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Home , Minbar, Ottoman architecture, Safavid art, Shah Mosque (Isfahan), Shah Mosque (Mashhad), Sheikh Lotfollah Mosque

UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI

Date:______

I, ______, hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of: in:

It is entitled:

This work and its defense approved by:

Chair: ______

Adaptation of Design for American Muslims

A thesis submitted to the Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of

in the College of Design, Architecture, Art and Planning (DAAP)

2004

by

Amir Khan

(B-Arch, University of Engineering & Technology, 2001)

Committee Chairs: Gordon Simmons Nnamdi Elleh Aarati Kanekar

ABSTRACT

Although the mosque has experienced fourteen centuries of stylistic development, it is still an architectural rarity in the United States. The thematic and visual characteristics of mosque architecture in America must confront an alien environment, one that has its own deeply embedded historical and visual vocabulary. The response, then, of the architectural characteristics of the American mosque to its context is one of tension, resulting both from religious and cultural paradigms. Thus, American Muslims have had to import, adapt or innovate. This thesis proposes two hypotheses: (1) mosque design in the United States must respond to its own inner formal determinants (cultural and functional); (2) architecture is site-bound, and mosque design must also respond to the local climate, building materials and contemporary building technology, and it must be sensitive to the social and built environments. With this in mind, the thesis explores the influences from typology (conventional architectural elements) and American culture

(new social factors for immigrant Muslims), to discover an appropriate design for a mosque in the United States, specifically in Cincinnati, Ohio.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION: 02

THE COMPONENT PARTS OF MOSQUE 05 Formal Typology of the Mosque 07 The Liturgical Elements of a Mosque 10

REGIONAL ARCHITECTURAL PRECEDENTS 13 History of the Mosque 13 in and Central Asia 16 Mosques in Sub-Saharam West Africa 21 Mosque in China 24 Summary 27 Suggestions for Cincinnati Mosque 28

MUSLIMS AND AMERICAN CULTURE 29 Muslim Immigration Patterns to the United States 29 American Muslim 30 Space and Gender 33 Summary 37 Muslim community in Cincinnati 38 Summary 39

SITE 29 Location 40 Site Selection 42 History of Clifton 45

APPENDIX 58

BIBLIOGRAPHY 63

1

INTRODUCTION

Although it is well established that was in practiced in the United States in the

post-civil war period, no serious studies exist on the subject of a Muslim aesthetic in

America. One of the reasons is the brief history of the American mosque, which does not

exceed half a century. The earliest significant mosque in this country, the Islamic cultural

center of Washington D.C, was built in 1950.1

Mosques in America follow traditional elements and forms, even though they exist in a new environment which is very different from the past. Typically American mosque clients are professionals who live in the suburbs of cities; the money for the construction often comes from wealthy foreign patrons who commission buildings with aesthetic embellishment. In this way, the client and the patrons control the image of the mosque.

Because of this, the American mosque image is essentially concerned with satisfying an emotional condition that has historic efficacy for the immigrant Muslims.2

Drawing on history, we can say that Muslim religious aesthetics have three factors with regard to any style or expression: import, adapt and innovate. These three factors are useful because they address the issues of culture, geography and environment and because they identify the development of a style or expression by shaping the stylistic features of mosques that are away from the origin, that is, in places outside of Arabia, the birthplace of Islam.

1 In the very early 1900s; Muslims used private homes, fire stations, abandoned churches and warehouses as a mosque. 2 Dar Al-Islam in New Mexico designed by Hassan Fathy , a leading Architect in the . The idea behind Dar al-Islam was first conceived by Abdullah Durkee, after a chance meeting Saudi businessman Sahl Kabanni in Makkah In 1979. Both men discussed the possibility of a seed community for American Muslim who are seemingly cut off from the mainstream tradition of their religion.

2 Within the parameters of Islamic design there is great room for innovation. Our perceptions of are bound by age-old traditions that have little to do with the intent and purpose for which they were built; we must understand that a change in structure will never harm the spirit behind the building. Over the years the premise behind building mosques has undergone an evolution. Centuries ago, a mosque was an announcement of the arrival of Islam in a conquered land; it was a statement of the invader and the subsequent rulers, a sign of power and authority, so it needed to be unique, it needed to speak of the lands from which it came, not necessarily blending in with the new environment, so as to seem a trifle aggressive. Later, as Islam entered the region from the east with a view to expansion, the mosque took a friendlier face. Hence we can see triangular structures in Indonesia and mosques in China resembling pagodas.

The mosques in differ from the mosques in Indonesia, those in the subcontinent are different from those in Morocco. But there has been no specifically American design for a mosque.

This thesis deals with the regional diversity which produces changes in the visible form of mosques. Chapter 1 explains component parts of mosque. In its capacity as a house of worship, the mosque has a standardized assembly of component Parts, subject to minor variations depending on whether a particular building is a small village sanctuary intended largely for individual prayer a congregational or district mosque, or the principal

Friday mosque in any city. Chapter 2 covers the brief architectural history of mosque. As

Islam quickly spread westwards across to Spain and eastwards as far as the coastal areas around the China Sea. In the areas into which it expanded indigenous populations used a wide variety of building materials, including mud brick, timber and

3 stone, depending on the raw materials available locally. Each region thus had its own traditional and craft, related skills and building methods, and these local factors, combined with extreme differences in climate, gave rise from the beginning to highly disparate styles, many of which were of course influenced by contact with existing local cultures. But Mosque architecture in North America has been a product of transplantation, reflecting an extreme case of nostalgia; the design is lifted almost whole from the mother country (Saudi Arabia). We should have an American mosque, a happy blend between architectural tradition and innovation for a new culture environment

Chapter 3 takes up the question of space, place and public gathering in the mosque.

Traditional Muslim societies, a set of rigorous, male-formulated rules restricts the use of the mosque by women. These rules may be negligible in America because laws govern use of a public space, and other planning specifications must be met.

4 THE COMPONENT PARTS OF MOSQUE

The first mosque was the house of the Prophet in . This was a simple rectangular enclosure containing rooms for the Prophet and his wives and a shaded area on the southern side of the courtyard that could be used for prayer in the direction of . This building became the model for subsequent mosques, which had the same basic courtyard layout with a prayer area against the wall. An early development of this basic plan was the provision of shade on the other three sides of the courtyard. The roofs were supported by made of wood. Several features that were later to become standard features of mosques were introduced at an early stage. The first is the (pulpit), which was used by Muhammad to give sermons; the second is a prayer niche called a , in the qibla wall. The , a tower-like structure and the most conspicuous feature of mosques in many Muslim societies, has the least liturgical significance. Its purpose of calling the faithful to prayer is now redundant with the advent of electronic public address systems. Like the minaret, the domed mosque is also a later innovation. Thus the primary feature of a mosque is a qibla wall facing

Mecca.

Sultan Hasan Mosque, mihrab and minbar, Damascus Mosque, mihrab and minber, , Egypt

5 Mosques are multi-function public spaces where various worship activities are performed through various modes of use. Three distinct religious activities are performed in the mosque, either separately or in conjunction with one another. One is performing prayers individually or in a group led by a leader or . The second is attending a preaching being delivered on its own or in conjunction with Friday prayers. The third is to listen or to recite some verses from the Holy Qu’ran.

6 FORMAL TYPOLOGY OF THE MOSQUE

The Mosque

It typically features a large courtyard and a low covered sanctuary. The sanctuary roof may be flat or pitched. In either case, it will be supported by many columns or arcades that are regularly spaced. This type of mosque was common in the western part of the

Islamic world.

Hypostyle prayer hall of Cordoba Mosque

Interior view of prayer hall Exterior view of Cordoba Mosque

7 The Mosque

Here the prayer hall entrance is an iwan, or up to four , surrounding a courtyard.

It was the most popular type in the medieval period, and remained dominant in Iran.

Plan of the Bibi Khanim Mosque, Showing the characteristic four-iwan arrangement

View of Four-iwan courtyard

8 The Central- Mosque

Some times the prayer hall's space is roofed with a central dome and surrounded by smaller and lower semi-. It was introduced by the Ottomans in the 15th century.

Hagia Sophia.Istabbul the imperial Byzantine church which was converted to a mosque after the conquest of the city by the Ottomans in 1453, and which inspired the design of major imperial mosques

Interior view of prayer hall Exterior view of Mosque

9 THE LITURGICAL ELEMENTS OF A MOSQUE

Mihrab

The prayer hall have one wall facing Mecca, i.e. perpendicular to an imaginary line

pointing in the direction of Mecca. At the mid, point of this wall, known as the qibla

wall, is placed the mihrab, a recess or niche is the center. It is said that the spot by the

wall where Muhammad used to stand when at prayer in his house in Medina was marked

after his death by a stone.

Mosque of al-Aqsa: interior view to mihrab minbar, Damascus, Syria

Minbar

The minbar(pulpit) mostly made of wood and located in a mosque near its mihrab, is

where the prayer-leader stands when he gives the congregational prayer's sermon on

Fridays and holidays. Its origin was the small set of steps which was introduced in

Muhammad's house in Medina at a time when his followers had increased in numbers, so

making it advisable for him to position himself above the heads of his audience in order

to make his words more easily heard. Subsequently, the minbar became an essential piece

of equipment for use in any mosque where Muslims assembled in large numbers for

Friday prayers; the imam leading the prayers would also deliver the khutba (oration) from

it. Varying in size from a mere three steps to examples on a monumental scale with

10 elaborate decoration, the minbar is a feature of almost all larger mosques, but is often absent from smaller buildings used for individual worship.

Minaret

A tall slender tower, circular or square in plan, built next to or in a mosque, from which the Muslims are called to prayer. During the lifetime of Muhammad the call to prayer was given from the roof of his house in Medina, and it was not until the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries that the building of minaret became universal. The origin of the minaret as an architectural form may be based on one of, or a variety of sources ranging from Zoroastrian symbolic fire towers to Roman watch towers, coastal lighthouses or church towers. A single minaret was generally provided, although under the Ottoman and

Mughal Empires twin were frequently built. Occasionally, four are found, and in the case of the Sultan Ahmet Mosque in there are six, a figure exceeded only in

Mecca, where there are seven.

Minaret with clock in the The twin minarets of the Mosque of Mohammed , in the Citadel of Cairo

11 Ablution

A feature frequently but not always encountered in mosques, the fountain usually placed in the center of the mosque's courtyard for the worshipers to perform their ritual washing before prayer. often display inventive designs, especially in the form of dome. In case where fountain just use for ornamental purpose, washing facilities are located in a room near the shoe racks.

The fountain in Selimiyye Mosque Al-Qarawiyyin Mosque,morocco courtyard

12 REGIONAL ARCHITECTURAL PRECEDENTS

History of the Mosque

The first mosque was built in Mecca, in the area that surrounded the Ka'ba, the most holy shrine. But the model for early mosques came from the courtyard of Prophet

Mohammed's house in Medina, which was constructed in 622 AD. This was organized with a qibla, facing in the direction of . Like many mud brick houses in the

Middle East, Muhammad's house consisted of a square courtyard with two rooms in the south and east. The first communal prayers were held in his courtyard. For the comfort of the worshipers a portico made of palm trunks and branches was built on the north side of the courtyard, together with a smaller one which gave shelter to visitors who sometimes spent the night there. The portico also served as a place for deliberations on community affairs; hence to this day the mosque has retained its multivalent role as the place of prayer, social activities and political debate. Practical needs thus contributed to the house of the prophet becoming the first mosque of Islam. From this modest and unplanned beginning has developed the basic iconography of the mosque. While formal elaboration of mosque design in Muslim history has created different concepts of architecture and regional styles, the image of the archetype has remained unchanged: the concept of a courtyard () and a sanctuary (haran) which essentially consisted of a hypostyle hall

(i.e. an interior space with multiple columns to support for the roof) has survived to this day.3

Although the Prophet’s house did not have a mihrab or a minaret, the history of the minbar is directly connected with the Prophet's life; he used to address the congregation

3 For detail account of the Prophet’s house see K.A.C. Creswell, Early Muslim Architecture, p. 6-12.

13 while leaning on a pillar of the mosque. Eventually, after many years, a wooden pulpit

(minbar) with three steps was provided, and he would sit on the third step, so establishing the practice of using the minbar for delivering the Friday orations.

The earliest architectural monument of Islam that retains most of its original form is the (qubbat al-sakhrah) in Jerusalem. It was the first qibla of Islam, that is, the place where all Muslims faced during their ritual prayers. Muslims believe it to be the spot from which Prophet Muhammad ascended to heaven. The Dome of the

Rock is the third Holiest Shrine in Islam. The first is Masjid Al Haraam (Mosque in

Mecca) and the second is Masjid Al Nabavi (the Prophet’s House) in Medina City, also in

Saudi Arabia.

In 685AD 'Abdul Malik ibn Marwan commenced work on Dome of Rock. The dome stretches 20 meters across the Noble Rock, rising to an apex more than 35 meters above it. The Qur'anic verse 'Ya Sin' is inscribed across the top. The Noble Rock is the focus of the interior of the Dome of the Rock, situated directly beneath the lofty dome and surrounded by the highly ornate inner circular and outer octagonal arcades. The mosque is octagonal in plan. Each side has a door and seven windows, each with rock crystal carving. The dome is covered with gold. The interior has depicting scrolling vines and flowers, jewels, and crowns in greens, blues, and gold.

Dome of rock Exterior view Detail of faience on exterior façade 14 Dating from the time of the Prophet, the Mosque of Quba was probably the first

mosque specifically built as such. Situated about three miles south, east of Medina, it was

a rectangular covered space measuring 85 x 100 ft, built of mud brick and with date palm

trunks supporting the roof.

As Muslim conquests outside Arabia brought the knowledge of the great cultures of

the to Arab nomads, a new vision of architecture eventually replaced the

simple vernacular of the Arabian Peninsula. In the six years from the accession to the

Caliphate of Abu Bakr (632) to the complete fall of Mesopotamia and Syria and the

defeat of Byzantine and Persian armies (638), the Arabs founded the cities of Basra and

Kufa and built mosques there. They also converted a number of churches and Persian

buildings to mosques, a practice which was followed in all regions newly conquered by

Islam. At Hama, Damascus and Aleppo parts of churches were used for Muslim prayers,

while in other parts the Christians continued to celebrate Mass. In Syria and

Mesopotamia the qibla direction was to the south. Whereas churches had a usual

east-west orientation, mosques required a north-south arrangement. This simple practical

change indicates that the early Muslims did not regard the mosque as on especially sacred

and specific place. Rather, the important thing was that prayer could be performed

anywhere.4

4 For detail of Early land of Islam see Oleg Grabar, The Formation of , New Haven, Yale University Press: 1973, p. 19-44.

15 Mosques in Iran and Central Asia

Most of these lands are high plateau, with hot dry summers and cold, often snowy winters. This was an important factor in mosque design because in some areas, a closed winter prayer hall was needed, and it influenced the design of large dome-chambers, in which fenestration was kept to a minimum to reduce direct sunlight, in contrast to the light-filled interiors of Ottoman mosques, notably in Istanbul, its predominantly overcast skies.

The natural resources available for building also vary considerably across the region.

Timber is found in limited areas and good stone quarries are also rare. Although the

Sasanian technique of rubble masonry was used in a few mosques, the major alternative was baked brick, which thus became the building material of choice. This had important consequences for architectural decoration, for although decorative brickwork is a medium with great expressive potential, it cannot be worked into the seamless flowing lines which are possible in carved stone. To produce an , a plaster coating had to be applied, which could than be either painted or worked into elaborate three-dimensional configurations. Despite the monochrome of most stucco remaining today, enough painted fragments remain to show that surfaces were originally highly colored. Because it is fragile, however, stucco was usually confined to interiors. For exteriors, a revetment of glazed tiles later became popular, as it offered the added attractions of a surface sheen of colors, freedom of design, and relative permanence.

16 ,

The Shah Mosque is an example of . The building largely follows Seljuk tradition, conforming to the four-iwan plan, each leading to a domed hall and flanked by double-storey arcades with pointed niches of the Seljuk type. The largest iwan is on the qibla side; it has a massive panel and its own dome set on a large drum. Beyond the iwans east and west of the courtyard are or religious colleges.

Exterior view of Mosque Detail view of vaults in the prayer hall

View of the courtyard facing the north iwan, with the entrance portal minarets beyond

17 In order to align the mosque with Mecca while maintaining the integrity of the square, the mosque is set at an angle of about 45 degrees to the gateway. This plan orientation was similar to the earlier Mosque of Lutfallah on the east side of the square.5

Shah Mosque, Isfahan

5 George Michell , Architecture of the Islamic world, New York : Morrow, 1978, p. 253-254.

18

Detail, exterior of the dome Detail, underside of the dome

Minarets are paired at both the entry portal and the south iwan. The southern dome, a bulbous form supported on a tall drum, is the largest and the only one that is decorated in the mosque.

Detail, minaret and glazed, View of the entrance portal, from the maydan , work

The visible exteriors of the mosque are largely covered with ceramic tiles, predominantly

blue and , colors contrasting agreeably with the warm tones of brickwork and

landscape round about. Two main types of tile work were developed; the mosaic tile

work produced by incorporating single color tiles into the design and the so-called cuerda

seca technique where a range of colors is used on individual, generally square shaped

19 tiles. The principal colors used were blue, yellow, turquoise, pink, aborigine and green.

These seven colors gave rise to the name haft rang - which literally means "seven

colors." Tile work was used to emphasize certain motifs, such as the ascending and

descending patterns in the dome of the Lutfallah Mosque, and to emphasize intermediary

points in the design either by providing a patterned panel or border, or by incorporating

.

Detail view of the entrance Detail view of the entrance View of the qibla wall with portal the zone of transition and the dome

Designs are varied and fluid, mostly based on stylized floral archetypes. The concentration on decorative facades is a departure from the Seljuk tradition, which was less determined to conceal structure. There are estimates that 18 million bricks are in the building and the revetments are said to contain 472,500 tiles.6

6 Stephen P. Blake, Half the World : The social architecture of Safavid Isfahan, Mazda Pub., 1999, p. 140-143

20 Mosques in Sub-Saharan West Africa:

The Arab conquest of North African Berber in the seventh and eighth centuries intensified interest in the trans-Saharan trade routes. The earliest references to an Islamic presence in sub-Saharan Africa appeared within decades of the North African conquest. Expanding along the increasingly active trade routes, Sudanic states such as

Takrur, KawKaw (Song hay), Ghana and Mali (Manding) acquired an Islamic identity in the tenth, and eleventh-century conversion of their rulers, who nevertheless retained their pre-existing indigenous cultural heritage and identity. This pattern is reflected not only in the numerous historical references to 'twin, cities' and pluralist religious practices, but in regional demographic patterns where, for example, small rural mosques grew up at intervals along the pedestrian trade routes which Islamic traders, employing local transport systems (head porterage), had established.

A feature common to all building technologies in West Africa is that primarily earthen, timber and vegetal materials are employed. Earth is used in applications ranging from tamped earth to sun-dried hand-moulded cylindrical bricks to rectangular cast bricks. Fired brick is rarely used, but architectural pottery is occasionally incorporated into the structure. The use of masonry arches was precluded until the introduction of cast bricks in the nineteenth century. Structural timber is extremely scarce. Ceiling structures consist of palm-trunk or tamarind - root and woven or plaited frond; hence structural systems were traditionally based on trabeated timber. The introduction of reinforced in the nineteenth century in northern Nigeria evolved out of bentwood reinforcing, itself a derivative of armature frames used by nomadic tribes. Weathering, which leads to the rapid deterioration of earthen wall systems, requires constant

21 maintenance. Earthen wall surfaces acquire a singular, plastic fluid quality as a result of the periodic resurfacing and rendering of the exterior. The effect of temperature changes in dry desert climates is reduced by the thick earthen walls, which in turn mitigate against the use of openings into enclosed spaces. Wall openings are thus rare for both structural and climatic reasons.7

Mopti Mosque

The Mopti Mosque in Mali was built in 1935. The plan of the mosque is perfectly symmetrical along both its axes. The interior, completely roofed, consists of four aisles defined by three ranks of seven columns from which semicircular arches spring.

7 George Michell , Architecture of the Islamic world, New York : Morrow, 1978, p. 274-275.

22 The mihrab tower is matched by a false tower on the west side; the north and south entrances were symmetrically aligned; no courtyard was included. The compact plan, when executed in conjunction with the traditionally prescribed height of the engaged buttressing, wrought a proportional change in the three-dimensional form, lending its walls - not just its minaret - a sense of verticality quite unmatched elsewhere in West

Africa. The courtyard was lost, the ambulatory; its perimeter, now corresponding to the street pattern rather than the walls of the mosque, was preserved.

Exterior view of Mopti Mosque

23 Mosques in China

Starting from the eighth century, when Islam was spreading into West and Central

Asia, more and more Muslims traveled to China. Subsequently the resident Muslim population adapted themselves to Chinese ways, dressing in Chinese style, speaking

Chinese and even taking Chinese names, while continuing to observe their own Islamic religious practices. In Chinese tradition, monumental architecture usually faces south and the main buildings were arranged along a south-north axis with open spaces in between.

Their mosque architecture shows that in most cases the Chinese orientation was adopted, with the front entrance facing south, while the prayer hall, in order to allow worshippers to face in the direction of Mecca, must have its access from the east. Hence a turning of axis was involved.8

Huai, Sheng Si Mosque:

Huai, Sheng Si is generally acknowledged as the oldest surviving mosque in China, dated from the late Tang Dynasty or early Song period (tenth-eleventh century).Though rebuilt many times, the mosque still occupies the original site. The main entrance faces south, in accordance with Chinese tradition.

On passing through the main gate from Cuang-ta Road, one enters a long and fairly narrow courtyard leading to another gateway above which there is a plaque inscribed with four Chinese characters. Close behind the inner gateway stands a two-storied portal called the Moon Pavilion, built in the seventeenth century. The building is elegant and well proportioned, crowned with a gabled and hipped roof with double eaves. Its thick

8 George Michell , Architecture of the Islamic world, New York : Morrow, 1978, p. 279-280.

24 walls, sloping slightly outward, give a feeling of sturdiness, while the dou-gong

(brackets) under the eaves are delicate and decorative. The pavilion opens up to a large courtyard surrounded by colonnades, at the end of which stands the prayer hall. Thus far the layout is in typical Chinese style, with open and closed spaces planned symmetrically along a central axis running from south to north, with the dominant feature furthest from the entrance. However, due to Islam requirements of ritual prayer, the axis of the prayer hall runs transversally from east to west; the main entrance to the hall itself faces east.

25

A long narrow entrance The Bright Moon Pavilion courtyard leads from the main gateway to the Moon pavilion

The minaret, dating from the tenth century, is a freestanding structure to the west of

the main entrance. It is a round brick tower, 119 ft in height, and surmounted by an

elongated pointed dome. Unlike Chinese pagodas, the tower has no external timber

cladding around the masonry core. Two brick stairways, running spirally in opposite

directions around the inner wall surface, were markedly different from traditional

Chinese practice, for a brick stairway in a pagoda was a rare feature until the Song

dynasty. There is reason to believe that this idea was brought to China by Muslims. As

the tallest structure in the city until modern times, the minaret, with its metal cock atop,

has long been considered the principal landmark of Guangzhou, and also served as a

lighthouse for incoming ships.9

9 Frishman, Martin and Husan Uddin Khan, The Mosque: History. Architectural Development and Regional Diversity, Thames and Hudson, 1994, p. 209-213.

26

Mihrab decorated with a series of Prayer hall is a simple space decorated only calligraphic inscriptions of Koran with a band of calligraphy in text arranged in parallel bands

SUMMARY

After the death of the Prophet Muhammad (632), his Arab followers spread his teachings through Egypt and North Africa, as far west as Spain, and as far east as Persia.

Because of their rapid expansion and the flexibility of the Islamic architectural principles of the Arabian peninsula, the Muslims derived their unique style from synthesizing the arts of the regional areas along with traditional Arab styles. While formal elaboration of

Mosque design in Muslim history has created totally different concepts of architecture and regional styles, the image of the archetype remained unchanged : the concept of a courtyard (sahn) and a sanctuary (haram) which essentially consists of a hypostyle hall

(i.e., an interior space with multiple supports for the roof) has survived to this day.

27 Although such architectural features of religious symbolism that retain their validity in a practical sense, mosques in America tend to embody a traditional design transplanted from one or several Islamic lands without taking in consideration the cultural, technical and economic factors of their new setting. Drawing on history, we should redefine mosque typology and use its characteristic elements (courtyard, sanctuary, dome and minaret) to produce the distinctive mosque architecture by using local materials and construction style.

Suggestions for a Cincinnati mosque

• Largely mosques were designed in the climates which are hot and arid so they always

contain a courtyard in it, but climatic conditions are quite different in Cincinnati,

where the open courtyard is replaced with an enclosed atrium. This indoor atrium

performs the same function as the open courtyard. 10

• New progressive techniques and material available in Cincinnati, such as concrete,

aluminum, steel etc are used for construction

• Modern dome construction-concrete ribbed dome, thin shell dome, truss dome, air-

supported dome- are used to unify the overall visual form

10 See p. 52 for Cincinnati climate

28 MUSLIMS AND AMERICAN CULTURE

Muslim Immigration Patterns to the United States

The earliest arrivals of Muslims came to the United States between 1875 and 1925 from Syria, the present-day Lebanon, Jordan and the Palestine Authority present day

Israel.11 They worked as laborers and merchants, intending to stay only long enough to earn enough money to support their families back home. Gradually, they began to settle in the eastern United States, the Middle West, and along the Pacific coast.

After the end of World War I, the demise of the resulted in a second wave of immigration from the Muslim Middle East.12 Significant numbers of Muslims moved to America for political and economic reasons.13

The third wave of Muslims came between 1947 and 1969 from Yugoslavia, and the Soviet Union. A few emigrants also came from and Pakistan after the partition of the subcontinent.

In 1965, when immigration restrictions were eased in America, a fourth wave of

Muslim immigrated from the Middle East and South Asia.14 These immigrants were generally more westernized and educated compared to their predecessors; they came to the United States for higher education and technical training.

Recently most Muslim immigrants have come to the United States because of political turmoil in their country. Many immigrants and refugees came when Arab states were defeated by the Israelis, followed by civil war in Lebanon.

11 The areas than know as the Greater Syria and was ruled by the Ottoman Empire. 12 By middle of sixteenth century, the Ottomans had built the largest Muslim empire in the world. 13 This was also the period of western colonial rule in the Middle East. 14 In 1965, president Lyndon Johnson Sponsored an immigration bill by which preference will give to relatives of U.S residents and those with special Occupational skills.

29 The Iranian revolution, when Imam Khomeini took power in 1979, followed by war

between Iran and Iraq, brought many Iranians to United States. Other Muslims came to

the United States after the War from Somalia, Sudan and Afghanistan

because of civil war and political conflict in their country, and as refugees from the

former Yugoslavia.

American Muslims

Earlier Muslim immigrants tried to mask their religious and ethic identities by

changing their names to sound like more Americans and adopted dress that would not

make them different from the average American citizen. Gradually the Muslim immigrant

community became much larger, more diversified, and better educated.

As the Muslim community emerges, there is a growing interest on the part of

Muslims, Christians and Jews to enter into dialogues of understanding based on shared

beliefs and values. Arsalan Iftikhar, Midwest Communications Director for the Council

on American-Islamic Relations explains, “Islam, Christianity and Judaism have exactly the same origin. We each believe in the monotheistic deity of Abraham, who was the father of all three of these noble religions. Islam's moral and ethical standards are equivalent, if not more stringent, than those of modern-day Christianity and Judaism. We, as Muslims, believe in every Prophet of both Judaism and Christianity. We believe the world began with Adam and Eve and great Prophets, namely Moses, Aaron, Jacob,

Joseph and (peace be upon all of them) were all divinely inspired by God.

We revere Jesus as a great Prophet and the Messiah of God. He is mentioned by name in the Qur'an 33 times. We equally revere the Virgin Mary as the mother of the Messiah.

30 She is the only woman mentioned by name in the Qur'an and she is mentioned 34 times.

Anyone who says Muslims don't respect women, read the entire chapter dedicated to

Mary (peace be upon her). How many times was our beloved Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) mentioned by name in the Qur'an? Five.”15

The United States is a place for a deeper understanding of Islam in all its dimensions.

The American Muslim community is more educated, which leads them to greater development of Islamic thought. As scholar Sulayman Nyang says, “Islam in America now is safer than in its lands of origin. In America the cultural and economic systems are not threatened by religious expression the way they are in many Muslim nations where the impulse of the power structure is to control Islam and manipulate it for political use.

Here, Islam is free to be Islam.”16

The important thing is that there is now a second generation of American Muslims who were born here. Muslim-America children are not so different from most other children in the United States. Muslim-America teenagers have the same interests as most

American teenagers. They like music, movies, dancing, hanging out with their buddies; it is all the same. Channel One News.com reporter Gotham Chopra interviewed some

Muslim teenagers in America. One said his favorite things to do are about the same things as other American teens: “Just kicking it with friends, working out, playing ball – normal things normal people do.”17 Another teenager said, “We do everything, we go out to movies, we go shopping, we drive in the car and listen to music, and we are pretty wild

15www.islamfortoday.com/iftikhar01.htm “I Believe in Allah and America” 16 Michael A. Koszegi and J. Gordon Melton, Islam in North America, New York : Garland Pub., 1992, p. 62

17 ChannelOnenews.com December 15, 1998: “Muslim American Teens – A Different Face Of Islam.”

31 and crazy when we are not praying.” She said, “It doesn’t say in the Qu’ran that you can’t listen to Metallica.”18

Second generation Muslims try to build an American Islam distinct from their parents’ commitments but also to define themselves against what they see as a dominant

American cultural laxity. Sadia Warsi, Assistant Professor of Special Education,

Education Department, Chicago State University, spoke of a redefinition of what it means to be Muslim in America, casting it in terms of community activism and social justice.

“My generation of people defines ‘observant’ [Muslims],” she says, “as people involved in society, people who create social services, people who emulate the time of the Prophet in terms of what message he brought to his community. I think there is a new definition emerging, at least in my generation, where we are challenging ‘observant’ versus ‘non- observant’ from a perspective that is very American in many senses, but very Islamic if you look at early Islamic history.”19

18 See ChannelOnenews.com December 16, 1998: “A Muslim American Family Mixes Islamic and U.S. Values”

19 Michael A. Koszegi and J. Gordon Melton, Islam in North America, New York : Garland Pub., 1992, p. 19

32 Space and Gender

Public behavior affected by habitat might subsequently be understood better if we use the mosque as a social index, because it is a public gathering, space for men and women.

This section will address the implications of how public space is organized and how legal interpretations affect the division of space in an American mosque. The issue of women in Islam is highly controversial. While it is generally agreed that the rights granted to women in the Qu’ran and by the prophet Muhammad were a vast improvement compared with the situation of women in Arabia prior to the advent of Islam, after the Prophet's death the condition of women in Islam began to decline and revert back to pre-Islamic norms.

The Qu’ran says:

“O ye who believe! Ye are forbidden to inherit women against their will. Nor should ye treat them with harshness, that ye may take away part of the dower ye have given them,- except where they have been guilty of open lewdness; on the contrary live with them on a footing of kindness and equity. If ye take a dislike to them it may be that ye dislike a thing, and Allah brings about through it a great deal of good.” (An-Nisa 4:19)

In Islam there is absolutely no difference between men and women as far as their

relationship to Allah is concerned

The Qu’ran says:

“For Muslim men and women, for believing men and women, for devout men and women, for true men and women, for men and women who are patient and constant, for men and women who humble themselves, for men and women who give in charity, for men and women who fast, for men and women who guard their chastity, and for men and women who engage much in Allah's praise, for them has Allah prepared forgiveness and great reward”. (33:35)

It could be argued that in many instances the division of space is biased against

women and is therefore illegitimate from the viewpoint of the shari'ah. Historically, the debate is fairly well documented. In 1911, at a conference held in Egypt, a complaint was

33 made about the legal rights of women who had been denied the right to perform public worship and to enter the mosque. The woman who led this campaign was Bahithat al-

Badiyyah. She based her argument on the fact that the Prophet had said, "Don't prohibit the female servants of Allah from entering the mosque," because she realized that women's right of public worship had been neglected by both women and men due to religious ignorance.

Almost ten decades later, the debate still exists. Bahi-that's complaints apply to women in the U.S. as well, since women are sometimes characterized as moving between and within the spatial domains controlled by men. So it seems that there is an understood hierarchy between the possible use of public space and the perception of gender, which is influenced by particular regional customs or habit.

American Islam is distinct from other Muslim countries as Asma Gull Hassan says,

“Things are different in America. Men and Women meet all the time, in the mall, at the work, in the school. I don’t want to have my parents arranging a marriage for me in my thirties. At the same time, many Muslims insist that the does not allow for Muslim men and woman who are not related to each other meet. As a young woman who has grown up in America, I’m not willingly going to consent to an “old world” arranged marriage like my mother had.”20

Editor Rhys H. Williams in The Second Generation: Americans Who Happen to be

Muslims illustrates the mixed values of American –Muslim women: “Two images stand out to me. First is talking at one meeting with a young Muslim woman who is in both (the head-covering scarf) and jilbab (the long, flowing, shapeless robe). Her cell phone rings, she answers, chats excitedly in English mixed with Arabic, and pulls out her

20 Asma Gull Hassan, American Muslims: The New Generation, New York : Continuum, 2000

34 “palm pilot” to arrange a study meeting for one of her pre-med classes. Here, in the

Islamic garb that is often a public symbol of female modesty and submissiveness – is an educated young woman with professional ambitions and the latest in technology. What is more, she is talking with me – an unrelated male – openly and directly, and with her cousins has driven her own car to this meeting on the Southwest side in a “transition neighborhood.”21

No matter how religiously liberal or conservative, and regardless of background, all

Muslims recognize that Muslim women are engaging in as vast an array of careers and causes as other American women. American Islam offers new options to women; women here have taken a very active part in religious activities, which is not common in Muslim counties. A survey in Austin, Texas interviewed several women who go to mosque regularly.22 One woman said that before coming to America, she never been to a mosque; in fact she doesn’t think there is any mosque in her country which has a section for women to pray. She had to move to America in order to visit a mosque.

Another Muslim woman in Austin said, “Many Muslim (Men) do not see any need for women to go to a mosque when she can stay at home with the children and pray, even though a mosque may be within in a block of her house. In the Prophet’s time, women were encouraged to participate fully in the worship life of the community, but over the years this practice has more or less been obliterated. Muslim women in America are more educated and have a chance to be more independent than the women in the most Muslim

21 See Rhys H. Williams, Youth and Religion Project, The Second Generation: Americans Who Happen to be Muslims

22 See Nelia Vora, The function of the American Mosque

35 countries. American Muslim women especially of the newer generation are more vocal in demanding equality and equal participation in religious activity.”23

A Woman living in Washington D.C. said, “We can practice our religion more freely here than probably anywhere else in the world. In America, if you work hard you are rewarded accordingly. It is a blessing to be in a country where there is freedom of expression, justice, and the constitution is applied to everyone. We fell truly blessed to be living in America.”24

America women are more educated and know the importance of public worship.

Today the mosque in America is not only used for religious purposes but also for educational and social purposes without restriction of gender. Here is what another female immigrant had to say: “Women who are living in a non-Muslim country

(America) want to feel like they belong to the Muslim community, the only way to get this feeling is by going to the mosque. One Egyptian Muslim said that the only time she has contact with other Muslims when she gets together with her friends or go to mosque.

There is no other Muslim is where she works or in the neighborhood. As a working mother, it is hard for her to find time during the week to meet her friends. Her weekend trips to the mosques are the only time when she can meet new Muslims and feel like she is part of a group or community.”25

23 See Nelia Vora, The function of the American Mosque 24 See Phyllis McIntosh, The Tagouris: One Family's Story 25 See Nelia Vora, the function of the American Mosque

36 Summary

In an American community, the physical conditions do not exist; therefore, the legal

definition of the term "congregation" (jama'a) now includes women and children-and even non-Muslim guests. American Muslim women understand the significance of public worship. It is a duty and an obligation, and the mosque is generally regarded as a communal gathering space without gender restriction. Since the mosque is used for social and educational purposes, it is a place where pious behavior and communal worship are meaningful to belief. Women also understand that the Islamic mode of worship is based on a monotheistic principle (tauhid), which admits free and equal right of entry to both men and women.

37 The Cincinnati Community Survey

Purpose

The purpose of this survey was to identify the needs of Cincinnati Muslim community so the Mosque design Program may better serve those needs in the future. Questions in this survey included, issues of social integration, importance of Islamic learning and social/religious activities in a mosque. Thirty-one People from the Juma (Friday) congregation responded to the survey, distributed at the Friday prayer and collected the next week. See the appendix for the questionnaire.

Major findings

There are about 10,000 Muslims in Greater Cincinnati. Most immigrated to the Tri- state during the 1960s from countries such as India, Pakistan, Palestine, Lebanon, Syria,

Saudi Arabia, Iran, Egypt, Jordan and Iraq. Below is a summary of the respondents to the questionnaire.

• The majority of Greater Cincinnati Muslims today are second-generation, American-

born. Many are professionals and business owners who live in suburban areas such as

West Chester, Clifton, Blue Ash and Montgomery

• They believe that a Mosque should operate as a place of worship as well as for social

gathering.

• Women should not be discouraged from attending the mosque, but the lack of

childcare and social activities prevent them coming to mosque

38 • Facilities needed in a new Cincinnati mosque:

o Space for social activities

o Day care center for children

o Weekend classes for children and adults

o Multipurpose hall

o Library

Summary

The Cincinnati Mosque is intended to serve the growing number of Muslims who have moved to Cincinnati. Functionally, it has distinct characteristics; the building does not operate strictly as a place of worship alone, but as a place of public gathering, too.

Women are not discouraged from attending the mosque, but lack of childcare has prevented most women from going to mosque. To solve this problem, a child care center is provided, which encourages more and more women to take their rightful place in the

Mosque along with their brothers, sons and husbands.

The functional requirements for the design of the Mosque include a prayer hall which will accommodate 450 worshippers, served by ablution areas. Other components include an educational section containing a library, classrooms and lecture rooms for adults and children, a multipurpose hall for 200 people for large lectures, meetings and social gathering and a cafeteria where people can relax and talk.

39 SITE

Location

The site located at 3668 Clifton Avenue, is dominated by a steep slop. On the east end of the site, there is a twenty-eight foot slope from the street level of Clifton Avenue.

40

41 Site Selection

The client for the mosque project, Islamic Association of Cincinnati is located at 3668

Clifton Avenue. The site presently has a house converted into a mosque. As the population of Muslims that work in the immediate area has grown the need for a bigger facility arises. Mosque will serves the areas which include University of Cincinnati

Students, employees, Blue Ash and Montgomery Muslims.

The history of Islamic Association of Cincinnati starts at the University of Cincinnati where a few Muslim students started services on campus. As the number grew, and at times when space was not available on the campus the need for a permanent place of prayer was realized. In 1969, the students who graduated and made Cincinnati their home bought a house on Fairview Avenue and converted it into a mosque. The community grew over time as the and University of Cincinnati started attracting Muslims immigrants a bigger house was purchased in 1981 at 3668 Clifton Avenue, the present home of the Client.

As the community grows much larger, but the current house can only accommodate

100 people, a construction of new mosque is needed to serve the growing number of

Muslims who have moved to Cincinnati.

Environmental Analysis

Cincinnati, Ohio has a continental climate that features a wide range in temperatures throughout the year. The coldest months in Cincinnati are January and February, averaging temperatures between 20 and 40 degrees Fahrenheit, with the majority of

Cincinnati snowfall occurring during the month of January. From April until October,

42 Cincinnati experiences 190 days of freeze-free weather. July is Cincinnati's warmest month, averaging temperatures between 65-85 degrees. July is also Cincinnati's wettest month with an average of 4.1 inches of precipitation. Thunderstorms bring about one- third of the amount of precipitation received during the summer. Overall, Cincinnati receives between 40 and 45 inches of precipitation a year. Southwest prevailing winds are responsible for causing the storms and bringing warmer weather into Cincinnati.

Climate chart

MONTH HIGH LOW AVERAGE PERCIP. HDD CDD January 36.6 19.5 28.1 2.59 1144 0 February 40.8 22.7 31.8 2.69 930 0 March 53.0 33.1 43.0 4.24 682 0 April 64.2 42.2 53.2 3.75 354 0 May 74.0 51.8 62.9 4.28 151 86 Jun 82.0 60.0 71.0 3.84 11 191 July 85.5 64.8 75.1 4.24 0 313 August 84.1 62.9 73.5 3.35 0 266 September 77.9 56.6 67.3 2.88 51 120 October 66.0 44.2 55.1 2.86 327 20 November 53.3 35.3 4.3 3.46 621 0 December 41.5 25.3 33.5 3.15 977 0 Yearly Avg. 63.2 43.2 53.2 41.33 5248 996

43 Physical Analysis

View of site from Clifton Avenue View of site from Clifton Avenue

Houses on north side of the site Houses on north side of the site

View of Church from Clifton Avenue Clifton Avenue view south to north

44 History of Clifton

The rapid growth of Cincinnati in the mid-nineteenth century noted the appearance of suburbs. The best remembered were Clifton, Avondale, Mount Auburn, and Walnut Hills, hilltop settlements one to three miles from the city, and Glendale and Wyoming, fifteen miles from the city along the Cincinnati, Hamilton, and Dayton Railroad tracks in the

Mill Creek Valley. But Cincinnati’s mid-nineteenth-century building boom did not immediately produce distinguish suburbs from each other or from city neighborhoods.

Similarly, Clifton founders in the1840s did not articulate a particular vision of what

Clifton as a suburb might be. This absence of a fixed image of Clifton or of suburban promote an aimless developmental drift in the 1850s and 1860s that permitted real estate investors to pursue policies that supported not only the construction of more big homes on big states but also the subdivision of lots into parcels of one acre and smaller. This made Clifton accessible to Persons much less wealthy than the barons who occupied the

"" along Lafayette Avenue on the northern edge of Clifton and the grand homes on upper Clifton Avenue.

45 Village authorities also adopted policies that encouraged the growth of the population.

As a consequence, when the number of residents in Clifton rose from 700 in 1860 to

1,100 in 1870, village officials expressed concern for Clifton's reputation and identity as they sought to combat new kinds of misbehavior, such as vandalism, vagrancy and burglary.

Clifton Population according to federal and village Records, 1850-1880

Clifton Population according to federal and village Records, 1850-1880 Source: Henry D. Shapiro and Zane L. Miller, Clifton: Neighborhood and Community in an Urban Setting. A Brief History, Cincinnati, The Laboratory in American , 1976, p. 12

Clifton changed rapidly after 1870 because public officials and suburban real estate developers took steps that made it a split-level neighborhood, the rich for the most part above McAlpin Avenue in Spacious “north" Clifton, and the not-so-rich below McAlpin in less spacious and increasingly crowded "south" Clifton. Indeed, after 1870 Clifton not only became a split-level neighborhood but also took its place in a new urban setting.

46 This spreading and sorting deposited an industrial corridor and a string of neighborhoods and suburbs for workers below the hill along Clifton's western and northern flanks, a large concentration of African Americans in the lower west End, a colony of recently arrived immigrants farther north in the same section of the city and a growing number of Jews in Avondale to the east and north of Clifton.

47

The spreading and sorting process of urban growth not only persisted into the twentieth century but also significantly thinned the city's population. The density of Clifton's (census tracts 70, 71, and 72) population, however, increased, although it remained in 1940 among the most thinly settled set of neighborhoods in the Queen City. Source: fames A. Quinn, Earle Eubank, and Lois E. Elliot, Population Changes: Cincinnati, Ohio, and Adjacent Areas, 1900-1940, Columbus: Bureau of Business Research, Ohio State University, 1947, between pp. 26 and 27.

Spreading and sorting also introduced a distinction in residential land use patterns within Clifton that symbolized the class differentials between the inhabitants north of

McAlpin Avenue and those souths of McAlpin. In addition, the spreading and sorting established a broader pattern of land use in which detached single-family houses set back from the street on residential lots accumulated in the center of Clifton and commercial

48 establishments on its periphery especially along Ludlow Avenue where a little business

strip took shape that catered particularly to neighborhood residents. And for three or four

blocks north of that strip, developers created a more tightly packed array of residential

structures, including duplexes, many apartment buildings' some of them massive, and

small houses set very close to the street and very close to one another.

The urban transportation revolution came to Clifton in the 1870s. Two inclined planes

opened shop in Cincinnati: the Main Street or Mount Auburn line and the Bellevue or

Clifton line. By 1880, horsecar lines running from the top of these inclines linked the

once remote hilltop suburbs of Mount Auburn and Clifton directly with the street railway

system serving the commercial, industrial, and residential complex on the hilltops. One

line started at the Mount Auburn incline terminal and proceeded by way of Auburn

Avenue to vine and Jefferson as far as Brookline on the eastern edge of Clifton. The other

started at the Clifton incline and ran up Ohio and Calhoun to Vine, thence to Jefferson

where it dead-ended at Brook-line on the southern edge of Clifton. Those transit

improvements sparked the rapid settlement of Clifton Heights and Corryville to the south

of Clifton.

In 1888, the Cincinnati Street Railway Company, after receiving authorization from

Clifton Village authorities tied into the hilltop connections by running a cable line from

Vine to Jefferson to Ludlow and formed a loop in "south" Clifton by cutting north on

Middleton to Bryant, east from Bryant to Telford, south on Telford to Ludlow, and back

via Jefferson to Vine. The cable line then followed Vine down the hill into the central

business district where it terminated at Fifth Street. 26

26 Richard M. Wagner and Roy J. Wright, Cincinnati Streetcars, No.2 The Inclines, Cincinnati, Wagner Car, 1968, p. 30-47 and Cincinnati Street cars and Earliest Electrics, Cincinnati, Wagner Car, 1968, p. 92

49 By the1890s, then, both Clifton's twentieth-century transportation net-work and the familiar lines of its present-day land use pattern had taken shape. One streetcar line stretched along Ludlow Avenue, the southern boundary of Clifton, down to the Miami and Erie Canal on the village's western edge, and another ran along Vine Street, the eastern boundary of the village, as far out as Mitchell, where it intersected with a line that came down the hill from Avondale along Mitchell Avenue. Only one branch of the transit system's network cut through Clifton (as in 1888), and it ran up Middle-ton to McAlpin and over to a dead-end on Clifton Avenue, a route that provided service accessible by foot to both north and south Clifton. All the non-residential addresses in Clifton, except for Adrian's florist shop on McAlpin, lay close to the streetcar lines clustered in the southern edge of the neighbor-hood. At the bottom of the Ludlow Avenue hill sat a boat building establishment, a combination saloon and grocery, and a florist. Farther east on

Ludlow, beyond McAlpin, came the Jewish cemetery. From there nothing broke the residential continuity until one reached the corner of Ludlow and Clifton. There a saloon stood on the south side of Ludlow half a block west of Clifton, and across the street stood a confectioner and two groceries. A drug store on the northeast corner of Clifton and

Ludlow and a candy manufacturer on the south side of Ludlow closer to Clifton Avenue than Brookline completed the neighborhood shopping district. The only other businesses occupied sites well removed from this area on the east side of Vine Street, starting with two florist shops, a marble works, and a saloon concentrated, and perhaps not fortuitously, in the vicinity of the German Evangelical Protestant cemetery. Farther north, on Mitchell near the canal, stood a brick manufacturer and another saloon, and on Harriet

(later called Wuest) between Kessler and Vine, a shoe-maker's shop.

50 By the 1890s, Clifton had become a new kind of place. It sported a new land use pattern, and its residents pursued a more diverse range of occupations: fewer bankers and merchants, more people engaged in manufacturing, salaried white-collar posts, and small businesses, but also gardeners, domestic servants, and handymen for the grand homes on

Lafayette and upper Clifton Avenue.

By 1910, when the population had edged up from 3,555 in 1895 to 4,375, the incidence of nonresidential land uses had become more frequent, but the city government did nothing to change the general pattern. Six businesses gathered below the intersection of McAlpin and Ludlow near the canal, and only the Jewish cemetery, a business at

Lyleburn, and a professional office on Whitfield near Ludlow Avenue interrupted the residential character of the street between McAlpin and Middleton. By this time, however, the business-commercial strip from Middleton to Brookline had filled out considerably. That strand accommodated nineteen businesses on both sides of the street, and five apartment buildings stood along the Ludlow commercial strip. Five others were also located in north Clifton: three on Middleton (one at the corner of Shiloh, another at

Bryant, and the third at Resor), the fourth on Hosea at Clifton Avenue, and the fifth on the south side of Hosea one-third of the way to Brookline. The streetcar routes followed the same paths as in 1896, all the commercial places and apartments on or near the strip huddled close to the mass rapid transit facilities, and the entire core of the community remained devoted to residences, churches, and schools.27

27 Geoffrey J. Giglierano and Deborah A. Overmyer, Bicentennial Guide to Greater Cincinnati, The Historical Socity Cincinnati, Ohio, 1988, p. 216-229 and John Clubbe, Cincinnati observed : Architecture and History, Columbus : Ohio State University Press, c1992, p. 291-319

51

The Resor Academy and Clifton Library Institute, Clifton and Central (McAlpin) Avenues, as it appeared in 1898. Built 1869-70, torn down 1904-05

Clifton Avenue as it appeared in 1898

Source: Henry D. Shapiro and Zane L. Miller, Clifton: Neighborhood and Community in an Urban Setting. A Brief History, Cincinnati, The Laboratory in American Civilization, 1976, p. 16, 33

52 Burnet Woods Park began to take shape in 1872, when Robert Burnet and his sister’s husband, William S. Groesbeck, leased their heavily wooded 165-acre tract of hilly land to the Cincinnati Board of Park Commissioners. Adolph Strauch, who now served as superintendent of both Spring Grove Cemetery and the city's parks, oversaw the installation of roadways and a lake, and the new park opened to the public in 1874.The city purchased the grounds in 1881 and, eight years later, set aside forty-three acres at the southeastern corner of the park, well removed from Clifton, as a site for the municipally supported University of Cincinnati, which moved from its old quarters on the Clifton

Avenue hillside near Vine Street into several architecturally imposing buildings constructed on the Burnet Woods campus in the late 1890s and early 1900s.

Burnet Woods Park about 1902

Source: Henry D. Shapiro and Zane L. Miller, Clifton: Neighborhood and Community in an Urban Setting. A Brief History, Cincinnati, The Laboratory in American Civilization, 1976, p. 44

53 The University of Cincinnati, which was originally called Cincinnati College, was founded in 1819 at Fourth and Walnut Street in downtown. Charles McMicken, founder

Of University, deeded a plot of land on the Vine street Hill to the school upon his dead.

Classes were held there from 1875 to 1885, when the single University burned. By 1900, the University had to move to a site in Burnet Woods, where it still stands today.

The first buildings on campus were sited along the ridge that runs parallel to Clifton

Avenue. These buildings were McMicken Hall, Cunningham hall, and the Van Wormer

Library their linear arrangement was fairly atypical for the time period, but the location provided for a wonderful commanding presence atop the hill.

The addition of the Baldwin Quad in the 1920,s broke the linear arrangement, and started a more inwardly focused one. Baldwin Hall was built following the natural ridge line that it sits on, and therefore is at angle to McMicken hall and Clifton Avenue.

Another cluster of buildings also begun to form in the 1920s. The stadium , power plant,

Schmidlapp hall and the gymnasium followed the ravine that formed the north edge of the University .Beecher Hall was also built during this time , and its orientation with the orientation with original ridge buildings helped to form a courtyard with the west end of the Baldwin quad.

From the 1920’s through the 1930’s the university continued to develop, with buildings clustered around open spaces, following the original three geometries: Clifton

Avenue, the Baldwin Quad, and the stadium ravine. It was amidst the massive building surge from 1929-1931 that Wilson Memorial Auditorium was opened. It occupied the northern most edge University, Straddling the boarder between campus and Burnet

54 Woods. Along with it, Braunstein, Teacher’s College, and the Biology Building were

completed.

Until the end of World War II, campus remained largely unchanged. But when the war

finally ended, campus population surged. Two major events occurred in 1950; the

University was granted additional land in Burnet Woods to expand into, and the new

McMicken Hall was completed on the site of the previous one.

In 1952, the Alms Building was erected on the new Burnet Woods Property, followed

by French Hall and the Armory Field House. These structures started a new trend in

campus organization where buildings were no longer grouped around open spaces. The

construction of the three residence hall along Jefferson Avenue, and the vast area of

parking in front of them, began another in the University development. This phase

reduced the open spaces even more, typically leaving only the fifteen feet from parking to

entrance as green space. By the late sixties, Daniel, Siddal, Calhoun Halls and Crosley

Tower were all in place. CCM was built in the late Sixties, and Situated in the ravine

behind the stadium.

The 1970’s brought Sander’s Tower, Rhodes Hall, Zimmer Auditorium and Langsam

Library. Large buildings continued into 1980’s, with Shoemaker Center and Lindner

Hall. In 2003, Construction of the new Center for Enrollment Services and recently student life center is completed. The continual increase in student population after the 1950’s was faced with less and less outdoor space to occupy and more concrete to deal with.

55 APPENDIX: Questionnaire

“Adaptation of Mosque Design for Cincinnati Muslims”

Salam Aleikum! I am a graduate student at the University of Cincinnati, Architecture department. As part of my thesis project, I like to conduct a survey on Cincinnati Muslim community.

I would like to ask for your voluntary participation in this anonymous survey. All the answers will be coded and you will not be identified in the results of this research. Your honest responses are very valuable to me in studying about Muslims in Cincinnati.

I would like to know your honest opinions, perceptions and behaviors in the following questionnaire.

Please follow the instruction closely and answer all questions to the best of your ability. Drop your questionnaire off at the drop-box provided at the entrance of Clifton mosque as soon as possible.

Please feel free to contact me if you have any questions and comments on the content of the questionnaire.

Thank you so much for your cooperation!!

[email protected]

56 Questionnaire

1. Your Name:

______

2. Age:

______

3. Race/Ethnicity: (e.g. South Asian, African American, Indonesian, be as specific as possible)

______

4. Do you identify with a specific religious group? If so, which? (e.g. Sunni, Shia, Ahmadiya, Salafi, Wahhabi, etc)

______

5. In what area of Cincinnati do you live?

______

6. How would you describe your formal-education level?

In High School High School Graduate High School Graduate

Graduate Degree

7. How often do you attend a mosque?

Never Just during Ramadan Two Times A year (The Eids)

Once a month Once a week Just about every day

8. How would you describe the area in which your current mosque is located?

City Town Suburbs

57 9. How would you describe your current mosque different from your native country mosque?

Mosque operates strictly as a place of worship alone.

Mosque operates as a place of worship as well as social gathering too.

10. What activities do you think are missing in your current as compare to mosque in your native country?

11. If you are comfortable/uncomfortable in your mosque, or the mosques you've

attended in the past, could you please specify what makes you

comfortable/uncomfortable?

What may prevent you for coming to Mosque?

Inconvenient location of the mosque/distance Lack of childcare

No social activities Other (please specify) ______

13. Do you think mosque should offers services for community, like hosting dinner,

exhibition etc.

Yes

No

58 14. What social/religious activities do you like to have in a mosque?

15. Do you think your mosque should have space for social gathering?

Yes

No

16. What facilities should be included in a mosque?

17. Do you think mosque have religious education classes for children, teen or

adults?

Yes

No

If Yes, when weekends weekdays

18. How would you describe the men's and women's entrances to the mosque?

Men and women use the same entrance Separate, but equal in Size

Separate, and unequal. Men’s is better (in regard to size and location)

Separate, and unequal. Men’s is better (in regard to size and location)

59 19. How are men and women segregated in your mosque during prayer?

Women not allowed Women above man on balcony type structure

Women in Another room Women behind men

20. What kind of arrangement would you be most comfortable with?

Women not allowed Women above man on balcony type structure

Women in Another room Women behind men

21. Would you say that women are discouraged (directly and indirectly) from attending your mosque?

Yes Some times it feels that way, yes

Rarely are women discouraged Never are women discouraged

22. Do you feel that there is an expectation for children to stay in the Women's

section?

Always, yes Sometimes

Not sure Definitely not

23. Could you describe your ideal mosque set up?

Thank you so much for your participation and cooperation! Salam Aleikum!

60 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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61 Ismail Serageldin, Space for freedom Geneva: Aga Khan Award for Architecture; London: Butterworth Architecture, 1989.

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