WWhy have we been forgotten??

AnAn EducationalEducational GuideGuide toto TheThe HistoryHistory ofof BlackBlack PeoplePeople PastPast andand PresentPresent

Azumah Kwartey Titus - Glover BA (Hons) MSc © Copyright 2004 Azumah Kwartey Titus-Glover.

AKT Glover asserts his moral right to be known as the author of this work.

Educational organisations may reproduce parts of this book for educational training purposes and their own internal use. All sources must be credited.

Reproduction for any other purpose or storage in a retrieval system requires the prior written consent of the author

Azumah Kwartey Titus-Glover Fata He BME Development The Welcome Hall 4 Fore Street Devonport Plymouth Devon PL1 4DW

This book has been written as an educational aid to assist children, young people, and their families and communities in better understanding the many issues facing Black people in schools, the workplace and other areas where they come into contact with people from wider communities.

Designed and typeset by AKT Glover Cover design by AKT Glover This book is dedicated in loving memory of my father. This book is dedicatedA proud in Black loving African memory of my father. IsaacA proud Titus Black -AfricanGlover Isaac 1916Titus -1972-Glover 1916 -1972

This book Is Dedicated In memory of my loving father A proud ‘African’

Isaac Titus-Glover ThisThis book book is dedicated in loving memory Whois dedicated inspired inme loving from memory an early age. ofof my my father. father. AA proud proud Black Black African African IsaacIsaac Titus-Glover Titus-Glover 19161916 -1972 -1972

Picture taken shortly after my father arrived in England after being torpedoed by a U-boat in 1944, while serving in the Merchant Navy. Voices From the Past

Do not forget me, or my brothers and sisters. We existed in the past and through you we will exist long into the future.

Do not weep for me children for you were born to change our future. Hold your head high, and be proud on account of the colour of your skin and who you are – an individual who holds the history of many.

Do not fight the person who calls you names, or use similar foulness to challenge them. Look, listen and learn from your parents and elders, for those that do will develop a powerful tool – your voice, a voice which will be added to the many (A.K. Titus-Glover, 2004). ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I was inspired to undertake writing this book on the history of Black people, past and present, by a few members of a community who at a meeting one day in April 2001, reached a unanimous decision that they did not wish to receive racism awareness training. Sadly, other members of communities including our own Black children, are being denied the right to being able to fully understand issues of identity, who they are, and why the history of Black people has been forgotten, and the many positive contributions that Black people have made in this country. I hope that this book, a positive image of Black people, will encourage everyone to make their own informed decisions. I personally wish to thank my wife, Jenny for her patience, encouragement and support. To the many sincere and unselfish Black people I have come into contact with, who gave of their time to discuss their own personal issues, which affect them and their children, often on a daily basis, many, many thanks . To Valena Jones, Principal at Parkside Community College, Barbara Mitchell, my Access course English tutor at Estover Community College, my tutors at the College of St Mark and St John, Plymouth and PhD Supervisors at the University of Plymouth, you have taught me so much and contributed so much to my learning. A very special ‘thank you to you all’. Finally, to my family, both in Ghana, West Africa and England, and in particular my children, Kerry,(who sadly died on 16 August 2003, at Derriford Hospital, Plymouth) Trevor, Sonia, Chelsea, Sonny and Charlie, whose love has kept me focussed. This book is also dedicated to you.

‘TO ALL STUDENTS – BLACK AND WHITE’ ‘…You will hear much about careers, security and prosperity. I will leave the discussion of such matters to your deans, your principals and your valedictorians. But I do have a graduation thought to pass along to you. Whatever career you may choose for yourself – doctor, lawyer, teacher – let me propose an avocation to be pursued along with it. Become a dedicated fighter for civil rights. Make it a central part of your life. It will make you a better doctor, a better lawyer, a better teacher. It will enrich your spirit as nothing else possibly can. It will give you that rare sense of nobility than can only spring from love and selflessly helping your fellow man. Make a career of humanity. Commit yourself to the noble struggle for equal rights. You will make a greater person of yourself, a greater nation of your country, and a finer world to live in’. (Dr Martin Luther King, Jr. 18 April 1959) CONTENTSCONTENTS

Page no.

PART 1 1-7 Introduction

PART 2 8-10 Images of Black people

PART 3 A brief history of slavery – ‘how it all began’ 11-15 The roots of racism Slavery Statistics The carriers Delivered to Taken from Slave labour

PART 4 The county of Devon and its role in slavery 16-19 Sir John Hawkins The bones of Rapparee Cove, Ilfracombe

PART 5 The transatlantic triangle 20-21 From Africa to the New World

PART 6 22-30 Historical calendar of the early dispersal of Black people in Britain

PART 7 31-32 The survival of slaves in England

PART 8 33-49 The forgotten history of Black people in Britain, and their positive contribution to early British society Page no. Olaudah Equiano John Richard Archer Walter Tull Arthur Warton Great Black Inventors Achievements of Black and minority ethnic women Mary Seacole Sophia Duleep Singh Noor Inyat Khan Grunwick 1976

PART 9 50-57 The War years and Britain’s first race riot The outbreak of War and Black participation Record of achievement Britain’s first race riot 1919 Black people’s participation in World War 2

PART 10 58-61 The post-war period – rejection of the Black community in Britain. A dream that turned into a nightmare – the ‘Windrush’ experience The 1958 riots against racism

PART 11 62-77 Legislation – Britain’s answer in controlling and reducing the number of Black people in, and entering the country 1824 Vagrancy Act 1948 Nationality Act 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1965 Race Relations Act 1968 Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968 Race Relations Act 1971 Immigration Act 1976 Race Relations Act 1981 & 1983 British Nationality Acts 1985 Schengen Agreement 1987 Immigration (Carrier’s Liability) Act 1993 Asylum & Immigration Appeals Act 1996 Asylum & Immigration Act 1998 Human Rights Act 1998 Crime & Disorder Act 2000 Race Relations (Amendment) Act Page no.

PART 12 78-84 The issues What is racism? Race discrimination Institutional racism The murder of Stephen Lawrence 1993

85-87 PART 13 National and local response to institutional racism

PART 14 88-93 Roll of honour – how many more racist deaths? 94-97 PART 15 Equal opportunities Issues – national and local

98-102 PART 16 Control and resistance The police, and the lead up to the 1981 riots The police response to Black and minority ethnic communities 103-109 PART 17 A calendar of hope and despair

PART 18 110-112 Conclusion and future directions PARTPARTPART 111

IntroductionIntroductionIntroduction

OutlineOutlineOutline ofofof thethethe bookbookbook Unfortunately, we live in a racist society in which Black people continue to be at the receiving end of deprivation,disadvantage and victimisation. Much has been written over the years on race and racism. Jacobs, suggests that racism is a deep-rooted social and economical phenomenon in modern society, and that society must strive for change in combating discrimination, harassment and prejudice (Jacobs, 1988). It is against the background of heightened racism experienced by Black and minority ethnic communities that this educational Black history awareness book has been written. My first experience of racism took place where I was born in Notting Hill, West London, where race riots occurred in 1958. Racism can, and does leave mental scars on some Black individuals, and their families which may never heal. Growing up in an environment, where you might be treated differently, and where exclusion might be the norm for those with a visible skin colour is not easy. The provision of statutory services such as education and the criminal justice system are no exception. As this is where many young Black people and their parents may first encounter racism, discrimination and the negative stereotyping which impacts on their lives. I sincerely hope that this book highlights some of the inefficiencies of statutory and voluntary and community sector organisations in being able to understand how racism impacts on the lives of Black and minority ethnic people,and equally more important acknowledges the experiences of how Black and minority ethnic communities are further isolated in predominantly white areas. There are clearly problems within small urban conurbations, such as the City of Plymouth which unintentionally serves to discriminate against Black and minority ethnic people through colour- blind attitudes and behaviour which impacts on their quality of life, in communities and in the inability of key service providers engaging with such families, groups, and individuals. Awareness and education are said to be the key to combating racism as it may enable ALL individuals to gain a better understanding and knowledge of racism in contemporary British society. The enclosed parts of this book provide an overview of the history of Black people, immigration and, contrary to public opinion, acknowledges the fact that Black people have been present in Britain as early as the first century AD. Part 2 of this book discusses the images of Black men, women and children, and how historically the images of Black people are viewed negatively, especially young Black men who are very often portrayed by the media under the guise of Britain’s ‘drug and gun culture’ as dangerous. Images of Black women as ‘exotic’ symbols stem from the white American slave idea of the African identity of the ‘sexual savage’. Research on transracial adoption in the 1960’s, confirm that children from ethnic minority groups were classed with those who had physical imperfections, suffered from low self-esteem and were emotionally disturbed. This distressing example of the treatment of Black children suggests how very little local authority Social Services Departments have addressed these issues. Racism and colour-blindness undoubtedly is to blame for the lack of respect and dignity shown toward Black children (Tizard and Phoenix, 2002). The section concludes on how racist name calling, such as ‘jungle bunny’, and ‘gollywog’ stems from the days of slavery, when Black children were treated as picaninnies and as ‘sad sweet little creatures’, has in modern society changed very little.

1 Part 3 discusses a brief history of slavery, and how it all began. The importance of the summer of 1444 in the Algarve when over 200 Black slaves were first offered to the Portuguese, was to change the course of history for Black Africans. In discovering the history of slavery, I wish to highlight to the reader how the nature of racism emerged through the white European thirst for Black slaves, as a means of cheap labour for the plantations of the New World. Racism, was thereby consolidated in order to justify western domination of the rest of the world (capitalism), and lives on today as a means of dividing the working class between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ [Immigration, and the struggles of today’s refugees and asylum seekers] (Alexander, 1987).

Part 4 includes a brief overview of local Devon history, in particular Sir John Hawkins, who was born in Plymouth in 1532. Sir John Hawkins was England’s first slave trader, and is remembered in British history as a national hero along with Sir Francis Drake who joined Hawkins on several of his slave trading voyages. The Elizabethan period may be regarded by historians as an important stage in England’s economic growth, as much of England’s wealth was accumulated from slavery, and from raiding the rich Spanish vessels. British historians frequently comment on England’s successes during this period, for example the ‘Spanish Armada’. However, very little is mentioned of England’s role in the slave trade and how in 1601, Queen Elizabeth I, issued a proclamation expelling all ‘Negroes and Blackamoors’ from her kingdom due to bad harvests and the thought that Black people would take the food out of the mouths of her white subjects, clearly sets out the early stages of racism in this country (Walvin, 1992; Fryer, 1984).

Part 5 examines the Transatlantic triangle, and examines the numbers of Black African slaves who were transported from Africa to the New World. Fryer confirms that many British companies who traded in slaves depended on supplying their customers with first-class goods (Fryer,1984).

Part 6 takes a journey through time, and lists an historical calendar of the early dispersal of Black people throughout Britain. Listed dates also include significant contributions made by Black people and Black communities.

Part 7 discusses the early life and survival of Black slaves in England, many of who were employed as household servants in titled families. Black children, especially boys were used as ‘exotic status symbols’ by the rich and famous of the period. Many of these young boys once grown up, and who had outgrown their boyish looks, were condemned to be re-sold as slaves and shipped to the Americas. The year 1772 was a turning point for Britain’s Black population. Lord Mansfield ruled in that year, that slaves could not lawfully be shipped out of England against their will (Somerset case). The Black population in London during this period was thought to be about 15,000.

Part 8 critically examines and sets out the forgotten history of Black people in Britain, and the positive contribution Black people have made to British society. The history of Black people in Britain is a long one. Sadly, British historians have excluded many famous Black people from it. In this section I have attempted to highlight some of the famous Black people many of who by no choice of their own landed in Britain and forged the first Black communities in this country, in particular London, Liverpool, Bristol and Cardiff.

2 Equally important is the contribution made by Black women, and a section is devoted to the achievements of Black and minority ethnic women in the community. Black women have made important contributions in this country, and pioneered a way forward. Many others have acted as role models for the modern day Black women, even though history has failed to acknowledge how many were condemned to live and work in the most appalling conditions. Those that were not lucky enough to serve as domestic labour in fine houses were forced into prostitution just to survive on a daily basis.

Thus, the modern day Black women have carved a niche for themselves, and as Hazel Carby suggests that:

‘In Britain, strong female support networks continue in both West Indian and Asian sex/gender systems, though these are ignored by sociological studies of migrant Black women…more importantly, female networks mean that Black women are key figures in the development of survival strategies, both in the past, through periods of slavery and colonialism, and now, facing a racist and authoritarian state’. (Carby, 1982)

Carby, wonderfully concludes with the experiences and struggles of Black women that have been ignored because they are structured by racism which are different to those experienced by white women. Furthermore, she suggests that Black women ‘do not want to be grafted onto ‘feminism’ in a tokenistic manner as colourful diversions to real problems’ (Carby, 1982).

Part 9 discusses and analyses the war years 1914 to 1945, and Black people’s contribution to and participation in the British war effort. In Britain’s greatest hour of need Black and minority ethnic people provided much needed labour in this country and served abroad as soldiers, sailors and airforce personnel. In both the first and second World War many Black people lost their lives, or were left with crippling disfigurements. Furthermore, many of them returned to this country highly decorated heroes but were still subjected to tokenism, ridicule and insults. These forgotten Black heroes have sadly been left out of British history.

The first race riots in 1919 stirred up racial hatred by well organised mobs of white youths. It is interesting to note in this section that at the end of the First World War, many Black and minority ethnic people who had served for the King and country, were left stranded and isolated on account of their being refused work because of the colour of their skin.

Very little has been documented as to what may have been the cause for much of the rioting in 1919. Fryer confirms that white male anger at open liaisons between Black men and white women which developed during the First World War may have been the spark which ignited the fire (Fryer, 1984). Black male sexuality created much anxiety for white men in that they became disturbed at hearing stories of ‘the coloured man’s reported sexual prowess and superior sexual equipment’, a belief which certainly existed at the beginning of the slave trade.

3 The Second World War, brought very little change for the Black community and the fear of British white people that Black people were illiterate and ignorant continued unabated. The fear of Black sexuality further inflamed the white population who were convinced that Black men would steal their women and infect them. There were also many concerns regarding the children of white – Black partnerships. Collins conducted research in Black communities during 1949 – 1951, and found that 90 per cent of West Indian men were married to white women, the rest to ‘half-castes’ (a derogatory term used to describe the children of these relationships). Collins confirms that many of the mixed marriages at the time resulted in in the estrangement of the women from her family and friends (Collins, 1957). I do hope that this section will encourage Black and minority ethnic young people, many of who were born in Britain and are unaware of thier cultural history, an opportunity to discover the historical achievements of Black people stretching back over many centuries in this country.

Part 10 examines and highlights the post-war period, and the rejection of the Black community in Britain. The arrival of the SS Empire Windrush in 1948, was supposed to herald a revival of economic growth for Britain after several years of war. Sadly, the dreams of these first post-war migrants were dispersed into an evolving nightmare of disapproval, rejection, sexual jealousy and ignorant prejudice on account of the colour of their skin. The riots of 1958 in Nottingham and Notting Hill, London were to mark a change of course on how future Black communities were to be controlled by legislation and law and order.

Part 11 discusses legislation – Britain’s response in controlling and reducing the number of Black people in, and entering, the country. The laws passed by this country are quite complicated, and I have endeavoured to simplify them. The legislation introduced from 1945 onwards indicates that control over Black people on the part of various government’s was not just about unemployment, housing, education or health, but direct racism. The immigration controls put in place since the early twentieth century have excluded Black and minority ethnic people from Britain, while allowing relatively free movement for white people, especially those with money and power.

The most significant piece of legislation recently introduced was the strengthening of the 1976 Race Relations Act, which represents a substantial change in over 25 years by the introduction of the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000. However, time will tell as to whether this new Act will serve to benefit Black and minority ethnic people, and bring to account organisations and agencies who continue to act without due regard to the needs of particular groups.

I have attempted in this book to enable the reader to grasp an understanding of the historical roots of prejudice, and how the attitudes of some, have become the behaviour of the many. Black and minority ethnic communities suffer terribly because of discrimination and racism in a society which professes to be multi-cultural.

4 A continuing sad fact is that many Black and minority ethnic people find it increasingly difficult to carry out normal daily routines, venture out at night, speak to another person or join in with other people in the community where they live. This is even more important in predominantly white areas where Black and minority ethnic people experience further isolation. The increase in racial harassment, verbal abuse, and violence in schools and on the streets of our towns and cities further denies opportunities for Black and minority ethnic families, groups and individuals to equally participate.

Racism thrives on myths, mis-information, and ignorance of the many different cultures and nationalities within Britain. Much of the mis-information links back to Britain’s colonial past, and much of the blame can be directed towards the media who have been responsible over many years for painting a negative picture of Black and minority ethnic people. They are responsible for influencing, sensationalising and creating stories that play on violence and conflict. How many times have we seen in our daily newspapers and televisions Black people associated with crime; people from the third world presented as poor and starving victims of famine and drought, refugees and asylum seekers as ‘sponging off the state’. Harris suggests that ‘Such stereotypes will not disappear until there is a conscious effort to tell a different story’ (Harris, 2000)

Institutional racism in this country is not a new phenomenon. However subtle it may appear, it does impact on the quality of life for Black and minority ethnic people. A section is devoted to the murder in 1993 of Stephen Lawrence, and the failure of the Metropolitan police force in its treatment of the Lawrence family. The way that investigating police officers dealt with the death of Stephen Lawrence forced a public inquiry which resulted in the publishing of the now famous Macpherson Inquiry Report.

Part 13 examines the national and local response to the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report, and includes an extract from a Plymouth City Council meeting which took place on 10 May 1999, which began the task of attempting to eradicate racism in Plymouth. The publication of the Macpherson Report has posed a significant challenge for our urban and rural public authorities, as have the duties with the introduction of the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000. However, cities such as Plymouth, and some statutory organisations have not responded well to such issues, as in the early part of 2004 Plymouth City Council disbanded the Plymouth Anti- Racism Task Force. In effect their action has effectively removed the voice of Black people, which will certainly have a future impact on the quality of life, and in addressing issues of exclusion for the small Black and minority ethnic community in the city.

Part 14 details a special roll of honour in remembrance of Black and minority ethnic victims who have been murdered on the streets of Britain. The murder of Stephen Lawrence has been well publicised and highlighted to the British public the many thoughts and feelings of Britain’s Black community on how vulnerable they really are, especially with regard to an often seen and failing racist police force, and the lack of a credible criminal justice system, which very often treats young black men unequally.

5 Part 15 discusses at length national and local issues regarding equal opportunity issues. It needs to be acknowledged that racism, discrimination and prejudice causes more emotive behaviour and harm than any other social issue in the area of equal opportunities. Just because there are so few Black people within the city of Plymouth is no excuse for statutory and other agencies to ignore their needs.

It is equally important at this stage to acknowledge that not every white person is a racist. Many have, and continue to support and sympathise with the Black cause for equality. However, the white working class of today have very little in common with Black and minority ethnic communities. In the 17th and 18th century white working class people supported Black slaves in England, who were seen as fellow-victims, and fellow fighters against the social and economic system of the time, which degraded poor whites and Black people alike. Indeed, the recent disturbances seen in Oldham, Burnley and Bradford in 2001, saw some young white people either join the ranks of the British National Party (BNP), who profess to be the voice of poor working class people in run down areas. Others fought on the streets alongside Black and Asian people in support of a system that they themselves feel excluded from. The section concludes with an examination of the needs and concerns of Black people in communities, and the promotion of Anti-racist processes by community and youth workers in effectively challenging and shaping the future changes for racial equality.

Part 16 critically examines and discusses the impact of the police, and the control and resistance of Black communities which led to the riots of 1981. Evidence suggests that the action taken by Black communities highlighted that they were no longer willing to be subjected to police harassment, and to be treated as ‘second-class’ citizens. The recent disturbances in Bradford, Burnley and Oldham confirm that Black and Asian people are no longer willing to accept second best in a society that places them below the political, economic and social scale.

Part 17 concludes with a detailed calendar of the hopes and despair of Black people. I have listed significant dates and events which recognise Black contributions and achievements, and the despair of the treatment of Black people whilst attempting to engage and become a part of British society.

The historical dates and events span many centuries of Black presence in Britain, and connects all these events with the slave trade – the dispersal of African people to the four corners of the world.

In conclusion, there are obviously still a large number of issues that need to be resolved. The evidence and arguments I have presented in this book will, I hope, provide the potential for removing some of the barriers which currently exist and the wider benefits this would bring to Black and minority ethnic communities. I hope that I have been able to highlight some of the key issues which need to be addressed. This book is the first attempt to inform the reader of the beginning of an historical ‘journey through time’.

6 Developing a universal solution to the removal of racism requires the potential for much broader cultural and political changes. That is another journey which I hope with your help may be achieved in the near future.

Finally, presenting a positive image of Black people is important. It is a legacy that will be carried on by our children, and our children’s children.

The term ‘Black’ used in this book

Although much of what is contained in this book relates specifically to Black people, I also wish to acknowledge that discrimination is also targeted at Chinese, Gypsies and Travellers, and other minority ethnic groups, I also wish to acknowledge the oppression of women, especially Black women, who experience sexism in conjunction with racism.

The term ‘Black’ used within this publication refers to African, African-Caribbean, Asian people and their families, who experience disadvantage and discrimination in communities on account of their skin colour.

7 PARTPARTPART 222

ImagesImagesImages OfOfOf BlackBlackBlack PeoplePeoplePeople ‘I wanna kill… © Faisal Abdu’ Allah

The image portrayed in this picture is not ‘safe’ because it raises anxieties and tensions historically associated with the images of Black men. He is armed and, therefore, presumed dangerous.

The media often present negative pictures of Black men under the guise of Britain’s ‘drug and gun culture’. To those who fear Black people, the above picture paints a‘worst case scenario’.

The picture is an image of a negative portrayal of a Black man. However, if we look beyond the weapons – he is asking us to back off – to leave him alone. After all, he comes from a history that necessitates defensive postures – physically, psychologically and culturally.

Abdu’ Allah’s picture represents and questions perceptions of race, culture and history. It puts the viewer in contact with physical and mental aggression, forced on us by the media.

8 Cathy Tyson Sade Adu Famous Television and theatre actress Famous singer and songwriter © Sophie Baker ©Albert Watson Women all over the world have been sexualised: Black women, white women, skinny women, fat women, lesbian women, older, younger, small breasted, big breasted, dominant and submissive. However, in today’s society it is the images of Black women that are portrayed as ‘exotic’ symbols. These images stem from the American white slave idea of the African identity of ‘sexual savage’, in which Black female slaves were viewed as the embodiment of female evil and sexual lust. Bell Hooks, a Black writer, and feminist suggests that African Black women slaves were labelled jezebels, and sexual temptresses, accused of leading the white man away from spiritual purity into sin. Thus, the image of Black women as ‘sexual and exotic objects’ continues by their being stereotyped as ‘immoral’, or ‘promiscuous’. The media’s portrayal of sexualised Black women as exotic and erotic human beings springs from a white male fetish for Black women, portrayed mainly through television, movies and pornography sites on the internet. These erotic images and themes picture the Black women as the ‘fallen’ women, the whore, the slut, the prostitute. It is this sexualised conditioning by the media and advertising markets over past decades which drives the white male fetish. This media sexualisation lowers the Black women as creatures of little worth or value, and as sexual status symbols (Hooks, 1982; Bryan et al,1985; Williams, 1989).

Black woman in contemporary headtie © Sharon Wallace

9 Black children over the centuries have also suffered racist stereotyping similar to their parents. For example, racist name-calling such as ‘jungle bunny’, and ‘gollywog’ which still exists in the playgrounds of many schools and on the streets of our communities, stems back to the day’s of slavery when Black children were viewed as delightful ‘picaninnies’, and sad sweet little creatures.

The colour of a black child’s skin can also have an impact on how they are viewed by society. Must it be acceptable for a Black child to have a ‘lighter skin’ colour in order for them to be more acceptable and attractive to those they may come into contact with?

Child and family © Armet Francis Most young Black people experience racism and discrimination early on in life, especially when and with parents who may be Black or white. From experience, I know my own wife has been stopped on many occasions while walking through Plymouth City Centre, and asked the same questions over and over again, ‘Aren't they pretty children’? ‘Can I touch their woolly hair’? or ‘They look just like dolls’? The most abusive comment my wife endures is ‘Are they yours’? referring to the fact that because she is white she must be either caring for them, or adopted little Black children. This is only one example, there are many more. Recent research by Tizard and Phoenix suggests that young Black children are less able to deal with racial abuse, and find it much more wounding (Tizard and Phoenix, 2002).

Chelsea Glover – aged 9 months Charlie Glover – aged two years

10 PARTPARTPART 333

AAA BriefBriefBrief HistoryHistoryHistory OfOfOf SlaverySlaverySlavery

‘How‘‘HowHow ItItIt AllAllAll began’beganbegan’’ TheTheThe RootsRootsRoots OfOfOf RacismRacismRacism SLAVERYSLAVERYSLAVERY

The first known major slave society was Athens Greece, although slaves are also mentioned in the Bible. Slaves constituted about a third of the population and were also responsible for the profitability of Athens.

The Athenian slave society was destroyed in 338 BC and all slaves were set free. For hundreds of years Black slaves, especially girls and young men, had been sought after by Arab merchants for use in Muslim courts, and it was customary for African chiefs to give slaves as presents to guests. The trans-Saharan trade, between West and North Africa, is estimated to have begun as early as 1000 BC. Raiding, in what the Arabs named ‘the country of the Blacks’, became a traditional occupation of Muslims, and Arab power expanded the trade in slaves. West Africa had known slavery itself on a small scale. Many African kings collected and sold slaves, as slaves seemed to have been the only form of private property recognised by African custom. Slaves also represented the most striking manifestation of personal wealth.

The events of an early summer morning in 1444 in the Algarve when over 200 Black slaves were first offered to the Portuguese was to change the course of history for Black Africans.

The slave trade involved the carriage of millions of Black Africans, stretching over several hundred years, which involved every maritime European nation, and every country of the Americas.

Thomas affirms that ‘it was the slave merchants themselves, sitting in their fine counting houses in London or Lisbon, men who often never saw slaves but profited from their sale … they have been ignored in the controversies over the exact number of slaves carried, and the percentage of profit made’.

11 Estimated Statistics Carriers

Country Voyages Slaves Transported

Portugal 30,000 4,650,000

Spain 4,000 1,600,000

France 4,200 1,250,000

Holland 2,000 500,000

Britain 12,000 2,600,000

North America & US 1,500 300,000

Denmark 250 50,000

Other 250 50,000

TOTAL 54,200 11,000,000

12 Areas Slaves Delivered To

Brazil 4,000,000

Spanish Empire 2,500,000

British West Indies 2,000,000

French West Indies 1,600,000

British North America & US 500,000

Dutch West Indies 500,000

Danish West Indies 28,000

Europe 200,000

TOTAL 11,328,000

13 Areas Slaves Were Taken From

Senegambia (Sierra Leone) 2,000,000

Windward Coast 250,000

Ivory Coast 250,000

Gold Coast (Ashanti) 1,500,000

Slave Coast (Dahomey, Adra, Oya) 2,000,000

Benin 2,000,000

Cameroons/Gabon 250,000

Loango 750,000

Congo/Angola 3,000,000

Mozambique/Madagascar 1,000,000

TOTAL Leaving African Ports 13,000,000

14 Slave Labour

First employment in the Americas.

Sugar plantations 5,000,000

Coffee plantations 2,000,000

Mines 1,000,000

Domestic labour 2,000,000

Cotton fields 500,000

Cocoa fields 250,000

Buildings 250,000

TOTAL 11,000,000

Note: there are many discrepancies owing to illegal slave trading. There are no figures for the amount of profit made from the slave trade.

15 Slave ship in Liverpool Dock Plan design for slave ship

Plan design for ships cargo hold Collection of branding irons used to identify slaves

Collection of field whips used on slave ships and by plantation overseers Selection of slave irons for shackling hands and feet PARTPARTPART 444

TheTheThe CountyCountyCounty OfOfOf DevonDevonDevon AndAndAnd ItsItsIts RoleRoleRole InInIn SlaverySlaverySlavery SirSirSir JohnJohnJohn HawkinsHawkinsHawkins (1532(1532(1532 ––– 1595)1595)1595)

Sir John Hawkins was born in Plymouth, Devon in 1532. He was one of the foremost seaman of the16th century, and began his career as a merchant in the African trade. Sir John was also England’s first slave trader. His first voyage (1562-63) transported a ‘cargo’ of 500 slaves to the New World. The voyage was so profitable, that Queen Elizabeth 1, and others, provided funds for a second voyage (1564 -1565). On his third voyage in 1567, he was accompanied by his great friend Sir Francis Drake.

The plaque commemorating Sir John Hawkins at the archway to Looe Street, Plymouth. There is also a Sir John Hawkins Square behind the Plymouth Magistrates Court. Evidence suggests that much of the old Barbican area of Plymouth was built on the profits of the slave trade. Hawkins was knighted during the Armada conflict.His coat-of-arms depicts 3 Black men shackled with slave collars – a singular honour for the City of Plymouth, whose freeman Hawkins was. In 1595 Hawkins and Drake sailed to raid the Spanish. During the night Hawkins died before an unsuccessful attack on Puerto Rico.

16 Because of Hawkin’s slave trafficking there are records of a slave living in Barnstaple, North Devon in 1570.

Nicholas Wichehalse mentions ‘Anthonye my negarre’ in his will. There is also a record of the illegitimate daughter of Mary, described as ‘a negro of John Whites’, being baptized in Plymouth; the supposed father being a Dutchman.

The Register of Baptisms, Marriages and Burials of the Parish of St Andrews Plymouth Co. Devon A.D. 1581 -1618 587 (Elizabeth, daughter of ‘Angell, a Blackamore’, baptized in 1633, the reputed father being a Fleming).

Evidence suggests that some four hundred years later, a number of white West Country families today who, if able to retrace their ancestry may be surprised to learn, that it included African.

By the late 1500’s, the Black presence in England became a ‘social’ problem for the politicians of the time and, due to bad harvests and the thought that Black people might be taking the much needed food out of the mouths of white people, the problem was to be quickly solved by forced repatriation. In 1596, in a letter to the Lord Mayor of London, Queen Elizabeth I protested that there were ‘many Blackamoores who had been brought into these realms, of which kind there was already here to manie [many]…’

In 1601 a royal proclamation was issued by the Queen which pronounced:

‘highly disconcerted to understand the great numbers of Negroes and Blackamoores which are carried into the realm … the most of them being infidels having no understanding of Christ or his Gospel: hath given special commandment that the said kind of people shall be with all speed avoided and discharged out of Her Majesty’s realms’. (Fryer, 1984; Walvin, 1973).

Thus the good ‘Queen Bess’ who had earned a royal fortune from slavery and the pirating of Spanish ships by Sir John Hawkins, Drake and Raleigh, quickly dispatched from her Kingdom Black people because they were now perceived as a ‘social’ problem. Interestingly, some four hundred years later, and in the reign of Queen Elizabeth II, we have seen much the same forcible discriminatory legislation designed to expel, and stop Black people from entering the country. Over the past 50 years governments have sought to stop immigration of Black people. Today, immigration legislation is targeted at refugees and asylum seekers under the same racist guise that they are coming here to ‘sponge’ off the state, and take the houses and jobs off white people.

17 TheThe Bones Bones of of Black Black Slaves Slaves FoundFound At At RappareeRapparee CoveCove – – Ilfracombe,Ilfracombe ,North North Devon Devon

Painting depicting the wreck of The London at Ilfracombe (source: R. Lapass).

A search of Admiralty and parish records 3 years ago, confirm that a reputed slave ship ‘The London’ was pulverised on rocks at Rapparee Cove, near Ilfracombe in 1796.

Further investigation confirms that in excess of 40 of its human cargo of 150 Black slaves had been buried by locals in a mass grave under the cove’s sea wall. 200 years later, human remains mixed with shingle has been found around the cove’s bay area. Admiralty records confirm that The London was carrying slaves, and that each individual slave’s name had been listed and recorded as ‘Mullato or Negro’ slave.

18 Ms Khanysha Amoo, a representative of the African National Slavery Memorial Day, confirms that: “Black slaves were taken against their will to the West Indies; it was a land forced upon them. The bones of Black slaves have the right to be reinturred in their homeland with the appropriate rituals and burial customs”. If the bones are found to be those of Black slaves, any official report that identifies The London and its cargo of Black slaves killed 25 years after the trade’s official absolution, may mean that history books are going to have to be re-written. Historians claim that slavery ended in 1772 with the Mansfield ruling.

Pat Burrow, a local Devon historian affirms that a North Devon Journal dated 1875 contains a letter from an anti-slavery group addressed to the Admiralty requesting that they no longer keep slaves on their ships. Burrows is convinced that slavery had not ended in 1772 but had at least been stopped by 1800.

Whatever the outcome of ‘the bones of Rapparee’, one cannot ignore the fact that if the bones are those of Black slaves they cannot be kept as trophies of Britain’s forgotten imperialist past, and the Westcountry’s neglected role in the social evil of Black slavery.

Further information on Black history and the presence of Black people in Devon is available in a booklet by Lucy Mackeith (2003) – Local Black History: A Beginning in Devon. London: Archives and Museum of Black Heritage.

19 PARTPARTPART 555

TheTheThe TransatlanticTransatlanticTransatlantic TriangleTriangleTriangle

FromFromFrom AfricaAfricaAfrica ToToTo TheTheThe NewNewNew WorldWorldWorld In the second half of the 15th century Europeans began to trade along the West coast of Africa. It is estimated that by 1867 between 7,000,000 and 10,000,000 Africans had been shipped to the New World.

Slaves boarding a ship

Arriving in Brazil or the Caribbean islands, slaves were sold at auction (known as the ‘scramble’). Auctions informed ships’ captains of the type of cargo that was in demand, usually adult Black males. Slave captains and plantation owners would agree a price per slave before the sale.

A typical slave auction

However, the highest bidder normally won. Fryer confirms that many British companies who traded in slaves depended on supplying their customers with first – class goods. Thus, for example, the supply of slaves by British companies such as a Liverpool company, who branded their Black slaves with red-hot irons into burning flesh the initials DD. This brand mark was famous among West Indian plantation owners as it guaranteed ‘prime quality goods’.

Black slaves were often despised by their masters, and their image was one of a ‘Southern Sambo’, or a ‘Caribbean Quashee’

Slaves were considered to be stupid, uneducable, childlike, lazy, untruthful untrustworthy, prone to drunkenness idle and cowardly. A universal stereotype of a slave was of a lying, lazy, dull brute who had to be kicked or whipped. Plantation slaves cutting sugar cane

Assault and general brutality were common, mainly by overseers who controlled the slaves by force.

20 The final slave society was the Southern United States.

Slaves were first brought to Virginia in 1619. Tobacco was the first profitable crop that occupied most slave work. The invention of the ‘cotton gin’ by Eli Whitney in 1793 created a cotton culture and a huge demand for Black slaves.

During the reign of ‘king cotton’ 40% of the southern population consisted of Black slaves.

In 1825 more than 36% of all the New World slaves were in the Southern United States.

In 1850’s two-thirds of all plantation slaves were engaged in the production of cotton.

21 PARTPARTPART 666

AnAnAn HistoricalHistoricalHistorical CalendarCalendarCalendar OfOfOf TheTheThe Early EarlyEarly Dispersal DispersalDispersal OfOfOf BlackBlackBlack People PeoplePeople ThroughoutThroughoutThroughout BritainBritainBritain Before England had potatoes, tobacco, or tea, and before Shakespeare was even born Fryer confirms that English consciences were eased about making Black African’s slaves, after visits were made to Africa by sailors who brought back tales that Black people were animals, sub-human savages.

This in time justified and encouraged the slave trade.

Fryer affirms that

“so there could be no disgrace in buying or kidnapping them, branding them, shipping them to the New World, selling them, forcing them to work under the whip. English racism was born of greed”

22 History of Black People in Britain’s Capital

AD 50 Roman London Earliest Londoners came from all over Europe and Africa. Africans served in the Roman army “Negro head” carved wooden spoon found at Southwark bridge is the earliest African connection in Southeast London.

16th Century Black trumpeter at court 1507; and “John Blanke” served Henry VII at Greenwich and later Henry VIII.

Catherine of Aragon lands at Deptford in 1501 with her African attendants.

1555 “Certain Black slaves” arrive from Africa with John Lok; and marks the beginning of continuous Black presence in London.

Late 16th Century, opening up of the West African trade. Africans become part of London’s population in seafaring centres like Deptford.

1593 First record of Black person, “Cornelius”, in parish register 1593.

1596 – 1601 Fear of increased Black population in London and other towns leads to Royal proclamation by Queen Elizabeth I to arrest and expel all “Negroes and Blackamores” from her Kingdom.

23 The carved wooden spoon handle of a ‘Negro head’, dating from the first century AD. Found buried 15 feet below Southwark bridge in London.

The painted roll of 1511, to celebrate the birth of a son to Catherine of Arragon, showing the black trumpeter believed to be John Blanke.

24 Mid-17th to late 18th century First era of large scale settlement of blacks in Britain. This period also spanned Britain’s involvement in the tri-continental slave trade.

In Tottenham, All Hallows Church baptismal register records “John Cyras, Captain Madden’s black” in March 1718, and at St Mary’s Church, Hornsey “John Moore, a black from Captain Boulton’s” 8th October 1725 and “Captain Lissles black from Highgate” in 1733.

1700s Significant presence of Black people brought as slave-servants of returning ex- colonial officials, traders, plantation owners, and military personnel.

Growing evidence of Black presence in the northern, eastern and southern areas of London. In addition, there were a small number of free slaves and seamen from West Africa and Asia. However, many reduced to begging on the streets due to lack of jobs and racial discrimination.

1750s London had now become home to communities of Blacks, Jews, Irish, Germans, and Huguenots.

1756 There begins a mounting black response to slavery through covert means, resistance and flight. Notable Black activists are: Oluadah Equiano; Ignatius Sancho; and Ottobah Cugoano. There is also movements among Britons who demand black freedom from slavery. Supporters include workers and urban poor who themselves suffered under the ruling classes of the day.

25 1760s Records show that the numbers of Black people in London numbered between 10,000 and 15,000 of the estimated nation’s 20,000 black people. Evidence also appears in burial registers. The status of Black people in society becomes part of public debate and there are widespread views that blacks were less than human were expressed in slave sales and advertisements.

Mid-18th century London’s Blacks vociferously contested slavery and the slave sales widespread in Britain even though the legal status of these practises was never clearly defined. Slavery of whites was however forbidden.

Free blacks could not be enslaved. But blacks who were brought as slaves to Britain were considered bound to their owners.

1772 Lord Mansfield passed a court ruling that a slave who has deserted his master could not be taken by force to be sold abroad. The verdict triggers black flight from their owners, the decline of slavery in England, and calls by Equiano and others for the abolition of the slave trade, which resulted in clandestine Black safe quarters to develop.

1775-1783 In the wake of the American revolution hundreds of “Black loyalists”, the African- American slave soldiers who fought on the side of the British, arrived in Britain. Deprived of pensions many of them became indigent and begged on the streets.

26 1786 London’s Blacks and Asians (Lascars) lived among many whites in such areas as Mile End, Stepney, Paddington, and the St Giles areas. The majority were living, not as slaves and servants in wealthy homes, but as free people, householders or tenants.

Many became the Black poor: ex-low-wage soldiers, seafarers, and plantation workers, with few desirable skills in an evolving urban capitalist economy.

1789 Blacks and South-East Asian Lascars did not fit easily into the Poor Law welfare strategies of the period. A special committee for the relief of the Black poor laid plans for the settlement of Blacks in Sierra Leone, West Africa.

Equiano, the chief Black spokesman of Britain’s Black community publishes his memoirs, The Interesting Narratives of the Life of Olaudah Equiano.

1792-1815 Further groups of black soldiers and seamen settle in Britain after services in the Napoleonic wars.

Late 18th century The slave trade declines greatly in economic importance to Britain with the evolution of industrial capitalism.

Resurgence of intolerance buttressed by “scientific racism”. This effectively ends the first period of large-scale black immigration to London and Britain. The decline in immigration and gradual absorption of blacks and their descendants into the white population occurs.

27 19th century

1807 The British slave trade is abolished

1834 Parliament abolishes slavery throughout the British Empire.

Steady decline in numbers and visibility of London’s black population as fewer blacks were brought by West Indian planters and restrictions on immigrants from Africa.

1880s New build up of small black dockside communities in London’s Canning Town, and in Liverpool and Cardiff, as new shipping links are established with the Caribbean and West Africa.

20th century London-born Black people begin to make a mark in London life. There is also a continuous influx of African students, sportsmen, students, and businessmen. Caribbean professionals also gain positions as doctors, politicians and activists.

World War I Black communities grow with the arrival of Black merchant seaman and soldiers. They survive as the oldest black communities. There is also a continued presence of small groups of students from Africa and the Caribbean.

28 World War II Caribbean and West Africans arrive in small numbers as wartime workers, merchant seaman and serviceman in the army, navy and air forces.

Perhaps 20,000 blacks in Britain are concentrated in the dockside areas of London, Liverpool and Cardiff.

Learie Constantine, a welfare officer in the RAF, is refused service in a London Hotel and later wins damages.

Post-war period

1948 Britain’s first group of post-war Caribbean immigrants arrive in London on the SS Empire Windrush. Many of the 492 passengers settle in Brixton now a prominent black district.

1950s to 1960s Mass migration of workers from all over the English-speaking Caribbean, particularly Jamaica. They are “invited” to fill labour requirements in hospitals, transport and railways and contribute to rebuilding the post-war urban economy.

1962 The Commonwealth Immigrants Act is passed and a further succession of laws in 1968, 1971, and 1981 severely restrict Black entry into Britain, and brings this period to an end. There is also an emergence of Black and Asian struggles against racial prejudice and intolerance.

29 1975 David Pitt brings a new popular voice to the House of Lords.

1987 The Black population, workers and community activists aid the election of four Black Members of Parliament.

1991-1997 Black Londoners numbered half a million people in the 1991 census, of which an increasing proportion were London-or British born.

Despite modest socio-economic gains, discrimination remained a problem, even where skill deficiencies were being overcome.

Black Parliamentarians increased to six in 1992 and nine in 1997 elections.

“High-tech” and information revolution and a changing urban economy drive unemployment rates higher among Blacks and threatens to erode Black progress.

30 PARTPARTPART 777

TheTheThe SurvivalSurvivalSurvival OfOfOf SlavesSlavesSlaves InInIn EnglandEnglandEngland SlavesSlavesSlaves InInIn EnglandEnglandEngland

The majority of African slaves brought to England from the 1570’s onwards were mainly employed as household servants in titled families and properties owned by the rich and famous of the period.

Others were used as exotic status symbols. The wife of Sir Walter Raleigh, a prominent explorer was one of the first to acquire a slave Black boy.

The practice was soon followed all over England, and many dressed their slaves in fine costumes. In 1682 Sir James Bagg of Plymouth ordered that his newly arrived ‘negrowe’ should be ‘handsomely clothed’.

31 However, what is known is that many white working class people of the time had much in common with the Black slaves. Black people were seen as fellow-victims of their own enemies, and as fellow-fighters against a system that degraded poor whites and poor Blacks alike.

Discrimination in employment is certainly not a new issue for Black people. In 1731 the Lord Mayor of London issued a proclamation, which stopped apprenticeships for Black people.

Many Black women and girls found work as children’s nurses and laundrymaids, and just as many more were forced into prostitution as an alternative to hunger and starvation.

Asians were also present in seventeenth century London, many of who were brought back from India by titled aristocracy and army officers. Like many African slaves, Asian slaves also escaped and ran away from their masters.

By 1772, it is estimated that the Black population in England had grown to about 15,000. The ruling by Lord Mansfield in 1772 (Somerset case) that slaves could not lawfully be shipped out of England against their will meant that there was also an unknown number of freed slaves.

The majority of slaves brought to England were male, which reflected the demand for Black footmen and male servants. Sexual relationships and marriages with white women must have been common. Indeed, the leaders of the early Black community, Olaudah Equianao and Ottabah Cugoano and other freed slaves almost all married white women. Very little is known about the children of these mixed marriages, since both partners were poor, and usually servants.

By the end of the nineteenth century very few Black people remained in England, apart from the West African and West Indian seaman who had settled in the dockland areas of Liverpool, London, Cardiff, Bristol and Plymouth. The descendants of Black slaves in England had ‘Disappeared’ through intermarriage with white people. Thus was born the stigmatisation and stereotyping of children classified as ‘half-castes’. Without doubt, the children from mixed African, African-Caribbean, Asian and white relationships represent the largest and longest surviving Black ethnic groups within Britain.

32 PARTPART 88 TheThe ForgottenForgotten HistoryHistory OfOf BlackBlack PeoplePeople InIn Britain,Britain, AndAnd TheirTheir PositivePositive ContributionContribution ToTo BritishBritish SocietySociety OlaudahOlaudah Equiano Equiano (1745?(1745? –– 1797) 1797)

Olaudah Equiano (Gustavus Vassa), was the first political leader of Britain’s Black community. Equiano was born around 1745, and was about 11 years old when he was kidnapped by slave traders from a village in the eastern area of Nigeria.

After arriving in the West Indies, Equiano was sold to a local plantation owner, who in turn sold him to a British naval officer for £30.00. Equiano arrived in London in 1757 at the age of 23 years.

Equiano’s book ‘The Interesting Narrative of the life of Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa, the African’ became a famous documentation of an African’s journey out of slavery, and in its campaign for the abolition of slavery by a Black man.

During his lifetime, Equiano embarked on many anti-slavery meetings throughout many of the towns and cities in Britain. He received many letters congratulating him as the principal instrument in attempting to bring an end to slavery.

Olaudah Equiano died on 31st March 1797, aged about 52. How pleased Equiano would have been had to lived to see slavery abolished.

33 JohnJohn RichardRichard ArcherArcher (1863(1863 –– 1932) 1932)

John Richard Archer, was born on the 8th June 1863, in Liverpool. His father was a ship’s steward from Barbados (an island in the Caribbean), and his mother was Irish. John Richard Archer became the first person of African descent to hold a civic office in Britain.

On the 10th November 1913, Archer was elected Mayor of Battersea. His statement to the council was:

“You have made history to-night . . . Battersea has done many things in the past, but the greatest thing it has done is to show that it has no racial prejudice, and that it recognises a man for the work he has done”.

Archer received many letters of congratulations from leading members of the Black community in the USA.

In 1918, Archer was elected as the President of the African Congress Union, which represented Black students, and business people from various parts of Africa, the West Indies and the Americas.

34 John Richard Archer died in July 1932, his colleagues commented on his career as:

“there never was a case in which he did not try to get more generous treatment for the applicant, the poor had no better a friend”.

John Richard Archer was a remarkable and extraordinary representative of the Black community. He had an excellent record of public service. As a Black man, Archer became the first British-born, mixed – heritage councillor, Alderman and Mayor.

35 OtherOtherOther Great GreatGreat Black BlackBlack Politicians PoliticiansPoliticians

Sir Dadabhai Naoroji

Born in 1852 in Bombay, Sir Dadabhai became the first Indian professor of mathematics and philosophy at the age of 29. He was elected the Liberal MP for Central Finsbury in 1892, and was a great campaigner for the wrongs being done to his homeland in India.

Naoroji died at the grand old age of 91, leaving behind the legacy of the ‘Grand Old Man of India’

Sir Mancherji Merwanjee Bhownagree

Was elected as an MP for Bethnal Green North East in 1895. Bhownagree’s election was an impressive achievement in that his constituency had very few Asian or Jewish voters.

36 WalterWalterWalter Tull TullTull (1888(1888(1888 – –– 1918)1918)1918)

Walter Tull was born in Folkstone on 28th April 1888. His father was a carpenter from Barbados, and his mother was a local woman. By the age of nine, Walter had lost both his parents, and was brought up in an orphanage.

In October 1908, Walter played football for Clapton FC, and won ‘winners medals’ in many FA amateur cup matches. The ‘Football Star’ reported Tull as ‘the catch of the season’. Walter Tull turned professional in 1909, and signed up for Tottenham Hotspur. His signing fee was £10, and weekly salary of £4.

In September of 1909, Tull played in Spur’s first game in Division One, which ended in a 3- 1 defeat against Sunderland.

In October 1909, while playing away at Bristol City, Tull experienced racial abuse from opposing spectators.

A reporter commented ‘ a section of the spectators made a cowardly attack upon him in language lower than Billingsgate’. As a result Walter, was dropped from First Division Tottenham Hotspurs.

On the outbreak of World War One, Walter joined the army, and in November 1915 his regiment was fighting in France. In 1916 Walter returned home to England as a sergeant suffering from ‘trench fever’. On his recovery, he entered an officer cadet school in Scotland.

37 On the 30th May 1917, Tull was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant and posted to Italy, and in 1918, he was mentioned in dispatches for his ‘gallantry and coolness’.

Tull later returned to France, and fought at the battle of the Somme. He was killed by a single bullet to the head on 25th March 1918. Tull was awarded the British War and Victory medal and recommended for the Military Cross.

Walter Tull was the first British-born Black army officer, and the first Black officer to lead white troops into battle.

38 ArthurArthurArthur WhartonWhartonWharton (1865(1865(1865 ––– 1930)1930)1930)

Arthur Wharton, was born on 25th October 1865, in Accra, Ghana. His father, a missionary in Africa, came from Grenada in the West Indies. His mother had a Scottish father and an African mother.

At school Wharton showed remarkable skill as an athlete, and at the age of 21 won the Amateur Athletics Association 100 yards title in 10 seconds. Later verified as a World record.

In 1889, at the age of 23, Wharton turned professional for Rotherham Town Football Club. In February 1895, he became the first Black player to play professional football in Division One of the Football League when he played for Sheffield United. He ended his professional career in 1902.

Arthur Wharton spent the last twenty years of his life working as a miner in South Yorkshire. He died in poverty on 13th December 1930.

Because of Wharton’s exemplary career as a Black sportsman. Black Football players from Sheffield United Football Club on the 8th May 1977, conducted a memorial ceremony which took place at Edlington cemetery. A gravestone was placed at his unmarked plot by the Sheffield based ‘football unites – racism divides’, in recognition of his achievements in sports.

In his lifetime Arthur Wharton was a great ambassador for Black people, and was known to be a great believer in social justice. He attacked racism head on in his words and deeds.

39 OtherOtherOtherOtherOtherOther Black Black BlackBlackBlackBlack Sporting Sporting SportingSportingSportingSporting Legends Legends LegendsLegendsLegendsLegends

The most famous cricketer of this period was Prince Kumar Shri Ranjitsinhji, who between 1896 and 1902 captained Sussex for 19 years, and represented England against Australia in four test matches.

The Black contribution to English cricket is a long one. The sport of cricket is associated with the British Empire, and was exported to India and other British colonies, including the West Indies.

40 Great Black Inventors

During the 19th century Black Africans began an inventive period, and before the beginning of the 20th century Africans had already invented some of the things that had made life more comfortable for many particularly in the United States.

Benjamin Banneker was perhaps the first notable Black inventor and although not recognised was responsible for making the first clock in the United States. He was also responsible for designing the lighting for the city of Washington.

James Foster became one of the first African-Americans to become rich through his designs for ships sails and accessories. During the American revolution it was noticed that tent cloth designed by Foster was a better quality than the traditional cloth used for soldiers trousers. James Foster, the noted Black sail maker was approached to use the same cloth to make trousers for soldiers fighting in the revolution. The trousers made by Foster saved many a soldiers life during the third and last terrible winter of the American revolution.

Jan Ernest Matzeliger a young Black man from Guyana, invented a machine that mass produced shoes. His invention revolutionised the shoe industry.

Elijah McCoy invented a drip coupling for lubrication that revolutionised the whole concept of lubrication. McCoy had over 50 patents registered to his credit that so many white people stole ideas from him that anytime a white man took out a patent on a lubrication system, or anything related to it the patent office would ask “Did you steal it directly from McCoy or did you steal it indirectly from McCoy?” interestingly, this is how the saying came into the English language, “the real McCoy.”

Perhaps the greatest, if not lesser known Black inventor was Lewis Latimer a Black man of enormous talent. Lewis was not only a qualified draughtsman, but drew up the plans for the first telephone. Although history records Alexander Graham Bell as the person who invented the telephone, all the working and vital parts were drawn and designed by Lewis Latimer. Lewis also wrote the first book on incandescent lighting which we know today as fluorescent light. Lewis Latimer also worked with Thomas Eddison, who is also recorded in history as the person who created the principle of the electric light. However, Eddison’s light went out in twenty minutes. It was Lewis Latimer who created the filament which made the light go on indefinitely. As such, Lewis’ accomplishments were completely left out of history, while Eddison remains the inventor of the electric light.

Not only have Black people invented a lot of other things, Black African-Americans have played a major role in getting America into space. For example, a Black African-American female doctor leads a team in space medicine.

41 The person who designed the interior of early American spacecraft, including its disposal system was an African-American male. Moreover, the Moon buggy, and the camera used on the trip to the Moon was also a Black invention.

In conclusion, Black people are often thought of as uncivilised. However, when we look deeper into our history at the great Nile valley civilisations which were built on and other rivers such as the Niger, the Limpopo and the Zambezi, the kind of civilizations that gave life to the world before the first white Europeans wore shoes or lived in houses that had windows.

We therefore need to ask ourselves, with conviction, that “if we did it once before, we can do it again.”

42 THETHE ACHIEVEMENTS ACHIEVEMENTS OF OF BLACK BLACK && MINORITY MINORITY ETHNIC ETHNIC WOMEN WOMEN ININ THE THE COMMUNITY COMMUNITY

The collective struggle of Black women’s achievements have been left out of history. Very little is mentioned of the long history of oppression fought and won by Black women, often against many racist structures that determined the condition of their existence. According to Bell Hooks, a Black writer and feminist, the Black female slave experience is one that cannot be forgotten. The nakedness of African female slaves served as a constant reminder of their sexual vulnerability. Rape and physical abuse was common on board ships after all it was the slaver’s job to destroy their human dignity, their names and status, to reduce them to ‘docile’ marketable goods, to ‘break them in’ in order that they conformed to white society as an ‘inferior’ creature. Furthermore, Bell Hooks, confirms that ‘the Black male slave was primarily exploited as a labourer in the fields; the Black female was exploited as a labourer in the fields, a worker in the domestic household, a breeder, and as an object of white male sexual assault’. It takes little imagination to comprehend the abuse of Black female slaves. Breeding was an oppressive system forced on Black women, many of who were undernourished, overworked and hardly in the physical condition for safe and easy childbirth. Yet repeated pregnancies, caused by rape by their owners resulted in miscarriages and even death. Reproduction issues relating to Black women are still in British medical terms considered to be of ‘high promiscuity risk’ and a moral flaw to be frowned upon and controlled. Bryan et al, conclude that doctors frequently exercised control over Black women’s fertility in the interest of (white) society. Many Black women have, and continue to receive unwanted sterilisations and terminations, in the interest of controlling the numbers of ‘unwanted Black babies’ (Bryan et al 19850. Further confirmation of the racist health attitude of Britain and others was the unleashing of mass sterilisation and birth control programmes on Black women, often in countries referred to as ‘Third World’ as part of the west’s helpful ‘aid’ package – pumping women with Depo Provera (a powerful contraceptive) without telling them what the injection was for or what the side effects might be (Bryan et al 1985; Williams, 1989).

43 In a modern world of social, economic and technological advancement, many Black and minority ethnic women are still treated as ‘second class’ citizens. Williams (1989) confirms that Black and minority ethnic women have fought issues which directly affect them as Black workers, women, mothers, tenants, patients and claimants for better pay and conditions. Black and minority ethnic women have also formed defence committees against police and court racism and against their communities; against racist and sexually discriminatory immigration controls and deportations; against homelessness; against the racism of local authorities placing them in the poorest council housing, or by their failing to take action against perpetrators who direct verbal racial abuse and violence towards their families. Black and minority ethnic women have also defended their right to organise autonomously against domestic violence; against the often bad practice of the education system, the health service and social services departments for blaming the problems which Black families face upon their cultures and traditions. Williams concludes that many of these struggles have been focused on racism, and the welfare state. During the 1970’s and 1980’s many Black and minority ethnic communities came under siege from racists including the police. It was Black and minority ethnic women who played a major role in the right to defend themselves and their families. Bryan et al (1985) suggest that as mothers and workers, it was the women who rushed to the police stations when members of their family were arrested. It was the women who had to take time off work to confront teachers and the education authorities about the mis-education of our children. Women were also the ones who cleared up the debris when police entered their homes uninvited to harass and intimidate them. It was also the women who battled with housing departments, social services and Social Security as they demanded their right to decent homes and an income above subsistence level. Indeed, it has been recognised that Black women’s labour in particular, has propped up the economy of this country. This has been the case over centuries not just the last five decades. Moreover, far from draining the resources of Britain, Black women have also been the providers of its wealth. As I shall go on to show as affirmed by various authors, that it was the ‘blood, sweat and tears of Black women and men which financed and serviced Europe’s Transformation’ (Hooks, 1982; Bryan et al, 1985; Williams, 1989).

44 MaryMaryMary SeacoleSeacoleSeacole (1805(1805(1805 ––– 1881)1881)1881)

Mary Seacole was born in Kingston, Jamaica in 1805. In 1854 Mary travelled to England, and applied to the War Office to be sent to the Crimea as a nurse. Mary was turned down by everyone she approached, including one of Florence Nightingale’s assistants.

At the age of 50 years, Mary travelled the 3,000 miles to the Crimea at her own expense. She set up her own hospital approximately two miles from Balaclava, and tended to many wounded soldiers on the battle-field. W.H. Russell, the first modern war correspondent made Mary Seacole famous in Britain. On the 14th September 1855, he wrote a dispatch to London stating:

‘this kind and successful physician cures all manner of men with extraordinary success. She is always in attendance near the battle-field to aid the wounded, and has many a poor fellows blessing.’

45 The war ended in March 1856. A year later Mary wrote her book ‘Wonderful Adventures Of Mrs Seacole in Many Lands’. Even though four nights of benefit performances held in her honor, the award of the Crimean Medal, and a bust sculptured by the nephew of Queen Victoria, the last years of her life were spent in obscurity. Mary Seacole died on the 14th May 1881, a forgotten hero. In 1973 a group of Jamaican women organised the reconsecration of her grave in Kensal Rise, London. The life and times of Mary Seacole were forgotten very quickly by the British public. In contrast, the heroic deeds of Florence Nightingale continue to be talked about at the very mention of the Crimea war. A gift of £45,000 was given to Florence Nightingale which was used to establish schools of nursing at St Thomas’s hospital in London and elsewhere. Mary Seacole, a Black woman who saved the lives of many soldiers during the Crimea war has been denied her place in British history.

46 SophiaSophiaSophia DuleepDuleepDuleep SinghSinghSingh

Very little is known about Black women who played a part in the early women’s movement in this country. However, Sophia Dullep Singh an Indian suffragette was prominent in the fight for votes for women.

47 NoorNoorNoor InyatInyatInyat KhanKhanKhan

Noor Inyat Khan, was the only Asian women to serve with the Special Operations Executive during World War Two.

Noor operated under the secret agent name of ‘Madeleine’. She was fluent in French and other languages. In 1943, while on a secret operation in Paris, she was betrayed and arrested by the Gestapo. After her capture she was sent to the Dachau concentration camp where she was interrogated, beaten and then shot.

After the War, Noor Inyat Khan was posthumously awarded the George Cross and the French Croix de Guerre Medal of honour for her brave actions.

Noor Inyat Khan, as a Black women is also forgotten in British history as a Black war hero.

48 In 1976, the Grunwick Film Processing Plant in north London witnessed a long running strike through racial exploitation of its Black employees. The action mainly by Asian women changed the course of Black workers. The strike held out for over a year, and it was the first time workers were given strike pay by their supporting unions. Even cabinet ministers appeared on the picket lines. In November 1976, four Asians, two of them women, went on a hunger strike outside the Trade Union Congress (TUC) Headquarters. Len Murray, the General Secretary sought their immediate suspension from the union and withdrawal of strike pay. Mr Murray further commented that ‘take up your hunger strike outside Grunwick’s factory gates not outside my offices.’ The positive action taken by these women serve as positive role models for the rights of Black women in employment today.

49 PARTPARTPART 999

THETHETHE WARWARWAR YEARSYEARSYEARS

191419141914 ––– 194519451945 AndAndAnd Britain’sBritainBritain’’ss FirstFirstFirst RaceRaceRace RiotRiotRiot TheTheThe OutbreakOutbreakOutbreak OfOfOf WarWarWar &&& BlackBlackBlack ParticipationParticipationParticipation

The outbreak of war in 1914 brought about significant changes for Black people in Britain and the Commonwealth as Black labour was needed for the British war effort.

Nearly one and a half million Indians enlisted in the armed forces during WW1. Frow (1996) estimates that approximately 107,000 Black soldiers were injured and 40,000 lost their lives. Indian troops and seamen fought in Turkey, North and East Africa and in the trenches on the Western Front. Twelve were honoured with Victoria Crosses the highest military award for gallantry.

In 1917 a book was published by Sir Harry Johnston ‘The Black Man’s Part in the War’. The book praised the Black troops ‘pluck, gallantry and devotion’, and ended with the promise of what the British Empire must do for ‘the dark races’ after the war.

Of the British West Indies Regiment who fought during the great war 105 were killed or died from their wounds, 697 were wounded and crippled for life, and 1,071 died of sickness. Of the Black seamen, many of whom were from Cardiff – 1,000 were killed at sea. and 400 were rescued after their ships were sunk, only later to die from exposure.

Many Black soldiers were decorated as heroes

RecordRecord of of Achievement Achievement

West African Frontier Force & the African Kings Rifles Sixteen soldiers received the DCM (Distinguished Conduct Medal) The British West Indies Regiment 5 DSO’s (Distinguished Service Order) 9 MC’s (Military Crosses) 2 MBE’s (Member of the British Empire) 8 DCM’s (Distinguished Conduct Medal) 37 MM’s (Military Medals) 49 Mentions in Dispatches

50 The First World War ended on November 11th 1918. Black soldiers were demobilized in Britain, increasing the size of Britain’s Black population.

However, the British government turned its back on Black people who had helped in Britain’s hour of need.

Secret instructions were sent from the Ministry of Labour’s Employment Department stating that unemployed Black servicemen of British nationality ‘should be left in ignorance of their rights’. Thus, Britain firmly marked the beginning of its institutional racist policies.

51 Britain’sBritainBritain’’ss FirstFirstFirst RaceRaceRace RiotsRiotsRiots

Britain experienced its first race riots in 1919. The riots were started by mobs of well organised white youths who openly attacked unemployed Black people, mostly discharged soldiers and sailors.

Many of the Black people, out of work, had been left stranded and starving on account of being refused work because of the colour of their skin.

The Times newspaper reported in 1919 ‘wherever a Negro was seen he was chased, and if caught, severely beaten’.

A local Magistrate in Liverpool commented that it ‘was the white mobs which were making the name of Liverpool an abomination and disgrace to the rest of the country’.

Riots also occurred in South Wales, and were reported as the ‘most viscious outbreaks of racial violence that has yet occurred in Britain’.

Evans (1980) confirms that fights erupted almost every day and night and that one white rioter told a reporter at the time ‘we are all one in Newport and mean to clear these niggers out’.

The media were much to blame for inciting much of the racial hatred. For example, the Manchester Guardian blamed Black people for daring to defend themselves against white lynch mobs, and further quoted ‘the quiet, apparently inoffensive nigger becomes a demon when armed with a revolver or razor’.

The press were also responsible for spreading racism by stating that Black men were responsible for associating with white women.

Sir Ralph Williams wrote a letter to the Times quoting:

‘to almost every white man and woman who has lived a life among coloured races, intimate association between Black or coloured men and white women is a thing of horror … it is instinctive certainly that sexual relations between white women and coloured men revolt our very nature… what blame… to those white men who, seeing these conditions and loathing them, resort to violence?…We cannot forcibly repatriate British subjects of good character, but we can take such steps as will prevent the employment of an unusually large number of men of colour in our great shipping centres’.

52 The response from the Black community to the race riots of 1919, demonstrated that they were not prepared to sit back and accept direct acts of racial hatred and harassment by white people.

Black people had played a vital part in the First World War, both at home and abroad. For Black people this was to be seen as the beginning in their fight to become recognised, respected and valued.

The racism which had destroyed many of their lives ensured that Black people were now prepared to fight back against racial attacks, harassment and abuse for their humanity and self-respect.

53 BlackBlackBlack People’s PeoplePeople’’ss Participation ParticipationParticipation InInIn the thethe SecondSecondSecond World WorldWorld War WarWar

The Second World War casualties of Black and minority ethnic service people have been estimated at over three-quarters of a million.

During the period of the Second World War many white employers barred Black people from gaining employment.This ‘colour bar’ also resulted in: refusal of lodgings; service in cafes; admittance to dance-halls; and other public places.

This treatment denied Black people to be treated as equals in what was a racist society that expected them to die fighting for the ‘King and country’.

54 A letter from 1939, quoting how Black children were treated, also confirms the discrimination and open racism that existed during this period. The letter by Dr Harold Moody, a crusader for the Black community discussed the welfare of Black children among a group of evacuees being sent up to Blackpool:

‘Among a large party of children which came to our district were two little coloured boys. Nobody wanted them. House after house refused to have them. Finally a very poor old lady of 70 years volunteered to care for them. She gave them a good supper, bathed them and put them to bed. As she folded their clothes she discovered two letters addressed to the person who adopted them. Each letter contained a five pound note’.

Britain faired no better in its racist attitude toward Black American servicemen, who started arriving in Britain in early 1942. Fryer confirms that a Mrs Annie May, the wife of the Reverend Frederick May, called a meeting of local women in a small village near Weston-Super-Mare. Mrs May issued a code of behaviour for local women to follow :

1. If a local woman keeps a shop and a coloured soldier enters she must serve him, but she must do it as quickly as possible and indicate that she does not desire him to come there again. 2. If she is in the cinema and notices a coloured soldier sit next to her, she must move to another seat immediately. 3. If she is walking on the pavement and a coloured soldier is coming towards her, she must cross to the other pavement. 4. If she is in a shop and a coloured soldier enters, she must leave as soon as she has made her purchase, or before that if she is in a queue. 5. White women, of course, must have no relationship with coloured troops. 6. On no account must coloured troops be invited into the homes of white women.

55 The majority of Black American servicemen did find discrimination in Britain, mainly from their own white troops.

The American army was regarded as ‘Jim Crow’ (Jim Crow being a common slave name and an archetype not unlike Sambo. Black people were compelled to conform to the popular Jim Crow image of them, and were segregated on racial grounds)

It wasn’t before very long that a document issued by the British Foreign Office, supported by Winston Churchill and the Government, warned of the dangers of ‘Black American soldiers being brought into close social contact with English home life and with English women’.

The racism meted out to Black American servicemen also included Somerset County Council which set out a policy automatically taking into care any illegitimate baby born to a British woman fathered by a Black American GI (Williams, 1989).

During the war period there were about 8,000 West Indian troops stationed in Britain. Thus, the increase in numbers of Black British troops, and African American troops and seamen resulted in an increase of racial discrimination and harassment particularly, from white American troops.

Many Black British servicemen had to temporarily separate from their white wives due to racial abuse and victimisation. A Black observer commented:

“the silent, subtle and obvious racial prejudice and indecent display of superiority from people of British nationality”.

What was interesting during this period was that the American army showed outright, open and admitted racism. British racism however, was masked by a show of welcome. A significant indicator of the attitude and behaviour shown by modern day society.

56 The discrimination and open racism directed at the Black community during the war years can only be described as a shameful, and sad part of British history.

Little (1948) confirms some of the disgusting conditions that Cardiff’s Black community were condemned to live in:

‘Discrimination, social or economic, has limited the social contacts of these people, has segregated them from the more salubrious quarters of town; has interfered seriously with the possibilities of the coloured children, particularly the girls, from obtaining virtually any but the lowest-paid occupations; has led to African families paying higher rents … than white families of similar social status’. (Little, 1948).

Fryer further confirms, that Black families living in such slums often put their children’s needs above their own (Fryer, 1984).

An observer noted that:

‘Children of coloured men almost always appear well fed and are warmly dressed in spite of poverty, yet when many of them left school, they could never find work in an office or factory, even though some of them had relevant qualifications’.

57 PARTPARTPART 101010

TheTheThe PostPostPost WarWarWar PeriodPeriodPeriod

RejectionRejectionRejection OfOfOf TheTheThe BlackBlackBlack CommunityCommunityCommunity InInIn BritainBritainBritain AAA Dream DreamDream That ThatThat Turned TurnedTurned into intointo AAA NightmareNightmareNightmare

On June 22nd 1948, the SS Empire Windrush anchored at Tilbury Docks. Four hundred and ninety two West Indians disembarked. Little did many of them realise that their dreams of a future in England’s green and pleasant land was soon to be turned into a nightmare by the very government that encouraged them here to fill vacancies which local white people did not want.

Fryer confirms that more than two-thirds of Britain’s white population were prejudiced, and held a low opinion of Black people or disapproved of them (Fryer, 1984).

Many British white people viewed Black people as ignorant and illiterate, speaking strange languages, and lacking proper education. They also believed that Black men had stronger sexual urges than white men, were less inhibited, and could give greater satisfaction to their sexual partners.

This further inflamed the white male population who were convinced these ‘head –hunting cannibals’ would steal and infect their white women.

The first-generation of Asian settlers had an even harder time than many of their Black counter- parts.

Many of them knew little or no English, and culturally there was a huge gap between them and the white people of Britain.

In industries all over Britain white trade unions resisted employing Black workers. Davison (1964) confirms that many companies who had a trade union movement insisted on a ‘quota’ system limiting the number of Black employees. The rule of ‘last in, first out’ was also applied but only where Black workers were employed. Promotion opportunities for Black workers were also denied as no Black person could be promoted over a white. The ten-year laissez-faire period, that the government through its racist policies and practices constructed Black immigration as a ‘problem’, was about to change.

58 TheTheThe 195819581958 RiotsRiotsRiots AgainstAgainstAgainst RacismRacismRacism

The summer of 1958 brought about some significant changes for Black people in Britain. Over a period of 18 months there had been a series of attacks by white people on Black people living in Nottingham.

The media once again were to be seen inciting racial hatred by printing responses by the white community such as:

‘Why don’t they go back to their own country’? ‘Coloured men should be banned from the pubs’? ‘All Black people in Nottingham should be subjected to a curfew’?

Both the local Tory and Labour MP’s openly suggested that ‘no more Black people should be allowed to enter the country, and that new deportation laws should be passed’, even though the local police had claimed that various isolated attacks on several white people were ‘a reprisal by coloured people for previous incidents recently when some of their number were attacked by white men’

Racist attacks on Black people throughout Britain were commonplace, much of which was instigated by fascist propaganda insisting that Black people be forcibly driven out of Britain.

The police did very little and generally took no notice of the attacks. Instead they persisted in provoking and persecuting young Black men.

The area of North Kensington, Notting Hill where I was born in 1955, remains to this day an overcrowded, and in some parts still deprived area. It is a grim reminder to the days of 1958, where white and Black families were housed in sub-standard private housing, and exploited and harassed by bullying landlords.

Driven on by Oswald Mosley’s fascist propaganda, local white teddy boys armed with knives, iron bars and sticks descended on the Black community on a ‘nigger hunting’ and ‘nigger bashing’ race hate campaign.

59 From personal experience I can recall one such attack, in which my father and some of his friends rushed into the house and quickly closed the shutters on the windows as bottles smashed against them from outside. I can also remember hearing the shouting from outside even though I was young and didn’t quite understand what was happening, I was still frightened as I could sense the fear in my father and his friends. The local Kensington News and West London Times reported the incident as:-

Colville Road Flare-up ‘Twenty teenage boys chased four coloured men in Colville Road on Sunday night. Milk bottles were thrown as the four dived into a nearby house, and broken glass was scattered over the pavement. Once inside the coloured men replied with more milk bottles thrown from upstairs windows. Glass splinters flying hit a white man who was walking with his wife and baby in a pram cutting his hand. When the police arrived the white youths had fled but statements were taken from the coloured men’. Kensington News and West London Times August 29th 1958.

Racial violence and harassment against the Black community continued unabated, and it wasn’t until late September that court action finally brought the violence to not totally disappear but die down. The Kensington Post reports: ‘Nine white youths who were sentenced to four years imprisonment at the Old Bailey on Monday for ‘hunting’ coloured people in Notting Hill area were told by Mr Justice Salmon ‘it was you men who started the whole of this violence in Notting Hill. You are a minute and insignificant section of the population and have brought shame upon the district in which you live.’ When the sentences were announced, there were gasps and cries from the public gallery. Some white women had to be assisted out of court’. Kensington Post September 19th 1958

Justice had been served. The experience of the summer of 1958 forced many Black people to return home to Africa and the Caribbean. Those that stayed saw the riots as a turning point in race relations and turned towards the Black Power movement for a positive Black identity.

60 George Rogers the MP for North Kensington stated to the Kensington News, that the ‘main cause of the trouble and the unrest in the area is housing’. He further stated that:-

“people are living in crowded houses, living cheek by jowl in vastly overcrowded conditions. To add to the difficulties some of the West Indians make no attempt to adapt themselves to the way of life here. Whilst I thoroughly deplore the riots and violence, naturally there is resentment that West Indians can buy houses here.”

Step by step, racism in Britain became institutionalised, legitimised and nationalised. Racial attacks, victimisation and harassment continued year to year, and as Fryer (1984) confirms:-

‘the worst violence of all, since it affected every Black settler without exception, was their relegation as ‘immigrants’ to the personal status of second-class citizens.’

The immigration of Black workers to Britain and the racist attitudes shown to them meant that Black people were given no rights to welfare or social housing.

The white racist population and government policy makers viewed Black immigrants as ‘scroungers’, even though some of the white population were experiencing hardship and poverty themselves.

The government viewed Black immigrants as ‘disposable labour’ and sought to further reduce and limit the number of Black people entering the country, and reduce their settlement rights once in Britain.

61 PARTPARTPART 111111

LEGISLATIONLEGISLATIONLEGISLATION

Britain’sBritainBritain’’ss Answer AnswerAnswer ToToTo Controlling ControllingControlling AndAndAnd ReducingReducingReducing The TheThe NumberNumberNumber Of OfOf Black BlackBlack PeoplePeoplePeople In, In,In, And AndAnd Entering, Entering,Entering, TheTheThe Country CountryCountry THETHETHE 1824 18241824 VAGRANCY VAGRANCYVAGRANCY ACT ACTACT

Section 4 of the 1824 Vagrancy Act proposed that anyone could be arrested ‘on suspicion’ of loitering with intent to commit an arrestable offence. In 1972, the police used part of this Act to add a new frightening strain of crime, “Mugging.” As a result, ‘Sus’ (suspicion) produced an offence which allowed police to openly harass young Black people. Black young people could not walk the streets without the fear of being arrested. The effect of ‘Sus’ meant that whole Black communities were subjected to road blocks and mass stop and searches within their communities.

62 TheTheThe 194819481948 NationalityNationalityNationality ActActAct

The 1948 Nationality Act served as a political device to allow the free movement of workers from the Commonwealth particularly, the West Indies and the Indian subcontinent to meet Britain’s ‘labour shortage.’

By 1952 both Labour and Conservative governments had covertly instituted illegal administrative measures designed to discourage many of the Black immigrants who arrived annually in Britain.

By 1953 a confidential meeting of ministers took place. Widespread surveillance of Black communities by the police, surveys undertaken by the Ministry of Labour, the Departments of Health, Housing and Transport produced findings which allowed the government to produce a report to control Black immigration.

63 TheTheThe 1962 19621962 Commonwealth CommonwealthCommonwealth ImmigrantsImmigrantsImmigrants Act ActAct

The 1962 Act was introduced as ‘discriminatory legislation’, with the purposeful intention of reducing the numbers of Black people entering Britain.

Thus, began Britain’s unrecognised assumption that Black people were the cause of inner-city problems.

Unconscious racism was born out of the images and words used to justify that Black people were coming here to ‘drain’ the welfare services.

Institutional racism was used in 1963, when the Ministry of Health issued a Memo to hospital authorities offering guidance in treating ‘visitors from overseas’.

Two years after the introduction of the 1962 Act. The 1964 general election was fought on an open ‘racist platform’.

Peter Griffiths, the Tory candidate for Smethwick Introduced the slogan – “if you want a Nigger for a neighbour vote Labour”. Labour won the general election, Griffiths won his seat in Smethwick.

The new Prime Minister Harold Wilson called Griffiths a ‘parliamentary leper’. However, it was not long before the Labour government devised new and restricted documents designed to restrict the number of Black people coming to Britain, and also their families.

Sivanandan (1982) suggests that this system ‘took discrimination out of the market place and gave it the sanction of the state – a system which made racism respectable and clinical by institutionalising it’.

No more than 8,500 employment vouchers were to be issued per year, these vouchers were restricted to skilled workers and professionals. A further tightening of Immigration controls by the British government.

64 TheTheThe 1965 19651965 Race RaceRace Relations RelationsRelations ActActAct

The 1965 Race Relations Act was meant to increase ‘racial harmony’ in Britain, and eliminate prejudices of individual employers and landlords.

This act failed to recognise the ‘deprivation and poverty’ marked by poor housing conditions, insufficient health care and a lack of educational provision experienced by Black people and was treated as a separate issue of attitude or culture.

The 1965 Act outlawed ‘incitement to racial hatred’ and forbade discrimination in ‘places of public resort’. The Act however encouraged discrimination in other areas such as employment and housing, etc.

Sivanandan confirms that “to ordinary Blacks these structures were irrelevant: liaison and conciliation seemed to define them as people apart who somehow needed to be fitted into the mainstream of British society – when all they were seeking were the same rights as other citizens”. (Sivanandan, 1982).

65 TheThe 19681968 CommonwealthCommonwealth ImmigrantsImmigrants ActAct

In 1968 a further discriminatory piece of legislation was steamrolled through parliament.

The 1968 the Commonwealth Immigrants Act was purposefully designed to restrict the entry of Kenyan Asians who held British passports into Britain.

The British government denied responsibility for them because of the colour of their skin, as white immigrants still had the right of free entry.

Much of the racist campaign concerning immigration came out into the open in April 1968, when Enoch Powell MP a staunch Conservative, became the unofficial spokesperson on anti- immigration issues.

Powell rallied up racist demonstrations against Black and Asian immigrants following his controversial ‘rivers of blood’ speech.

What made the 1968 Commonwealth Immigrants Act so racist and discriminatory was the British government’s passing of the Act in three days to purposefully prevent the 10,000 Asians from entering Britain, who had been kicked out of Kenya due to the Malawian Government gaining its independence from Britain.

British racism was far from complete. The worst was yet to come……

66 TheTheThe 196819681968 RaceRaceRace RelationsRelationsRelations ActActAct

The 1968 Race Relations Act further extended the Act of 1965.

Its powers covered the law on housing and employment but were weak, as they identified Black people’s housing and their positions of employment as a consequence of prejudice rather than within the structure of Britain’s racist society.

Sivanandan (1982) described the 1968 Race Relations Act as “not as an act, but an attitude”.

67 TheTheThe 197119711971 ImmigrationImmigrationImmigration ActActAct

The 1971 Immigration Act was introduced as a further piece of racist legislation by the British government.

The Act further tightened up the rights of Black people to enter and stay in Britain.

In racist terms – the Act used ‘partiality’ as a means to control those who were born in Britain, or Commonwealth citizens whose parents had been born in Britain.

Further restrictions were placed on the right to family reunion.

Racism was further demonstrated by withholding benefits from any Black person until proof of eligibility could be confirmed.

The Act also introduced the barbaric, discriminatory,and humiliating measure of virginity tests on Black and Asian women entering Britain.

68 TheTheThe 197619761976 RaceRaceRace RelationsRelationsRelations ActActAct

The 1976 Race Relations Act recognised the importance of ‘indirect’ as well as direct discrimination.

The Act also created the Commission for Racial Equality to carry out investigations and campaigns.

The Act made it unlawful to discriminate directly or indirectly on the grounds of colour, race, nationality (including citizenship), or ethnic or national origin, or to apply requirements or conditions which are disadvantageous to people of a particular racial group and which cannot be justified on non-racial grounds. It is also unlawful to apply pressure to discriminate or to aid an act of discrimination by another person.

The Race Relations Act also covers discriminatory acts relating to employment, training, education and the provision of services to the public.

The 1976 Race Relations Act places a particular obligation under Section 71 on local authorities to:

•Carry out their various functions in such a way as to seek to eliminate unlawful racial discrimination.

•Promote equality and good relations between persons of different racial groups. Source: Commission for Racial Equality.

It was no wonder further Acts were introduced, which were all designed by the government following years of racist anti-immigration agitation throughout the seventies, particularly by the National Front. 1979 produced a General Election speech by the new Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who declared that ‘we must preserve the British way of life, to avoid the country being swamped’ Thus grew the New Right’s answer to racism backed up by greater policing of Black communities and the association of Black people as a threat to British culture, to law and order and democracy. 69 TheTheThe 198119811981 &&& 198319831983 BritishBritishBritish NationalityNationalityNationality ActsActsActs

The 1981 and 1983 British Nationality Acts were a catalyst for change, and brought the UK legislation in line with the rest of Europe.

Only those with ‘partiality’ were allowed British citizenship.

The Acts further removed the right for children born to parents in the UK without settlement status, or to a British passport, or the right to British citizenship.

Further restrictions also stopped the right of British overseas citizens to gain entry into the UK without visas.

70 TheTheThe 198519851985 SchengenSchengenSchengen AgreementAgreementAgreement

This agreement sought to work towards a common policy on the borders of European Union member states.

The Agreement also exchanged information on ‘undesirables’, and listed countries whose nationals required a visa to enter member states.

It further introduced freedom of movement for European Union nationals, but put in place the restriction of immigration to non-European states.

The British government has still not signed this agreement, although much of it has been introduced into British immigration law.

71 TheTheThe 1987 19871987 Immigration ImmigrationImmigration (Carriers’(Carriers(Carriers’’ Liability)Liability)Liability) ActActAct

Bringing people without visas or travel documents was made an offence.

The Act restricted the right to appeal against refusal of entry or deportation. Overstaying a visa or work permit made a criminal offence.

All airline and travel employees were forced to act as immigration officials. Blacks and Asians were especially targeted for checks.

Refugees, often unable to get proper documents from their governments, turned back before they even reach Britain.

The British Government made £76 million from this policy in 1991. Black and Asian people were targeted by police to arrest on suspicion of overstaying.

72 TheTheThe 1993 19931993 Asylum AsylumAsylum and andand Immigration ImmigrationImmigration AppealsAppealsAppeals Act ActAct

This Act changed the procedures for asylum applications and removed asylum seeker’s rights to housing.

The right of appeal was removed for temporary visitors and asylum seekers.

The Act gave powers for asylum seekers to be fingerprinted.

Immigration officials had the power to refuse entry without having to justify their decision. Applications increased from 14% to 80%.

Asylum seekers were treated more like criminals.

73 TheTheThe 199619961996 AsylumAsylumAsylum andandand ImmigrationImmigrationImmigration ActActAct

This Act introduced a ‘white list’ of countries considered ‘safe’ by the British Government.

There was automatic deportation of asylum seekers from countries on the ‘white list’ without considering evidence.

The risk of death and persecution of refugees was increased.

Services such as housing were refused to people on the basis of the colour of their skin, until they could prove they were in Britain legally.

74 TheTheThe Human HumanHuman Rights RightsRights Act ActAct 1998 19981998

The Human Rights Act 1998 came into force on the 2nd October 2000.

The Act makes the main articles from the European Convention on Human Rights enforceable under national law in the United Kingdom.

Proceedings can now be brought in an appropriate court against a public authority if an individual feels that through their decisions or actions, they have unlawfully interfered ‘acted incompatibly’ with your rights, and if you feel there is a risk, that they may do so in the future.

Public authorities are bodies serving a governmental purpose or public function. Organisations such as local authorities, the Court Service and police forces are all public authorities. Private organisations can also be classed as a public authority when they are performing duties of a public nature.

You may only bring proceedings against a public authority for acting incompatibly with a convention right if you are a victim. A victim is?

• An individual who has been affected or is at risk of being directly affected by something done by a public authority. • An organisation, interest group or trade union, but only if it is itself a victim. There is also nothing to stop these organisations providing assistance, such as legal representation, to a victim. • A relative of a victim, if the complaint is about the death of the victim. • An individual or a company whose case could be heard by the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.

75 TheTheThe Crime CrimeCrime and andand Disorder DisorderDisorder Act ActAct 1998 19981998

Under the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, there are new ‘racially aggravated offences’ of harassment, assault, grievous bodily harm, or criminal damage which carry significantly higher penalties.

It is also a criminal offence under the Public Order Act 1986 to use threatening, abusive or insulting language or behaviour in order to stir up racial hatred. This includes distributing racist leaflets.

All racist attacks and violence are serious criminal offences and must be reported to the police.

A Racial Incident … is any incident which the victim or any other person believes had a racial motive. Racial harassment includes:- • Personal attacks of any kind • Written / verbal threats or insults • Damage to property • Offensive graffiti (Racial Incidents ‘advice for the victim’ Devon & Cornwall Constabulary)

If a Black or minority ethnic person is racially harassed by neighbours, visitors, or others in the local community, the local council may be able to get a court order to stop the harassment, and the landlord can take action to get them moved.

It is unacceptable for Black and minority ethnic people to be continually targeted by racial abuse, harassment and violence in any community, public place, or by any institution, public authority, or in their own homes.

76 TheTheThe RaceRaceRace RelationsRelationsRelations (Amendment)(Amendment)(Amendment) ActActAct 200020002000

On the 2nd April 2001, the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 – the biggest legislative change in over 25 years came into force.

The new Amendment will make racial discrimination by any public body unlawful.

All main public authorities are now bound by statutory duty to promote racial equality. They are required to have ‘due regard to the need to eliminate unlawful discrimination and to promote equality of opportunity and good relations between persons of different racial groups, in the carrying out of all their functions’.

This ‘general duty’ applies to ministers, central government departments, local authorities, police authorities, health authorities, NHS Trusts and governing bodies of public education institutions.

77 PARTPARTPART 121212

TheTheThe IssuesIssuesIssues WhatWhatWhat isisis Racism?Racism?Racism?

RACISM: Is a belief that some races are by nature superior to others.

RACIST: Discrimination based on such belief. (Merriam Webster Dictionary)

RACISM

The word ‘racism’ is a very powerful word, and can make many white people feel uncomfortable.

Many white people strongly believe that they are not racist, but most Black people feel that they experience racism.

Many people don’t even realise they are being racist. Some people do not intend to discriminate on the basis of race – but do so unintentionally.

Jacobs (1988) suggests that “for many minority ethnic people racism is something which is part of their everyday life and it is they, therefore, who are best placed to understand the full implications and effects of it”.

Racism may thus be defined as a mixture of racial prejudice and discrimination, which brings about a lack of opportunities, racial harassment and attacks, experiences of deprivation and exploitation because of skin colour which contributes to a ‘second – class’ identity in a white dominated society.

Further evidence suggests that there is a persistent and consistent propensity to shove ethnic minorities to the bottom of every available pile and not only leave them there but blame them for being there as well.

78 Why tackle racism?

Black and minority ethnic people in communities suffer terribly because of discrimination and racism in a society which is multi-racial. It is extremely difficult for Black and minority ethnic people to carry out their normal daily routines when they are afraid to move out of the house, speak to another person or join in with other people in their community.

Racism as suggested by the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report, ‘consists of conduct or words or practices which disadvantage or advantage people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin. It can be subtle or overt, intentional or unwitting. It can be personal – name calling, abuse, harassment and violence.’

Xenophobia

This term is used to describe negative attitudes towards those who appear to be foreigners. This word is used more frequently in Europe, while in Britain the word ‘racism’ is more commonly used.

Ohri. Manning, and Curno (1982) suggest that “the vast majority of white British people have no understanding of the deep psychological impact their racism has had on Black British – born young people over the past two decades.”

They further confirm that white youth and community workers are rightly concerned with removing racial prejudice and disadvantage in such areas as housing, employment and education (which also affects white working class families). However, they fail to recognise deep rooted racism (the economic and cultural subordination of one group for the benefit of another) which has infected individuals and institutions in society.

It is unlikely that a group of white people in a community will choose the issue of racism and its effects on the Black [and minority ethnic] community to organise … ‘their neighbourhood is one which excludes ‘the Blacks’ who live next door or over the road. For this very reason most community work groups end up being white with a white worker.’ (Ohri et al, 1982).

79 RaceRaceRace DiscriminationDiscriminationDiscrimination

The 1976 Race Relations Act defines discrimination as:

Direct Discrimination

Where a person treats another person less favourably on racial grounds than that person would treat someone else. (Racial grounds means on grounds of race, colour, nationality, ethnic or national origins).

Indirect Discrimination

Where a requirement or condition which is applied to everyone actually works as a barrier to people from a particular racial group. Indirect discrimination happens when one person (or group) discriminates against another (the victim) who may be seeking some benefit for example, a job and conditions or requirements may be imposed which make it difficult for the ‘victim’ to benefit because of his or her racial, national or ethnic identity.

To argue that ‘we don’t have many Black and ethnic minority people living in our community’ is an admission that everyone has to be treated the same?

Dhalech suggests that ‘racism is not just relevant to big cities in Britain. Many agencies in the South west still believe that there are so few people from Black and minority ethnic communities in rural areas or that there are ‘no coloured people here’ (sic) that there is no need to worry about racism at all.’

80 Colour Blindness, unconscious racism………..

Other forms of racism can best be defined where agencies or organisations take a rigid line in treating everyone in the same way, regardless of what the needs, issues and circumstances are of a particular individual or group. These types of approaches almost always guarantee discrimination, because of the differing needs, aspirations and experiences of people who may be different in their characteristics. These types of approaches may well constitute indirect discrimination under the 1976 Race Relations Act.

81 InstitutionalInstitutionalInstitutional RacismRacismRacism

Stephen Lawrence murdered 22nd April 1993

On Thursday the 22nd April 1993, Stephen Lawrence and his friend Duwayne Brooks were making their way home when a group of white youths approached them shouting racial abuse. Stephen was stabbed and left to die while Duwayne fled and called for help.

The public inquiry into the official handling of the 1993 murder of Stephen Lawrence opened in March.

The Campaign Against Racism and Fascism (CARF), state that the police were accused of incompetence, insensitivity and racism in their response to the stabbing and to Stephen’s parents and the survivor of the attack.

82 The police have responded to allegations by attacking the grieving parents of Stephen Lawrence, their legal team, and even questioned as to whether the murder was in fact racially motivated. Police claimed at various points during the inquiry that the attack on Stephen was not racist.

CARF detail a summary of the main points on the night of the attack:

• Two sisters who lived opposite the murder scene had no statements taken by the police who also refused their offer of medical assistance.

• Duwayne Brooks told the inquiry that police arrived at the scene before the ambulance, but ‘police seemed repulsed by the blood that was there they did not do anything useful’.

• Police never asked Duwayne if he had been attacked, but asked if he had any weapons on him and insisted that he knew who had attacked Stephen. Police pressed him on what he and Stephen had done to provoke the attack. They would not let Duwayne go in the ambulance with Stephen.

• DS John Bevan asked Duwayne if they had been harassing some white girls in a local McDonalds since they had ‘reports of Black boys doing that on the night of the murder’.

• Police made repeated reference to Stephen’s woolly hat and gloves, implying that he was a cat burglar.

• At the hospital, police showed little concern for Stephen’s parents, merely telling them to identify Stephens body.

• Inspector Groves admitted Duwayne was the only suspect when he arrived on the scene.

• Sgt Nigel Clement claimed he was on the scene within minutes and began questioning locals. But he could produce only one local householder who could remember being questioned and police van-tracking records indicate that he arrived an hour later than he stated.

• 30 minutes after the attack, a cheering carload of white youths drove past the murder scene. No attempt was made to pursue them. Two of the people in the car, David Copley and Jason Goatley were involved in the gang attack that led to the death of Roland Adams.

The third, Kieran Highland, was a leading member of a local fascist gang, Nazi Turn Out. Evidence which pointed to collaboration between organised racist gangs in the area was therefore never pursued.

• The day after the murder, a woman went to the Lawrence’s home to give them the names of the people she said had been washing blood off their clothes in her house the previous night. Doreen Lawrence was shocked when she went to the police station and gave a police officer a piece of paper with the names on it; he ‘screwed it up into a very tight ball as if he was going to throw it away’.

83 • On the same day, someone walked into the police station naming the Acourt brothers as members of a gang in which you have to stab someone to join, claiming that Peter Thompson, convicted of killing Asian teenager Rohit Duggal in 1992, was also a member. This informant also gave details of an attack by this gang on Stacy Benefield. Benefield confirmed the attack by Neil Acourt and David Norris in interview.

• Police officers admitted that they had enough evidence to arrest Norris and Acourt but that a ‘strategic decision’ was taken to wait.

• Surveillance of the Acourt’s house began the next day. On consecutive days the surveillance team saw suspects walking out of the house carrying bin bags and driving away. They were not pursued because the team did not have a mobile phone.

• Gary Dobson (one of the accused who later had charges against him dropped) was questioned by police and denied knowing Norris. A surveillance photo of the two men together was never shown to the interviewing officer. Gary Dobson’s father is a former police officer.

• No records were kept of Chief Superintendent Ian Davidson’s meeting with witness James Grant. It was admitted that ‘very good potential evidence’ had been lost.

• One eye-witness to the murder was not asked for information for an artist’s impression for five years. After the murder he was asked to go to an ID parade but waited for nine hours, and so left.

• Another witness refused to attend further ID parades after police called his name at the first, identifying him to suspects.

• Police failed to take a statement from a teenager who wrote in her diary on the week of the murder, ‘Acourts stabbed black boy up Well Hall Road, Jamie, Neil, Gary, David and Lukey’.

• It was suggested that the police’s failure to pursue the case vigorously was due to the involvement of David Norris, whose father was locally feared. Clifford Norris had a reputation for buying off and threatening witnesses (he paid Stacey Benefield £2000 to drop assault allegations). When he was arrested in an unrelated case he had two loaded firearms and a sub- machine gun with a silencer. Could he, asked Mike Mansfield for the Lawrence family, have threatened or bought off police officers too?

It took 50 or so years of struggle against racism in Britain to get the fact of institutional racism accepted. In that sense the Macpherson Report into the death of Stephen Lawrence was a milestone – for it vindicated the repeated claims of racism that Black people had made against the police and the criminal justice system.

84 PARTPARTPART 131313

NationalNationalNational AndAndAnd LocalLocalLocal ResponsesResponsesResponses ToToTo InstitutionalInstitutionalInstitutional RacismRacismRacism The Macpherson Inquiry Report defines institutional racism as :- ‘The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people.’

This definition rejects the ‘bad apple’ theory – that weeding out a few prejudiced individuals is all it takes to change an organisation for the better (‘collective failure’).

It makes clear that every Black and minority ethnic community has the right to expect efficient and capable treatment, regardless of colour, culture, or ethnic origin (‘appropriate and professional service’).

It underlines how discrimination remains discrimination even, or especially, when perpetrators remain unaware of the impact of their behaviour (‘unwitting prejudice’).

And it emphasises that organisational cultures are at fault when they perpetuate negative images and expectations of Black and ethnic minority people (‘racial stereotyping’).

Organisations intent on challenging racism need to accept all the above elements when drawing up action plans and ways of monitoring the outcomes.

“it is incumbent on every institution to examine their policies and the outcome of their policies and practices to guard against disadvantaging any sections of our communities…there must be unequivocal acceptance of the problem of institutional racism and its nature before it can be addressed, as it needs to be, in full partnership with members of minority ethnic communities”. Commission for Racial Equality 1999

The Macpherson Inquiry Report further states that institutional racism should not be used to label individuals negatively; as it is a problem for the organisation as a whole. To begin to tackle the problem, everyone in ALL organisations need to ask some basic questions. For example:

• Are we acting fairly?

• Does the service we provide reach all the communities it is meant for, and does it meet their needs?

• Are we applying the same professional standards in every situation?

85 The Local Issue

On the 10th May 1999 at a full Plymouth City Council meeting a motion was passed relating to racism in the City of Plymouth. Below is an extract from that meeting:-

NOTICES OF MOTION

Notice of motion No. 180 – Racism 152 Councillor D. Millar moved pursuant to Standing Order No. 9, the following Notice of Motion.

‘That this meeting of Plymouth City Council congratulates the Home Secretary for instigating the Macpherson inquiry into Racism. His actions in lending support to the Lawrence family stands in stark contrast to the dismissive attitude of his Tory predecessor who conspired to cover up the extent of racism in the Metropolitan Police.

This Council recognises however that the conclusions and recommendations contained in the Macpherson Report pose significant challenges for organisations, including Plymouth City Council.

Council therefore resolves to establish a Task Force comprising of representatives of Plymouth City Council with invitations being sent to Devon and Cornwall Constabulary and the Plymouth and District Race Equality Council to investigate the extent of racism in Plymouth and to report back to council by the end of October with recommendations to begin the task of eradicating racism in our city’.

Councillor J. M. Jones seconded the Notice of Motion.

Councillor D. Millar, having replied in accordance with Standing Order No. 9 (13), the Notice of Motion was put to the vote.

A poll vote was demanded and was taken when there Voted – For the Motion – 41 Against the motion – (0) The following members did not vote – 12 The majority of these being Conservative Councillors.

86 The following members signed on behalf of their organisations to the unequivocal acceptance of the Macpherson definition of institutional racism:

Black Networking Group

City of Plymouth Unison Black Member’s Group

Devon and Cornwall Constabulary

Government Office for the South West

Plymouth City Council

Plymouth and District Race Equality Council

South and West Devon Health Authority

The majority of Black and minority ethnic people in Plymouth believe that many organisations in Plymouth continually fail to challenge racial harassment and discrimination, which continues to disadvantage Black and minority ethnic people citywide. In early April 2004, Plymouth City Council through its Deputy Leader, and the Chair of the ARTF, informed the Plymouth Anti-Racism Task Force that it no longer wished to fund such an organisation, and that it wished to set up and fund its own Social Exclusion Unit (A similar unit that had earlier failed within the city). Not only were the city council responsible for pulling the plug on such a vital multi-agency mechanism for eradicating racism within the city, it further held secret meetings, excluding both the Black Acting-Chair and other Black and Ethnic groups from meetings. The city council further persuaded other funders (Primary Care, the police and Hospitals Trust) to withdraw, and without any consultation sent payments back to those organisations ensuring that the Black voice within the city was silenced once and for all. As a result of the council’s actions, Fata He (a West African phrase which means ‘inclusion’) BME Development Ltd, has continued to run meetings with various Black and other ethnic organisations without funding, help or support from those statutory agencies who have legal responsibilities under the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000. However, Fata He BME Development continue to be supported by the Government Office for the South West, the Black South West Network, and the Black Development Agency.

87 PARTPARTPART 141414

ROLLROLLROLL OFOFOF HONOURHONOURHONOUR

HowHowHow ManyManyMany MoreMoreMore RacistRacistRacist Deaths?Deaths?Deaths? ROLLROLLROLL OFOFOF HONOURHONOURHONOUR

Stephen Lawrence Brian Douglas Michael Menson Rolan Adams Ricky Reel Robert Allotey Andrew Gooding Sheldon Bobb Owen Thompson Kenneth Severin Paul Ruddock David Bennett Yvonne Ruddock Jason Lewis Patrica Johnson Remi Surage Patrick Cummings Wayne Douglas Steve Collins Dennis Stevens Lloyd Hall Ibrahim Sey Humphrey Brown Shiji Lapte Glen Powell Manish Patel Lilian Henry Tasleem Akhtar Peter Campbell Kelso Cochrane Jerry Francis Gurdip Singh Chaggar Roger Sylvester Akhtar Ali Baig Joy Gardner Cynthia Jarrett Christopher Alder Mukhtar Ahmed Mohammed Salam Mohan Singh Kullah Hannah Deterville Alton Manning Jay Abatan Blair Peach Tewedros Afewok Firsat Dag Zahid Mubarek Farhan Mire Stelios Economou Surjit Singh Chokar Harold McGowan Uppadathill Divakaran Joseph Alcendor Jan Passalbessy Ben Kamanalgi Glynne Agard Jason McGowan Safraz Khan Santokh Singh Djamale Daikha Liaquat Ali Gian Singh

88 HowHowHow Many ManyMany More MoreMore Racist RacistRacist Deaths? Deaths?Deaths?

The murder of Stephen Lawrence was well publicised, but there are other cases which affect Black and minority ethnic individuals in communities.

Lakhvinder ‘Ricky’ Reel

Ricky was a 20 year old student studying at Brunel University. In October 1997, Ricky and three Asian friends were racially taunted and assaulted by two white youths in Kingston on their way to a nightclub to celebrate Ricky’s 21st birthday. He was never seen alive again. Family and friends searched for him. The police failed to take a statement from his parents and friends when they reported his disappearance. His body was fished out of the Thames a week later. The family are still appealing for witnesses and the Police Complaints Authority report stated that ‘the family did not receive from the Met the professional standard of service you have every right to expect.

89 Christopher Alder

Christopher Alder died in Hull Police Station. A 37- year-old healthy man, he got into a police van and soon after was found dead with his arms handcuffed behind his back. Five police officers have since been suspended and the Crown Prosecution Service is currently considering whether to prosecute, following a new post mortem.

Surjit Singh Chhokar

Surjit was a popular figure in Overtown, Lanarkshire. He was returning to his girlfriend’s flat after work in November 1999 when he was surrounded by three white men and stabbed to death. Three men were arrested but only one was prosecuted for simple assault. Mr and Mrs Chhokar whose first language is Punjabi were never offered an interpreter. They were then asked to pay £3000 to view the trial transcript. The family backed by the Scottish TUC, are calling for justice and an inquiry to establish whether racism played a part in both the tragic death and the handling of the case by the Scottish criminal justice system.

Farhan Mire

On 23rd December 1998, Farhan Mire, a 33-year-old Somalian refugee was attacked and kicked to death in Harrow. A white man was arrested on 18th February 1999 and charged with murder. The night before the trial the family learnt that charges had been dropped because the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) thought the case too weak to proceed and had queried the racial motivation. Farhan’s family believe the killers will never be found.

Uppadathil Divakaran

On 21st May 2000 an Asian shopkeeper in Queensway, West London, pursued three white youths who had stolen a football worth £4.95 from his shop. He caught up with the youths who turned on him, punching him in the face through his glasses. As they beat him, Divakaran fell, hitting his head on the pavement. The gang continued to kick him as he lay there unconscious. No one intervened. Divakaran died two days later after surgeons tried in vain to remove a clot from his brain. The young people were charged with murder but the charges were reduced to manslaughter and affray.

90 Tewodros Afework

On the 24th April 2000 around midnight Tewodros, a 24-year-old Eritean refugee was beaten and kicked to the ground by a white man close to Sainsbury’s supermarket in Kentish Town, North West London. The attacker shouted racist abuse and rained blows and kicks on Afework’s head and body. His head swelled to twice its size as it was stamped on during the attack. Afework is still receiving specialist care because of brain damage during the attack. The police never found the assailant.

Zahid Mubarek

On 23rd March 2000, just 12 hours before he was due to be released, 19-year-old Zahid was the victim of a racist attack in his cell at Feltham Young Offenders Institute. His white cell mate took a table leg and beat Zahid about the head as he slept. He died from severe head injuries five days later in hospital. The cell mate was jailed for life in November 2000 for murder.

Michael Menson

On 28th January 1997 a young Black musician was set alight by four youths in a north London phone box. Although Michael told police he had been racially abused and then doused in petrol and set alight, they decided he was responsible for his own injuries. Police declined to interview Michael when he remained conscious in a burns unit. He gave details to his brother but the police failed to take a statement before he died. After two years four men were arrested one was found guilty of murder and another manslaughter. After two years of campaigning by the Menson family in May 2000 eleven officers, including a detective chief inspector, were removed from operational duties.

91 Deaths in suspected racial attacks which took place between February 1999 and March 2001.

May 1999 Stelios Economou pushed under a north London train after going to the aid of Black girls being racially abused.

June 1999 Harold McGowan found hanged in suspicious circumstances in Telford.

June 1999 Joseph Alcendor died after being punched outside Kilburn party.

September 1999 Ben Kamanalgi killed in Salford.

December 1999 Jason McGowan, nephew of Harold, found hanged in suspicious circumstances.

April 2000 Santokh Singh killed in Port Talbot, Wales.

May 2000 Uppadathil Divakaran killed in Queensway, west London.

June 2000 Jan Passalbessy killed in Newport, Wales.

June 2000 Glynne Agard killed outside Wiltshire nightclub.

September 2000 Liaquat Ali killed in Bury.

October 2000 Zahid Mubarek killed in Feltham Young Offenders Institute.

November 2000 Tariq Javed, taxi driver killed in Bury.

December 2000 Safraz Khan, taxi driver burnt to death in Rotherham.

92 December 2000 Greek Cypriot burnt to death in Stoke-on-Trent.

January 2001 Djamale Daikha dies after stabbing in Soho, London. Gian Singh murdered in suspected attack in Elm Park. Firsat Dag stabbed to death by 26 yr old white male.

Dr. A. Sivanandan, Director of Institute of Race Relations, stated in 1993 that: “In effect there are two racisms in Britain today … the racism that discriminates and the racism that kills. The solution to the one is no solution to the other.”

The majority of racist attacks are mainly targeted at those who are male and relatively young, and come from a range of ethnic backgrounds – Asian, African-Caribbean, Chinese, Somalian and Eritean. It is significant that the victims are both born in the UK and first-generation migrants. A worrying trend is the choosing of asylum seekers as victims. Research suggests that newly arrived asylum seekers are extremely vulnerable to attack. The policy of dispersing asylum seekers, and allocating them to designated accommodation and withdrawing cash benefits has marked this particular group out, and heightened the likelihood of racial attack.

93 PARTPARTPART 151515

EqualEqualEqual OpportunitiesOpportunitiesOpportunities

IssuesIssuesIssues --- NationalNationalNational andandand LocalLocalLocal Within our society there are some people who almost every day face prejudice and discrimination because they appear different. For some it may their skin colour, religion, because they are women, disabled, or they are gay or lesbian. This unfairness and inequality the way different people are treated is what equal opportunities is all about.

Racism, prejudice and discrimination causes more emotive behaviour than any other social issue in the area of equal opportunities. It is up to individuals to think about their own attitudes and behaviour and how their personal feelings impact on those who suffer racism.

Black people cannot and don’t want to change the colour of their skin. Therefore, white people who may hold racist attitudes can and should change their attitudes. It is the ideas, beliefs and opinions of the majority who disempower those in the minority.

The word ‘ethnic’ comes from the Greek word ethne, which means tribe. It is this tribalism [separate groupings] that either includes new members into its group, or excludes them as ‘outsiders’. Much of this book contains evidence of Britain’s colonial and imperialistic past, and the legacy of England’s central role in the trade of African slaves.

It is British history that has had a major impact on viewing Black and minority ethnic communities as ‘undesirables’ and ‘outsiders’, and the existence of deep rooted racism.

If you are not Black, try and imagine for a moment what it must feel like for someone who has been born and brought up in a society where the culture and people and institutions are all white, a society where you are constantly reminded that you are Black, therefore different, and where you face less opportunities than everyone else. Imagine then what it must feel like for a Black person living in the City of Plymouth where the majority of the population is predominantly white.

There is no evidence that suggests that people are born with racist attitudes and opinions. Racism forms out of learnt attitudes and behaviours, which become reinforced by the stereotypical images people choose to adopt.

The Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities in Britain provides reliable and comprehensive evidence that in more than a third of all cases of racially motivated violence and threats against African-Caribbean and in more than half of the cases of racially motivated violence and threats against Asians, the perpetrator was described by the victim as being aged between 16 and 25.

94 Table 1.

Characteristics of perpetrators involved in the most serious incident of racial harassment

Racial attacks Racially motivated Racial property damage insults

Number of Perpetrators 1 481437 2-4344845 5 or more 18 38 19

Age of Perpetrators Under 13 2 15 9 Teenage 25 60 30 20 –29492537 30 +351334

Gender of Perpetrators Male 87 79 66 Female7012 Both 6 21 22

Source: (Modood, et al, 1997).

Table 1, above shows that the perpetrators of racial attacks were thought to be aged between 20 and 29; a quarter were teenagers and, a third were aged 30 and over. The data strongly suggests that racial harassment and violence is not just committed by a small proportion of ‘anti-social’ youth and young adults but also by a small minority of adults over the age of 30. The primary issue facing Black and minority ethnic communities and the one which community work must address if it is to remain relevant to the needs and concerns of Black people is the resistance to racism. It is within this area that community and youth workers Black and white, need to raise awareness of the significance of community racism.

Anti-racist processes need to be handled in a skilful and sophisticated way, for example, no one should assume that there is one right answer or solution as individuals who attempt to challenge racial inequalities in communities may run the risk of being victimised themselves, for example by being labelled as a ‘trouble-maker’. It is important that white and Black community workers work together in order to prevent the described problems from arising.

To promote effective equality of opportunities built on a sound platform of knowledge and value base requires a personal commitment of positive professionalism, and passionate practice of a high standard that can really make positive differences to the daily lives of Black people who experience discrimination and oppression in the community.

95 The Labour Research Department (LRD), recently carried out research on behalf of the Trades Union Congress Stephen Lawrence Task Group.

Of the majority of organisations surveyed by the LRD (93 per cent) have equal opportunities policies, but having a policy is not enough.

Only a minority of organisations had a separate and specific policy which challenges racial harassment. Without which, the LRD confirm ‘it is difficult to see how discriminatory organisational cultures can be tackled.’

The aim is not to be ‘colour – blind’. Instead policies need to support the advantages and strengths that diversity can bring to organisations. To be effective, equal opportunities policies need to:

• Show outcomes which are capable of measurement; and

• Allow individuals to constantly question how and why things are done in the way that they are.

Of the organisations that the LRD surveyed, the most successful equal opportunities policies were one’s where outcomes could be measured, the organisation had addressed these key issues. The less successful policies, where outcomes could not be demonstrated, and had failed to challenge the culture of the organisation.

The LRD further state that successful equal opportunities policies should encourage partnerships between unions and management in addressing and challenging racial prejudice and discrimination. They conclude that ‘even after the publication of the Macpherson Report, issues of institutional racism has not been adequately addressed in many organisations.

The 1999 Report ‘Challenging Racism in the Rural Idyll’ suggests that:

‘There is a history of lack of consultation with Black and minority ethnic communities in the South West’.

Effective consultation enables trust and confidence to build, rather than paying lip service or tokenism.

All organisations need to be clear why they are consulting, and promises and commitments made must be delivered.

96 Further research by the Rural Race Equality Project suggested that ‘there was a lack of any corporate anti-racist strategy among many local authorities.’

Dhalech concludes that ‘racism is inherently the same phenomenon in both urban and rural areas but the way it is expressed and the way it is experienced is different …’

Race equality must be placed high on the policy and political agendas. Black and minority ethnic people including asylum seekers and refugees have the right to the same services as any other citizen in the South West.

The South West is a lonely and frightening place for many Black and minority ethnic people and it shouldn’t be so (Dhalech, 1999).

97 PARTPARTPART 161616

ControlControlControl AndAndAnd ResistanceResistanceResistance TheTheThe Police, Police,Police, And AndAnd The TheThe Lead LeadLead Up UpUp To ToTo The TheThe 1981 19811981 Riots.Riots.Riots.

Recent figures recently released by the Home Office, indicate that the number of reported racist incidents in the Devon and Cornwall Constabulary area rose from 116 (1998-1999) to 538 (1999-2000), a 364 per cent increase. These figures were the second largest increase among 43 police forces in England and Wales. Source: Western Evening Herald, May 2001.

The history of how the police force continues to fail Black and minority ethnic communities was recently highlighted in a survey carried out by a Law centre. The responses were as follows:

‘It is obvious that individual and institutional racism is rampant in the police force. Why should anyone give him (Chief Constable of a local police force in northern England), the chance to say he has been ‘consulting’ the community while doing nothing about racism? It would just turn out to be another token effort …’

‘To try to influence the police to have a more positive attitude to Black people and to take strong action against members of the police force who are racist.’ Source: Responses to a law centre survey, 1999.

It must also be stated that not every police officer is racist. Some are attempting to work directly with Black and minority ethnic communities but are constrained by ministerial policy. As one officer puts it:

‘It only takes a couple of people to destroy all the hard work. But the culture of the police is changing fast. I’ve seen PC’s now take colleagues to one side and say: ‘listen, pal, you’re out of order. If you want to behave that way it’s not all right, because it’s causing me problems.’

98 The Police Response To Black and Minority Ethnic Communities

1959 Kelso Cochrane, a young Black West Indian was stabbed to death on the streets of Notting Hill – police failed to find the killers.

1972 Police discover a new frightening strain of crime ‘mugging’, which was quickly added to ‘sus’, thereby producing an offence which allowed police to openly racially harass young Black people. Black young people could not walk the streets without the fear of being arrested.

1975 Saw the emergence of Special Patrol Groups (SPG’s). The SPG used specially constructed police vans which cruised Black communities in force stopping and searching almost every Black young person, and causing dissent in every Black community in the guise that these communities were hoarding den’s of ‘Black thieves’.

In 1975, in Lewisham, the SPG were responsible for stopping 1,400 Black people on the streets, and making 400 arrests.

June 1976 18-year-old Gurdip Singh Chaggar was beaten up by a gang of white youths and stabbed to death. Sir Robert Mark, the Metropolitan Police Commissioner commented ‘ The motive was not necessarily racial.’

August 1976 At the annual Notting Hill carnival. 1,600 policemen took it upon themselves to kill joy on the streets in the name of law and order by openly photographing, and stopping and searching young Black men.

September 1976 Witnessed the Spaghetti house siege in Knightsbridge, West London. 3 Black West Indians held police at bay for five days in the hope of financing Black political groups that refused to be corrupted by the state, and the setting up of Black schools and self-help groups.

1977 The National Front incensed with the publicity given to the Black workers involved in the strike at Grunwick engaged in publicly demonstrating their contempt by staging marches through predominantly Black city areas causing open battles between Black youths, the police and the National Front.

99 January 1978 Judge Mckinnon, ruled that Kingsley Reid, the leader of the National Front, who had earlier commented on the death of Gurdip Chaggar ‘one down – one million to go’, did not constitute incitement to racial hatred. The Judge further commented that: ‘In this England of ours, we are allowed to have our own views still, thank goodness, and long may it last.’

In the same year the Right Honourable Margaret Thatcher MP, assured the nation that the Conservative Party would see ‘an end to immigration, this country might be rather swamped by people with a different culture’. This statement rallied the National Front, who proceeded to terrorise Black communities. Within a three month period, three Asians were murdered, shots were fired at West Indians in Wolverhampton, and many properties were vandalised and damaged.

1981 This year was to prove a turning point for Black people in communities across Britain. In April 1981, the Tory majority granted permission for the NF (National Front) to hold a meeting at Ealing Town Hall. Five thousand people demonstrated demanding the meeting be cancelled. On St Georges day (a day celebrated by the NF) the NF openly flaunted the Union Jack flag from the roof of the Town Hall with the council’s permission.

2,756 police, including SPG support, horses, dogs, vans, riot shields and a helicopter were all dispatched to deal with the protestors.

Witnesses on that fateful day reported that the police went berserk, driving police vans, horses and dogs into the crowd of protestors. Once dispersed police officers then proceeded to randomly baton charge individuals hitting out at anyone that stood in their way. During the viscous attacks by the police, Blair Peach, a teacher and anti-racist campaigner was bludgeoned to death and hundreds of others injured, some with serious head wounds.

The police officers responsible for the death of Blair Peach and for the injuries inflicted on many of the protestors were never identified or brought to justice. The Tory government refused to hold an inquiry.

William Whitelaw, the Home Secretary at the time, supported the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Sir David McNee, who stated that ‘If you keep off the streets in London and behave yourselves, you wont have the SPG to worry about.’

The appalling degradation of virginity tests on women by immigration officials, the National Front’s openness and support of the Tory government, and the police SPG units further added fuel to the fire of British racism. The fire burned brighter the day the response was given to the death of 13 young Black people in a fire in New Cross, Deptfod, South London in January 1981.

100 ‘Thirteen dead, nothing said’, was the response from the Black community to the silence afforded to the Ruddock family and other members of the Black community who had lost sons, daughters and friends in that fateful fire.

A few weeks after the Deptford fire, a fire erupted at a nightclub in Dublin, killing many young people. Immediate condolences and letters and telegrams of sympathy were sent to the families in Dublin by the Queen and the Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. This action was in stark contrast to the silence given to the Black community of Deptford, who insisted that the fire was a racial crime.

The British press immediately speculated by suggesting that the fire had been started by other Black youths with criminal records, who could not get into the party. Another suggestion by the press was that the fire was the result of behaviour by stereotypically disorderly young West Indians.

March 2nd 1981, was to witness the turning point in what was to became the biggest mobilisation of Black people in Britain, ‘The Black People’s Day of Action’, organised by the Black community who wanted an answer to the deaths. The Black communities statement was a powerful message of ‘Come what may, we’re here to stay’, (Line from a poem by Black poet, Linton Kwesi Johnson). The British press once again rose to the occasion by declaring the reaction to the march as a ‘Black mob rampaging through the West End’, against a background of pictures of police officers with blood streaking down their faces. Source: London Evening Standard, March, 1981.

Many researchers acknowledge that the long sequence of events, in particular the conflicts with the police brought to a head the events of March 1981. What followed was further indulgence by the press and the media to put pressure on the police to increase law and order on Black people, when in fact Black people were victims of crime.

Paul Gilroy, a Black writer and journalist suggests that ‘the type of discrimination shown by the press was a picture of Black people destroying the peace and quiet of leafy white suburban life’. Furthermore, he affirms that the police felt that the eruption of Black anger had been a kind of ‘symbolic defeat for them’, and that police were complaining that after the demonstration of March 2nd Blacks in Brixton were walking around with a ‘swagger’ in their step.

More was to follow………..

The police response to the new found confidence of young Black people in Brixton was to target street crime through ‘Operation Swamp’. This operation was designed as confirmed by Gilroy to restore the police as the ‘proper mode of symbolic authority’. This action by the police led to the Brixton riots.

101 Phillips and Phillips confirm that across Britain police forces struck by the emergence of the ‘Black community’ and its success needed to highlight to the British public that they were the authority for law and order. What followed was that Black people recognised Swamp ’81 as a sort of ‘revenge swamping’ with the specific aim of targeting young Black men (Phillips and Phillips, 1998).

After two days of rioting in Brixton, explanations were sought about the build-up and causes of the riots. Evidence suggests that the action taken by Black communities may have at last signalled an acknowledgement by Black people that they were no longer willing to be subjected to harassment by the police, and be treated as second class citizens. However, what is certain is that many of the areas populated by Black and minority ethnic people were deprived and squalid. Continual harassment by the police and racists led to frustration against the conditions of society.

It was not long before riots were seen across almost every city and town in Britain. Black communities were no longer willing to accept second best, in a society that placed them below the economic, political and social scale.

102 PARTPARTPART 171717

AAA CalendarCalendarCalendar OfOfOf HopeHopeHope andandand DespairDespairDespair Significant Dates

AD 50 Africans serving in the Roman army arrive in England

1507 John Blanke ‘Black trumpeter’ serves Henry VII, and Henry VIII, at court

1601 Due to bad harvest and fear of Black people taking the food out of the mouths of white people. Queen Elizabeth I, passes a proclamation expelling all ‘Negroes and Blackamoors’ from her Kingdom

1757 Oluadah Equiano, the first Black leader of England’s Black community arrives in London as a slave. Equiano, was later to write a famous documentation ‘The Interesting Narratives of the Life of Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa, the African’.

1772 Lord Mansfield passes a court ruling that a slave who deserts his master cannot be taken by force and sold abroad.

1807 Parliament abolishes slavery throughout the British Empire.

1880’s Build up of small Black dockside communities in London, Liverpool and Cardiff.

1919 Britain witnesses its first race riots

1943 Learie Constantine, a Black RAF Welfare Officer, is refused service at the Imperial Hotel, Russell Square, in London. He later brought an action against the hotel, and was awarded £5 token damages.

103 1948 British Nationality Act gives all Commonwealth people right to British citizenship.

The arrival of the Empire Windrush from Jamaica with 500 West Indians. The arrival is seen as the start of post-war immigration from the Caribbean.

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, was assassinated on 30th January 1948.

1950 Cy Grant sings the news in calypso on British television.

1951 The Jamaican Daily Gleaner newspaper is launched in London.

1952 McCarren-Walter Act restricts immigration to the United States. The United Kingdom becomes the choice destination for West Indians seeking employment.

Trinidadian sprinter Emmanuel MacDonald Bailey is the first Black athlete to win an Olympic medal competing for Great Britain.

1956 Pearl Connor-Mogotsi establishes the first Black theatre agency in London.

London Transport begins recruiting staff in the West Indies.

1958 Black American activist Claudia Jones sets up the West Indian Gazette, a monthly newspaper, in Brixton, London.

Nottingham and Notting Hill experience riots as gangs of white youths go on the rampage against Black immigration. The riots strengthen anti-immigration feeling in Parliament. Conservative MP Cyril Osbourne calls for tougher immigration controls.

Trinidadian Edric Connor becomes the first Black actor to act with the Royal Shakespeare Company.

1962 The Commonwealth Immigrants Bill 1962, restricts entry of settlers to those with employment vouchers.

Jamaica becomes the first Caribbean island to gain independence from Britain.

1964 The very first carnival in Notting Hill is held.

Peter Griffiths, the Conservative MP for Smethwick fights election on an openly racist platform declaring the slogan, “if you want a nigger for a neighbour, vote Labour.” 104 1965 A white Paper on Commonwealth immigrants was issued by the Labour Government. Its aims were to reduce the level of immigration into Britain.

The Race Relations Act makes discrimination on the basis of colour, race, ethnicity or national origin illegal.

1966 Local Government Act provides funding for local authorities to help minority ethnic groups.

The first Black officer joins the Metropolitan Police Force.

1967 Paul Stephenson becomes the first Black man to sit on the British Sports Council and establishes the Mohammed Ali Sports Development Association.

Caribbean born Dudley Dryden and Len Dyke set up a cosmetics business in London which eventually becomes a multimillion pound company.

1968 April 4th 1968, Martin Luther King, Jr. The Great American Civil Rights Leader is assassinated at the Loraine Hotel, Memphis.

The Commonwealth Immigration Act further tightens entry to Britain, but a clause retains free entry for ex-colonials with white skin.

The Race Relations Bill extends the scope of the earlier Act, and includes housing, education and employment.

MP Enoch Powell warns of racial violence if immigration continues, in his “Rivers of Blood” speech.

1969 Americans land on the moon.

Sir Learie Constantine, famous cricketer, and the first Black man to bring a case of racial discrimination in Britain becomes a peer in the House of Lords.

1971 The 1971 Immigration Act ends primary immigration.

The United Kingdom African-Caribbean population now numbers half a million.

105 1974 Alex Pascall presents the very first Black radio programme, Black Londoners, on the BBC.

1975 Dr David Pitt becomes the first Black Chair of the Greater London Council. Black feature film, ‘Pressure’ is financed and made by Horace Ove and Sam Selvon. The film is banned as authorities fear its impact.

1976 The 1976 Race Relations Act extends the scope of earlier legislation to cover indirect racism. Race Watchdog, the Commission for Racial Equality is formed.

1978 Lambeth Council, in London establishes Britain’s first race relations unit.

Desmond Douglas becomes the top British table tennis player.

Empire Road, the first Black British soap, is aired on British television.

Viv Anderson becomes the first Black footballer to be picked for the England’s national squad.

Charles Mungo is appointed as the first Black British Secondary school headmaster.

1979 Arthur Lewis becomes the first Black economics professor in Britain and wins the Nobel Prize for economics.

1980 Ronald Hope becomes the first Black police inspector in the United Kingdom.

1981 Bob Marley, the most famous Black reggae singer in the world, lost his battle with cancer and died on 11th May 1981. The Metropolitan Police launch Operation Swamp ’81. Rioting in Brixton, Toxteth and Moss Side as tension reaches breaking point between the police and Black youths.

1982 Val McCalla launches ‘The Voice’ newspaper, which becomes Britain’s largest selling Black newspaper.

106 1984 Lydia Simmonds becomes the first female Black Mayor in Britain. 1985 Riots in Handsworth, Birmingham.

Riots in Brixton following the shooting of Cherry Groce during a police raid on her home.

Following riots in Tottenham, PC Keith Blackelock is killed.

1987 Janet Adegoke becomes the first Black female Mayor of the London Borough of Hammersmith and Fulham.

John Barnes becomes the first Black footballer to be awarded the Professional Footballers Player of the Year Trophy.

Richard Stokes becomes the first Black man to join the Royal Household Cavalry.

Four Black Labour MPs are elected to Parliament. 1988 Barbados born accountant Jim Braithwaite sets up multi-million pound computer firm, the first Black company to be listed on the Stock Exchange. Leonard Woodley and John Roberts are the first Black QCs to take silk. Naomi Campbell, becomes the first Black British supermodel, and becomes the highest paid.

1990 Nelson Mandela, South African Black political activist is freed from prison after 27 years. Jim Williams becomes the first Black Lord Mayor of Bristol. Choice FM, London’s first legal Black urban music radio station starts broadcasting.

1992 Bill Morris becomes the first Black leader of Britain’s largest Trade Union, the Transport and General Workers Union.

Steve Pope and Duton Adebayo start a Black writing revolution, when their company, ‘The X Press’, launches its first book, Victor Headley’s ‘Yardie’, which became an instant bestseller.

107 1993 Paul Ince becomes the first Black football player to Captain an England team.

Black teenager Stephen Lawrence was murdered in a racist attack in South East London.

Britain’s first Black cable channel Identity Television was launched.

1995 Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Sir Paul Condon, launches Operation Eagle Eye. His comments that 70 per cent of street crime was caused by Young Black people sparks controversy. 1997 Labour Home Secretary, Jack Straw launches Crime and Disorder Bill designed to strengthen the laws against racial violence and harassment. The Reverend Joel Edwards becomes the first Black man to be appointed as General Director of the Evangelical Alliance. Oona King becomes the second Black woman Labour MP to be elected to the House of Commons. 1998 Financier Carl Cushine becomes the first African-Caribbean to join the ranks of Britain’s richest 500 citizens. 1999 The Report of the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson was published. The inquiry found that institutional racism played a major part in the flawed investigation by the police of the murder of Stephen Lawrence, and in the police denial in recognising the murder as a ‘racially motivated crime’.

2000 The Race Relations (Amendment) Bill, the first major reform of the 1976 Race Relations Act, awaits final stages in Parliament.

2001 The Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000, came into force on the 2nd April 2001. The Act strengthens the 1976 Act by extending protection against racial discrimination, and places new, enforceable positive statutory duties on public authorities.

Leaders of political parties in Britain sign up to the CRE ‘not to play the race card’ during the election campaign.

108 2001

Nick Griffiths, the leader of the British National Party wins many new votes across Britain.

On September 11 the World witnessed the horrific destruction of the Twin Towers, and loss of life in America. Muslim terrorists responsible for the atrocities call for a ‘Jehad’ (Holy war). In Britain many Black Muslims are affected by religious hatred. The presence of the British National Party incite riots in Burnley, Oldham and Bradford. 2003 Fata He (a West African phrase meaning ‘inclusion’) BME Development, becomes the first Black organisation in the city to gain legal status as a private limited company, and whose Board of Directors are represented by members from other Black and ethnic groups. 2004 In early April, Plymouth City council disband the Plymouth Anti-Racism Task, exclude Black and ethnic members from attending meetings which are held behind closed doors. They return funding to Primary Care, the police and Hospital Trust without any consultation, and effectively silence the voice of Black and other ethnic groups. Since that date, no Black organisation is sought by the city council to represent the voice of Plymouth’s Black (African, African-Caribbean, or mixed heritage community) at strategic meetings which take place.

The historical dates and events presented here, and in this book span many centuries of Black presence in Britain. The connecting thread between all these events is the slave – trade and the dispersal of African people to the four corners of the world. I sincerely hope that the Black people who have contributed much to British society provide inspiration and encouragement to all who read this book.

‘The golden rule is to test everything in the light of reason and experience, no matter from where it comes.’ Mahatma Gandhi.

109 PARTPARTPART 181818

ConclusionConclusionConclusion AndAndAnd FutureFutureFuture DirectionsDirectionsDirections CONCLUSION

I hope this journey through time, a gap in British history has enabled the reader to better understand how visible skin colour can impact on the everyday lives of Black people. Black people do not want to be ‘hidden from history’. Many Black and other ethnic people who came to this country over 50 years ago have made a significant contribution to Black and minority ethnic communities, and on British culture. Many are now politicians, sportspeople, academics, barristers, accountants, head teachers, professors, surgeons, pilots, bankers, and yet we still have no Black Chief Constable of a police force, no Black General of the Armed Forces, no senior minister. Is it possible to conceive that one day we may have a Black British Prime Minister?

Challenging and exposing discrimination, harassment, racial abuse and violence is easy when it affects someone else. Tackling it on your own, on your own doorstep, in your own community is far more difficult and requires individuals and organisations from the wider community to take a long hard look in a mirror at their own attitudes and behaviours and how theses might affect others.

We all have our own goals, visions and ambitions. However, we also need to acknowledge that ALL people have a right to be treated equally with a real and meaningful regard to differences, experiences, backgrounds, perceptions and attitudes. Racism has many subtle forms and disguises. It is a major source of suffering for Black and minority ethnic people because it displaces our sense of belonging in a community.

The tragic death of Stephen Lawrence in 1993, ignited a new era for race relations in Britain. The truth of what many Black and minority ethnic communities had been saying for years suddenly captured the public’s imagination of the extent of racism in British society (Younge, 2000).

Further evidence suggests that there is a persistent and consistent propensity to shove Black and minority ethnic people to the bottom of every available pile, and not only leave them there but blame them for being there as well. The Sir William Macpherson Inquiry Report, which placed institutional racism at its heart, drew a direct link between the racist boot boys, the police and the complacent pen-pushers(Younge, 2000).

Institutional racism is an endemic part of British organisational structures, and like a disease infects individuals within many institutions. Racism can and does affect the lives of Black and minority ethnic communities. Racism does not have one face but many and sometimes remains hidden and invisible.

110 ‘Education is the vehicle out of deprivation’ stated Sir Herman Ouseley, retired chairperson of the Commission for Racial Equality. Sir Herman, suggests the following:

‘We have to make sure and find ways of supporting parents to realise their full responsibility for the education of their children. In addition, as part of the national educational curriculum, we must raise awareness of the contributions of African, Caribbean and Asian people to Britain’s history and well being.’(Ouseley, 2000).

The Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain, believe that ‘it is both possible and vitally necessary to create a society in which all citizens and communities feel valued, enjoy equal opportunities to develop their respective talents, lead fulfilling lives, accept their fair share of collective responsibility and help to create a communal life in which the spirit of civic friendship, shared identity and common sense of belonging goes hand in hand with love of diversity.’ (The Parekh Report 2000).

To the many who have read this book, I sincerely hope that your personal journey begins here. It is only through understanding how racism, particularly through policies, practises and procedures, have and continue to lead both to the past and present prejudice, bigotry and further marginalisation of Black and minority ethnic communities.

Claudine Booth, publisher of the Black Media Journal suggests the following:

‘The next millennium is Black, for sure. It will be a better century for Black people than the previous 100 years or any time in the past. Because we will gain ownership of our own cultural creativity. We may not own our raw materials but we can control and manage our own cultural production – starting with our excellence in sports, fashion and music, and moving on from there’. (Booth 2000).

111 Finally, I leave you with the words of the High Commissioner for South Africa, who recently stated:

‘We only achieved a rainbow nation because we worked for it’ (Her Excellency Cheryl Carolus)

112 REFERENCES

Booth, C. (2000) Changing Black Britain Available from http://www.chronicleworld.org (Accessed on 21 March 2000).

Ousely, H. (2000) Changing Black Britain Available from http://www.chronicleworld.org (Accessed on 21 March 2000).

The Runnymede Trust (2000) The Parekh Report: The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain London: Profile Books Ltd.

Younge, G. (2000) Rooting Out Racism London: Trade Union Congress. REFERENCESREFERENCESREFERENCES

Part One - Introduction

Alexander, P. (1987) Racism, Resistance, and Revolution. Reading: Bookmarks.

Carby, H. (1982) White Women! Listen-Black Feminism and the Boundaries of Sisterhood. In Owusu, K. (2000) Black British Culture and Society. London: Routledge.

Collins, S. (1957) Coloured Minorities in Britain. Guildford: Lutterworth Press.

Fryer, P. (1984) Staying Power – The History of Black People in Britain. London: Pluto Press.

Harris, R. (2000) Tackling Racism. London: Trade Union Congress.

Jacobs, B. (1988) Racism in Britain. Kent: Christopher Helm.

Tizard, B., and Phoenix, A. (2002) Black, White or Mixed Race? (ed) London: Routledge.

Walvin, J. (1992) Black Ivory – ‘A History of British Slavery’. London: Fontana Press.

Part Two

Bryan, B., Dadzie, S., and Scafe, S. (1985) The Heart of the Race: Black Women’s Lives in Britain. London: Virago.

Hooks, B. (1982) ‘Ain’t I A Woman’. London: Pluto Press.

Sealy, M. (1997) Black Photographic Practice – An Interview with Faisal Abdu’ Allah. In Owusu, K. (2000) Black British Culture and Society. London Routledge.

Tizard, B., and Phoenix, A. (2002) Black, White or Mixed Race? (ed) London: Routledge.

Williams, F. (1989) Social Policy: A Critical Introduction. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Part Three

Finley, M. (1967) Slavery in Classical Antiquity. ‘mimeo’.

Thomas, H. (1997) ‘The Slave Trade’. London: Papermac.

Part Four

Cruwys, M. (1954) The Register of Baptisms, Marriages and Burials: St Andrews Church, Plymouth, Devon. Exeter: Devon and Cornwall Record Society.

Fryer, P. (1984) Staying Power. London: Pluto Press.

Jay, E. (1992) ‘Keep Them in Birmingham’ – Challenging Racism in south-west England. London: Commission for Racial Equality.

Patterson, B. (2001) ‘Bones of Contention’. Exeter: Devon Today, Westcountry Publications.

Williamson, J. A. (1969) Hawkins of Plymouth. Plymouth: Plymouth City Art Gallery. Part Five

Fryer, P. (1984) Staying Power. London: Pluto Press.

Lovejoy, P. (1986) Africans in Bondage. ‘mimeo’.

Walvin, J. (1992) ‘Black Ivory’ – A History of British Slavery. London: Fontana.

Part six

Blair, T. L. (2000) The Shaping of Black London [online]. http://www.chronicleworld.org[accessed 13 March 2000].

Fryer, P. (1984) Staying Power. London: Pluto Press.

Part Seven

Fryer, P. (1984) Staying Power. London: Pluto Press.

Part Eight

Alexander, Z., and Dewjee, A. (1982) Mary Seacole: Jamaican National Heroine and ‘Doctress’ in the Crimean War. London: Brent Library Services.

Bryan, B., Dadzie, S., and Scafe, S. (1985) The Heart of the Race: Black Women’s Lives in Britain. London: Virago.

Bygot, D. (1992) Black and British. London: Oxford University Press.

Clarke, J.H. (1995) The Africans in the New World: Their Contribution to Science, Invention and Technologies. Toronto: Ballantine Books.

Edwards, P. (1967) Introduction to Equiano’s Travels. London: Heinmann.

Frow, M. (1996) Roots of the Future. London: Commission for Racial Equality.

Fryer, P. (1984) Staying Power. London: Pluto Press.

Hooks, B. (1982) Ain’t I A Woman. London: Pluto Press.

Vasili, P. (1998) Arthur Wharton, 1865 – 1930. London: Frank Cass.

Williams, F. (1989) Social Policy: A Critical Introduction. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Part Nine

Evans, N. (1980) The South Wales Race Riots of 1919. Llafur: The Journal for the study of Welsh Labour History.

Frow, M. (1996) Roots of the Future. London: Commission for Racial Equality.

Fryer, P. (1984) Staying Power. London: Pluto Press.

Hachey, T. (1974) Jim Crow with a British accent: Attitudes of London Government Officials towards American Negro Soldiers in England during WWII. Journal of Negro History.

Little, K. (1943) Colour Prejudice in Britain. London: Wasu.

May, R., and Cohen, R. (1974) The Interaction Between Race and Colonialism: A Case Study of the Liverpool Race Riots of 1919. London: Race and Class.

Vaughan, D. (1950) Negro Victory: The Life Story of Dr Harold Moody. London: Independent Press.

Williams, F. (1989) Social Policy: A Critical Introduction. Cambridge: Polity Press. Part Ten

Davidson, R. B. (1964) Commonwealth Immigrants. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Fryer, P. (1984) Staying Power. London: Pluto Press.

Joshi, H., and Carter, B. (1984) The Role Of Labour in the Creation of a Racist Britain. Race and Class, 14, (3).

Francis, V. (1998) With Hope in their Eyes. London: Nia.

Part Eleven

Cohen, S. (1985) Anti-Semitism: Immigration Controls and the Welfare State. Critical Social Policy, 13.

CRE (2001) Advice and Assistance from the CRE. London: CRE.

CRE (2001) New Law, New Rights, New Responsibilities. London: Connections, CRE.

Foot, P. (1965) Immigration and Race in British Politics. Harmondsworth: Penguin.

Home Office (2000) Human Rights Act [online]. http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk [accessed April 2000].

Jones, C. (1977) Immigration and Social Policy in Britain. London: Tavistock.

Sivanandan, A. (1982) A Different Hunger: Writings on Black Resistance. London: Pluto

Unison (1998) A Campaigning Guide to Asylum and Immigration. London: Unison Comms. Dept.

Williams, F. (1989) Social Policy: A Critical Introduction. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Part Twelve

Athwal, H., and Kundani, A. (2001) Counting the Cost. London: Institute of Race Relations.

CARF (2001) Buying MacPherson [online]. http://www.carf.demon.co.uk [accessed May 2001].

DETR (2000) Race Equalities Guidance – New Deal for Communities. London: HMSO.

Dhalech, M. (1999) Challenging Racism in the Rural Idyll. London: NACAB.

Harris, H. (2000) Tackling Racism. London: TUC.

Jacobs, B. (1988) Racism in Britain. Kent: Christopher Helm.

Ohri, A., Manning, B., and Curno, P. (1982) Community Work and Racism – Number Seven. London: Routledge.

Younge, G. (2000) Rooting out Racism. London: TUC.

Part Thirteen

CRE (1999) Response to Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report. London: CRE.

TUC (2000) Resisting Racism at Work. London: TUC. Part Fourteen

Athwal, H., Kundani, A. (2001) Counting the Cost. London: Institute of Race Relations.

Harris, R, (2000) Tackling Racism. London: TUC.

Part Fifteen

Aye Maung, N., and Mirrlees-Black, C. (1994) Racially Motivated Crime: a British Crime Survey analyses. London: Home Office Research and Planning Centre.

Clements, P., Spinks, T. (2001) The Equal Opportunities Handbook. (ed) London: Kogan Page.

Dhalech, M. (1999) Challenging Racism in the Rural Idyll. London: NACAB.

Modood, T., Berthoud, R., Lakey, J., Nazroo, J., Smith, P., Virdee, S., and Beishon, S. (1997) Ethnic Minorities In Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage. London: Policy Studies Institute.

Thompson. N, (1998) Promoting Equality: Challenging Discrimination and Oppression in the Human Services. Basingstoke: Macmillan.

TUC (2000) Resisting Racism at Work. London: TUC.

Part Sixteen

IRR (1979) Police against Black People in London. London: Institute of Race Relations.

Phillips, M., and Phillips, T. (1998) Windrush: The Irresistible Rise of Multiracial Britain. London: Harper Collins.

Sivanandan, A. (1982) A Different Hunger: Writings on Black Resistance. London: Pluto.

The Parekh Report (2000) The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain. London: The Runnnymede Trust.

Part Seventeen

Francis, V. (1998) With Hope in their Eyes. London: Nia.

Glover, O. (2001) Community Based – Racism Awareness Training. Unpublished Placement presentation. College of St Mark & St John.

Part Eighteen

Booth, C. (2000) Changing Black Britain [online]. http://www.chronicleworld.org. [accessed 21 March 2000].

Ousely, H. (2000) Changing Black Britain [online]. http://www.chronicleworld.org. [accessed 21 March 2000].

The Parekh Report (2000) The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain. London: The Runnymede Trust.

Younge, G. (2000) Rooting Out Racism. London: TUC.