MCA LEGACY ESSAY COMPETITION 2012-13

Kick alcohol out of football?

Is the relationship between sport and alcohol a healthy one?

Adam Young University College London

Word Count: 2830

1 Introduction

The image is familiar. The World Cup is in full swing and the quarter-final is just moments away. Flags are draped from windows and cars, faces are painted and football shirts are freshly donned. The England players are on top form; the mood is high and the anticipation is building. We’ve done it before: surely, we can do it again. Kick-off. “So, who’s got the beers in?”

The link between sport and alcohol was established as far back as the sixteenth century when landlords of public houses staged and promoted a variety of sporting events on their premises (Collins and Vamplew, 2002). Football initially had no connection with public houses as its origins were rooted in the public schools sector. However, it was soon adopted as a sporting activity by others in society and so, by the late 1800s, this distinction blurred. Although many publicans were involved in the financing and administration of ‘club sport’, some could not – or would not – accede to players’ increasing demands for better facilities. In consequence, many clubs moved away from public houses in order to secure the amenities they felt necessary (Inglis, 1996). In addition, the increase in the number of private drinking clubs and the fashion for drinking bottled beer at home (Harrison, 1994) resulted in a damaging reduction in the demand for beer and hence a monumental change in the recreational role of the public house (Dingle, 1972).

The advent of the 19th century further eroded the importance of the public house as the hub of community life. Licensing laws were introduced at the beginning of the First World War (1914-1918) to restrict opening hours and hence prevent munitions workers drinking during the day (Hamer, 1987). Further erosion occurred during the economic depression of the 1930s and during and after the Second World War (1939-1945). Indeed, in the early 1950s, Britain was as sober a country as it had ever been in recorded history (Plant and Plant, 2006). In the 1960s, however, the tide began to turn; the number of people observing the Sabbath had waned considerably and the playing of football on Sundays was allowed for the first time. Simultaneously, public houses seemed to shed their traditional, almost symbiotic, link with sport in favour of an altogether more complex and parasitic relationship involving brewery sponsorship.

Advertising and sponsorship: “When football succeeds, so does the brand”

In the later half of the 19th century many football clubs depended for their success on financial support from the breweries. Indeed, many famous clubs were wholly subsidised from this source: Liverpool FC was effectively controlled by the brewer, John Houlding; Manchester United was established by JH Davies, the chairman of Manchester breweries, following liquidation of Newton Heath FC; while Manchester City was prevented from relocating because of opposition from their sponsors, Chester’s Brewery (Tischler, 1981).

The trade-off was all too obvious as patrons’ names and trademarks became emblazoned across grandstands and stadia (Collins and Vamplew, 2002). Advertising expanded to an unparalleled level, not confined by the constraints in

2 place today. Slogans such as ‘Guinness is Good for You’ and ‘Beer is Best’ were used with impunity and without regulation (Neville, 1958). Literary fiction and the film industry likewise cashed in on this with their portrayals, in sporting contexts, of the alleged restorative properties of alcohol (Ardolino, 1991). These advertising campaigns were exceptionally successful with sponsors reporting unprecedented increases in beverage consumption and profits.

The fact that advertising often targeted the young – the next generation of drinkers – was of particular concern. It has been found, for example, that ownership of alcohol-branded merchandise is predictive of both the initiation of alcohol use and binge drinking by teenagers (McClure et al., 2009). Further, it has been shown that receptivity to advertising is a continuous process, so that exposure to alcohol marketing becomes internalised and incorporated into the adolescent’s identity (McClure et al., 2013). As such, the Portman Group, the ‘social responsibility body’ funded by the drinks industry, recommended that advertising on replica football shirts for individuals under the legal drinking age in the UK should be restricted (Winnett and Templeton, 2007).

For many companies advertising no longer produced sufficient returns. Many of the big players in the drinks industry thus shifted from advertising to sponsorship, which is more indirect, not overly intrusive and largely self- regulated (Portman Group, 2008). The rationale is clear: an association with popular sporting events lends both visibility and credibility to commercial brands. The scale of involvement is extraordinary; between 2003 and 2006, the drinks industry was the second largest provider of sponsorship funding in the UK (House of Commons Health Select Committee, 2010).

The pay back for this degree of investment is clear. At the 2006 World Cup, every England game generated an extra £30 million in beer sales while the supermarket chain, ASDA, claimed a 65% rise in sales in the days leading up to the England-Paraguay match (BBPA, 2012). Anheuser-Busch (or Budweiser) has been the exclusive sponsor of the FIFA World Cup since 1990 and are on record as attributing the 6-fold annual increase in sale of their beers to their long-term involvement with sport (Stainback, 1997). China has also taken advantage of this prosperous relationship with some Chinese still referring to the 2008 Beijing Olympics Games as the ‘beer Olympics’ (Horne and Whannel, 2009).

Sponsorship has not, however, been embraced unreservedly. Thus, in 1998, the drinks industry was excluded from the Football Association’s preferred list of sponsors for the England team, thereby thwarting Foster’s intentions to rebrand the Football Association’s (FA) Cup (Collins and Vamplew, 2002). Nevertheless, despite this initial stance patent, blanket rebranding of some sporting competitions was subsequently condoned. The FA Premier League therefore became the Carling Premier League in 2003 (BBC, 2008) and Carlsberg has been named as the ‘official beer’ at numerous major sporting events (Reynolds, 2013).

The effects of this degree of sponsorship go beyond the expected. An estimated 1.6 million 4-15 year olds saw the alcohol advertisements aired on television during the England World Cup football match in June 2010 (Alcohol Concern,

3 2010). Cynics assert that companies deliberately utilised this and other similar events to target vulnerable young people, who unknowingly form positive associations with their products (Postman et al., 1987; Anderson, 2007). To this end, the British Medical Association has called for a complete ban on all alcohol advertising and sponsorship (BMA, 2009). However, while a number of countries have implemented robust policies to protect children from alcohol advertising, and many have imposed a complete ban on alcohol sponsorship of sporting events (WHO, 2004), the regulatory frameworks governing alcohol advertisement in the UK lag sadly behind while the industry continues to thrive?

Football Hooliganism: The Enemy Within

Alcohol is an important part of the spectator experience and for some the opportunity to drink overshadows the importance of the event itself (Crabbe et al., 2006). There can be no doubt that, for some individuals, travelling times, in particular to away games, provide opportunities to drink. From the 1960s onwards, the UK had a reputation worldwide for football hooliganism; the phenomenon was often dubbed the English Disease (Cawthorne and Cawthorne, 2012). By the 1980s, this problem was a considerable concern for the authorities, law enforcement agencies and politicians alike (Brimson, 2011).

The Sporting Events Act 1985, which banned consumption of alcohol within sight of the field of play, was enacted after a series of events in which alcohol played a major deleterious role (Greenfield and Osborn, 2001). The most notable of these was the Heysel Stadium disaster which occurred before the start of the 1985 European Cup Final between Juventus of Italy and Liverpool. Thirty-nine Juventus fans died and 600 were injured (Darby et al., 2005). The Liverpool fans were found responsible; 14 were found guilty of involuntary manslaughter and each sentenced to three years' imprisonment. The tragedy resulted in all English football clubs being banned from International competitions, by the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA), for five years. Later, the disaster was described as "the darkest hour in the history of the UEFA competitions" (UEFA, 2005). The Football Spectators Act 1989 was then enacted, during the premiership of Margaret Thatcher, as part of the Government’s strategy to eradicate the ‘English disease’ (Murphy et al., 1990). This draconian act and several later amendments were, however, largely repealed and significant sections replaced in the Violent Crime Reduction Act 2006.

Although there can be no doubt that alcohol played a role in the Heysel Stadium disaster, there were other major contributing factors in relation to the safety of the stadium and the management of events. Unfortunately, this was not widely publicised and with tragic consequences when, in 1989, there was another major football disaster, this time ahead of the FA Cup semi-final match between Liverpool and Nottingham Forest at the Hillsborough Stadium in Sheffield, which resulted in the deaths of 96 Liverpool fans and injuries to 766 others (Taylor, 1989). Following the incident, the media vilified Liverpool fans for drunk and aggressive behaviour in a succession of shocking newspaper headlines (Hill, 1989; Mackenzie, 1989; Williams, 1989). Despite anguished denials, the Liverpool families had to wait over a decade for exoneration by the Hillsborough

4 Independent Panel (2012) who condemned the rumours and the attendant adverse publicity. In its report the panel alluded to a ‘lens of hooliganism’ and were adamant that there was ‘no evidence to support the proposition that alcohol played any part in the genesis of the disaster’. Instead, the report rebuked the actions of the police who had, some say, for obvious reasons done nothing to dispel the rumours that alcohol-fuelled behaviour was responsible.

The origins of football hooliganism are complex. Although there is no doubt that, in many instances, alcohol plays a role, not every fan drinks and, conversely, not every fan who drinks – even heavily – is a hooligan (Dunning et al., 1988; Carnibella et al., 1996). The number of spectators attending league matches averages 10-20,000 per club per week with annual attendances, even excluding the top Premier League teams, exceeding 16 million (Football League, 2012). Overall the total number of football-related arrests in clubs from England and Wales is remarkably low, representing less than 0.01% of all spectators of which less than a quarter are alcohol–related (Figure 1).

6000

5000

4000

3000 Number of Football-Related Arrests Number of Arrests 2000 Number of Football-Related Arrests due to Alcohol Offences

1000

0 1993-1994 1994-1995 1995-1996 1996-1997 1997-1998 1998-1999 1999-2000 2000-2001 2001-2002 2002-2003 2003-2004 2004-2005 2005-2006 2006-2007 2007-2008 2008-2009 2009-2010 2010-2011 2011-2012 Season Period

Figure 1: The total number of people arrested in connection with all international and domestic football matches involving teams from England and Wales and the number attributed to alcohol- related offences (Home Office, 2012)

Alcohol can reduce both social inhibitions (Sayette, 1993) and an individual’s ability to think rationally (Pernanen, 1976). In addition, alcohol has been shown to intensify levels of aggression (Berkowitz, 1978; Steele and Joseph, 1990). However, there is no evidence that alcohol per se causes football-related disorder. Studies have shown that the cultural setting in which drinking occurs significantly influences how individuals behave and react to alcohol’s effects (Mandelbaum, 1965; Heath, 1998). Therefore, in certain places, such as sport

5 stadia, large open-air screens, or public houses, the engagement with sport transforms into something ‘extraordinary’ (Crawford, 2004). Longhurst (2007) argues that location/scene play an important role in ‘elective belonging’, helping the individual construct a sense of who they are and heightening the sense of occasion (Bale, 1998). Weed’s ethnography downplays the significance of football hooligans engaging in nationalistic, and even racist, singing; he contends that fans simply enjoy this communal experience, without buying into the sentiments of the chants (Weed, 2006). Could these social performances account for the suspected relationship between alcohol and disorder?

The Holy Trinity: Initiating the Uninitiated

It has been suggested that the relationship between sport and alcohol has an essential third component, namely male gender (Connell, 2000). This triumvirate has allowed high-profile sporting events, such as the World Cup and the Super Bowl, to demarcate ‘cultural holy days’ (Wenner and Jackson, 2009). Use of these religious motifs may not be as extreme as might first appear. The former Liverpool FC manager, Bill Shankly, for example, in response to the question of whether he believed football was a matter of life and death, famously replied: “I am very disappointed with that attitude. I can assure you it is much, much more important than that” (Mirror Football, 2010). Wenner and Jackson (2009) have pointed out the dichotomy that characterizes both alcohol and sport: drinking alcohol facilitates human bonding and celebration, at the cost of addiction and misery to many; sport, on the other hand, improves health and fitness whilst simultaneously being capricious in its inclusiveness. Gosling (2007) underlines the exclusionary, and sometimes discriminatory, nature of sport particularly for female participants and spectators.

Drinking alcohol and participation of sport both testify to masculine identity and ensure ‘inclusion’ (Hey, 1986; Dunning and Waddington, 2003). This is very evident in Universities where acceptance into a clique at sports nights often involves high levels of alcohol consumption (Clayton and Harris, 2009). Some amateur teams forfeit participation in the sport itself in favour of the social side of their club. Sunday League teams such as Real Ale Madrid and PSV Hangover epitomise the deviance that may be associated with abstinence in sport (May, 1998). Several studies have shown that athletes consume more alcohol than non- athletes (Stewart, 1981; Carr et al., 1990; Overman and Terry, 1991; Garry and Morrissey, 2000). Indeed, teetotallers are likely a minority in British sport. Does this equally pertain in the world of professional sport?

Sporting Performance: A-listers and AA-listers

In the past, alcohol was consumed by a number of athletes to enhance their physical stamina (Radford, 2001) and there is some evidence that low to moderate amounts of alcohol may in fact enhance performance. Ikai and Steinhaus (1961) showed that moderate alcohol consumption can improve isometric muscular strength while in sports where steady hands and nerves are required, for example, archery and darts, the sedative, anti-tremor and anxiolytic effects of alcohol could have an ergogenic effect (Reilly and Halliday, 1985; Reilly

6 and Scott, 1993). Alcohol is also used with effect by jockeys to aid weight control; they traditionally drink sparkling wine or champagne before racing to help them sweat (Vamplew and Kay, 2005) and as a psychologically satisfying alternative to food (Wootton, 1989).

However, alcohol too has several adverse effects on sporting performance. The execution of psychomotor tasks, including reaction time, hand-eye coordination, accuracy and balance, are impaired even at low blood alcohol levels (Moskowitz et al., 1985) and a number of physiological functions, such as thermoregulation, can similarly be significantly impaired (ACSM, 1982). The International Olympic Committee (IOC) thus does not list alcohol as a banned substance save in a handful of specialist sports (Dimeo, 2007; WADA, 2013).

Alcohol can be used in other ways in professional sports. Football managers regularly use drinking sessions to facilitate team bonding at the start of the season (Atkinson, 1998) while players, particularly those with celebrity status, who face the pressures of high expectations, job insecurity, early retirement and likely media intrusion into their personal lives, may use it to help relax. However, this can, at times, be taken too far and work to their disadvantage. Tabloid exposure of socially unacceptable behaviour such as wanton destruction of hotel property, drink driving and sexual impropriety, spark social reprobation and a public debate about these supposed role models occupying influential positions in society (Williams, 1996). Nonetheless, media portrayal of alcohol- fuelled misdemeanours may be unfair; it is difficult to ascertain whether the footballers’ relationship with alcohol is especially unique since many young men behave identically under the influence of alcohol, only outside of the spotlight.

There can be no doubt that the lifestyle of professional sportsmen, with surplus free time and spiralling earnings, provides more opportunities for drinking. As a result, heavy alcohol use is not uncommon among professional sportsmen (Gallmeier, 1988; Burke and Maughan, 2000) and high-level athletes are not immune to developing alcohol-related problems. Several high-profile footballers such as Paul Merson, Tony Adams and Paul Gascoigne have publicly declared their battle with alcohol dependence (Merson, 1996; Adams, 1999; Gascoigne, 2004) while George Best, undoubtedly Britain’s best known football hero, did untold damage to the UK liver transplant programme when he returned to drinking following his successful liver transplant (BBC, 2005).

Sport and Alcohol: A Healthy Lifestyle?

Drinking alcohol can facilitate social interchange and, when ingested in moderate amounts, may be cardioprotective in middle-aged men and postmenopausal women (Agarwal, 2002). Excessive consumption of alcohol, however, is associated with a plethora of negative health outcomes (Morgan and Ritson, 2010). Can alcohol use thus be promoted as an ingredient of a healthy lifestyle? There is no doubt that as a nation we drink too much and how to effect change is currently the subject of much debate. There exists a clear inverse relationship between alcohol consumption and pricing (Figure 2). Increasing tax on alcohol would hence reduce overall consumption and would be the simplest and easiest

7 option. However, the drinks industry has powerful political connections and Government will not accede to this move. The compromises demanded by the health authorities for minimum unit pricing and an end to irresponsible cheap drink promotions in supermarkets are also likely to be ignored (BMA, 2012).

Figure 2: Consumption of alcohol in the UK (per person aged 15+) relative to its price: 1960- 2002 (Academy of Medical Sciences, 2004)

Participation in sporting activities, whether as a performer or as a supporter, has obvious health benefits. Government increased sponsorship of club sports in the run up to the London 2012 Olympics giving many individuals opportunities never before afforded. Sustaining this interest will now be problematic as Government gradually begins to remove sponsorship. Whether this will provide opportunities for the drinks industry to expand their sponsorship network remains to be seen.

Conclusion

The entrenchment of alcohol in popular sporting culture is of such long-standing that attempts to undermine this by, for example, removing sponsorship, would be unrealistic and futile. The relationship between sport and alcohol sustains mutually but the message that the former is healthy in abundance while the latter only so in moderation is difficult to convey to the playing and watching public. Changing attitudes and sending out positive public health messages, especially in elite sports, would be the best way toward a more rational stance. A challenging task no doubt but one which could be achieved if Public Health bodies, Government, the FA, the sponsors, the clubs and the players themselves took on the responsibility? In the meantime, though, let’s get the beers in and watch the match.

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