican?

Berlin Conference, Bismarck, Carl Peters, and the 1st Vatican 1868-70?

What prompted the Benedictine Fathers from Germany coming to German

East Africa and the Matengo Highlands?

How were the Benedictine Fathers affected by Abushiri rising, the majimaji

war?

458

How did the First World war and the Paris Peace Treaty affect the

Benedictine Fathers in German East Africa and the Matengo Highlands?

What was the nature of ecclesiastical scramble and powers involved in the

Matengo Highlands?

What were the methods used to introduce Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands?

Who were the first converts in terms of age, sex, location and history?

What methods were used to spread Christianity in the Matengo Highlands?

Why is monastic approach the cornerstone of Benedictine Fathers‘ success in

the MH?

What was their perception about development based on ora et labora?

What was the response of the Matengo society towards missionary

enterprise?

What was the position of German administration to Christianity?

How were infrastructure and social services financed? Did money come from

German government?

Objective 3: To examine how Christianity operated in the Matengo Highlands from 1919 to 1950 during the British rule and its effects on development.

Annex 20: Pope’s Approval "Ieri mi si presentò il Barone Carlo di Gravenreuth, uno di pochi membri Cattolici della Società tedesca dell'Africa Orientale, insieme col P. Andrea Amrhein (Sic)... il primo mi espose, aver lui ottenuto dalla Società che una misione Cattolica con missionari tedeschi si stabilisce nel vasto territorio occupato dalla stessa società, ed il secondo la sua propsensione ad accetare l'offerta di tale fondazione. L'uno e l'atro mi richiessero di consiglio e direzione. Ma l'unico consiglio che io potevo dare in questa circostanza era quello di indirizzare per l'affare di cui si tratta, alla Santa Congregazione di Propaganda. Ambedue pertanto si decissero di recarsi a Roma ed è al P. Amrhein (sic) che consegna questa rispettosa mia lettera. Permetta l'Eminenza vostra...che io lo raccomando alla sua bonta... " ( A.P.F. Scritti referiti nei congressi, Africa dell'Oceano Austral e Capo di Buona Speranza, Vol.7, 1885- 1887).

459

Annex 12: Coffee rules Coffee Rules passed by Matengo Native Authority conferred by Section 15 of Native

Authority Ordinance 30.8.1933

1. Only such coffee seedlings may be planted, and only such seed planted in

nurseries, as has first been approved by the Agricultural Department.

2. Before planting a plot every individual must satisfy the Agricultural

Department as to then suitability of the soil.

3. The land must be prepared to the satisfaction of the District Agricultural

Officer or his nominee before an individual may plant coffee.

Penalties

Any individual who does not comply with any of these regulation is liable on

conviction to have uprooted all plants respect of which an offence has been

committed.

Redrafted Umatengo Coffee Rules 1938

1. As it was in 1933

2. As it was in 1933

3. The land must be prepared and maintain to the satisfaction of the Native

Authority.

4. Every grower of coffee is liable on an order of the Native Authority, to

have uprooted all coffee plants in respect of which an offence under the

rules has been committed. Alternatively, the Native Authority may in

suitable cases make arrangements for the proper maintenance of coffee

plants and recover the cost from the owner of the plantation.

460

Penalty

In addition to any action taken by the Native Authority under rule 4, an

offender on conviction before a Native Court may be sentenced to a fine

not exceeding shs. 10/= or in default of payment on months‘

imprisonment with hard labour.

Annex 13: Glossary of Matengo words Bangi – marijuana plant

Boma – the colonial administrative center in Umatengo

Imbagu – tools used by traditional medicinemen to diagnos a sick person

Imitu – a disease a child would get in case of in-breeding of the couples

Ingolo – a unique traditional Matengo farming method

Itengo – big or heavy forests

Kigona – virgin unoccupied land

Kilau – a clan name for people who trace their origin from the same descendant.

There are masculine names and feminine names. Eg Kapinga for males, Pilika for

females; Mapunda for males, Lwanda/Hanzi for females

Kitegee – a sacred place where traditional prayers were conducted

Kutumba – clear the land for the first time, hence justifying claim to ownership

Libagula – marrying without following the the traditional procedures

Lisekela – a make-shift house built and thatched by grass

Lupilinga – a piece of log from big tree

Lupimbi – ridges of land dermacated by rivers

Mahoka – ancestral spirits in the Matengo Highlands

Mandapalapa – local beer prepared to commemorate the fallen ancestors

461

Mandupa – a traditional Wamatengo bed

Mapelele – elephant grass used for building and thatching buildings

Mbatabata – traditional medicines

Mpenga Utunu – the spiritual mediums who could communicate between the

earthly world and other world

Mtaba – a tree which was used to produce bark cloth for burying the dead

Musi – a socio-economic and political nucleated settlement of people who share

the same ancestral origin with the same clan name (kilau)

Mwoju – heart

Ndenda – a traditional cloth in the Matengo Highlands made from a bark of

mtaba tree

Ndengati – a mat made up of reeds

Ngokela – a cooperative farming among Wamatengo.

Nyengo – a Matengo traditional slasher used to clear land before cultivation

Sapanga – a Supreme deity in the Matengo Highlands

Sengu – a place where members of the male folks of a clan met to take food

communally, discuss affairs and settle disputes pertaining to their clan.

Soba – a threat to the clan by invading forces or wild animals

Annex 14: Interview Guide for Local rulers, healers, Wapenga Utunu The following tentative themes provide framework for conversations with different respondents.

Background information

Introduction

Education history

Professional qualifications 462

Number of years in service

Objective 1: To examine the transcendental status (religious ideas) of the

Matengo Highlands people atthe time of contact with Christianity and

whether it had development perception.

Was there existence of religion in the Matengo Highlands?

How did this traditional religion or belief on God evolve?

What in your views is the universe and who created it? (cosmos)

Are there mythical explanations for the evolution of traditional religion?

How were the concepts of God, prayers, spirits, and mediums invented?

How this traditional religion was practised among the Matengo people?

What were the forms of ceremonies, beliefs, rituals, symbols, objects and

places used for worshipping?

What was the role of traditional religion in solving the problems and/or

challenges of society?

Did this traditional religion have development concepts, perception and

practice?

What was the role of traditional religion in the control of essential resources?

Who invented the word superstition and paganism?

What values did the missionaries find in the traditional religion?

Which were new values brought by Christianity – Roman Catholic?

Objective 2: To investigate the introduction and spread of Christianity in the MatengoHighlands from 1890s to 1918 during the German Rule and its effects on development. What were the methods used to introduce Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands?

463

Who were the first converts in terms of age, sex, location and history?

What methods were used to spread Christianity in the Matengo Highlands?

What was the response of the Matengo society towards missionary

enterprise?

Objective 3: To examine how Christianity operated in the Matengo Highlands from1919 to 1950 during the British rule and its effects on development.

How did change of colonial administration from German to British colonial

state affect Christianity in the Matengo Highlands?

Did infrastructures and social services benefit the RC in one form or another?

How did the missionary enterprise transform the socio-economic conditions

of the Matengo Highlands?

What was the relationship between the colonial effort of introducing coffee

and Christianity?

Annex 15: Interview Guide for Monks/nuns and Retired monks/nuns Background information

Introduction

Education history

Professional qualifications

Number of years in service

Objective 2: To investigate the introduction and spread of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1918 during the German Rule and its effects on development. What was their perception about development based on ora et labora?

What was the response of the Matengo society towards missionary

enterprise?

464

What was the position of German administration to Christianity?

How were infrastructure and social services financed? Did money come from

Germangovernment?

Objective 3: To examine how Christianity operated in the Matengo Highlands from 1919 to 1950 during the British rule and its effects on development. How and why did the orphan RC achieve phenomenal progress during this

period in Matengo Highlands?

Objective 4: Examine the transition from Missionary Christianity in 1950-68 to African Christianity and how it transformed the Matengo society. What were the continuities and changes of Christianity, local religion and the

impact to the Matengo society?

Did infrastructures and social services benefit the RC in one form or another?

How did the missionary enterprise transform the socio-economic conditions

of the Matengo Highlands?

What was the relationship between the colonial effort of introducing coffee

AndChristianity?

Was there decolonisation in Christianity as well?

What were the missionary reactions to the transition? Retreat to Peramiho

Abbasia?

Annex 16: Interview Guide for Parish priests and Retired priests Background information

Introduction

Education history

Professional qualifications

Number of years in service

465

Objective 1: To examine the transcendental status (religious ideas) of the Matengo Highlands people at the time of contact with Christianity and whether it had development perception. Was there existence of religion in the Matengo Highlands before advent of

Christianity?

Who invented the word superstition and paganism in the Matengo Highlands?

What values did the missionaries find in the traditional religion?

Which were new values brought by Christianity – Roman Catholic?

Objective 2: To investigate the introduction and spread of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1918 during the German Rule and its effects on development. What were the methods used to introduce Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands?

Who were the first converts in terms of age, sex, location and history?

What methods were used to spread Christianity in the Matengo Highlands?

Objective 3: To examine how Christianity operated in the Matengo Highlands from 1919 to 1950during the British ruleand its effects on development. How did change of colonial administration from German to British colonial

state affect Christianity in the Matengo Highlands?

What was the position/attitude of British to the German Benedictine Fathers?

What were the British policies towards Christianity?

How were the Matengo Highlands affected by the change of colonial state

and its policies towards Christianity?

How and why did the orphan RC achieve phenomenal progress during this

period in MH?

466

What were the continuities and changes of Christianity, local religion and the

impact to the Matengo society?

Did infrastructures and social services benefit the RC in one form or another?

How did the missionary enterprise transform the socio-economic conditions

of the Matengo Highlands?

What was the relationship between the colonial effort of introducing coffee

and Christianity?

Objective 4: Examine the transition from Missionary Christianity in 1950-68 to AfricanChristianity and how it transformed the Matengo society. Did the Second Vatican 1962-5 have effects on Christianity on the MH?

What were the reasons for the transition from missionary church to African

local church in 1950s?

Is it due to decline in vocation in Europe and change of attitude to missionary

work?

What were the forms of transition in the Matengo Highlands (Africanisation)?

What was the perception of the colonial administration towards the transition

in terms of development policies?

How did the Matengo society respond to the transition to African

Christianity?

What was the implication from the decolonisation and later the Arusha

Declaration process to Christianity?

Was there decolonisation in Christianity as well?

What were the missionary reactions to the transition? Retreat to Peramiho

Abbasia?

467

How did the nationalists posit during the post-colonial state functioning?

What was the relation between the post-colonial state and the local mission

Christianity?

What were the challenges to the local Christianity and what were the

prospects?

Wasn‘t provision of infrastructures and social services part and parcel of the colonizing strategy and therefore a way of siphoning profits from economic activities of theWamatengo?

468

ANNEX 17: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Members of Outstation Committee and Basic Christian Communities Background information

Introduction

Education history

Occupation

Issues for Discussion

 Concept of religion

 Concept of God, prayers, spirits, symbols,

 Life after death  Society and religion  Preservation of essential resources, religion and development  Introduction of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands – joining by

conversion

 Spread of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands – participation in church

activities

 Effects of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands – social services and

infrastructure

 Role of committees and Small Christian Communities  Relation with state organisations – village and hamlet committees, WEO,

VEO, chairmen

 Attitude to work among the Matengo people

 Participation in development activities – decision making, work, crop

cultivation

 Transition to African Christianity  State of Christianity – numbers, attendance, values

469

Annex 18: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Believers/followers of traditional religion, magician, sorcerers, healers and witches Background information

Introduction

Education history

Occupation

Issues for Discussion

• Concept of religion

• Religion, disease, healing and socio-economic development

• Traditional religion and Christianity

• Colonialism, traditional religion and Christianity

• Sorcery, magic, witchcraft and development in the Matengo Highlands

• Traditional religion and production and reproduction of society

• Christianity and production and reproduction of labour

• Traditional political organization and religion (Traditional religion and

Christianity)

• Social organization and religion (Traditional religion and Christianity) –

dances, games, marriage, rite of passage, education

• Local Christianity and traditional religion

• Traditional religion and post-independence Matengo Highlands

• Commoditisation of traditional medicines, healing, magic, witchcraft

Annex 19: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Members of Hamlet and ordinary people Background information

Introduction 470

Education history

Occupation

Issues for Discussion

 Concept of religion

 Concept of development

 Relation between religion, society and development

 Christianity in the Matengo Highlands – social services and infrastructure

 Colonial administration (German and British) and Christianity

 Colonialism, Christianity, missionary enterprise and the Matengo society

 Nationalism and Christianity in the Matengo Highlands

 Independence, Christianity and society

 Social economic conditions, post-colonial state and the missionary enterprise

 Arusha Declaration and Christianity in the Matengo Highlands

 Missionary Christianity, local Church, Matengo society and self-reliance

Annex20: Interview Guide for Bishop and Retired Bishop 1A Background information

Introduction

Education history

Professional qualifications

Number of years in service

Objective 1: To examine the transcendental status (religious ideas) of the Matengo

Highlands people atthe time of contact with Christianity and whether it had development perception.

471

Was there existence of religion in the Matengo Highlands before advent of