EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE (EI) IN THE LIFE AND CAREER OF (1443-1509)

A Thesis Submitted to the Committee of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Science

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ABSTRACT

The Role of Emotional Intelligence (El) in the Life and Career of Lady Margaret Beaufort (1443-1509)

Rebecca Osawa

The thesis argues that Lady Margaret Beaufort (1443-1509), the mother of

Henry VII of England, possessed Emotional Intelligence (El) and that El played a key role in her political survival and success and her ability to shape her reputation and legacy, particularly through her career as a patroness. It demonstrates her skills in appraising emotions and utilizing El through redirected attention, creative thinking, flexible planning, and motivation. El is central to understanding Lady Margaret's accomplishments and serves as an innovative methodological tool in studying her life and legacy, supplementing the more traditional works based largely on interpretations of Fisher's sermon. iii

Table of Contents

Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Figures iv List of Tables v

Introduction 1

Chapter 1 Emotions, Intelligence, and Emotional Intelligence (El) 11

Chapter 2 Lady Margaret's Experiential World and its Evolution 31

Chapter 3 The Role of El and Lady Margaret's Political and Social Power 59

Chapter 4 El and Lady Margaret as a Patroness of Higher Learning 102

Chapter 5

Lady Margaret's El and Fisher's "Morning Remembrance" 131

Conclusion 157

Bibliography 160 IV

List of Figures

igure Description Page

1 Molar Behaviour 19

2 El -1 21

3 EI-2 23

4 EI-3 26

5 Book of Hours - Armourial 45 Shield

Book of Hours - Christ Child 45 on Cushion

7 Book of Hours - Nativity 47

8 Book of Hours - Virgin Mary 47 and Mary Magdalene at Christ's Crucifixion

9 Book of Hours - Pieta 47

10 Book of Hours - Annunciation 47

11 Book of Hours - Blessed 48 Virgin Mary and Angels

12 Great Watching Chamber 74 Ceiling - Hampton Court Palace

13 Signature Carving (Christ's 121 College)

14 Beaufort Lodging (Christ's 122 College)

15 Christ's College Entrance 124

16 St. John's College Entrance 128

17 St. John's College - First Court 129 Archway

18 St. John's College - Chapel 129 Court

19 Photograph of LMB Portrait in 141 Hampton Court Palace

20 Effiav 142 V

List of Tables

Table 1: Entries Pertaining to the Lady Margaret Beaufort

in the Calendar of Patent Rolls - 1485-1509 114 1

Introduction

Lady Margaret Beaufort (1443-1509), Countess of Richmond and Derby,

mother of King Henry VII, played a fundamental role in the political and cultural

life of late medieval England. She is remembered for her involvement in the

Wars of the Roses, the installation of the Tudor dynasty, her exceptional piety,

and her career as a patroness of higher education. The present thesis argues

that it was Lady Margaret's emotional intelligence that explains her exceptional

success and enduring legacy as a major historical actor. A combination of

emotions and intelligence, El differs from personal, practical, and social

intelligence. El, a subset of social intelligence skills, refers to the ability to

appraise and understand one's own emotions, as well as those of others, and to

utilize them effectively in diverse situational settings in order to assist, guide, and

enhance thought, through processes, and actions. An emotionally intelligent

person is characterized by creative thinking, flexible planning, an ability to

redirect attention, and to formulate and execute situation appropriate motivation

adjustments.1

1 Marc A. Brackett, John D. Mayer, and Rebecca M. Warner, "Emotional Intelligence and its Relation to Everyday Behaviour," Personality and Individual Differences 36(6) (April 2004): 1388-1389, Elizabeth M. Freeland, Robert A. Terry, and Joseph L. Rodgers, "Emotional Intelligence - What's in a Name?" Emotional Intelligence - Perspectives on Educational and Positive Psychology. Eds. Jerrell C. Cassady and Mourad Ali Eissa. Vol. 336 of Studies in the Postmodern Theory of Education (New York: Peter Lang Publishing Inc., 2008) 93, Daniel Goleman, Emotional Intelligence - Why it Can Matter More Than IQ, 10th Anniversary Ed. (New York: Bantam Books, 2005) 34 and 43, Richard D. Lane, "Levels of Emotional Awareness - Neurological, Psychological, and Social Perspectives," The Handbook of Emotional Intelligence - Theory, Development, Assessment, and Application at Home, School, and in the Workplace, eds. Reuven Bar-On and James D.A. Parker (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 2000): 171, John D. Mayer, Richard D. Roberts, and Sigal G. Barsade, "Human Abilities: Emotional Intelligence," Annual Review of Psychology 59 (2008): 507, 508, and 527, John D. Mayer & Peter Salovey, 2

Emotional Intelligence (El) is not to be confused to with agency. El refers

to the ability to appraise and understand one's own emotions, as well as those of

others, and to utilize them effectively in diverse situation settings. Agency,

particularly in the context of women in Lady Margaret's time, refers to their ability

to accomplish self-directed actions and personal achievements while remaining

within their designated gender, political, social, and religious roles2 but does not

involve the role of emotions directly. However, El can be a key factor in

exercising agency effectively.

The surviving primary sources provide strong reflections of Lady

Margaret's El, in particular the widely published "Morning Remembrance,"

"What is Emotional Intelligence?" Emotional Development and Emotional Intelligence - Educational Implications, eds. Peter Salovey and David J. Sluyter (New York: BasicBooks, 1997) 4, 10 and 22, John D. Mayer, Peter Salovey, and David R. Caruso, "Emotional Intelligence: Theory, Findings, and Implications," Psychological Inquiry 15(3) (2004): 197,199, and 209, Peter Salovey & Daisy Grewal, "The Science of Emotional Intelligence," Current Directions in Psychological Science 14(6) (Dec. 2005): 281 and 282, Mary McCallum & William E. Piper, "Psychological Mindedness and Emotional Intelligence," The Handbook of Emotional Intelligence - Theory, Development, Assessment, and Application at Home, School, and in the Workplace, eds. Reuven Bar-On and James D.A. Parker (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 2000): 123, and Peter Salovey & John D. Mayer, "Emotional Intelligence," Imagination, Cognition, and Personality 9(3) (1989-1990): 185 and 189. Although there is controversy and discrepancy about defining El and there is no concrete definition of El, this thesis will adhere to this definition - it resonates most with Lady Margaret Beaufort's life, a number of psychologists appear to agree, most of the other definitions hold the same principles and appear rather synonymous, and it is most consistent with research findings and studies on El. Salovey and Mayer's article "Emotional Intelligence" is the first academic journal article on El to be published. They are pioneers in the field and many of this thesis' references to studies, findings, etc. on El are to the works of Salovey and Mayer (especially Mayer) because of their heavy involvement and superior presence in this field of study. Furthermore, Paulo N. Lopes, Peter Salovey, and Rebecca Straus.assert on page 642 of their article, "Emotional intelligence, personality, and the perceived quality of social relationships," Personality and Individual Differences 35 (2003), that this theory, originally published and proposed by Mayer and Salovey in "Emotional Intelligence," provides a new framework to study social and emotional adaptation because of its focus on the four central abilities they posited - perceiving, using, understanding, and managing emotions. See the first chapter of this thesis for a thorough discussion of emotions, intelligence, and El.

2 For a working definition and discussion of the concept of agency see "Agency," in Oxford Dictionary of Sociology, ed. by John Scott and Gordon Marshall, 3rd. ed. (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 11. 3 authored by her confessor, Bishop , in 1509. The eulogy outlines

Lady Margaret's life and accomplishments through comparison with St. Martha of

Bethany. Although clearly subjective and not free of self-interest in his portrait of

Lady Margaret, the author unwittingly documents some of the main manifestations of Lady Margaret's El.3 Other primary sources likewise provide additional insights, both direct and indirect. These include documentary evidence, such as documents containing her changing signature; and visual imagery. The latter include the entrance to Christ's College and the decor between the window and entrance of the Master's lodgings (formerly known as the Beaufort lodgings), both of which contain the Beaufort arms, a crowned

Lancastrian rose, and a crowned portcullis, Lady Margaret's personal symbol.

These are profound reminders of Lady Margaret's power, influence, and legacy, and the emotional intelligence that underscored them. Her El is also reflected in her actions and reactions constructed in on-going historical research both on

Lady Margaret herself and on her time. Most of the evidence, primary and secondary alike, pertain to her later years, particularly the last three decades of her life.

Lady Margaret's life and career are not well covered in the literature, despite her importance as a historical actor. Lady Margaret's biographers largely limited themselves to a standard range of primary sources: her will, a limited set

3 Although "Morning Remembrance" is the most important primary source, it, along with the other primary sources, is subjective. Fisher, as a bishop and as Lady Margaret's confessor, could have intended to take the opportunity of delivering Lady Margaret's eulogy to foster his own reputation as a cleric. 4 of letters, and Fisher's famous eulogy.4 The one exception is Jones &

Underwood's recent biography of Lady Margaret, The King's Mother.5 Jones &

Underwood undertook much more extensive primary research, which allowed them to a more sophisticated portrait and dispel some of the entrenched claims involving her historical role. They demonstrate, for example, that Lady Margaret cannot be presented as a malicious conspirator in the but rather as a player acting in the best interests of her immediate family and lineage.6

The broader historiography concentrates on Lady Margaret's patronage of higher learning, religious devotion, reputation for extraordinary piety, and her overall intellectual and cultural activity. The common denominator is her religious devotion. Susan Powell, for example, claimed that "the whole" of Lady

Margaret's "involvement with the book trade may be seen as the active life in

God's service."7 Powell's position, as Rebecca Krug observed, is problematic

4 Charles Henry Cooper, M Memoir of Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1874); Caroline Amelia Halstead, The Life of Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond and Derby, Mother of King Henry the Seventh (: Smith, Elder and Co. Cornhill, 1839) 16; E.M.G. Routh in A Memoir of Lady Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond and Derby, Mother of Henry VII (Oxford: Oxford U P, 1924); and Linda Simon in Of Virtue Rare - Margaret Beaufort, Matriarch of the (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1982).

5 Michael K. Jones & Malcolm G. Underwood, The King's Mother- Lady Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond and Derby (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1995).

6 For a brief, yet clear example of how Lady Margaret Beaufort was portrayed as a malicious conspirator during the Wars of the Roses, see Pearl Hogrefe's chapter on the Lady Margaret in her 1977 book Women of Action in Tudor England: Nine Biographical Sketches (Ames: Iowa State U P, 1977).

7 Rebecca Krug, Reading Families: Women's Literate Practice in Late Medieval England (Ithaca: Cornell U P, 2002) 111 and Susan Powell "Lady Margaret Beaufort and her Books," The Library: The Transactions of the Bibliographical Society 20(3) (Sept. 1998): 199. 5

because it suppresses anything that may possibly suggest that her literary interests and activities were anything less than pious.8 Krug argues that Lady

Margaret's literary interests changed and evolved over time. Krug's own interests concentrate on the way in which social, familial, and intellectual affiliations shaped Lady Margaret's literary interests and practices.9 Krug's approach is much more incisive than Powell's and it provides a viable context in which to consider Lady Margaret's cultural activities. Krug argues that Lady

Margaret was interested in literature because of her socio-economic status - as a member of the upper class, Lady Margaret spent her formative years with people who were involved with literature and appreciated it as a part of both religious and domestic life.10

Unlike Krug, most historians of Lady Margaret concentrate on her piety.

The inclination reflects a broader trend in the literature. P.J.P. Goldberg argued that the study of noblewomen's religious practices and devotions eventually led to the study of their education, reading, and literacy.11 This approach is consistent with the existing trends in the study of upper-class women's literacy, choice of reading material, reading habits, and their overall education. Arguably,

8 For Krug's issue with Powell's position, see Krug 111-112 and for Powell's reasoning, see Powell, "Lady Margaret Beaufort and her Books" 206 and 239.

9 Krug 112-113.

10 Krug 113.

11 P.J.P. Goldberg, (ed. and trans.), Women in Medieval English Society (Great Britain: Sutton P, 1997) vi. 6

this branch of historiography on late medieval noblewomen's study carries the most momentum.12

Related to the emphasis on Lady Margaret's religiosity is the attention given to her relationship, in the last two decades of her life, with Bishop John

Fisher, whose life and career are subjects of an extensive historiography.13 Many historians, including Jones and Underwood, closely associate Lady Margaret's patronage of academic institutions with his influence, guidance and interests, particularly the establishment of Christ's and St. John's Colleges at Cambridge

12 Goldberg, Women in Medieval English Society vi. Goldberg credits the valuable work that has been done on education, reading, and literacy to the continuation of this momentum that resulted from the increased appreciation that noblewomen had access to books and positive reception of vernacular literature. This thesis concurs; since this statement, historians have continued to produce valuable works on noblewomen and their literary interests and hence, the importance and roles of literature in noblewomen's lives. Rebecca Krug's 2002 monograph, Reading Families: Women's Literate Practice in Late Medieval England, is perhaps the best example because of its role and influence in this thesis, particularly in Chapter 3's discussion of how literature, specifically the French romance, Blanchardyn and Eglantine, played a key role in Lady Margaret's political career.

13 Many historians address Lady Margaret's religious practices and their link to her relationship with Fisher, an exceptional man in his own right. Damian Riehl Leader notes on page 265 of The University to 1546. Vol. 1 of A History of the University of Cambridge, ed. Christopher Nugent Lawrence Brooke (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1988) that Fisher was given a bishopric (of poor Rochester) in spite of the fact that he did not have benefices or court offices. Furthermore, his career spans Cambridge University's most crucial time because of its significant changes; it gained international reputation and it became highly influential in Tudor and ecclesiastical politics, came to teach at Fisher's request, and its curriculum was reformed as part of the "Catholic Reformation" of Cambridge (Leader 265). For background information on John Fisher's life, education, and career, see the following sources: Eamon Duffy, Humanism, Reform, and the Reformation: the Career of Bishop John Fisher, eds. Brendan Bradshaw and Eamon Duffy (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1989); Leader, University to 1546265; Michael Macklem, God Have Mercy: the Life of John Fisher of Rochester (Ottawa: Oberon P, 1968); and Ernest Edwin Reynolds, Saint John Fisher (London: Burns & Oates, 1955). Sadly, as indicated in the aforementioned biographies, Fisher was executed for treason in 1535 on Tower Hill because like Sir Thomas More, he would not accept King Henry VIII as the head of the Church of England. 7

University and the "Lady Margaret" professorships of divinity at both Oxford and

Cambridge Universities.14

Religion was unquestionably one of (if not the) most important aspects of

Lady Margaret's world but what is overlooked is the fact that it provided her with a strong emotional outlet, a factor of fundamental importance. Fisher fostered it as her mentor and confessor,15 not without self-interest. Lady Margaret's

patronage and their shared religious focus and emphasis on the need for academic reforms in England, led to the sharp rise of Cambridge University so that it for the first time became an intellectual equal to Oxford.16 The thesis argues that Lady Margaret's association with Fisher was one of equal partners, enabled in significant part by their El.

14 Rowena E. Archer, "Piety in Question: Noblewomen and Religion in the Later Middle Ages," Women and Religion in Medieval England, ed. Diana Wood (Oxford: Oxbow, 2003) 119, Cooper 247, Barrie Dobson, "The Foundation," Christ's - A Cambridge College Over Five Centuries, ed. David Reynolds (London: Macmillan, 2004) 6, 7, and 10, and Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 205. Although Jodi Bilinkoff does not include England in her book Related Lives: Confessors and their Female Penitents, 1450-1750 (Cornell, Cornell U P, 2005), her book is an excellent reference for women and their confessors, patronage, and agency. More specifically, Bilinkoff makes clear the importance of religion, piety, and confession in order to strengthen her discussion on the relationship(s) between women and their confessors. Subsequent chapters will discuss/refer to Lady Margaret and her relationship with Fisher, particularly Chapter 5. Maria Dowling, FISHER OF MEN: A Life of John Fisher, 1469-1535 (Basingstoke, UK/New York: Macmillan P/St. Martin's P, 1999) 11. Piety is also a common conclusion but not as strong as the conclusion of the influence of Fisher. This is most likely because of the expectations of piety of Lady Margaret's time. See Chapter 2 for additional context on the importance of religion and piety in Lady Margaret's world. Subsequent chapters, particularly Chapter 5, will discuss the roles of religion and piety in Lady Margaret's life as an individual and how she used them to shape her reputation and legacy. Most works agree that Lady Margaret could not have established these colleges and professorships without the aid, influence, and/or guidance of John Fisher; see, for example, Jones & Underwood's The King's Mother and Leader's The University to 1546. See also Chapters 2 and 4 for additional historic-graphical analysis.

15 Cooper 247, Dowling 7, Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 205, Reynolds, Saint John Fisher 10, and Edward L. Surtz, The Works and Days of John Fisher An Introduction to the Position of St. John Fisher (1469-1535), Bishop of Rochester, in the English Renaissance and the Reformation (Cambridge: Harvard U P, 1967) 181. 16 Richard Rex, The Theology of Fisher (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge U P, 1991) 7. 8

Among Lady Margaret's historians, only the late John Britton viewed her extensive piety with suspicion and her patronage as self-interested - a method to

repose her soul as the manifestation of her love of her authority, motives that directed her actions and behaviour.17 Although Britton's opinions were products of his mid-nineteenth century biases, his observations represent the first

historiographical indication that Lady Margaret was to be credited with high El.

This thesis' theoretical framework offers substantial support to Britton's speculation because of Fisher's implied representation of Lady Margaret as a very emotionally intelligent woman.

The objective of this thesis is to prove that Lady Margaret Beaufort was a

highly emotionally intelligent woman and that her El played a crucial role in guiding her social conduct, political activities, and choice of legacy by connecting

relevant components of El theory with corresponding characteristics in primary sources. It hopes to make a contribution to the existing historiography by

introducing El as a new theoretical and interpretive tool that will allow for a richer,

more comprehensive and encompassing analysis of Lady Margaret's life and

broadening the heuristic potential of the surviving primary sources, whether textual or visual. The psychological concept of El as a theoretical basis is a complementary and innovative analytical tool that has not yet been applied to

historical actors. It provides unifying elements to the observations and

17 Unfortunately, Britton never completed his biography and thus, it has not been published. Raymond J. Skinner's article, "The Memoir of Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond and Derby by John Britton: An Early Exercise in Historical Research" in The Ricardian: The Journal of the Richard III Society 12:155 (2001): 365-375, is the only consulted source that discusses Britton and his thoughts. 9 conclusions historians have made about Lady Margaret, in particular with regard to her exceptional piety. Lady Margaret used piety and patronage as tools of socially acceptable self-actualization - a key trait of emotionally intelligent people. Lady Margaret appraised her emotions as well as those of others and upon understanding them; she was able to utilize them in ways that were most beneficial not only to her personally, but to her peers' social, political, and religious expectations. Therefore, El is central to understanding Lady Margaret's life and career as a patroness. Her life and patronage should be analyzed in the context of her El, with which she shaped her social and political fortunes and her posthumous legacy.

The thesis will meet its objectives in five chapters. The first chapter outlines the theoretical framework, including the evolution of the concept of El and the recent thoughts on the concept. The first chapter outlines the theoretical framework, including the evolution of the concept of El and the recent thoughts on the concept. A clear understanding of the psychological concept of El as a theoretical basis is essential for understanding how and why it applies to the examination of Lady Margaret's life and career as a patroness in subsequent chapters. Chapter Two outlines the social, political, and religious circumstances that shaped Lady Margaret's world, as well as the norms and expectations with which she had to deal. Chapter Three addresses the role of El in her political life and activities, such as the involvement in the Wars of the Roses on behalf of her son Henry Tudor, the heir to the Lancaster line, and her service as one of his most influential advisors after he had secured the throne. The fourth chapter 10 focuses on the role of El in her career as a patroness, which provided Lady

Margaret a wide range of opportunities to deploy and utilize others' emotions to enhance her legacy and place in historical memory. The final chapter focuses on the role of Fisher's "Morning Remembrance" as a vital window into the manifestations of Lady Margaret's El. The thesis expects to demonstrate that

Lady Margaret Beaufort was a very emotionally intelligent woman and that her El played an instrumental role in her life, ensuring her political survival and success and enabling her to shape her reputation and legacy through her career as a patroness of higher education. 11

Chapter 1

Emotions, Intelligence, and Emotional Intelligence (El)

Emotional intelligence is a concept central to understanding the life and

legacy of Lady Margaret Beaufort. Yet there exists a long-standing split between

the idea of emotion and intelligence and the two have proven difficult to

reconcile.18 Until recently, emotions have been largely been ignored as a

historical factor. Carol and Peter Stearns argued that historians tend to favour

more conventional sociological models of stratification and mobility.19 This

chapter explores recent developments in psychological studies of emotion,

In the Middle Ages, it was common to distinguish between affections, emotions occurring at the soul's intellectual level, and passions, emotions occurring at the soul's sensory level. These were believed to be the two kinds of emotions. This belief was generally accepted until the term emotion became well-known in the mid-eighteenth century and consequently, emotions and intelligence were divorced again (James R. Averill, "Together Again: Emotion and Intelligence Reconciled," The Science of Emotional Intelligence - Knowns and Unknowns, eds. Gerald Matthews, Moshe Zeidner, and Richard D. Roberts (Oxford: Oxford U P, 2007) 49). According to Keith Oatley, a leading psychologist of emotions, intelligence was first used as a term in the English language over four hundred years ago by Sir Francis Bacon, Robert Burton, and William Shakespeare to denote understand (Keith Oatley, "Emotional Intelligence and the Intelligence of Emotions," Psychological Inquiry 15(3) (2004): 216). Emotion appeared in the English language approximately two hundred years later and became widespread during the Romantic period as a reference to people's feelings (Oatley, "Emotional Intelligence and the Intelligence of Emotions" 216. This was in contrast to Aristotle's definition of emotions as all feelings that influenced/changed people's judgements accompanied by pain or pleasure. Although Aristotle's approach appears to closely resemble the most advanced contemporary theories of cognition and emotion, the concepts of these two terms have evolved immensely (Deploige 3). Deploige translated Aristotle's pathos as "emotions." The actual concepts embodied by these two terms have evolved dramatically. For example, it is nearly impossible to hear the term intelligence without associating it with IQ (Oatley, "Emotional Intelligence and the Intelligence of Emotions" 216).

Stearns & Stearns 814-815. 12

intelligence, and El, in response to Stearns' argument that these are necessary

for historians to understand the context of human life.

Emotions, like intelligence, are very complex phenomena. They

incorporate multiple components and tendencies. Although emotions experts

and theorists do not agree on a definition of emotions,20 emotions may be best

defined as complex responses to environmental stimuli, physiological reactions,

expressive behaviours, and personal, subjective feelings.21 Daniel Goleman

views emotions as impulses to act on plans that handle life.22 Regardless of the

complexity of emotions, the evaluation of stimuli matters most. How a person

evaluates stimuli reveals how important emotions are to the individual; emotions

refer to both individual feelings as well as world events.23 Emotions matter

greatly for rationality in what El expert Daniel Goleman calls "the dance of feeling

and thought" because emotions guide decision-making while working with the

rational mind.24 In short, emotions relate and connect the outer world and the

inner self.25

Lucas, Diener, and Larsen 201, 202, and 205. 21 Robert A. Baron, Bruce Earhead, and Marcia Ozier, Psychology- Third Canadian Edition (Toronto: Pearson Education Canada Inc., 2002) 417 and 421 and Keith Oatley, Dacher Keltner, and Jennifer M. Jenkins, Understanding Emotions, 2nd Ed. (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006) 168.

22 Goleman 6. It was the publication of Goleman's first edition of this book in 1995 that resulted in the popular explosion of studies and interest in El. However, this thesis will refer to this more updated edition. 23 Keith Oatley, Keltner, Dacher, and Jennifer M. Jenkins, Understanding Emotions, 2nd ed. (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006) 168. 24 Goleman 28.

Oatley, Keltner, and Jenkins 168. 13

Thus, how an individual's emotions relate to the outside world, as well as the inner self, apply to El, the combination of emotions and intelligence. This combination is important because of the functions involved.

One of these functions is adaptation, which permits humans quickly to associate and orient themselves with environmental events. Adaptation interrupts ongoing processes and redirects attention to potentially significant threats and opportunities.26 Organization is another function of emotions because emotions coordinate cardiovascular and respiratory systems, various muscle groups, facial expressions, and individual experiences.27 Coordination and emotional expressions communicate information about emotions, intentions, and dispositions, evoking appraisal and responses in others that influence behaviour.28 This is why an evolutionary viewpoint of emotions sees emotions as the language of social life; emotions provide outline patterns people use to relate to each other, patterns that potentially result in the formulation and maintenance of attachments.29 An individual response to a stimulus or event is an indication of

26 Oatley, Keltner, and Jenkins 39. This is why many find emotions to be disruptive, aggravating, irrational nuisances - emotions disrupt daily life and reorient thoughts and though processes.

27 Oatley, Keltner, and Jenkins 39.

28 Oatley, Keltner, and Jenkins 40.

29 Oatley, Keltner, and Jenkins 51. According to Baron, Earhead, and Ozier 332, an attachment is simply a "strong, affectional bond" that endures over time, involves a specific person, and is emotionally significant. Hence, Oatley, Keltner, and Jenkins (52) argue that attachment-related emotions are sensitive to anything threatening to personal relationships. As this thesis will reveal in chapter three, Lady Margaret's attachment to her son, Henry Tudor, was significant in the role of her El in her career as a political figure, for how an individual maintains his/her attachments and deals with separation or loss of an attachment is a strong indication of his/her El. 14

his/her knowledge of emotions. Responses are largely based on the individual's

personal knowledge of emotions because humans apply specific words,

concepts, models, and experiences to understand and convey stimuli.30

Thus, responses depend on intelligence, a set of mental abilities that allow

recognition, learning, retention, recall, and the ability to reason about different types of material.31 An individual's response to stimuli is an indication of his/her

intelligence. In the view of James R. Averill, the concept of intelligence

encompasses many abilities, which include logic, creativity, sensitivity, intellect,

openness, common sense, and wit.32 Psychologists typically use intelligence and

related theories, models, and concepts to evaluate functions of the cognitive

sphere and commonly present information and findings on intelligence as a

primary representation of the degree to which a person is capable of thinking

abstractly and critically. Intelligence also encompasses the speed and

effectiveness with which a person can learn, process, retain, and/or recall new

material as well as adapt to a new environment.33

Oatley, Keltner, and Jenkins 181. 31 Mayer, Roberts, and Barsade 509 and 510. The material can be specific and obvious or something vague that may require abstract thinking and/or strategic planning. 32 James R. Averill, "Intelligence, Emotion, and Creativity - From Trichotomy to Trinity," The Handbook of Emotional Intelligence - Theory, Development, Assessment, and Application at Home, School, and in the Workplace, eds. Reuven Bar-On and James D.A. Parker (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 2000): 277. Averill believes that encompassing such a range of abilities in intelligence allows people to focus on its positive connotations. 33 Mayer & Salovey 4 and Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso, "Emotional Intelligence: Theory, Findings, and Implications" 198. 15

In short, intelligence is commonly viewed as a general descriptive term that refers to a hierarchy of cognitive abilities. Basic, discrete abilities, such as recognizing words and their meanings, are at the lowest level. Broader, more cohesive groups of abilities, such as recognizing, comparing, and understanding perceptual patterns, are at the middle level. Abstract and symbolic reasoning across all subjects are at the highest level.34 According to John D. Mayer, this hierarchy correlates with all types of intelligence because intelligence, regardless of its type, is the capacity to perceive, understand, and use symbols or more simply, to think and reason abstractly.35 Intelligence also concerns learning and reasoning about a particular type of material in conjunction with the development of learning and reasoning. For example, reasoning about visual patterns concerns perceptual-organizational intelligence and applying the acquired information about patterns enhances intelligence.36

The same framework applies to El because intellect cannot perform at its full potential without emotion.37 El involves the ability to reason accurately about emotions and using information to enhance thought, a factor on which the study of El focuses38 because emotions, emotional information, and emotional

34 Averill, "Together Again: Emotion and Intelligence Reconciled" 50 and Mayer, Roberts, and Barsade510. 35 John D. Mayer, "A Field Guide to Emotional Intelligence," Emotional Intelligence in Everyday Life - A Scientific Inquiry, eds. Joseph Ciarrochi, Joseph P. Forgas, and John D. Mayer (Philadelphia, PA: Psychology P, 2001): 21. 36 Averill, "Together Again: Emotion and Intelligence Reconciled" 50 and Mayer, Roberts, and Barsade 509 and 510. 37 Goleman 28. 38 Mayer, Roberts, and Barsade 511. 16

dynamics need to be processed and managed appropriately, effectively, and of course, intelligently in order to navigate and succeed in life.39 As emotions either accompany or are caused by processes, evaluations, and results that are associated with particular situations, they entail behavioural, cognitive, motor, and physiological changes. They are reflections of attitudes, identities, and values and thus, emotional interpretations and visibility vary considerably according to each individual.40 Regardless of the extent of emotions in individuals, all emotions are impulses to act because they are "instant plans for planning life" that have been instilled by evolution; emotions play unique roles in accordance with their biological roots.41 Emotions are also communicative and social functions because of the various roles they play in social encounters and relationships.42

It was against this background of social intelligence that El was initially presented.43 El is a relatively new field of psychological inquiry.44 It is a member

39 Paulo N. Lopes, et al., "Emotional Intelligence and Social Interaction," Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 30(8) (Aug. 2004): 1018.

40 Baron, Earhard, and Ozier417 and 421 and Mayer, Roberts, and Barsade 508 and 511. Mayer, Roberts, and Barsade (510) have observed that this definition of emotion (as well as the previously mentioned definition of intelligence) is consistent with longstanding concepts and approaches in psychology.

41 Goleman 6.

42 Lopes etal 1018.

43 Gerald Matthews, Moshe Zeidner, and Richard D. Roberts, "Emotional Intelligence - An Elusive Ability?" Handbook of Understanding and Measuring Intelligence, eds. Oliver Wilhelm and Randall W. Engle (Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications, Inc., 2005): 79.

44 According Aria Day, El was an obscure concept in the 1980s and the early 1990s but by 2004, over 350 academic books, chapters, and academic journal articles have been published on the subject. Day also observed that by this time, over 300,000 websites, online "universities," training programs, educational kits, and workshops have been created and devoted to El. 17

of a class of intelligences including the hot intelligences - social, practical, and personal45 - all of which have been clearly conceptualized as distinct from academic intelligence.46 El, unlike social, practical, and personal intelligence, refers specifically to the combination of emotions and intelligence. El is perhaps best defined as a subset of social intelligence skills that involves the abilities to perceive, assess, evaluate, generate, reason, discriminate, and monitor one's own and others' emotions prior to using the acquired information to accurately assist, guide and enhance thought, thought processes, and actions to plan, motivate, and achieve regardless of any environmental and social demands and pressures.47 Although there is controversy over defining El and there is no

Furthermore, El has been applied in schools/educational programs, counselling scenarios, and work environments. Day credits talk-show host queen Oprah Winfrey for making El a popular subject of interest and psychological study through her promotion of Goleman's 1995 book Emotional Intelligence through her book club; it became a best-seller and according to Day, the best-selling psychology book of all time (Day 245). Her chapter traced the history of El as a subject of interest both among academics and the general public. Reuven Bar-On agrees with Day's observations (Reuven Bar-On, "Emotional and Social Intelligence - Insights from the Emotional Quotient Inventory," in Handbook of Emotional Intelligence - Theory, Development, Assessment, and Application at School, Home and in the Workplace, eds. Reuven Bar-On and James D.A. Parker (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 2000) 363) but does so from a scientific standpoint. He observed that since the publication of Goleman's book in 1995, psychologists have.been attempting to further/more specifically define, measure, and apply El. Thus, the goal of his chapter is to share the various findings acquired through application of the Emotional Quotient Inventory (EQ-i) in a number of studies conducted throughout the world over a span of seventeen years. Freeland, Terry, and Rodgers' chapter is also excellent for a history of El as a subject of academic interest.

45 Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso 197. This label is a reference to these intelligences' operations on hot cognitions, which deal with matters that are of personal, emotional importance. For an excellent reference on the differences between emotional, social, and practical intelligence, see Hedlund & Sternberg, "Too Many Intelligences? Integrating Social, Emotional, and Practical Intelligence" 136-167.

46 Hedlund & Sternberg 146.

47 Brackett, Mayer, and Warner 1388-1389, Goleman 34 and 43, Freeland, Terry, and Rodgers 93, Lane 171, Mayer, Roberts, and Barsade 507, 508, and 527, Mayer & Salovey 4, 10 and 22, Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso 197, 199, and 209, Salovey & Grewal 281 and 282, McCallum & Piper 123, and Salovey & Mayer 185 and 189. 18 generally accepted definition of El, the present one is most useful for the purposes of this thesis - it resonates most with Lady Margaret Beaufort's life.

Many psychologists appear to agree with it and most of the other definitions uphold the same principles (to the point of appearing rather synonymous). It is also very consistent with overall research findings and studies on El, in particular,

Salvey and Mayer's paper "Emotional Intelligence," the first and perhaps most influential academic journal article on the subject to be published.48

El is not to be confused with psychological mindedness, the ability to identify dynamic or intra-psychic components and to relate them to individual problems/crises.49 Averill's diagram, (Figure 1) represents the interaction between emotion and intelligence as manifestations of meaningful, rational response patterns; this is known as "molar behaviour." Molar behaviour demonstrates that there is no reason to assume that a linear relationship between one set of processes and intelligent behaviour is completely separate from different sets of processes and emotional behaviours.50

Salovey and Mayer are pioneers of this field and many references in this chapter are to their subsequent works, especially Mayer's studies, because of their heavy involvement and superior presence in this field. Furthermore, as Lopes, Salovey, and Strauss point out, this theory, as originally proposed by Mayer and Salovey in their "Emotional Intelligence," provides a new framework to study social and emotional adaptation because of its focus on the four central abilities they posited - perceiving, using, understanding, and managing emotions (Lopes, Salovey, and Straus 642).

49 McCallum & Piper 121. McCallum & Piper have done an excellent job of discussing the differences between psychological mindedness and El in their work; they divided their chapter into two sections: psychological mindedness and psychological mindedness in conjunction with El. Read pages 123-129 for a comparative analysis of psychological mindedness and El, how they are related, and finally, advantages and disadvantages of each.

Averill, "Intelligence, Emotion, and Creativity" 279. 19

Figure 1

Molar Intelligent Y J Emotional Behavior Behavior J V Behavior

\ Environmenta / \ Context

/ \ Intrapsychic \ Context

Common Cognitive Processes

Mediating Intelligence *^v/"' Emotion Mechanisms Related Processes Related Processes

Source: James R. Averill, "Intelligence, Emotion, and Creativity - From Trichotomy to Trinity," The Handbook of Emotional Intelligence - Theory, Development, Assessment, and Application at Home, School, and in the Workplace, eds. Reuven Bar-On and James D.A. Parker (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 2000): 279. 20

Averill's central thesis argues that the fact that emotions are not only related to intelligence but they are subject to creative change constitutes a unity behind what Averill calls the "trichotomy" of "intelligence, emotion, and creativity."51

Models such as Averill's reiterate the importance of the fact that El does not predict or dictate the outcome of emotional behaviour but it encourages a process of "personal investigation" within the context of the individual's personality, upbringing, faith/religion, socio-economic status, socio-cultural norms, politics, and other lifestyle characteristics instead.52 These characteristics include the following abilities: (1) impulse control; (2) persistence; (3) zeal and self-motivation; (4) empathy; and (5) social deftness.53 These characteristics

(and their corresponding abilities) determine an individual's personality, lifestyle features and/or choices, and thus, follows the three mental processes that formulate the core of the psychological components of an individual's El: (1) appraising and expressing emotions in the self and others; (2) regulating emotion in the self and in others; and (3) applying emotions adaptively. The diagram below illustrates these processes clearly.54

Averill, "Intelligence, Emotion, and Creativity" 278. 52 Mayer & Salovey 16. 53 Lane 172. Continue reading up to page 173 for specific definitions of these abilities. For a viewpoint of these traits from a personality perspective as a specific division/set, see pages 12-15 of Mayer's chapter. 54 Salovey & Mayer 190-191. Lopes et. al. 1019 have found and observed that the ability to regulate emotions may influence and/or facilitate the following: (1) the "emotional valence" of social interaction; (2) motivations and expectations for social interactions and application of effective and appropriate interaction strategies; (3) a flexible focus of attention; (4) executive functions associated with coordinating skills that effective social behaviour requires; (5) the quality of social interactions indirectly. Lopes et al believe that the ability to regulate emotions 21

Figure 2

EMOTIONAL INTSLUOINCI

APPRAISAL ANO MCUtATION UTILIZATION tXPfttSStON OP OP (MOTION Of EMOTION MOTION

i—r HIP OTHIH WWtf iNOTMIII PlfXIILf CKtATIVf MOIRECTtO MOTIVATION PLANNING THINKING ATTMTION

VtRtAL NON- NON- EMPATHY ViftlAL VEMAL PEftCEPTlON

Source: Peter Salovey & John D. Mayer, "Emotional Intelligence," Imagination, Cognition, and Personality 9(3) (1989-1990): 279.

may be linked to a broader and higher ability of self-control, including negative and impulsive behaviours. 22

Effectively applying any of the skills featured in Figure 2 means doing so despite the frustrations and impulses that may potentially hinder rational thought.55 In

Goleman's view, people who are able to apply all of the skills that constitute El are "social stars" because they do well at/in anything that requires effective or smooth social interaction.56 Mayer & Salovey's diagram below, Figure 4, represents these skills in four overarching branches ranging from the more basic psychological processes, such as how accurately someone can identify emotions and emotional content, to the higher, more complicated, complex, and integrated ones, such as conscious and reflective regulation of emotion.57

55 Goleman 34. Goleman notes on page 285 of his work that some would attribute positive and negative emotions alike, regardless of the outcomes, to character, a rather old- fashioned term for this body of skills that El represents. Goleman also mentions on page 285 that according to George Washington University social theorist Amitai Etzioni, character is "the psychological muscle that moral conduct requires." 56 Goleman 44. 57 Mayer & Salovey 11. 23

Figure 3

FIGURE 1.1

Rejiecwe Mpwtwn of twttons to twnote tnoiWMi ana MmttiMi htowtn

Ability to stay opentofeel- Atffiyto i*crively en- Atttyto ings, both three that are ^or detach framst tor emotions to relation to in oneself and others br pleasant and those that are emotion depending upon its oneself and others, such as jjidgedintontutivenessor teognkiiiglMwdeatlrpt- lions and staring pte- olaAolalarnMO- or ihtyBiaycBirosy. Understanding and Analyzing Emotions; Employing Emotional Knowledge I X Abiutvlo label e Ability to interpret the Ability to understand can- AbOit)-to recognize Mkely

«feworisimdrk convey warding! feelingsof love and hate, or such as then EMOTIONAL ships, such as that sadness bfendssuchasaTOasaawi- INTELLIGENCE | as the rebtion between often accompnies a loss. binabon of fear and surprise. liking and loving.

bfflOitOm tSCamaOtl Of ImnMg X tenons pnoritizeuuruang are sufficiently Emotional mood swings EntOuOIUU Si&t£$ ulu€r££}'' byctetagattotato vivid and available that change the indiwdual'sper- Hally encourage specific they can be generated specftw from optonusbc to problem approaches such as as aids to judgment and DesssniSQCi enconra&tiis when happiness faciliiates consiaeratjon or multiple inductiw reasoning and potnteofview. creativity. Perception, Appraisal, and Expression of Emotion

AMfytoMentifyunotx a ftyiuty to lucnuiy emotions Ability toexpres s ejaotJOTB AMtyto in one's physical Mates, metier peopfe dogs, acouateiy, and to express ttngs,»f thoughts. artwork, etc., through ta- needs related to those inaccurate or m&$$t wt$u$ ettaee, sound, appearance, feelings. aidWawr. fat*

Source: John D. Mayer & Peter Salovey, "What is Emotional Intelligence?" Emotional Development and Emotional Intelligence - Educational Implications, eds. Peter Salovey and David J. Sluyter (New York: BasicBooks, 1997) 11.

These skills and characteristics define El as a unique mental process involving

many areas of problem solving. The primary focus of El is the representation of 24 abilities that join intelligence and emotion, including reasoning about emotions to enhance thought.58 El operates on emotional information.59 Goleman reasons that this is because humans have two brains/minds and therefore, two intelligences: rational and emotional. IQ and El do not oppose each other; they are just separate, for all humans mix intellect and emotional acuity to a highly individual extent.60 How much a person succeeds in life is not to be credited only to his/her Intelligence Quotient (IQ), but to El because intellect cannot function at its full potential without it.61 In fact, Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso have argued that El matters twice as much as IQ62 because it contributes many more qualities that make people fully human. However, studies have shown that high IQ is positively correlated with El.63 Mourad AN Eissa, Justin J. Boseck, and Jerrell C.

Cassidy, in their study of the correlation of positive emotions and health benefits, concluded that El determines the ability humans have to identify effectively stressful stimuli, analyze their own and others' emotions, set realistic, appropriate goals to meet the challenges imposed by stressful stimuli, and behave appropriately in order to cope and overcome the stress most effectively.64

58 Mayer, Roberts, and Barsade 511. 59 Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso 198. 60 Goleman 44. 61 Goleman 28 and 45. 62 Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso 197. 63 Goleman, for example, noticed that women with high IQ levels have the expected intellectual confidence, value intellectual matters, have a broad range of intellectual interests, and are fluent in expressing their thoughts, emotions, and values effectively (Goleman 45). 64 Mourad Ali Eissa, Justin J. Boseck, and Jerrell C. Cassidy, "Positive Emotions and Health Benefits - The Role of Emotional Intelligence and Coping," Emotional Intelligence - 25

Michele M. Tugade & Barbara L. Frederickson have also found that El plays a role in an individual's psychological resilience - the ability to "bounce back" from negativity by adapting to changing, individual demands flexibly.65

Other studies support these findings; several have indicated that emotionally intelligent people tend to have excellent problem-solving skills, positive mental health, and to be more open to positive and negative aspects of internal and/or personal experiences in order to label and communicate them effectively and appropriately. Several studies have also found that emotionally intelligent people typically do the following: (1) attend to emotion for growth rather than mindless pleasure(s); (2) accurately perceive their own emotions and apply integrated, sophisticated approaches to regulate emotions as they proceed toward important goals; (3) behave appropriately because of conscious regulation and awareness; and (4) appreciate the fact that temporarily hurt feelings or emotional restraint is often necessary in the service of a greater/future good. Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso provide a persuasive example; all of the aforementioned skills and traits correspond with their model of El as an operant of both cognitive and emotional systems that function in a mostly unitary fashion divided into four sub-divided branches: (1) emotional perception; (2) emotional

Perspectives on Educational and Positive Psychology, eds. Jerrell C. Cassidy and Mourad Ali Eissa, vol. 336 of Studies in the Postmodern Theory of Education (New York: Peter Lang Publishing Inc., 2008) 219. 65 Michele M. Tugade & Barbara L. Frederickson, "Positive Emotions and Emotional Intelligence," The Wisdom in Feeling - Psychological Processes in Emotional Intelligence, eds. Lisa Feldmann and Peter Salovey (New York/London: The Guildford P, 2002): 325. Those with low/lower resilience tend to have a much lower level of El than those with high resilience. For instance, Tugade & Frederickson point out on page 326 that understanding the benefits of positive emotions may be the key to effective emotion regulation for resilient people. 26

integration; (3) emotional understanding; and (4) emotional management (Figure

5).

Figure 4

Source: John D. Mayer, Peter Salovey, and David R. Caruso, "Emotional Intelligence as Zeitgeist, as Personality, and as a Mental Ability," The Handbook of Emotional Intelligence - Theory, Development, Assessment, and Application at Home, School and in the Workplace, eds. Reuven Bar-On and James D.A. Parker (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 2000) 108.

Emotional perception involves recognition and input of information from the emotion system. The second and third branches involve processing the

information acquired in the first branch in hopes of using it to improve cognition and cognitive processes of emotion. Finally, the fourth branch deals with 27 managing the emotions of the individual as well as others'. Salovey, Mayer,

Caruso, and Yoo's simplified chart provides an alternative presentation of this four branch model while offering additional detail:67

-> Perceiving Emotions

• Ability to identify emotion in one's physical and psychological states.

• Ability to identify emotion in other people.

• Ability to express emotions accurately and to express needs related to them.

• Ability to discriminate between accurate/honest and inaccurate/dishonest feelings.

-> Using Emotions (to Facilitate Cognition)

• Ability to redirect and prioritize thinking on the basis of associated feelings.

• Ability to capitalize on mood changes to appreciate multiple points of view.

• Ability to use emotional states to facilitate problem-solving and creativity.

John D. Mayer, Peter Salovey, and David R. Caruso, "Emotional Intelligence as Zeitgeist, as Personality, and as a Mental Ability," The Handbook of Emotional Intelligence - Theory, Development, Assessment, and Application at Home, School and in the Workplace, eds. Reuven Bar-On and James D.A. Parker (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 2000) 107 and Peter Salovey, John D. Mayer, David R. Caruso, and Seung Hee Yoo, "The Positive Psychology of Emotional Intelligence," Emotional Intelligence - Perspectives on Educational and Positive Psychology, eds. Jerrell C. Cassady & Mourad Ali Eissa. Vol. 336 of Studies in the Postmodern Theory of Education (New York: Peter Lang Publishing Inc., 2008) 188-190. Both sources' authors review past studies extensively and their reviews/findings are the basis of this segment's discussion in the body of this chapter. According to both sources, many people associate solely the fourth branch with El as a partial consequence of popularization of El and societal pressures to regulate and manage emotions. However, both chapters, particularly the latter by Salovey, Mayer, Caruso, and Yoo make very clear that their four-branch model not only represents El, but the processes from one to four. Salovey, Mayer, Caruso, and Yoo reason on page 190 of their work that they hope to control emotions and that El will be a tool for ridding troublesome emotions or emotional leakages into human relations.

67 Salovey, Mayer, Caruso, and Yoo 189. Matthews, Zeidner, and Roberts have a strikingly similar presentation of this four branch model on page 87 of their work presented in a table as "Table 6.3 - A Four-Branch Ability Model of Emotional Intelligence (El)." However, for a more detailed description and discussion of each category, see Mayer 10-12. 28

-> Understanding Emotions • Ability to understand relationships among various emotions. * Ability to perceive the causes and consequences of emotions. • Ability to understand complex feelings, emotional blends, and contradictory states.

• Ability to understand transitions among emotions.

-> Managing Emotions

• Ability to be open to feelings, both pleasant and unpleasant.

• Ability to monitor and reflect on emotions. • Ability to engage, prolong, or detach from an emotional state. • Ability to manage emotions in oneself. • Ability to manage emotions in others.

Emotionally intelligent people tend to be much more successful than their peers

(whether it is in their personal relationships, friendships, and/or careers) because they know how to interpret and apply emotions to enhance the quality of not only their lives, but others' as well. Psychological studies also have shown that people tend to enjoy the company of emotionally intelligent people more than those who are not (or not as highly) emotionally intelligent,68 probably because the latter are better able to solve problems. Furthermore, people with El,

68 For references to these as well as all aforementioned findings with regard to personality traits/characteristics commonly found in those who are emotionally intelligent, consult the following articles/studies: Lopes, Salovey, and Straus, "Emotional intelligence, personality, and the perceived quality of relationships"; Lopes et al, "Emotional Intelligence and Social Interaction"; Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso, "Emotional Intelligence as Zeitgeist, as Personality, and as a Mental Ability"; Salovey & Grewal "The Science of Emotional Intelligence"; and Salovey & Mayer "Emotional Intelligence." 29

particularly high El, tend to have higher levels of verbal, social, and other

intelligences. As a result, high-El people also tend to be more open, agreeable,

and drawn to occupations involving social interaction like education and

counselling. A very emotionally intelligent person is much less likely to engage in

negative and self-destructive behaviours, altercations, or violence.69

There is a positive correlation between El and biological gender.

According to Brackett, Mayer, and Warner, a number of psychological studies

demonstrate that women usually have higher El levels than men and that women

tend to be better able to read unstated social information, including emotions

expressed in facial expressions and non-verbal cues.70 Brackett, Mayer, and

Warner have also observed that males are less able than females to perceive

emotions and to use emotion to facilitate thought.71 Emotionally intelligent

women tend to be assertive and feel more positively about themselves and about

life in general. Like emotionally intelligent men, they tend to be outgoing,

gregarious, adapt well to stress, and express their feelings appropriately rather than in regrettable and embarrassing outbursts.72

The application of El theory to historical actors presents methodological

challenges. Clearly, standard psychological testing and measurement methods,

Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso 210. 70 Brackett, Mayer, and Warner 1387. 71 Brackett, Mayer, and Warner 1399. This was associated with negative outcomes, including illegal drug and alcohol use, deviant behaviour, and academic achievement.

Goleman 45. 30 such as the Mayer-Salovey-Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test (MSCEIT),73 cannot be deployed. However, the surviving evidence may make it possible to establish whether a historical figure and his/her actions matched typical personality traits and behaviours of modern emotionally intelligent people.

The evidence presented in the subsequent chapters demonstrates that

Lady Margaret Beaufort undoubtedly was a very emotionally intelligent woman in her adult years. Her El is clearly reflected in her adaptation to the world in which she found herself, her social conduct, and search for self-realization in political actions, patronage, and legacy construction.

73 This test is the most common method for evaluating and determining the presence and the degree of El in current psychological studies. See Paulo N. Lopes et al., "Emotional Intelligence and Social Interaction," Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 30(8) (2003): 254- 272 for an example of the application of the MSCEIT For additional information on this measurement of El as well as other methods, see Joseph Ciarrochi et al., "Measuring Emotional Intelligence," Emotional Intelligence in Everyday Life - A Scientific Inquiry, eds. Joseph Ciarrochi, Joseph P. Forgas, and John D. Mayer (Philadelphia, PA: Psychology P, 2001) 25-45. 31

Chapter 2

Lady Margaret's Experiential World and its Evolution

As seen from research on the psychology of El, El influences an individual's world. From the first day of life, it is full of emotional subtexts. The repetition or lack of such messages contributes to the formation of emotional outlook, capabilities, and El. In order to understand the evolution of Lady

Margaret Beaufort's psyche, this chapter discusses her social, political, economic circumstances that formed her societal environment. This chapter will also demonstrate her El skills and traits employed in understanding and managing her world, which shaped her into the powerful woman she became in later life. The factors to be taken into consideration are the social, political, and religious circumstances of her world that were the norms and expectations with which she dealt, including her education, marriage, and socially sanctioned range of activities appropriate to her gender and high social status. Lady Margaret's handling of both the opportunities and restrictions that her social environment presented her with are highly reflective of her El. Rather than going against the rules and expectations of her world, she used them to her advantage.

Lady Margaret's social status and rank were exceptionally high. As a

Beaufort, born to John Beaufort, the first , and Margaret 32

Beauchamp of Bletsoe on 31 May 1443,74 she was not just a member of the

English high nobility but, as a descendant of King Edward III, a member of the extended royal family.75 Lady Margaret was a great-granddaughter of John of

Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster and third surviving son of Edward III, but the Beauforts' branch of the family was illegitimate, originating from Gaunt's liaison with his mistress, Katherine Swynford. Lady Margaret's grandfather, John Beaufort, was

John of Gaunt and Katherine Swynford's first child. Despite the fact that the

Beaufort children were legitimized upon John and Katherine's marriage in 1396, the Beauforts' extramarital origins were never forgotten in late medieval

England.76

74 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 34. Previous biographers, Halstead, Routh, and Linda Simon in Of Virtue Rare - Margaret Beaufort, Matriarch of the House of Tudor (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1982) have indicated her date of birth to be 31 May 1441. However, Jones & Underwood have come to their solid conclusion of 1443 based on the fact that the earliest event recorded in the Beaufort Book of Hours, currently at the British Library, is Lady Margaret's birth - 31 May 1443. See Helen M. Jewell, Women in Medieval England (Manchester/New York: Manchester U P, 1996) 138 and Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 34 for a brief discussion on the dispute over her year of birth and additional circumstances that support Jones & Underwood's conclusion.

75 Saint John Fisher, "Morning Remembrance," The Funeral Sermon of Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, Mother if King Henry VII, and Foundress of Christ's and St. John's College in Cambridge, Preached by Bishop Fisher in 1509: with Baker's preface to the same, containing some further account of her charities and foundations, together with a catalogue of her professors both at Cambridge and Oxford, and of her preachers at Cambridge, ed. J. Hymers (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1840) 108. An additional copy of this sermon, entitled "MORNYNG REMEMBRAUNCE HAD AT THE MONTH MYNDE OF THE NOBLE PRUNCES MARGARET COUNTESSE OF RYCHMONDE AND DARBYE. ENPRYNTED BY " in The English Works of John Fisher, ed. John E.B. Mayer (London: Oxford U P, 1876) 289-310. All subsequent references to this sermon will be made to the first citation because it is the clearer of the two available copies. Although historians refer to Mayer's copy more than Hymers', the language of Hymers' version is much more modern/contemporary and Hymers' notes/opinions are more helpful and relevant to this thesis' interests.

76 Vivienne Rock, "Shadow Royals? The Political Use of the Extended Family of Lady Margaret Beaufort," Family and Dynasty in Late Medieval England: Proceedings of the 1997 Harlaxton Symposium, eds. Richard Eales and Shaun Tyas (Donington: Shaun Tyas 2003) 193. Although several historians discuss Lady Margaret's familial history, Vivienne Rock's consideration of her family is most relevant and concise in explaining the issue of illegitimacy. In 33

Lady Margaret was consistently reminded of her tainted pedigree by the

Wars of the Roses, a series of English civil wars between the royal Houses of

Lancaster and York that raged on through much of her young adulthood, from approximately 1455-1485 and brought personal tragedy early into her life. The warring Houses fought over the right to the throne of England. Henry IV, son of

John of Gaunt, established the in 1399 when he deposed his cousin, King Richard II. Henry and his son, Henry V, successfully maintained the crown but the hold of the House of Lancaster became problematic with the ascension of infant King Henry VI. The eventually triumphed, at least temporarily, under Edward IV and Richard III, but the House of Lancaster gained the ultimate victory when Lady Margaret's son, Henry, then known as

Henry Richmond, won the Battle of Bosworth in 1485. Henry became King

Henry VII, the first monarch of the House of Tudor, which remained in power until his granddaughter 's death in 1603. Henry's successful reign was likely the greatest triumph for Lady Margaret. Not only was she was very loyal to her Lancaster ancestry, as reflected in her contribution to Henry's eventual victory at Bosworth.77 Her dedication to her family was consistent with her social

particular, see Rock 193-194 for Beaufort family history with regard to its illegitimacy; a table outlining it is on page 194. See Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 17-24 and Fiona Kisby, "A Mirror of Monarchy: Music and Musicians in the Household Chapel of the Lady Margaret Beaufort, mother of Henry VII," Early Music History 16 (1997): 204-206 for similar explanations and discussions of her ancestry. 77 The following four sources are particularly useful for shedding light on the tension of the conflict itself: Louise Gill, Richard III and Buckingham's Rebellion (Gloucester: Sutton Publishing, 1999); John Gillingham, The Wars of the Roses: Peace and Conflict in Fifteenth- Century England (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1981); Rosemary Horrox, Richard III - A Study of Service (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1989); A.J. Pollard, Richard III and the (Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing, 2002); Trevor Royle, Lancaster Against York: the 34

profile and expected by her contemporaries of a person of high noble birth.

However, the manner in which she pursued it is an indication of her El.

One of the key advantages of high nobility was wealth.78 Lady Margaret was very wealthy long before her son's accession to the throne and her years as

a patroness of higher learning. As an only child, she was sole heiress of her father, John Beaufort, the Duke of Somerset. He left her manors in Devon,

Northamptonshire, Somerset, and the Welsh marches with an annual income

slightly under £600 in addition to approximately £618 per year from the Holland

estates he had inherited upon the death of his mother Margaret, the Duchess of

Clarence.79 Her rank and wealth as a Beaufort child heiress made her a key

asset to the crown in the negotiation of her marriage to Edmund Tudor, whom

she married in 1455.

Prior to marrying Edmund, she was married at the age of six to William de

la Pole. This marriage was dissolved three years later in 1453 and she never

recognized this marriage.80 She married King Henry Vl's half-brother, Edmund

Tudor, in 1455 at the age of twelve. It is by him she bore her only child, the

future Henry VII. Edmund's early death in 1456, when she was approximately six

Wars of the Roses and the Foundation of Modern Britain (New York: Palgrove Macmillan, 2008); and Alison Weir, Lancaster and York- The Wars of the Roses (London: Vintage Books, 2009).

78 Jones & Underwood found, on two of Lady Margaret's household documents, symbols of her wealth and power as a landlord penned by a scribe. See Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 93.

79 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 93-94. For more on his family's wealth, continue reading up to page 96.

80 This chapter will discuss, in more detail, the circumstances of Lady Margaret's marriage to William de la Pole with regard to its historical significance and the role of her El. 35

months pregnant with Henry, placed Lady Margaret on the marriage market again but she remarried only 1462, after six years as a teenage widow. Her third marriage, to Sir Henry Stafford, lasted from 1462-1471 and appears to have been happy.

The politics and events of the time provide context for An important reason for the long widowhood period. Lady Margaret's brother-in-law, Jasper

Tudor, was Lady Margaret's ally and guardian and she took refuge with him at

Pembroke Castle, where Henry was born on January 28th, 1457.81 Although historians focus little on Lady Margaret's relationship with Jasper, she clearly trusted him, for she placed her son under his care, urging them both to leave

England for fear of what might happen in the course of the Wars of the Roses because Henry was the Lancastrian claimant to the throne.82

Lady Margaret maintained her relationship.with Jasper after she married

Sir Henry Stafford in early 1462 to gain the support of his father, Humphrey, duke of Buckingham, because the latter was the only English magnate who was as powerful as Richard, duke of York. She also did not want to have another husband forced upon her. Since she and Stafford were second cousins, they required a dispensation from consanguinity that was eventually granted by

Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 40.

82 For more on Henry's exile, see Sean Cunningham's biography Henry VII, Routledge Historical Biographies, ed. Robert Pearce (London/New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2007) 16-18 and 25-30. 36

Bishop Reginald Boulers of Coventry and Lichfield. Although Stafford was of high status similar to Lady Margaret, their main source of wealth was from Lady

Margaret's vast, rich estates, which permitted them to live an aristocratic lifestyle.84

Lady Margaret's wealth played a strong role in attracting her third husband, Lord Thomas Stanley in 1472.85 Her fourth and final marriage was a union formed for political, social, and economic convenience. Lady Margaret continued to acquire more wealth after her son's accession, with one important difference: all properties granted to her by the new kind were for her sole use;

Henry did not want to increase Stanley's wealth through grants to his wife.86

Lady Margaret also received a £200 annual pension from Stanley87 but despite

Stanley's loss of income from Lady Margaret's properties, he enjoyed patronage from Henry from 1487-1489.88 However, this patronage did not match Lady

Margaret's income; from 1495-1496, for example, Lady Margaret's revenue from her lands was over £2,200.89 Coldharbour, Collyweston, Croydon, Fotheringhay,

83 Jones & Underwood, The King's 40-41. The pair was related through Joan Beaufort, whose daughter, , was Humphrey duke of Buckingham's wife. 84 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 41. 85 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 59. Continue reading up to page 60 for more on the benefits both Lady Margaret and Thomas Lord Stanley reaped from their marriage. This thesis will discuss their marriage further in this chapter as well as in the fourth chapter about the role of El in Lady Margaret's political activities. 86 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 99. 87 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 99. 88 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 99. Jones & Underwood do not provide information explaining why Stanley only enjoyed Henry's patronage for these two specific years.

Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 106. 37

Hatfield, Lathom, and Le Ryall were properties Lady Margaret herself acquired in

her lifetime.90

Another benefit of high rank was education although even at this level it

was primarily a man's province.91 For late medieval/early, early modern English

upper-class women, including Lady Margaret Beaufort, an education meant

acquiring socially appropriate skills and accomplishments - needlework, reading,

writing, French, marital values and expectations, household management,

morals, social manners and etiquette, some performing arts, and of course,

elements of Church teachings. As Susan Groag Bell pointed out, women of Lady

Margaret's status had only two professions from which to choose - a nun or

manor mistress.92 Numerous subjects were excluded from Lady Margaret's

education. Lady Margaret, according to her teachers/tutors, was bright, alert,

and intelligent, with an excellent, clear, and quick memory. She advanced

quickly in her studies.93 It was a source of frustration for Lady Margaret that her tutors did not teach her sufficient Latin or Greek, only enough to recite her

For additional information on the aforementioned properties, see the following pages in Jones & Underwood's The King's Mother respectively: 137-138; 66 and 77; 14, 85, 153-156, and 160-162; 78, 156, and 162; 156; 131, 156-157; 152; and 144.

91 Sharon D. Michalove, "The Education of Aristocratic Women in Fifteenth-Century England," Estrangement, Enterprise, and Education in Fifteenth-Century England, ed. Sharon D. Michalove and A. Compton Reeves. The Fifteenth Century Series 5 (Stroud: Alan Sutton, 1998): 118 and Linda E. Mitchell, Women in Medieval Western European Culture (New York: Garland, 1999) ix.

92 Clara P. McMahon, Education in Fifteenth-Century England, The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Education, No. 35. Ed. Florence E. Bamberger (New York: Greenwood P Publishers, 1968) 123, 141, and 146.

93 Susan Groag Bell, "Medieval Women Book Owners: Arbiters of Lay Piety and Ambassadors of Culture," Signs 7(4): (Summer 1982): 752, McMahon 123, 141, and 146, and Linda Simon, Of Virtue Rare - Margaret Beaufort, Matriarch of the House of Tudor (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1982) 2 and 3. 38

prayers and that her requests for Greek and Latin tutors were denied.

Though she deplored her lack of Greek and especially Latin throughout her life, her gender made such acquirements unlikely. After all, women were excluded from priesthood, church debates and councils, and even nuns did not learn a substantial amount of Latin.96 Rowena E. Archer points out that although education was critically important, the majority of the surviving evidence of noblewomen's education was written by male ecclesiastics who wanted to inculcate the qualities of subordination, virtue, obedience, and silence into women. Although such sources only reinforce the previously discussed stereotype, one does need to question the extent to which noblewomen practiced what the Church preached and how much an individual's piety can be measured,97 explaining why upper-class women's literacy, reading material, reading habits, and education has lately attracted so much scholarly attention.98

According to McMahon, this practice of teaching only enough Latin to recite prayers was common practice in late medieval education for high noblewomen. The adult Lady Margaret also must have been capable of reading Latin to a certain degree because her book of hours in the Library, MS 39, contains several Latin prayers.

95 Bell 758-759, Fisher, "A Mornynge Remembraunce" 110, McMahon 141, Nicholas Orme, Education and Society in Medieval and Renaissance England (London: Hambledon P, 1989) 4, Nicholas Orme, English Schools in the Middle Ages (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1973) 53 and 54, and Linda Simon, Of Virtue Rare 4.

96 Knowledge of Latin declined in English nunneries throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries despite the fact that most ecclesiastic literature was written in Latin. In fact, it was not uncommon for nuns to receive correspondence from clergy in vernacular languages. Their knowledge of Latin was applied solely for prayers or other purposes of Divine Office (Bell 752 and 758).

97 Archer, "Piety in Question..." 119.

98 Goldberg, Women in Medieval English Society vi. Goldberg credits the valuable work that has been done on noblewomen's education, reading, and literacy to the continuation of this momentum that resulted from the increased appreciation that noblewomen had access to books and positive reception of vernacular literature. 39

According to biographer Linda Simon, Lady Margaret's education was unusually solitary in nature.99 Young Margaret had few friends and had to learn how to depend on herself (rather than others). She coped by withdrawing into

literature and religious devotions. Fortunately, she grew to enjoy her solitary time and her most significant, fulfilling moments, those devoted to academia and/or religion,100 were products of her relationships (or lack thereof) with her mother through her love of reading.101 Rebecca Krug is adamant that Lady Margaret's literary involvement was determined by her relationships. More specifically, she concludes that Lady Margaret became involved in response to her interests and ideas about literature acquired from her family, education, and religious affiliations. Without realizing it, Krug has observed El in Lady Margaret's earlier years. For instance, Krug points out that Lady Margaret's relationship with her mother, Margaret Beauchamp, is of particular importance because of her interest in books.102 Young Margaret's involvement in literature, religion, scholarly interests established early in her life, developed into life-long emotional outlets,

Although part of a typical upper-class education was for pupils to learn socials skills with/through interaction with other students of similar rank/status, Lady Margaret's historians give readers the impression that her education was rather lonely and solitary and thus, atypical. Unfortunately, the lack of sources on Lady Margaret's formative years does not provide evidence to refute these impressions/interpretations specifically on Lady Margaret's education.

100 Linda Simon, Of Virtue Rare 2-3, 4, and 21. Other biographers and scholars who have written about Lady Margaret Beaufort's life would be inclined to agree, for they consistently focus on her academic patronage and/or her piety. 101 A.S.G. Edwards and Carol M. Meale, "The Marketing of Printed Books in Late Medieval England," The Library 15 (1993): 99-100 and Krug 11. 102 Krug 11. See Jones & Underwood The King's Mother 138, Krug 67-75, and Linda Simon, Of Virtue Rare 2-21 for more on Margaret Beauchamp, her literary interests, and her influence on her daughter. 40

products of accurate and effective appraisal of her circumstances and effective

tools for regulating her emotions (see Chapters 4 and 5).103

Lady Margaret's involvement as a patron of a university college is

interesting as women were excluded from higher education. According to Alan B.

Cobban, women, including high noblewomen could not formally participate in

higher education because a man's place in a medieval university was central to

its function of providing intellectual skills that would directly benefit society, such

as providing clerical training. Therefore, a man's place was central to a

university's function104 and women had no place in higher English education;

their contributions were typically socio-economic and financial.105 English

university authorities believed that women and universities should be kept as far

apart as possible. One of the higher roles open to wealthy women in institutions

of higher learning was patronage, a path that Lady Margaret would eventually

adopt.106

Marriage, not a professional career, was the most common role for

daughters of noble families who reached adolescence. Marriage was arguably the most significant way to improve or maintain one's status and reputation in

Lady Margaret's time, especially for those of her high status. Thus, members of

103 Saint John Fisher, "A Mornynge Remembraunce" 110 and 114 and Saint John Fisher, The English Works of John Fisher, ed. J.E.B. Mayor (London: Oxford U P, 1876) 292 and 295.

104 Alan B. Cobban, The Medieval English Universities: Oxford and Cambridge c. 1500 (Great Britain: Scolar P, 1988) 14 and 161.

105 Orme, English Schools in the Middle Ages 52. As a result, among the clergy, women were only represented by monastic orders and few anchoresses.

106 Cobban 378. 41

elite status negotiated and prepared formally and far in advance for the most important rite of passage, often more than once in a person's lifetime. Sequential marriages were not considered threats to the established social order; on the contrary, they were essential social occurrences by the immediate and often extended families of the bride and groom alike.107 Women were not resented or seen as financial burdens and most aristocratic parents gladly produced the required dowries largely because of the many political, social, legal and economic benefits of a suitable marriage.108

The following articles, books, and chapters on medieval and early modem marriage consistently support this chapter's representation of the social norms governing marriage in this historical period: James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago/London: U of Chicago P, 1987) 497 and 539 and Jennifer C. Ward, Women in England in the Middle Ages (London/New York: Hambledon Continuum, 2006) 11, 28, and 29. See the following articles, books, and chapters for more on medieval and early modem marriage, all of which support this chapter's statements regarding the social norms of marriage in this historical period: Christopher Nugent Lawrence Brooke, The Medieval Idea of Marriage (Oxford/New York: Oxford U P, 2002); James A. Brundage, Sex, Law, and Marriage in the Middle Ages (Aldershot, England/Brookfield, Vermont: Variorum, 1993); and David L. D'Avray, Medieval Marriage: Symbolism and Society (Oxford: Oxford U P, 2008); Charles Donahue Jr., Law Marriage, and Society in the Later Middle Ages: Arguments about Marriage in Five Courts (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge U P, 2007); Christine Peters, "Gender, Sacrament, and Ritual: the Making and Meaning ofMamage in Late Medieval and Early Modern England," Past and Present 169 (2000): 63-96; and Michael M. Sheehan, "Choice of Marriage Partner in the Middle Ages: Development and Mode of Application of a Theory of Marriage." Medieval Families: Perspectives on Maniage, Household, and Children, ed. Carol Neel (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 2004) 157-191. For information on the period during which young women were on the marriage market and the societal attitudes and expectations of them, see Kim M. Phillips, Medieval Maidens - Young Women and Gender in England, 1270-1540 (Manchester: Manchester U P, 2003), particularly chapter one, entitled "Attributes," in which Phillips argues that maidenhood represented the perfect period of a woman's life (Phillips 6; the "Attributes" chapter is from pages 23-60.

108 This is Barbara J. Harris' main argument in her book English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550: Marriage, Family, Property, and Careers (New York: Oxford U P, 2002) based on examination of documents concerning at least a thousand aristocratic families. In short, English aristocratic women were important, valuable members of their families regardless of their stage in life. Anna Droznek would agree; see Anna Droznek, "Gender Roles and the Marriage Market in Fifteenth Century England: Ideals and Practices," Love, Maniage, and Family Ties in the Later Middle Ages, eds. Isabel Davis, Miriam Miiller, and Sarah Rees Jones (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003) 63-76. 42

A suitable marriage meant at least a modicum personal power for most

noblewomen. Married elite women could exercise power and status not only through assets like property but rather through maternal influence over their children.109 In adulthood, Lady Margaret exercised great social power and wielded substantial political and administrative authority, both as a result of her

high status but also of her four marriages,110 including the one to William de la

Pole when Lady Margaret six year-old, which she refused to acknowledge despite the judgment of Pope Nicholas V issued in August, 1450 that declared it marriage was lawful despite consanguinity in the "fourth degrees of kindred" and that any children born from it would be legitimate.111

The Pope's decision disregarded one of the key principles of canon law.

Because Lady Margaret and William were still children, one or both parties had the legal capability to withdraw from the betrothal, as Lady Margaret had done. A

Barbara J. Harris, "Property, Power, and Personal Relations: Elite Mothers and Sons in Yorkist and Early Tudor England," Signs 15(3) (1990): 606-632. A similar study is Joel Thomas Rosenthal's Patriarchy and Families of Privilege in Fifteenth-Century England (Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1991).

110 Rowena E. Archer discusses this in her study of late medieval English upper-class women as landholders and administrators in which she reveals that women often exercised the supervision of their estates whether they were dowagers or wives while their husbands were away. See Rowena E. Archer, "How ladies...who live on their manors ought to manage their households and estates': Women as Landholders and Administrators in the Later Middle Ages," Woman is a Worthy Wight- Women in English Society c. 1200-1500, ed. P.J.P. Goldberg (Wolfeboro Falls, New Hampshire: Alan Sutton P Inc., 1992): 149-181. Woman as a Worthy Wight- Women in English Society c. 1200-1500 was re-published as a new edition in 1997 as . P.J.P. Goldberg (ed.), Women in Medieval English Society (Great Britain: Sutton Publishing, 1997). Goldberg notes on page v of this new edition that the essays have not been changed but the authors have elaborated/expanded on some of their ideas. Kisby's study on music and musicians of Lady Margaret's household is also similar.

111 Pope Nicholas V, "Letter, August 18th, 1450," Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers Relating to Great Britain and Ireland, vol. X, ed. John Twemlow (Hereford: Hereford Times Ltd., 1915) 472 and 473. 43 childhood marriage could only be revoked or ratified by one of the children with a public statement before witnesses and a bishop.112 Lady Margaret recollected to

Bishop Fisher the vision she had of St. Nicholas, who told her that Edmund Tudor was more appropriate than William de la Pole.113 However, Jones & Underwood assert that the real, critical factor was King Henry VI himself, who had the marriage dissolved three years later in 1453. Then, he transferred her wardship to his half-brothers, Jasper and Edmund Tudor, her future husband.114

Had Lady Margaret ever ratified the marriage to William de la Pole, it would have made her union with Edmund Tudor invalid and Henry Tudor illegitimate,115 frustrating fatally the hopes of the House of Lancaster. This is a sign of her independence and power as a high English noblewoman and equally important, a sign of her high El, for having known her society's rules and expectations regarding marriage and legitimacy, she thought ahead into the very distant future in her standpoint that she was never married to William de la Pole.

She carefully planned and thought about her marriages (that she acknowledged)

112 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 37-38. 113 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 37 and 38. See Chapter 5 for a thorough discussion of Lady Margaret's vision of St. Nicholas and its role in her El. 114 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 38. Jones & Underwood believe that Henry VI may have already had his half-brother, Edmund Tudor, in mind as a husband for Lady Margaret at this time because Henry's initiative, Jones & Underwood assert, was a rare act of Henry enforcing his own will during his reign.

115 The biggest issue with regard to a valid marriage is consummation. See D'Avray 168 and 173 for particularly important details with regard to the validity of a marriage. For more on how her marriage to Edmund Tudor came to be and why, see Chapter 5. 44 to Edmund Tudor, Sir Henry Stafford, and to Thomas, Lord Stanley, each of which clearly indicate El.116

An excellent, public example of Lady Margaret's autonomous power and

her awareness of it is, in a symbolic representation, the one surviving memorial

of the rebuilding of Chetham Library in Manchester. It is the wainscotting that is

preserved in the library, which Lady Margaret's badges of the rose and portcullis

surround Stanley's emblem of an eagle's foot.117

Stanley's emblem and Lady Margaret's badges may also be found in Lady

Margaret's Book of Hours that is currently deposited in Westminster Abbey's

library, which is an additional, more private example of her power and her awareness of it. Lady Margaret apparently commissioned the manuscript for her

last husband Thomas, Lord Stanley, rather than for herself.118 His badge is

included in the first folio and in illuminations with the content of some prayers.

However, Stanley's badge is overwhelmed with Lady Margaret's symbols,

including her flowers, her arms, and/or her badge. For example, the first

illumination of the book (Figure 5) entitled "Armourial Shield," only presents

116 For her marriage to Edmund Tudor, see Chapter 5; for her marriage to Sir Henry Stafford, see this chapter's previous discussion about how/why this marriage came to be; finally, for her marriage to Thomas Lord Stanley see Chapter 4. 117 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 151. Images of Stanley's emblem and Lady Margaret's badges will soon follow in this chapter. See Chapter 4 for more on Lady Margaret's patronage in Manchester. 118 Janet Backhouse, "A Further Illuminated Devotional Book for Lady Margaret Beaufort," Reading Texts and Images - Essays on Medieval and Renaissance Art and Patronage, ed. Bernard J. Muir (Exeter: U of Exeter P, 2002) 227, Janet Backhouse, "Illuminated Manuscripts Associated with Henry VII and Members of his Immediate Family," Proceedings of the 1993 Symposium: The Reign of Henry VII, ed. Benjamin Thompson, Harlaxton Medieval Studies V (Lincolnshire: Shaun Tyas/Paul Watkins Publishing, 1995) 186, and Krug 100. 45

Stanley's symbol as an indentation to the first prayer, whereas the Beaufort arm/shield is dominant and surrounded by both of Lady Margaret's flowers and three portcullises - her personal badge/symbol. The accompanying illumination

(Figure 6) follows a similar pattern; although it does not represent Lady Margaret as strongly as "Armourial Shield" (Figure 5), her dominance over Stanley remains clear because of the inclusion of Stanley's badge in a similar fashion and the prayer. The religious image - "Christ Child on Cushion" - and Stanley's badge are surrounded by both of Lady Margaret's flowers. This may also be intended to symbolize that Henry VII was Lady Margaret's son - not Stanley's and hence - she ought to be credited for raising a pious son who not only became king but founded a new dynasty.

Figures 5 and 6 46

SOURCE: MS 39, f.1 and f.38. Copyright: Dean and Chapter of Westminster. Special thanks to the Westminster Abbey Library and Muniment Room for these images; I purchased all images from her book of hours from the library and archival staff members of Westminster's Abbey Library and Muniment Room. These images, MS 39, f.1 and f.38 are the first and fifth illuminations in her book of hours.

The following image, "Nativity" (Figure 7), is similar in that like "Christ Child on

Cushion," (Figure 6), Stanley's badge is present but Lady Margaret's symbols are

more dominant. The nativity itself is particularly important from a female

perspective and although Lady Margaret could not compare herself to the Virgin

Mary, she still produced a son whose accession to the throne changed England

significantly and, from Lady Margaret's perspective, beneficially. Even more

expressive of Lady Margaret's dominance, power, and authority are the

numerous illuminations that do not include Stanley's symbol at all; only her own.

However, these images are more pertinent to religiously virtuous women and thus more suited to advance Lady Margaret's pious image and reputation that

she so carefully cultivated. The first image below features the Virgin Mary and

Magdalene at Christ's crucifixion (Figure 8); the following is "Pieta" (Figure 9), followed by "Annunciation" (Figure 10) and finally, "Blessed Virgin Mary and

Angels" (Figure 11). 47

Figures 7 and 8

SOURCE: MS 39, f.80 and f.50. Copyright: Dean and Chapter of Westminster. These images, MS 39, f.80 and f.50 are the eleventh and sixth illuminations in her book of hours. Figures 9 and 10

SOURCE: MS 39, f.71v and f.104v. Copyright: Dean and Chapter of Westminster. These images, MS 39, f.71v and f.104v are the ninth and sixteenth illuminations in her book of hoursA 48

Figure 11

SOURCE: MS 39, f.81. Copyright: Dean and Chapter of Westminster. This image, MS 39, f.81, is the twelfth illumination in her book of hours.

Of the seventeen total illuminations in this book of hours, nine illuminations contain Lady Margaret's symbols only,119 whereas only three solely include

Stanley's badge only120 as opposed to Lady Margaret's Beaufort shield, her personal badge, as well as her two flowers. Only three illuminations in the entire book include Stanley and Lady Margaret's symbols together - the first three images of this book included in this chapter. Finally, the remaining two

In addition to the four featured illuminations containing Lady Margaret's symbols only, the remaining five illuminations are the following: f.5v, the second illumination, "Gethsemane;" f.34, the fourth illumination, "Christ Showing Wounds;" f. 65, the seventh illumination, "Resurrection;" f.97v, the fifteenth image, "Dove;" and finally, f.117, the seventeenth and final illumination, "Chalice & Wafer."

120 The three illuminations that represent Stanley only are the third, f.28v, "Christ's Blessing," the tenth, f. 76, "Blessed Virgin Mary Supports Christ," although there are flowers but not Lady Margaret's, and finally, the thirteenth, f.83, "Vision of Pope Gregory." 49

illuminations in this book do not represent either Lady Margaret or Stanley.

The illuminations reveal a distinct pattern and a reflection of an interesting thought process - those featuring/focussing scenes involving holy women in

crucial situations, such as the Virgin Mary's annunciation, all include Lady

Margaret representation symbols. The book's imagery not only reflects her self-

image of power and the nature of her relationship with Stanley but does so in a

manner that places her in a positive light in terms of religious, political, and

gender conventions of her day, a clear manifestation of her El.

This Book of Hours simultaneously reflected the personal piety that was

expected of her and provided a significant and socially acceptable emotional

outlet. Religious manuscripts came to be important to Lady Margaret early in her

life. As was customary for a woman of her station, her mother gave her a book of

hours at a very young age. It quickly became one of her most prized

possessions.122 Religious objects, symbols, and rituals, as emotional outlets, were very important to Lady Margaret's psyche and emotional well-being. She

appeared to have sincerely subscribed to the Catholic doctrine and demonstrated

her piety frequently, happily, and sincerely, rather than simply paying lip service to a societal convention and behaving in conformity with social expectations.123

The two illuminations that represent neither Lady Margaret nor Stanley are f.92, the fourteenth illumination, "Carrying Cross" and f.104v, the sixteenth illumination, "Ascension." 122 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 32. 123 Robert Norman Swanson, Catholic England: Faith, Religion and Observance before the Reformation (Manchester: Manchester U P, 1993) 44. Lady Margaret's piety throughout her life may be easily attributed to what was expected from her social, political, and economic roles as Swanson legitimately indicates in his discussion of piety and/or outward spirituality. However, 50

Lady Margaret's piety, prominently displayed throughout her life, may be easily attributed to the normative impact of the prescriptive expectation that women would feel and display personal piety, which is most likely responsible for the stereotypical assumption that medieval women were religiously devout.124 This was not unreasonable considering the importance of religion and the absence of legitimate spiritual alternatives.125

Lady Margaret's piety appeared to be genuine and an emotional outlet that remained throughout her life. Her piety will be discussed and analyzed more extensively in the subsequent chapter.

124 This stereotype presents a historiographical problem; the subject of women and religions and piety, such as Erin L. Jordan's examination of the relationship between women, power, and religious patronage in her book, Women, Power, and Religious Patronage in the Middle Ages (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), is a subject which, according to Goldberg, Women in Medieval English Society vi, may be the liveliest area of research. This stereotype evolved because general, overview sources on medieval women not only tend to reserve a segment on religion, but they also tend to base their arguments on the famous five pious women - Elizabeth de Burgh, Lady of Clare (d. 1360), Marie St. Pol, Countess of Pembroke (d. 1377), Margaret, Lady of Hungerford (d. 1378), Cecily Neville, Duchess of York (d. 1495) and finally, Lady Margaret Beaufort (d. 1509). An example of an overview source on medieval women is Margaret Wade Labarge's A Small Sound of the Trumpet- Women in Medieval Life (Boston: Beacon P, 1986). Thus, Archer concludes (Archer, "Piety in Question..." 118) that generalizations on the famous five were satisfactory to many historians as being representative of late medieval noblewomen. Upon recognition of this, Archer argues that historians can no longer cast late medieval English noblewomen in this stereotypical light. Archer supports this argument with analysis of primary sources; she observes that for many women piety was rarely prioritized above their daily routines and conventional activities until the approach of death (Archer, "Piety in Question" 119 and 134 in particular). Harris agrees. See her article "A New Look at the Reformation: Aristocratic Women and Nunneries, 1450-1540," Journal of British Studies 32(3) (April 1993): 89-113.

125 In addition to Archer's "Piety in Question..." chapter, Jordan, and Swanson, Catholic England, see the following for information on the importance and role of Catholicism and Lady Margaret's world: Susan Brigden, "Religion and Social Obligation in Early Sixteenth-Century London," Past and Present 103 (May 1984): 67-112; Andrew Brown, Church and Society in England, 1000-1500 (Houndmills/Basingstoke/Hampshire/New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003); John Harthan, Books of Hours and Their Owners (Milan: Thames and Hudson, 1978); Christine Peters, Patterns of Piety: Women, Gender, and Religion in Late Medieval and Reformation England (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 2005); Richard William Pfaff, New Liturgical Feasts in Later Medieval England (Oxford: Clarendon P, 1970); Virginia Chieffo Raguin and Sarah Stanbury, Women's Space: Patronage, Place, and Gender in the Medieval Church (Albany, New York: State U of New York P, 2005); Colin Richmond, "Religion," Fifteenth-Century Attitudes- Perceptions of Society in Late Medieval England, ed. Rosemary Horrox (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1994) 183-201; John Shinners, Medieval Popular Religion, 1000-1500: A Reader (Peterborough, ON and Orchard Park, New York: Broadview P, 2007); and Robert Norman 51

As a woman of high status, Lady Margaret was expected to set an

example of piety through prayer, church attendance, and charity. However, Lady

Margaret's piety appeared to be genuine and provided her with an emotional

outlet throughout her life. Lady Margaret also demonstrated her commitment to the faith by owning and reading religious books, in particular, books of hours.

Any literate person of her time aspired to owning a book of hours because it was the "vehicle" of both intellectual Christianity and popular devotion.126 However,

Lady Margaret took a further step by embarking on literary patronage in the late

1480s; she began to translate devotional works into English from French, having first become involved in reading devotional works, book trading, and having

established good rapport with printers, including and Wynkyn de

Worde.127 Lady Margaret also embarked on academic patronage, particularly in

establishing Christ's and St. John's Colleges at Cambridge University.128 She

merged her literary and academic patronage by providing secular and religious

leaders with devotional literature following her personal approval and provision for their printing and distribution.129

Swanson, Religion and Devotion in Europe, c. 1215-1515 (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge U P, 1995).

126 Harthan 31. See the remainder of Harthan's work for additional information on the role and importance of books of hours, particularly pages 15 and 30-35.

127 Dobson 9, Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 92, Krug, and Susan Powell's article "Lady Margaret Beaufort and Her Books" are the most reputable sources/historians to focus on the literary aspect of Lady Margaret's life.

128 Her patronage will be discussed and analyzed extensively in subsequent chapters, particularly in Chapter 5.

129 Krug 111 and 112 and Susan Powell, "Lady Margaret Beaufort and Her Books" 207 and 239. 52

Lady Margaret became more active as a literary patroness and began her

career as an academic patroness upon meeting John Fisher (1469-1535).130

They first met in 1494 or 1495 in Greenwich, when she was in her early fifties.131

He was her confessor from 1498 until her death in 1509.132 Their relationship

played a fundamental role in Lady Margaret's life. Fisher not only played a key

role in her becoming a patroness of higher education133 but arguably was

spiritually the most important spiritual person in her life, who "knew the very

secrets of her soul."134 In his eyes, Lady Margaret could do little to no wrong.135

130 Krug 106. Prior to becoming a literary patroness and meeting Bishop Fisher, Krug indicates that literature had been her outlet from a very young age because of the influence of her mother, who also enjoyed literature. She also played a role in revealing the importance of literacy to the Lady Margaret because of their political, social, and economic standing. Krug makes abundantly clear the role of literature in Lady Margaret's life prior to becoming a literary patroness and meeting Bishop Fisher. See Krug, particularly pages 8-11, and 67-78.

131 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 205. Although other biographies consulted for this thesis note Fisher and Lady Margaret's initial meeting (such as Cooper 58), Jones and Underwood's biography is most recent and most reliable because of their extensive research. Several other secondary sources also note the same details of their initial meeting, such as Dobson 6 and 10 and Cecilia A. Hatt, The English Works of John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester (1469-1535): Sermons and Other Writings, 1520-1535 (New York: Oxford U P, 2002) 7. It is on these pages where Dobson and Hatt note their belief that Lady Margaret and Fisher's initial meeting began their partnership which led to many endowments that funded the professors of divinity at both Oxford and Cambridge, in 1496-1497, an appointment of a university-based preacher beginning in 1504, and the establishment of Christ's and St. John's Colleges in 1505 and 1511 respectively. In fact, Dobson observes that their relationship was so strong that he asserts that it will "always be difficult, perhaps, impossible" to discern which one specifically contributed what to bringing Christ's College into being.

132 Surtz, The Works and Days of John Fisher 181. Historians do not dispute this fact that Fisher was Lady Margaret's confessor from 1498 until her death in 1509, most importantly, Jones & Underwood. 133 Historians do not dispute the importance of Fisher's role in Lady Margaret's becoming a patroness although they have overlooked the role of El in this turning point of her life. For example, see Hatt 7, Susan Wabuda, Preaching during the English Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 2002) 22, and of course, Jones & Underwood's The King's Mother. 134 George Ballard, Memoirs of Several Great Ladies Who Have Been Celebrated for Their Writings or Skill in the Learned Languages Arts and Sciences (Oxford: W Jackson, 1752) 63. Other historians describe Lady Margaret's relationship with Fisher similarly; not a single consulted source on the Lady Margaret disputes or questions Lady Margaret's intense 53

Her relationship with Fisher offers a clear demonstration of Lady

Margaret's El. Since their first encounter, Lady Margaret accurately and effectively appraised, regulated, and utilized his emotions as well as her own.

Her goals, interests, and concerns as a patroness were, from her perspective, for the greater, future good (see Chapter 1), Fisher's goals, interests, and concerns were not only similar, but they were more inspiring, informed, and realistic because of his insight, lifestyle, and viewpoints as a clergyman, from which Lady

Margaret was excluded and could only be familiar as an outsider. She readily recognized that she shared similar ecclesiastical goals and views with Fisher and thus, chose him as a social and religious ally; in fact, she later recalled that she fully intended on making Fisher her spiritual advisor upon their first meeting.136

Both she and Fisher used piety and academic matters to appraise, express, and regulate their emotions (see Chapter 1). Although little is known about his formative years,137 the evidence of Fisher's values, attitudes, activities, and

relationship with Fisher. See Ballard 69 for a brief example of how Lady Margaret's patronage is credited to her piety.

135 Skinner 372.

136 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 205.

137 Fisher was born in Beverly (Yorkshire), his father died when John was eight years-old (leaving four children including John), his mother Agnes remarried and bore five more children. His home was most likely more pious than most because John and two of his other siblings, Richard and Elizabeth White, entered religious occupations as adults (Brendan Bradshaw, "Bishop John Fisher 1469-1535: the Man and his Work," Humanism, Reform, and the Reformation: the Career of Bishop John Fisher, eds. Brendan Bradshaw and Eamon Duffy (Cambridge Cambridge U P, 1989) 2). 54

accomplishments before his association with Lady Margaret provides a clear

indication that Fisher, like Lady Margaret, was emotionally intelligent.138

El, in Lady Margaret's world, was especially important in matters of

religious/spiritual beliefs. Christianity, and specifically Roman Catholicism, was

mandatory in late medieval England. All were expected to share the prescribed

doctrine on God, heaven, and hell. Whether or not people's attitudes, emotions,

and/or values related to God and the Church were genuine depended on each

individual. Lady Margaret and Fisher can be deemed exceptionally religious and

sincerely religious because their actions reflected it.139 Both were pious and self-

disciplined because they believed that this lifestyle was the only way to justify

earthly existence.140

Both Lady Margaret and Fisher abhorred the violence of the time and

believed that if commoners were exposed to Catholicism more strongly, the violence would subside.141 Dobson believed Lady Margaret chose to become a

patroness to Cambridge University, rather than to Westminster Abbey because of

Fisher's interest in ecclesiastical reformation of higher education under the

138 Fisher's personal and social qualities are examples of his El because they were keys to his success in completing his university education and rising in the ecclesiastical ranks, particularly in becoming the bishop of Rochester (Bradshaw 2, 3, and 4). For additional information on this and other details of Fisher's life and accomplishments, see the consulted biographies, particularly Dowling, Macklem, and Surtz, The Works and Days of John Fisher.

139 For additional information on Fisher's religious and humanist beliefs, see H.C. Porter's "Fisher and Erasmus," Humanism, Reform, and the Reformation: The Career of Bishop John Fisher, eds. Brendan Bradshaw and Eamon Duffy (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1989) 81-101.

140 Cooper 247, Dobson 8, 10, and 28, Linda Simon, Of Virtue Rare 115 and 116, and Surtz 181.

Linda Simon, Of Virtue Rare 116. 55

influence of Erasmus; hence, her commitment to the completion of Christ's

College was rooted, to some degree, in its commemorative appeal, with its role

as a chantry to maximize prayers, songs, and masses for her salvation.142 Both

Fisher and the Lady Margaret shared a passionate interest in education and

producing zealous priests/preachers to reform English morals and values.143

Their similar goals and sense of morality do not negate the fact that Lady

Margaret's relationship with Fisher was emotionally intelligent. The emotionally

intelligent tasks of seeking and acquiring Fisher's friendship, loyalty, help, and

input required flexible planning, creative thinking, and redirected attention. The

very fact that she sought Fisher was an act of El: having someone like Fisher as

a spiritual friend would be most beneficial for a woman of her position and status

as the king's mother. Friendship with the right person was a crucial source of

power and particularly in a man's world, a strong, visible alliance with a man,

particularly one with spiritual and clerical authority, was highly symbolic of power

and authority.144

Dobson 7. See Porter for more information on Erasmus' influence on Fisher. For more insight on what Lady Margaret wanted spiritually for Christ's College, see Susan Powell, "Lady Margaret Beaufort and Her Books, particularly pages 222-223 where she asserts that the fourth book of the Imitatio Christi, which she translated from French into English, serves as a window to her spiritual attitudes and her spiritual goals for Christ's College's ecclesiastical reformation.

143 Dowling 7, 73, and 74, Rex, Theology of John Fisher 21, Surtz, The Works and Days of John Fisher 192, and Wabuda 27. 144 Laura Gowing, "The Politics of Women's Friendship in Early Modern England," Love, Friendship and Faith in Europe, 1300-1800, eds. Laura Gowing, Michael Hunter and Miri Rubin (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005) 131. For additional insight on women's friendships/alliances with men, see chapter eight of Harris, English Aristocratic Women. 56

This is the sort of friendship that women of Lady Margaret's time wanted - a spiritual, practical friendship. This type of friendship was most beneficial to her station and the social, religious, and political obligations expected of her. As

Lady Margaret was one of the most revered women in England as the king's

mother, clerics like Bishop Fisher were among the most regarded Church

leaders; it is only natural that both Fisher and Lady Margaret were attracted to each other's high standing and social distinction. Friendship with Fisher did not threaten Lady Margaret's personal reputation.145 Considering how difficult it as for men and women of high social stature to secure intimate friendships, Lady

Margaret's decision to become close friends with Fisher by choosing him as her

personal confessor turned out to be one of the most intelligent actions of her life.146

Fisher turned out to be the perfect connection, influence, and aid for the

Lady Margaret not only because of his similar lifestyle and religious convictions, but because of his dissatisfaction with the state of higher education in England.

He had been a student at Cambridge University and he was not satisfied with its curricula; he felt the need for instruction in theology.147 Lady Margaret's

145 Dowling 13 and Krug 110 and 111.

146 Gowing 132 and 139. For additional information on women's roles in politics and their political alliances, see Barbara J. Harris, "Women and Politics in Early Tudor England," The Historical Journal 33(2) (June 1990): 259-281.

147 Rex, Theology of John Fisher 13, 16, and 21. This is not a surprise, especially considering that theology declined significantly before Fisher arrived (Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 203). The official curriculum for a B.A. in Fisher's time (early 1480s) was theory based on the trivium of grammar, logic, and rhetoric but in practice, logic and natural philosophy were emphasized most. Logic set the tone and natural philosophy was based on Aristotle and a mixture of texts translated in the thirteenth century. The MA degree was similar and lacked 57 relationship with Fisher was invaluable not only for her personal, religious needs, but for her patronage ambitions and legacy planning. Fisher understood the world of a woman of very high status. Lady Margaret, on her part, also possessed a clear, fundamental understanding of her world and of the expectation and obligation it placed up on her. She was very capable of assessing not only her own emotions and experiences but those of others as well. She also understood the value of her association with Fisher, not the least for shaping her long-term image and legacy (see Chapters 4 and 5).

Lady Margaret's relationship with Fisher was invaluable not only for her personal, religious needs, but for her patronage ambitions. He also understood her world as a woman of very high status and Lady Margaret, having a clear, foundational understanding of her world and all that was expected of her based on not only her own emotions and experiences, but others' as well, realized that keeping Fisher in close contact would only be to her benefit, especially for image.

She was correct, for Fisher was also very beneficial to her personal legacy.

Exactly how she could use Fisher to her advantage would become most obvious upon becoming a patroness of higher education and all that she accomplished in this role.

theological teaching. Completion of an M.A. was based on the quadrivium of arithmetic, music, geometry, and statutory requirement on dialectics, Aristotle's Posterior Analytics and his metaphysical works. See Cobban, Leach, and, Rex Theology of John Fishertor more on the late fifteenth century and early sixteenth century curricula prior to their reforms and see Edward L. Surtz, "John Fisher and the Scholastics," Studies in Philology 55(2) (April, 1958): 136-153 for information pertaining to his attitudes toward education, curricula, educational authorities, and reform. Damian Riehl Leader, "Professorships and Academic Reform at Cambridge: 1488-1520," Sixteenth Century Journal 14(2) (1983): 215-227 is an excellent reference for details of the academic reforms that occurred at Cambridge on account of Fisher and Lady Margaret. 58

Lady Margaret's El allowed her to observe her environment and react to it in creative and effective fashion. She was able to assert herself and achieve her objectives without having to oppose or transgress the norms and expectations of her social environment. Her friendship with Fisher serves as an excellent example: not only it was socially acceptable and emotionally rewarding but it also allowed her to establish a remarkably strong, long-lasting legacy. Her strategic handling of her marriages, under adverse circumstances, provides another example. As the research on the psychology of El has demonstrated (in Chapter

1), an individual's world, from the first day of life, is full of emotional subtexts, in which the messages mould an individual's emotional outlook, capabilities, and El.

Lady Margaret's firm understanding of these subtexts allowed her to navigate her life as much as possible in her own power to her advantage. She was able to understand the culture and expectations of her society and used them constructively and productively - a clear and strong characteristic of a highly emotionally intelligent person. 59

Chapter 3

The Role of El and Lady Margaret's Political and Social Power

Medieval noblewomen had substantially fewer opportunities to become officially or formally involved in politics than their male counterparts. The fact that

Lady Margaret was heavily invested in politics most of her adult life is in itself an indication of her El: she was able to perceive critical opportunities during the

Wars of the Roses and act on them effectively, using socially acceptable means and behaviours and achieving significant, long-lasting results through observing the emotions of others (as well as her own) and based on these observations, she acted appropriately and effectively.148 She helped assure that she and her son survived the Wars of the Roses unscathed, managing not only to keep but to enhance her fortune and advantages. She played a critical role in securing the throne for her son, and thus in ending the Wars of the Roses that were devastating England. She served as her son's most influential advisor for the rest of his life, even though she never held any formal office.149 Handling .

For more on monitoring emotions and responding accordingly, see this thesis' first chapter "Emotions, Intelligence, and Emotional Intelligence (El)." 149 David Loades, Tudor Government - Structures of Authority in the Sixteenth Century (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997) 21. For insight on women's roles in politics, see Barbara J. Harris, "Women and Politics in Early Tudor England." For more recent examinations, see Amy Livingstone, "Powerful Allies and Dangerous Adversaries: Noblewomen in Medieval Society," Women in Medieval Western European Culture, ed. Linda E. Mitchell (New York: Garland, 1999) 7-30 and Christine Owens, "Noblewomen and Political Activity," Women in Medieval Western European Culture, ed. Linda E. Mitchell (New York: Garland, 1999) 201-219. Both provide 60

numerous judicial cases from her palace at Collyweston, she was clearly able to assert and increase her power and authority as an individual - a very strong sign

of El. This chapter will demonstrate that Lady Margaret's El was instrumental to the success of her political activities and thus, to the enhancement of her political and social power.

Such political accomplishments, particularly the fact that she was her son's most influential advisor, was recognized by her contemporaries only on a general level in her time. As David Loades, a political historian, pointed out, too

much emphasis tends to be placed on constitutional structures and formal arrangements. Lady Margaret not only had to earn this distinction and the respect of others by the value of her insights, especially because she was a woman.150 Lady Margaret's ability to evaluate effectively the emotions of others shaped by the political unrest and tensions of the Wars of the Roses, was of crucial importance. In her most important accomplishment, it allowed her to plan and bring to a successful conclusion the matrimonial union between her son and

Edward IV's heiress Elizabeth, an outcome that was not only in her and her son's best interests but, arguably, in the best interest of England as well. The marriage would unite the two warring branches of the royal family and bring the long conflict to an end.151

excellent background information explaining women's roles in politics and thus, why Lady Margaret never held formal office. 150 Loades 21. 151 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 11,61, and 67 and Michael K. Jones & Malcolm G. Underwood, "The Tudors & England - Lady Margaret Beaufort," History Today 35(8) (Aug. 1985): 23 and 24. Several other historians discussed Lady Margaret's involvement in 61

Lady Margaret proved her El in political matters long before her son's accession to the throne. Her first documented political move was arranging the departure of her son to Brittany following the Yorkist takeover in 1471, in the company and under the guidance of his uncle, , rather than risking his safety in England. She found Jasper Tudor, the second earl of Pembroke, most trustworthy, not only as her son's closest kin and a loyal supporter of the

House of Lancaster, but because he served as protector to Lady Margaret and

Henry after the death of Edmund Tudor in 1459, before his first exile to the continent in 1461. Lady Margaret warned Henry against any offer of a pardon from Edward IV because she remembered the King's past breaches of faith toward her kinsmen and she also rightfully feared feelings he may have had against a potential Lancastrian claimant to the throne.152 Although Pembroke castle was granted to Jasper by his half-brother, Henry VI in 1452, its walls could no longer protect Henry Tudor politically or physically.153 Henry remained in

Brittany with his uncle Jasper until his return to claim the throne in 1485, except for the attempted landing in England in 1483. In her presumed farewell speech,

Lady Margaret was reported to say that she was committing her son to Jasper's

arranging the marriage of her son and , including Henry Charles Cooper and Linda Simon, but Jones & Underwood's research is most credible. See Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 61 and 67 for more on the positive political and personal consequences as a result of Lady Margaret's involvement in this marriage arrangement. 152 Jones & Underwood, 7??e King's Mother 58. 153 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 1-2 and David Starkey, Monarchy - From the Middle Ages to Modernity (Toronto: Harper Perennial, 2007) 7. For more information on Henry's life prior to becoming king in 1485, see Sean Cunningham's biography entitled Henry VII, Routledge Historical Biographies, ed. Robert Pearce (London/New York: Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group, 2007). Because of his time in exile, there is little information on Henry's life prior to becoming king but Cunningham's biography presents what is available. 62 care because his male hands were safer than her own female hands, for women had a reputation for being imprudent, unstable, and weak.154 If these had been her own words, they would have served as a fine indication of her El in flexibly and opportunistically utilizing the conventions and attitudes of her day for her own purposes.

With her son safely out of England and finding herself in a mutually advantageous marriage to Lord Stanley (1472), Lady Margaret was in position to consider how to revive the Lancastrian fortune. As the last adult Lancaster, Lady

Margaret could have attempted to claim the throne herself. In dynastic terms, she had a better claim to the throne than her son because it was based on masculine line of descent.155 Henry's claim came from her, his mother, the lawful heiress of the House of Lancaster.

However, there was another complication. Henry was potentially illegitimate because of his mother's disputed marital status at the time of her union to Edmund Tudor. At the young age of six, she was married to William de la Pole, the duke of Suffolk's son. This marriage was dissolved since child marriages could be revoked by one of the children involved. Reclamation of a marriage in this case required the child revoking the marriage to state this publicly before a bishop and other witnesses; Lady Margaret never recognized

Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 2. Although Starkey briefly discusses Henry's departure, he does not discuss Lady Margaret's farewell speech (Starkey 7). 155 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 225, Skinner 369, and Alison Weir, The Princes in the Tower (New York: Ballantine Books, 1992) 154 and 221. 63

this marriage because it occurred before she reached the age of twelve and she

sought but did not receive papal confirmation of the annulment.156

Later in life, in clear demonstration of her El, Lady Margaret claimed that

in marrying Edmund Tudor, she obeyed divine instructions and that the decision

and initiative were her own. She claimed that St. Nicholas appeared to her in a

vision telling her to marry Edmund, an assertion publicized widely by Bishop

Fisher in his 1509 eulogy.157 However, despite her adult claims, the marriage to

Tudor could hardly have been the result of her agency but rather an arrangement

originating with the Crown. At the age of nine, Lady Margaret was summoned to

court because her cousin, the Lancastrian King Henry VI, decided that she, a

direct descendant of Edward Ill's son John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and the

richest heiress in England with an annual income of £1,000, would marry his half-

brother, Edmund Tudor.158 The reasons were dynastic. Henry VI was a weakling, a war failure, subject to outbursts associated with poor mental health,

and he fathered only one child. Henry VI, or his handlers, hoped that this union would strengthen and boost the Lancastrian family. Since both Lady Margaret

and Edmund were very young, they were likely to produce children to maintain

156 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 37-38 and Stephanie Morely, "'And they be now myn:' Lady Margaret Beaufort and the Authoritative Voice," M.A. thesis (Hamilton: McMaster U, 2002) 23.

157 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 112. See Chapter 5 for more about this vision of St. Nicholas instructing her to marry Edmund Tudor.

158 David Starkey, Monarchy - From the Middle Ages to Modernity (Toronto: Harper Perennial, 2007) 3-4. See Chapter 2 of this thesis for why Lady Margaret's legitimacy was problematic. Desmond Seward also makes clear King Henry Vl's role in arranging her marriage with Edmund Tudor, his half-brother (Desmond Seward, The Wars of the Roses through the Lives of Five Men and Women of the Fifteenth Century (London: Constable, 1995) 29). 64

the Lancastrian line.159 Even if the Lady Margaret possessed the independence and strength of selfhood at such a young age, the decision to have her marry

Edmund Tudor was based on Henry Vl's judgement and authority. The marriage, although brief, was successful - it produced a son who turned out to be the only surviving male Lancastrian claimant to the throne.

The circumstances of her marriage to Edmund Tudor notwithstanding,

Lady Margaret was politically astute and emotionally intelligent enough to know that there would be no support for a female monarch; Jones & Underwood point out that Margaret of Anjou's experience as Henry Vl's queen and political surrogate served as an effective deterrent.160 In a sensible and emotionally intelligent decision, Lady Margaret gambled the Lancastrian future on promoting her son for the throne, despite his weaker claim.161 Following his accession, she celebrated her son's success, promoting his image as the new Joshua on the

159 Starkey 4.

160 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 255 and Weir, The Princes in the Tower 154.. Although more distant in the past, there were other sources of discouragement, particularly the disastrous attempts of Empress Maud, the mother of Henry II, to secure the English throne, the disreputable memory of Queen Isabella, mother of Edward III, and to a lesser degree, the reputation ascribed to John of Kent, also known as the Fair Maid of Kent, mother of Richard II. For brief introductions to these women, see Anne Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 1100-1547. Stroud: Sutton Publishing Ltd., 1994) and Alison Weir, Britain's Royal Families - A Complete Genealogy (London, Great Britain: Vintage, 2008). For a better look at Joan of Kent, see Karl P. Wentersdorf, "The Clandestine Marriages of the Fair Maid of Kent," Journal of Medieval History 5(3) (September 1979): 203-231.

161 Skinner 369. This was an emotionally intelligent decision because it was based on her analyses of others' emotions pertaining to the political turmoil of the time and her motivation for power. How she acted on this decision is also indicative of El because of the flexible planning, creative thinking, and redirected attention. 65 grounds that he saved his subjects from the tyrannical Richard III. She played a critical role in the politics of his reign.162

In the period between 1471 and 1485, however, Lady Margaret had handled herself and her affairs with great care and caution. Approximately a month after Henry and Jasper's departure, she lost her second husband, Sir

Henry Stafford, to whom she had been married since 1462. He died on 4

October 1471 from his wounds he suffered at the against the

Yorkists. Within a year of his death, she married Thomas, Lord Stanley.163

Royal and other upper-class marriages were motivated primarily by political interests. Lady Margaret's unions were no exceptions. Her third and final marriage to Thomas Lord Stanley in 1472 was politically advantageous because it offered her a great deal of security with his affiliation with the Yorkists.

Furthermore, his influence and position politically strengthened Lady Margaret's position in a court environment dominated by the Woodvilles and other Yorkist adherents.164 Lady Margaret needed such security because Edward IV's assurances of safety were notoriously unreliable. The King reneged on his promise of a pardon to her step-brother Richard, Lord Welles; he also broke

162 Rock 196 and Weir, The Princes in the Tower 221. According to Weir, Henry earned this reputation when his first Parliament met on November 11th, 1485.

163 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 58.

164 Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 145, Gill 64, Harris, English Aristocratic Women 161, Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 58, 59, 60, 97, and 144-145, Kisby 207, M. Mercer, "Lancastrian Loyalism in the South-West: the Case of the Beauforts," Southern History: A Review of the History of Southern England 19 (1997): 51, and Margaret Emma Tabor, Four Margarets - the Lady Margaret, Margaret Roper, Margaret Fell, Margaret Goldophin (London: Sheldon P, 1929) 8. Stanley undoubtedly saw the political advantages in marrying the Lady Margaret for himself, for it would expand his territorial authority. See Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 59 and 97 for more. 66 sanctuary in order to take her cousin, the Duke of Somerset, prisoner after the

Battle of Tewkesbury in 1471. Lady Margaret protected herself by agreeing to marry Stanley while simultaneously gaining political security and retaining all her west-country properties and some of her mother's lands to hold for Henry in hope of his eventual return from exile in Brittany.165 Her marriage to Stanley in 1472 gained Lady Margaret the opportunity to foster support for Henry at the Yorkist court and to earn favour and respect for her political insight, including the King's.

On 3 June, 1482, in the last year of his life, Edward IV declared that Henry might return in his favour.166

The political (and spiritual) nature of her marriage to Stanley is well reflected in the Book of Hours at Westminster Abbey, which she very likely commissioned as a gift to him.167 Stanley's badge appears in a number of illuminations but is mostly overwhelmed by her own symbols. The manuscript was completed in the late fifteenth-century, possibly after Lady Margaret took her vow of perpetual chastity while Stanley was still alive. It is possible that Lady

Margaret had this book created for Stanley at approximately the same time as she took her chastity vow and established independent residence at Collyweston.

The interplay of badges and motives in this Book of Hours, discussed in Chapter

65 Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 145. 166 Gill 64. 187 Backhouse, "A Further Illuminated Devotional Book for Lady Margaret Beaufort" 227, Backhouse, "Illuminated Manuscripts..." 186, and Krug 100. 67

2, serves as a visual reminder that their relationship was spiritual and political, not romantic, at least at that point.168

The political security provided by Lady Margaret's marriage to Stanley was most evident in the outcome of her involvement in the Duke of Buckingham's

Rebellion of 1483.169 While nominally led by Henry Stafford, the second duke of

Buckingham, her nephew by marriage and formerly one of Richard Ill's supporters, Lady Margaret was instrumental in organizing and plotting the overthrow of the last Yorkist monarch. Scheduled for 18 October 1483, the nobles' rebellion aimed at replacing Richard III with Henry Tudor, who would marry Edward IV's eldest surviving child, Elizabeth of York, thus uniting the warring sides of the royal family.170 Lady Margaret, as the mastermind behind the rebellion, not only supplied financial support and information to her son but also actively gathered support for him and personally negotiated his marriage to

168 Louise Durning, "Woman on Top: Lady Margaret Beaufort's Buildings at Christ's College, Cambridge," Gender and Architecture, eds. Louise Durning and Richard Wrigley (Toronto: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., 2000) 50-51. On 7 August 2009,1 had the honour and pleasure of personally viewing every single page of this Book of Hours, MS 39, in Westminster Abbey's Library and Muniment Room with the permission and guidance of the Keeper of the Muniments, Dr. Richard Mortimer. The fact that the book remains in immaculate condition does not match Lady Margaret's pious reputation and/or the possibility that several others owned and used this book after her death. There are, perhaps, only two markings inside the book that surely were not made by Lady Margaret herself, for they are markings that omit the Latin word for pope. These markings may be found on pages 43 and 45 of the book, MS 39.

169 Buckingham's Rebellion, as called by historians, is best explained by Gill in her detailed book, Richard III and Buckingham's Rebellion. She describes the rebellion as representative of a society in crisis, for the rebellion was against a king whom people believed to be responsible for the deaths of the princes in the Tower (Gill 145).

Gill 2 and 3. 68

Elizabeth of York. According to sixteenth-century antiquarian Polydore Vergil,

Lady Margaret was "commonly called the head of the conspiracy."171

Richard Ill's claim to the throne was tainted from the very beginning.

Edward IV left two young sons, Edward (V) and Richard, on whose behalf

Richard (III), the late King's brother, was to serve as regent. Richard and his two surviving brothers were also descendents of Edward Ill's second son.172 Richard

Ill's decision to take the throne for himself was highly controversial, especially given the disappearance and presumed murder of both Edward's sons in the

Tower of London,173 which further delegitimized it. Edward IV's widow, Elizabeth

Woodville, who was living disgraced with her surviving children in a sanctuary offered by the abbot's lodgings at Westminster Abbey, feared for her life and the lives of her children. It was understandable that she would have preferred Henry

Tudor as king, despite or perhaps because of the fact that the reigning monarch

Gill 11 and Polydore Vergil, "Richard III," Three Books of Polydore Vergil's English History, Comprising of the Reigns of Henry VI, Edward IV, and Richard III, ed. Sir Henry Ellis (London, Camden Society - Johnson Reprint Co. Ltd., 1968) 204. Vergil's works are the basis of historians' conclusions of Lady Margaret's involvement in the conspiracy; details about Lady Margaret's arrangement of her son's marriage to Elizabeth of York will be discussed further in this chapter.

172 Starkey 5.

173 In addition to Weir's The Princes in the Tower, Pollard, Richard III and the Princes in the Tower is an excellent book focussing on the Princes in the Tower and the people and events surrounding their imprisonment and disappearance. It is more concise than Gill, whose focus Buckingham's Rebellion in its entirety from an action/militaristic standpoint. 69 expressed readiness to marry her daughter Elizabeth himself, following the suspicious death of his wife, Anne Neville.174

In concert with her society's rules, expectations, and customs, Lady

Margaret seized the opportunity and deployed her El and political skills to set her brilliant idea into motion. For example, she initiated negotiations with Elizabeth

Woodville to marry their children and unite the warring houses, ending the Wars of the Roses once and for all and avenging Woodville's losses by depriving

Richard III of kingship. Lady Margaret initiated this plot in the summer of 1483 by sending their mutual physician, a Welshman named Dr. Lewis Caerieon, as emissary to .175 As the dowager queen's doctor, he would be waved past the numerous guards keeping her under surveillance.176 Lady

Margaret insisted that Lewis make Elizabeth think that the idea was his (rather than Lady Margaret's). This was a very emotionally intelligent move. It bridged

Mortimer Levine, Tudor Dynastic Problems, 1460-1571, ed. G.R. Elton, Number 21 of Historical Problems Studies and Documents (London/New York: George Allen & Unwin Ltd./Barnes and Noble Books, 1973) 35.

175 David Baldwin, Elizabeth Woodville - Mother of the Princes in the Tower (Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing Ltd., 2002) 111 and 112, David Baldwin, The Lost Prince- The Survival of Richard of York (Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing Ltd., 2007) 78, Sir George Buck, "Book I," The History of King Richard the Third, ed. Arthur Noel Kincaid (Great Britain: Alan Sutton Publishing Ltd., 1979) 64 II 22-26, Gill 3, 11, and 18, R.A. Griffiths, "Henry Tudor: The Training of a King," Huntington Library Quarterly 49(3) (Summer 1986): 208, R.A. Griffiths & Roger S. Thomas, The Making of the Tudor Dynasty (Gloucester: Alan Sutton, 1985) 91-96 and 101-105, Michael K. Jones, "Richard III and Lady Margaret Beaufort: A Reassessment," Richard III: Loyalty, Lordship, and Law, ed. P.W. Hammond (London: Richard III and Yorkist History Trust, 1986) 31-32, Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother62, 64, and 182, Kisby 207-208, Starkey 16-17, Tabor 9, and Vergil, "Richard III" 195. All these sources clearly indicate that the idea originated with Lady Margaret and that she both initiated and acted as the principal in these negotiations.

176 Starkey 17. Dr. Caerieon, as Starkey, explains, was a "scientific jack-of-all-trades." In addition to being a doctor, he was an astronomer and a mathematician. Polydore Vergil notes on page 195 of work, Richard III, that Dr. Caerieon was a very experienced man with whom the Lady Margaret was familiar and comfortable "to lament her adversit[y]." 70

negative feelings the two women harboured for each other and allowed Lady

Margaret to avoid appearing eager to capitalize on the deaths of Elizabeth's sons to insure her own child's future as king.177

Lady Margaret most probably hoped that the dowager queen would see this as an opportunity for restored glory and prominence, overcoming lingering political hostility between them as members of the rival royal houses. A century later, William Shakespeare, a propagandist for the Tudor dynasty,178 incorporated an image of Elizabeth's suspicion of and resentment toward the Lady Margaret in his play, Richard III, by inserting a conversation between Elizabeth Woodville as

Edward IV's queen with Thomas Lord Stanley, in which he has her say to Stanley that

The Countess Richmond, good my lord of Derby,

To your good prayers will scarcely say 'Amen'.

Yet, Derby, notwithstanding she's your wife,

And loves not me, be you, good lord, assured

Baldwin, Elizabeth Woodville 111. For additional details on the Rebellion, see Cunningham 21-25 and of course, Gill's Richard III and Buckingham's Rebellion. 178 Although Shakespeare's interpretation and representation of Richard III in his play is highly controversial, David M. Bevington, author of Shakespeare's Ideas - More Things in Heaven and Earth (Maiden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 2008), reminds readers that Shakespeare's history plays are attempts to understand the origins, events, people, involved, etc. of the political conflict(s) in question (Bevington 42). Upon examining Shakespeare's works and life, Bevington asserts that Shakespeare's approach when writing history plays like Richard III was to encourage audiences to reflect upon and debate the play's ideas based on historical events because they were relevant to his culture. Although Bevington cannot determine whether or not Shakespeare took sides, Bevington asserts that Shakespeare clearly tried to present the issues fairly in his plays (Bevington 43). However, the fact that Elizabeth I was completely opposed to any form of resistance to the monarchy brings Shakespeare's motives writing Richard III as a potential propagandist for the Tudor dynasty into question and hence, scholars have questioned the accuracy and validity of Shakespeare's history plays (Bevington 69). 71

I hate not you for her proud arrogance.

Regardless of her relationship with Elizabeth, Lady Margaret's carefully planned and prosecuted marriage scheme eventually proved Richard's undoing and downfall and thus decided England's future.180 The fact that Elizabeth Woodville agreed to it confirms that at that point she believed that her sons, the unfortunate

"Princes in the Tower," were deceased.181

Margaret fully deployed her El in masterminding the scheme, drawing on it to analyze her societal environment and the emotions of others, whether they were Yorkist or of her affinity and utilized them, redirecting attention where appropriate, through flexible planning to achieve her ultimate goal of seeing her son return to England as the new monarch. She formed a clear picture of

Elizabeth's hopes and fears, and Richard Ill's motives and ambition which, unbeknownst to him, helped pave the way for the exiled Lancastrian claimant,

Henry Tudor, to the throne.

William Shakespeare, 77?e Tragedy of King Richard III, ed. John Jowett (New York: Oxford U P Inc., 2000) 175 -Act I, Scene III, lines 20-24. 180 Starkey 17. 181 Baldwin, Elizabeth Woodville 112, Baldwin, 77?e Lost Prince 78, and Starkey 17. However, Baldwin speculates that the fact Elizabeth Woodville accepted this proposal indicates her belief that her sons were dead may not have been the case; Baldwin notes that Elizabeth Woodville would have found it difficult to acquire information that was accurate and reliable because of her living in sanctuary at Westminster Abbey. Furthermore, Elizabeth would have hoped that the rumours of her sons' deaths were false (Baldwin 78). 72

Although the exact words that Lady Margaret used in her proposal were not preserved, it is possible that she hinted at the restoration of Woodville's son,

Edward V or Richard of York if alive, with the provision that her son would be next in the line of succession. It is highly unlikely that Henry would have accepted anything less than the crown itself, but if Lady Margaret did propose this, she would have convinced Elizabeth that Henry would have been happy as the monarch's brother-in-law. In any event, Elizabeth accepted Lady Margaret's proposal on the condition that her sons' rights to the throne would be respected first if they were alive.182

Richard III discovered this plot as Buckingham's Rebellion failed. Rather than executing her as a traitor, Richard III punished her lightly by confiscating her properties and titles while keeping her under house arrest under her husband's supervision.183 Jones and Underwood assert that the sole reason why Richard III spared Lady Margaret's life was because her husband, Stanley, remained loyal to him throughout this ordeal.184 As a reward, Stanley received £700 worth of real estate and an additional annuity of £100. He also became Buckingham's replacement as constable of England, was inducted as a Knight of the Garter,

Baldwin, The Lost Prince 78. 183 Baldwin, The Lost Prince 79, Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 64, Krug 90, and Vergil, Richard III 204. In regards to Richard's lenient punishment on Lady Margaret, English essayist Sir William Cornwallis saw it as a sign of Richard's foolishness - a weakness that eventually led to his fall in 1485, as opposed to Lady Margaret's innocence. See Buck 243 and Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 4 tor more. Unfortunately, it is unclear exactly what Richard III did with Lady Margaret's confiscated lands/properties.

Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 64. 73 and finally, made Steward of the royal household when he joined the king's council with his son, Lord Strange.185

Despite the risk and the negative outcome, Lady Margaret's involvement in Buckingham's Rebellion and act of treason against Richard III must be seen as emotionally intelligent because of the methods she deployed in seeking fulfillment of her goals. She was able to use and manipulate the Duke of

Buckingham, utilizing and overcoming his own ambitions and his newly formed animosity to Richard III. She played all the parties for maximum advantage: in

June and July of 1483 she conducted discussions with Richard III about Henry's return and marriage with Elizabeth of York, using Buckingham as the intermediary.186 Early seventeenth-century antiquarian Sir George Buck, generally suspicious of her, characterizes the Lady Margaret as "a politic and subtle lady" whose superior skill in using Buckingham was undeniable.187 She, for example, was able to direct Richard's opposition in the south while he was absent in the north, using her marriage to Stanley and his loyalty to the king as a cover.188

185 Gill 112.

186 Gill 64.

187 Buck, "Book I," The History of King Richard III 63-64 and Jones & Underwood, 77je King's Mother 3. It is important to keep in mind, as Jones & Underwood discuss, Buck's bias because of his origins form a family friendly to the House of York who believed in reversing Richard Ill's evil, sinister reputation. Even so, Buck's interpretation of events was more realistic because he presented Buckingham more accurately than simply as one of Henry's supporters (Buck, "Book I," The History of King Richard III 63-64). For more of Buck's interpretation of events, continue reading page sixty-four up to line forty and/or see editor Arthur Noel Kincaid's notes from pages cii-cxxx.

188 Gill 64. 74

Following her son's assumption of kingship, Lady Margaret acted as a skilled and effective propagandist for the new dynasty, using various cultural means to gain it public support and affection. The , which combined the red and white roses, symbols of the rival dynasties, was widely used to celebrate Henry and Elizabeth's union, realized in January 1486. Lady Margaret made sure that she and her devices were closely associated with the new dynasty and its promise. The photograph below, Figure 12, part of the ceiling of the Great Watching Chamber in Hampton Court Palace, contains two Tudor roses and two portcullises, one of Lady Margaret's symbols.

Figure 12

SOURCE: This is my personal photograph, taken on 5 June, 2010. 75

Another example of Lady Margaret's ability at effective emotional appraisals and their utilization is her role in the translation and publication by

William Caxton of the thirteenth-century French romance Blanchardyn and

Eglantine.™9 Lady Margaret was attracted to the story of Blanchardyn and

Eglantine because it strongly mirrored her personal and political concerns involving the marriage between her son and Elizabeth of York.190 Lady Margaret hoped that the story of the main characters, Blanchardyn and Eglantine, would teach readers (and listeners) that Tudor rule was natural and rightful. The protagonist, the Prince of Friesland, Blanchardyn, and Lady Eglantine the fair,

According to Edwards and Meale 100, Blanchardyn and Eglantine is the only book directly associated with Lady Margaret's patronage that is not "didactic or exemplary" compared to the others, all of which are religious in content. According to Edwards and Meale 100, the following publications can be directly associated with the Lady Margaret's literary patronage in addition to Blanchardyn and Eglantine: the Fifteen Oes (1491); Hilton's Scala perfeccionis (1494); a translation (part of which was carried out by LM herself) of the Latin compilation attributed to Jean Gerson; the Imytacyon and Folowynge the Blessed Lyfe of our Sauyour Cryste (1503); a Breviary of the use of Hereford (1505); The Mirroure ofGolde forthe Synfull Soule (1506?), translated entirely by LM; the collection of sermons by Fisher entitled The Fruytfull Saynges of Dauyd, (1508); Fisher's funeral sermon for Henry VII (1509); and The LyfofSaynt Vrsula (1509?). For a copy of Caxton's dedication and the story of Blanchardyn and Eglantine in English, see Caxton's Blanchardyn and Eglantine c. 1489 - From Lord Spencer's unique imperfect copy, completed by the original French and the second English version of 1595, ed. Leon Kellner (London: Oxford U P, 1962), 11-223. Lady Margaret's translations of the fourth book of The Imitation of Christ and The Mirroure of Golde for the Synfull Soule are the first acknowledged written works by an Englishwoman to be published during the translator's life (Betty S. Travitsky, "The Possibilities of Prose," Women and Literature in Britain 1500-1700, ed. Helen Wlcox (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1999) 237). For concise discussions of her translations, see Alexandra Barratt, Women's Writing in Middle English (London/New York: Longman, 1992) 301-304, Patricia Demers, Women's Writing in English: Early Modern England (Toronto: U of Toronto P, 2005) 67-69 and Laurie A. Finke, Women's Writing in English (London/New York: Longman P, 1999) 78 and 149-151.

190 This is not a surprise because as Karen K. Jambeck argues, women defined themselves through patronage because it was a way to preserve their ideals and values (Karen K. Jambeck, "Patterns of Women's Literary Patronage: England, 1200-ca.1475," The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, ed. June Hall McCash (Athens: U of Georgia P, 1996) 228). 76

Queen of Tormayday parallel closely to that of Henry VII and his wife,

Elizabeth of York.

Blanchardyn, upon learning about the Trojan war, vows to learn how to fight through direct experience despite the fact that he had, at that point, no

knowledge of chivalry. Relying on God's guidance, he leaves home disguised as a soldier with his father's best horse and without his royal progenitor's knowledge or permission.192 Upon meeting a wounded knight who lost his lady to a traitor, the dying knight dubs Blanchardyn a knight so he may leave on a quest to

recapture his lady; Blanchardyn is moved by the love the lady and the dead

knight had for each other.193

After defeating the traitor, rescuing his lady, and finally, the deaths of the wounded knight and his lady, Blanchardyn continues his original journey and

befriends another knight on the other side of the (unnamed) river known as

Knight of the Ferry because he helps Blanchardyn and his horse cross the river by boat.194 It is through the Knight of the Ferry that Blanchardyn first learns about Eglantine. Because Eglantine refuses to marry King Alymodes of

Cassidonye, he makes war on her, the "Proud Lady of Love."195 The Knight of

191 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 35. 192 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 16-18 and Krug 90. 193 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 24-31. Although Blanchardyn found the traitor who kidnapped the knight's lady and defeated him, the wounded knight was dead when Blanchardyn returned with his lady and the traitor's head. 194 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 32-34. Crossing the river by boat was critically important because theriver wa s unsafe for swimming. 195 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 35. Eglantine is known as the "Proud Lady of Love" because she shut her ears to all others of love (Blanchardyn and Eglantine 36). 77 the Ferry wishes that Blanchardyn and Eglantine would fall in love and that

Blanchardyn would fight King Alymodes on Eglantine's behalf. After seeing her,

Blanchardyn eventually begins to have feelings for her and the Knight of the

Ferry gives him advice in pursuing her. Blanchardyn decides to act on his feelings and steals a kiss from her.

Luckily, Eglantine does not sentence Blanchardyn to death for this kiss

because she senses his underlying superiority and furthermore, her foster-

mother strongly advised her not to make such a fuss about it and tells Eglantine that she ought to be honoured that someone like Blanchardyn loves her.196

Eglantine slowly falls in love with Blanchardyn whilst she continues to refuse King

Alymodes' advances, despite his war on her. Her rationale is expressed in

religious terms: she would "never marry a heathen."197 Eglantine eventually

"resolves to make Blanchardyn her lover" and "is so stricken by [Ijove that she can't eat or sleep."198 She continues to refuse King Alymodes, despite her foster-

mother's begging to do so for the sake peace in Tourmaday - Eglantine "will never wed an idolator like Alymodes."199 Alymodes takes Blanchardyn prisoner and becomes jealous of Eglantine's love for Blanchardyn.200 Both Blanchardyn and Eglantine continue to love and miss each other during their long separation, while Eglantine remains besieged by King Alymodes. Blanchardyn and Eglantine

196 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 36-45, 46-49, and 51-53 and Krug 90. 197 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 55-65. The quotation may be found on page 65. 198 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 67. 199 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 68-69. 200 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 89 and 92. 78

are finally reunited after much struggle and fighting. They finally become betrothed, get married, and are crowned King and Queen of Tormaday.201

The story offers numerous parallels to the early life of Henry Tudor; like

Blanchardyn, Henry learned about fighting and war in exile prior to becoming king. It was his destiny, like Blanchardyn, to become king and thus, both learn chivalric arts.202 Like Blanchardyn, Henry had to compete for his bride with a powerful rival who had the advantage of political and military strength. King

Alymodes is portrayed as evil, casting a further shadow on Richard III, Henry's rival for the hand of Elizabeth of York. Because King Alymodes makes war on

Eglantine, she is forced to live in sanctuary, just as Elizabeth of York had to.

Elizabeth, like Eglantine, was a model young lady and damsel, "steadfast and constant" to Henry, the man to whom she was "promised and agreed."203 Like

Eglantine, she and her mother were besieged by enemies in a sanctuary. Like

Blanchardyn, Henry was in exile and put his life "in jeopardy" for Elizabeth of

York.204 Blanchardyn and Eglantine navigated the dangers of political factionalism to reach safety and success, as Henry and Elizabeth eventually would.205

Lady Margaret played, in real life, a similar role to the Knight of the Ferry in the story, who encouraged the relationship between Blanchardyn and

201 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 124-127, 151-172, and 209-212.

202 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 57 and Krug 90 and 91.

203 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 1.

204 Blanchardyn and Eglantine 1 and Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 182.

205 Krug 89. 79

Eglantine, just as Lady Margaret masterminded the marriage of Henry and

Elizabeth of York.208 Blanchardyn and Eglantine's romance helps generate an aura of chivalric gloss for Henry and Elizabeth's marriage, providing an imagined emotional content for a union grounded in politics and dynastic interests. When

Lady Margaret first became interested in this romance in the early 1480s, it provided her with an emotionally satisfying and socially acceptable imagery in which to frame the desired personal and political outcomes in her own world, namely the marriage of her son to Elizabeth of York and the future coronation of her son. In 1483, when she purchased her French copy, she was clearly contemplating the possibility of her son's succession, despite the reigning House of York, which would certainly be most hostile to her openly pursuing it.207

Rebecca Krug opposes the idea that Lady Margaret had actively entertained plans for Tudor succession while Edward IV still reigned.208 However, the situation changed with the accession of Richard III in 1483. Richard's failure to win popular and public favour, especially given the disappearance of his royal nephews from the Tower, certainly offered encouragement for Lancastrian ambitions as Lady Margaret's role in Buckingham's Rebellion shows and the plans for Henry and Elizabeth's marriage indicate.209

206 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 182, and Krug 91. For references to the story of Blanchardyn and Eglantine regarding these points, see the previous paragraph and its numerous notes/citations.

207 Krug 90.

208 Krug 90.

209 Krug 90. The Lady Margaret and others were involved in a plot to rescue the princes. Soon after its failure, the princes were believed to be dead at the command of Richard III. 80

While the dynastic union of the houses of Lancaster and York was entirely

motivated by political needs rather than romantic factors, the romance of

Blanchardyn and Eglantine could supply them in public imagination. Lady

Margaret clearly perceived the obvious usefulness of an English translation of the

romance in influencing the public attitudes about her son's right to the crown through an indirect, emotionally loaded venue.210 Blanchardyn and Eglantine did not threaten her understanding of social rules and relationships because its storyline was compliant with her world's institutional order.211 Thus, it is safe to argue that propaganda considerations were foremost among Lady Margaret's motives for commanding William Caxton to translate and publish the romance in

1489,212 six years after her original purchase of the French copy. She hardly would have needed an English version for herself; she read French fluently.

Because the characters' story mirrored the circumstances of Henry Tudor and

Elizabeth of York, these literary parallels also mirror the political customs, expectations, and political motivations of upper-class marriages. Blanchardyn and Eglantine's marriage provided an important parallel to Henry and Elizabeth of York's because of its symbolism of the political legitimacy and power.

Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 182 and Krug 88 and 89.

211 Krug 91.

212 William Caxton, "Caxton's Dedication to Henry Vll's Mother," Caxton's Blanchardyn and Eglantine c. 1489 - From Lord Spencer's unique imperfect copy, completed by the original French and the second English Version of 1595, ed. Leon Kellner (London: Oxford U P, 1962) 1. 81

Lady Margaret first purchased a French copy from Caxton in 1483, amidst

hopes that her son might eventually become king.213 Her decision to have

Blanchardyn and Eglantine translated into English and widely disseminated in

printed copies should be seen as a highly emotionally intelligent action reflecting

her ability to monitor and predict others' political emotions and feelings about the

newly installed royal couple. It helped her to redirect readers' attention in a

desired direction, utilizing creative thinking, flexible planning, and motivation. Her

ultimate goal was to win and secure public and popular favour for her son's rule through the mirroring characters of the story.214

Some key historians of Lady Margaret Beaufort, in particular, Krug and

Jones & Underwood, do not see the publication of Blanchardyn and Eglantine as

a manifestation of her political skills. They believe that Blanchardyn and

Eglantine would not have been an effective propagandist tool given the more

accustomed alternatives. Krug, for example, suggests that it would have been

more congruent with contemporary practices to publish a genealogical roll

demonstrating Henry's claim to the throne as a descendant of Edward III or

having such a roll broadly displayed as John, the Duke of Bedford, did to

promote Henry VI in 1423, or commissioning a prophecy and using it the way

Edward IV's supporters did the Prophecy of the Eagle to justify his claim in

1461.215 The alternatives suggested by Jones and Underwood involved staging

213 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 181-182 and Krug 88 and 91. 214 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 62 and 182 and Krug 89 and 91-92. 215 Krug 89. 82 a pageant and having her own badge and/or Henry's badge emblazoned on city walls, following the precedent of 1460 when Londoners, in reaction to their anxiety caused by the death of Richard, Duke of York, posted the Beaufort portcullis badge on their walls and doors. Krug and Jones & Underwood point out that the publication of a romantic fictional story, such as Blanchardyn and

Eglantine, or any other work of fiction, has never been used before as a tool of political propaganda.216 If so, Lady Margaret's idea was wholly original - stimulated by her El.

Regardless of her direct motivation,217 however, planning the publication of Blanchardyn and Eglantine in English provides a clear example of Lady

Margaret's El in operation: it required her to appraise and regulate her own emotions prior to appraising and regulating those of others, and exercise flexible planning, creative thinking, and redirecting attention in order to shape the perceptions and motivations of others. Having Blanchardyn and Eglantine translated and published was also a gender and age appropriate political propaganda ploy; without being told directly, readers and listeners would form the desired idea that Blanchardyn and Eglantine were just like Henry VII and his wife.

According to Krug, readers and listeners benefitted from Blanchardyn and

Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 43 and Krug 89. 217 This translation and publication of Blanchardyn and Eglantine can still be seen as an act of political propaganda even Lady Margaret did this because of noble and personal reasons/obligations as an exercise in parallel identification with the protagonists, in the same way. See Krug 89 and 92. 83

Eglantine because the storyline was a way of understanding and responding

accordingly to the legitimacy and power of Henry and Elizabeth.218

The romance was an ideal tool for Lady Margaret to reveal and enforce the "hidden" truth and help gain public acceptance and political approval of the

new sovereign.219 Romance readers were expected to interpret the book's

symbolism as a reflection of what is best for the people.220 Lady Margaret wanted readers to infer that Tudor rule was not only right but best for England

because it was natural - it was Henry's God-given right to be king. In his dedication, Caxton reinforces this point, referring to his "Lady Margaret...mother

unto [their] natural and sovereign lord and most Christian king, Henry the

Seventhf.]"221 This also sends readers a message that the Lady Margaret, the

king's mother, was providing her subjects, her children, with a book just like another aristocratic mother may give books to her natural children from which to

learn.222

218 Krug 93.

219 Krug 94.

220 Krug 94.

221 Caxton, "Caxton's Dedication to Henry Vll's Mother" 1.

222 iKru g 94. Anne Clark Bartlett points out that Blanchardyn and Eglantine was an important choice because the story provides advice/guidance that typical conduct manuals usually did not include. For more see Anne Clark Bartlett, "Translation, Self-Representation, and Statecraft: Lady Margaret Beaufort and Caxton's Blanchardyn and Eglantine (1489)." Essays in Medieval Studies 22 (2005): 57-58. According to Diane Bornstein, conduct literature placed much emphasis on purity/virginity, marriage, how to be a good Christian, and behaviours for specific situations (Diane Bornstein, The Lady in the Tower: Medieval Courtesy Literature (Hamden, Conn: Archon Books, 1983) 15). 84

Lady Margaret's role in the publication of Blanchardyn and Eglantine is only one, albeit important, example of her politically motivated patronage of literature and education. The political dimension of Lady Margaret's activities as a patroness of literature is often underestimated. Scholars tacitly assume that piety and political objectives were divorced from each other. Most historians believe that Lady Margaret supported literature solely because of her piety.

Susan Powell, for example, argues strongly that Lady Margaret's literary patronage in its entirety was her way of living her life actively in God's service providing religious and secular leaders with religious texts.223 Powell believes firmly that Lady Margaret had little to no interest in secular literature or in reading lightly or for pleasure, dismissing the possibility that she may have commissioned another romance, Kynge Richarde Coeurdu Lyon, as late as 1509, the last year of her life. The basis of Powell's standpoint, like those of other historians, is

Fisher's eulogy, in which he states that she read because of her religious devotion.224

The support for the claim that piety was the dominant or exclusive concern of Lady Margaret is derived from the thematic character of the works that received her patronage, such as the penitential psalms and Fisher's sermons.

223 Susan Powell, "Lady Margaret and her Books" 199, 207, and 239. Krug also made note of this in on pages 111-112 in her observation ns and constructive criticisms of historians' claim that Lady Margaret became a literary patroness because of her piety. As Krug states on page 112, her chapter on the Lady Margaret's literary interests and practices is concerned with the nature of her literary affiliations. 224 Susan Powell, "Lady Margaret and her Books" 206. See Krug 111-112 for her discussion and views on this and more. Also, see page 110 of Fisher's eulogy for an example of Fisher's praise of Lady Margaret's interest in literature and her literary habits. 85

When she first became involved in literary patronage in the 1490s, it was to distribute Latin and vernacular works for clergy and laymen, for the majority of the works for which she acted as patroness were for institutional and religious purposes.225 Her literary patronage influenced religious culture and devotion through her commission of things like the production of the Latin office and proper mass for feasts.226

Lady Margaret was keenly interested in the production of religious books.

Her personal chapel was furnished with printed books of the Office for the Holy

Name, where her servant, Leonard of the Vestry, worked as a bookbinder. Peter

Baldwyn, another servant, worked at her London mansion (Coldharbour) as a bookbinder and illuminator. She had at least five copies of the printed and bound penitential psalms and Fisher's sermons circulated in her household.227 For Lady

Margaret, literature, piety, and politics were intertwined and formed part of her outlook and interests in the last years of her life. The combination is reflective of

225 Krug 102. According to Krug 102 and Susan Powell, "Lady Margaret Beaufort and her Books," Lady Margaret's literary patronage may have been seen by the people as a facilitation of the Bridgettine and Carthusian outreach.

226 Krug 102 and Susan Powell, "Lady Margaret and her Books" 201-211.

227 Jones & Underwood 183. A printed copy of the Seven Penitential Psalms may be found as "TREATYSE CONCERNYNGE...THE SEUEN PENYTENCYALL PSALMES...COMPYLED...AT THE EXORTACION AND STERYNGE OF THE MOOST EXCELLENT PRINCESSE MARGARETE COUNTESSE OF RYCHMOUNT AND DERBY. ENPRYNTED BY WYNKYN DE WORDE 12 IUYN M.CCCCC.IX.," The English Works of John Fisher, ed. John. E.B. Mayor (London: Oxford U P, 1876) 1-267. As indicated in the title, Lady Margaret was responsible for the reproduction of this treatise. Fisher reiterates this again prior to the prologue on page one. 86

her El.228 In her eyes, political benefits were natural by-products of her service to

God. Her involvement in literary production was an extension of her service to

God because this was on par with the spiritual devotion expected of her.229 Her

piety, patronage, and charity enhanced her image as the King's mother and

strengthened the reputation and political strength of the new dynasty.

These attitudes reflected Lady Margaret's El in one other respect: her

involvement in literature and pious works was, as Fisher says, not only "for her

exercise, [but] for the profyte of other[s]" as well.230 She influenced Wynkyn de

Worde to print Walter Hylton's Ladder of Perfection in 1494231 and (personally) translated The Mirror of Gold to the Sinful Soul (1506?). While these two works

can be seen as conventional and conforming with/to the late medieval tradition of

piety,232 her translation of the fourth book of The Imitation of Christ in 1504 was

clearly motivated by a broader concern for future generations' welfare and piety,

an example of humanist piety. The text promotes devotion to Christ through

228 Rebecca Krug and the Countess' most recent biographers, Jones & Underwood, are the only historians who have recognized the Lady Margaret's political agenda in her literary interests. However, they still overlooked the role of El. 229 Edwards & Meale 99, Jambeck 229, Morely 31 and 37, and Susan Powell, "Lady Margaret Beaufort and her Books" 199. 230 Fisher "A Mornynge Remembraunce" 110. Upon completion of analyzing this eulogy, Fisher mentioned very little about her role/involvement in politics. Thus, she is remembered mostly for her piety and patronage; this is arguably how Lady Margaret wanted to be remembered because of her close relationship with Fisher. This will be discussed in this thesis' final chapter.

231 Leader, The University to 1546 276 and Malcolm G. Underwood, "The Lady Margaret and her Cambridge Connections," Sixteenth Century Journal 13(1) (1982): 68.

Barratt 301, Finke 149, and Morely 5. 87 disciplined meditation, prayer, and reading the Bible - a powerful reaction against religious formalism.233

Not only were such activities products of appropriate and effective appraisal and regulation of her emotions, but they were also products of

appropriate and effective utilization of her emotions and her attention to growth

rather than mindless pleasures. For instance, her ecclesiastical devotions and

her dealings with printers established a market for religious texts in vernacular

languages - hence, a literary market for female readers.234 The indirect effect was regarded and supported by women for the King's mother and, by extension,

her son and his rule. The distribution of religious texts signalled that Lady

Margaret was not only pious but charitable as well.235 This was a result of her observations or more specifically, her evaluations of society's emotions in

regards to printed works.236 Therefore, her underlying motive in literary

patronage was both political and religious, especially given the importance of her

. 233 Ban-aft 301, Finke 149, Morely 5, and Linda Simon, Of Virtue Rare 36. See Edwards & Meale 101-112 for a detailed, yet concise discussion of her translations and her involvement with printers, etc. 234 Edwards & Meale 117 and Morely 33. See Edwards & Meale 101 -112 for a discussion of her involvement with printers. 235 Krug 102. See Brigden for insight on the meaning of charity and charitable expectations of Lady Margaret's time. 236 Krug introduces this thought differently as one way her social affiliations influenced her literary practices on pages 112-113. Krug's interest is how social, familial, and intellectual connections influenced her literate practices; continue reading page 113 for more, including Krug's argument that the Lady Margaret spent her formative years among people who appreciated literature and viewed it as part of women's domestic lives. Thus, literature was part of Lady Margaret's relationships with family members and her society. In turn, Krug overlooked the role of El but had she the knowledge of the concept of El and recent studies' findings, Krug surely would have seen the connection made by this thesis. 88 image and reputation as the mother of not just any king of England, but the first monarch of a new dynasty.

The combination of personality, rank, and position of the King's mother gave Lady Margaret unprecedented personal, social, and political power in the last two decades of her life, including elevation with the status of femme sole, the livery of the in 1488,237 and the title the King's mother. She received the rarely granted femme sole status and title the King's Mother by

Parliamentary Act in her son's first Parliament in 1485. Becoming a femme sole made her a single person in the legal sense while still married to Stanley, giving her the right to hold property, trade independently, and pursue legal actions in her own right - a powerful advantage in comparison to other married aristocratic women.238

Equally exceptional was membership in the Order of the Garter. Founded in the late fourteenth-century by Edward III, it was (and still is) the highest chivalric honour in England, recognizing unique, special contributions to the nation and/or the monarch personally. Its motto is Honi soit qui mal y pense

(Shame on him who thinks this evil) and the Sovereign of the Garter (the reigning king or queen) makes membership decisions - membership is limited; in Lady

Margaret's time, women were associated with the order but they were not

Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 148. 238 Cordelia Beattie, Medieval Single Women: The Politics of Social Classification in Late Medieval England (Oxford: Oxford U P, 2007) 70, Durning 50, Halstead 166, and Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 99. 89

granted full membership because of their sex. In fact, Lady Margaret was one of the last women to receive this honour until the twentieth century.239

Lady Margaret's El helped her to explain, justify, and legitimize personal

power in ways that minimized resentment and opposition while enhancing her

reputation and authority. For instance, a surviving example of Lady Margaret's

effort to elevate and preserve her power and authority is reflected in the

Antiquarian Repertory, an early nineteenth century compilation of royal

household manuals, courtly rules of etiquette, and more dating from the medieval

era. It contains instructions in how the Lady Margaret and her possessions, such

as her spice plates and cups, were to be handled.240 Royal household members were to attend the Lady Margaret as if they were "in the king's presen[ce]."241

Household ordinances by her son in December 1493 further highlighted Lady

Margaret's centrality: the king, his mother, and his sons were to be served spice

and wine equally upon return from evensong; if a bishop were to visit Lady

Margaret, he was to sit at the upper end so that he would be served in the same

The Royal Household, "The Official Website of the British Monarchy," Order of the Garter, 2008/2009, June 30th, 2010, . After Lady Margaret's death in 1509, the Order of the Garter was, with the exception of queens as Sovereign, the Order was reserved for males only until Edward VII made Queen Alexandra a member in 1901. The current monarch, Queen Elizabeth II, decided that women ought to be permitted for the Garter like men equally in 1987. For additional information on the Order of the Garter,' visit the above link - part of the British Monarchy's official website. 240 See Francis Grose, The Antiquarian Repertory: A Miscellaneous Assemblage of Topography, History, Biography, Customs, and Manners Intended to Illustrate and Preserve Several Valuable Remains of Old Times, Vol. I of IV (London: Pall-Mall for Edward Jeffery, 1807) 297-300 for details and additional examples. 241 Antiquarian Repertory 300, Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 148, and Kisby 208. 90 manner as if he were in the king's presence; if Lady Margaret were in the king and queen's presence in church, she was to have her own cloth of estate; provisions were to be made to her in the same fashion as those for the king, queen, and their children.242 These were creative mechanisms through which

Lady Margaret's power as the king's mother was enhanced while simultaneously, and perhaps, subtly, serving as a reminder of her son's power as the new monarch and founder of the Tudor Dynasty.

Other sources likewise provide evidence of Lady Margaret's success in utilizing her El in making her power and authority clear. The sub-prior of Santa

Cruz reported to his Spanish sovereigns that Henry's Queen, Elizabeth of York, although noble and loved, was carefully watched and scrutinized by the king's mother, the Lady Margaret.243 Similarly, ambassadors from Spain and Venice included Lady Margaret in their lists of people of greatest importance and influence over Henry.244 Polydore Vergil described Lady Margaret as a woman to whom Henry "allotted a share in most of his public and private resources."245 The

Great Chronicle of London mentions Lady Margaret immediately after Queen

Elizabeth of York as present in welcoming Katherine of Aragon in 1501 to marry

Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 148.

243 Cooper 236 and Joanna L. Laynesmith, The Last Medieval Queens - English Queenship 1445-1503 (Oxford: Oxford U P, 2004) 208.

244 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 4-5.

245 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 4 and Polydore Vergil, The Anglica Historica of Polydore Vergil, A.D. 1485-1537, ed. and trans. Denys Hay (London: Royal Historical Society, 1950) 7. 91

Prince Arthur. The Chronicle also lists her as third, again following her son and his wife, among those at Arthur and Katherine's wedding. The Chronicle addresses her as "my lady the king's mother," whereas all other guests were addressed simply as the others: "...the king and Queen with my lady the king's mother and many other astatis stood[.]"247

Lady Margaret knew that she had to make her power and authority unquestionably clear not only because her son was the first monarch of a new dynasty, but because of the histories of other mothers of English kings, of which she would have been clearly aware. This includes Edward IV's widow, Elizabeth of York's mother, Elizabeth Woodville. Lady Margaret evidently harboured aversion towards her, at least once Henry became king. Considering Elizabeth

Woodville's history, which was fresh in Lady Margaret's mind, and Lady

Margaret's sly, shrewd capabilities, it is not a surprise that expert Tudor historian

David Starkey suspects that she may have been somehow involved in Elizabeth

Woodville's permanent absence from court. Upon Henry's accession and marriage to her eldest daughter, Elizabeth of York, Elizabeth Woodville was in a state of restored glory as Edward IV's widow. Thus, Starkey suspects that there were simply "too many queen mothers and would-be queen mothers around."248

The Great Chronicle of London, eds. A.H. Thomas and I.D. Thornley (Great Britain: Alan Sutton Publishing Ltd., 1983) 306. 247 Chronicle of London 310.

Starkey 20. 92

Although Henry gave his mother the honourific title "My Lady the King's

Mother," this was not good enough because Elizabeth Woodville, unlike Lady

Margaret herself, had been crowned queen and thus, she had to defer to her as such. Naturally, Lady Margaret did not appreciate this situation. As Starkey put it: "Elizabeth Woodville, [Lady Margaret] decided, had to go."249 Elizabeth

Woodville, the Yorkist dowager queen, was Prince Arthur's godmother at his baptism, which was designed to represent the beginning of a new Arthurian era.250 Approximately six months after the baptism, Henry stripped Woodville of her lands and possessions and sent her to a nunnery, Bermondsey Abbey, where she spent her five remaining years of life.251

Although Vergil's records state that Henry placed her in a nunnery to

"offer an example to others to keep faith" because she

made peace with King Richard; had placed her daughters at his disposal, and had, by leaving sanctuary [at Westminster Abbey], broken her promise to those who had...forsaken their own English property and fled to Henry in Brittany,252

Starkey 20-21.

Starkey 20.

Starkey 20 and Vergil, Anglica Historica 17-19.

Vergil, Anglica Historica 19. 93

Lady Margaret stood to benefit from Elizabeth Woodville's removal from public life and into the isolation of Bermondsey Abbey. It is possible that she may have reminded her son that "all those nobles who had followed Henry [to Brittany] were condemned to perpetual exile," in stimulating his action against Woodville, and stripped her "of the income from her estates" and sending her to spend the rest of her life in the convent at Bermondsey Abbey.253 Lady Margaret's relationship with Woodville's daughter, Henry's Queen Elizabeth, was also marked by competitiveness and need to dominate. Lady Margaret wore the same robes as her daughter-in-law, behind whom she only walked half a pace;254 this was an excellent way to regulate the emotions of others, for the focus of their attention would have included Lady Margaret as well as her daughter-in-law. Lady

Margaret's close watch on her was fuelled by motivation for power and thus, consistently monitoring and analyzing Elizabeth's emotions was important. Lady

Margaret's actions were conducive to her son's policy that was designed to prevent his queen from becoming involved in politics as her mother, Elizabeth

Woodville, had done.255

Another deliberate step that Lady Margaret took to make her power and authority known was the alteration of her signature. Rather than signing "M.

Richmond" for Margaret Richmond, she began to sign her name "Margaret R."256

253 Vergil, Anglica Historica 19.

254 Starkey 20.

255 Weir, The Princes in the Tower 229.

256 Starkey 21. 94

The "R" can either stand for Regina or for Richmond and although whether "R" was for Regina or Richmond remains unclear, changing her signature this way was emotionally intelligent either way. If Lady Margaret meant for the "R" to signify Richmond, it still had a very regal effect because of its parallel with her son and daughter-in law. The king's signature was "Henry R." or "H.R." for Henry

Rex, and the queen's as "Elizabeth R." or "E.R." for Elizabeth Regina, a style they adopted in 1492.257

This begs the question, why did Lady Margaret only alter her signature in

1499, seven years after her son and daughter-in-law adopted it? One answer could be that Lady Margaret was waiting for Elizabeth Woodville to completely fade from public memory (she passed away in June 1492). A stronger explanation is that the change was linked to her move to Collyweston, the property her son granted her in March 1487,258 but to which she only moved in

1498259 upon taking her vow of perpetual chastity. She transformed this

Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 86. Crawford also makes note of these distinctions in her signature and its significance. See Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 152.

258 Bartlett 57, Michael K. Jones, "Collyweston - an Early Tudor Palace," England in the Fifteenth-Century - Proceedings of the 1986 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. Daniel Wliiams (Great Britain: The Boydell P, 1987) 132, and Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 86.

259 Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 146. Another indication that she moved to Collyweston in 1498 is the fact that a letter she wrote to her son from Collyweston is dated January 14th, 1499. For a copy of this letter, see Lady Margaret Beaufort, "A Letter from Lady Margaret, King Henry the Seventh's Mother, from the Original in her own Hand," A Collection of Letters: from the Original Manuscripts of Many Princes, Great Personage, and Statesmen, ed. Leonard Howard (London: Leonard Howard, 1753) 155-157, Lady Margaret Beaufort, "A letter from the Lady Margaret to her Son...from the original in her own hand writing," The Funeral Sermon of Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, Mother of King Henry VII, and Foundress of Christ's and St. John's College in Cambridge, Preached by Bishop Fisher in 1509: with Baker's preface to the same, containing some further account of her charities and foundations, together 95 residence into a palace because the distance from her son and her daughter-in- law gave her room to assert her regal status and authority safely, as she did with her signature. Her letters written prior to 1498 are not signed "Margaret R." but rather, "M. Richmond;"260 Jones & Underwood noted that the first "Margaret R." signature dates from Collyweston in January 1499.261

The known letters she wrote after moving to Collyweston, four of which indicated they originated there, are signed "Margaret R."262 Lady Margaret continued to assert her authority by signing "Margaret R." even when she wrote letters from other locations. For example, she signed her letter to Richard

with a catalogue of her professors both at Cambridge and Oxford, and of her preachers at Cambridge, ed. J. Hymers (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1840) 164-166, Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 150-151, or Routh 100-101.

260 For example, Lady Margaret signed a letter to Thomas Boteler, Earl of Ormond, Chamberlain to the Queen as "M. Richmond" on the twenty-fifth of April, 1495 or 1497; regardless of which date is correct, Lady Margaret wrote this letter prior to moving to Collyweston. See Routh 73 to find a copy of this letter. A copy of this letter may also be found on Hymer 167. Both Hymer and Routh date this letter 25 April 1495 but according to Crawford, Lady Margaret wrote this letter on 25 April 1497. For a photograph of this letter in its original form, see image/plate thirteen in Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother in their image segment between pages 134 and 135.

261 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 86. The letter to which Jones & Underwood are referring is most likely the letter dated 14 January 1499 reproduced in Cooper 64, Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 149, Lady Margaret Beaufort, "LETTER XXII - Margaret mother of Henry the Vllth, to her Son; signing as Queen." Original Letters Illustrative of English History, Vol. I of III, ed. Henry Ellis (London: Harding Triphood, and Lepard Co., 1824) 46-48, and Routh 102. This coincides with Cunningham's point on page 183 of his book, Henry VII, that she moved to Collyweston in 1499.

262 The following four documents written by the Lady Margaret are signed "Margaret R" and written at Collyweston: Lady Margaret Beaufort, "847. From Margaret Countess of Richmond, not after 1504, 10 April," Paston Letters and Papers of the Fifteenth Century, ed. Norman Davis (Oxford: Clarendon P, 1971) 485; Ellis, "Letter XXII from Lady Margaret" 46 dated January 14th, 1499 - this letter may also be found in Cooper 64, Crawford 149, and Routh 102. Interestingly, Ellis believes that Lady Margaret's "Margaret R." signature meant that she was signing as queen, hence his sub-title "Margaret mother of Henry Vllth, to her Son; signing as Queen"; Westminster Abbey Muniments, 16016, correspondence to Sir , c. 1485- 1503; Westminster Abbey Muniments, 16017, correspondence to Sir Reginald Bray, c. 1485- 1503. 96

Shirley, bailiff of the town of Ware, "Margaret R." on July 23rd, c. 1501 from her

Hatfield estate.263 Lady Margaret also signed letters to son this way even if she did not write from Collyweston; her letter to him dated January 28th, 1501 from

Calais town is an example of this.264

Regardless of Lady Margaret's reason(s) for only beginning to sign her name as "Margaret R." in 1499, altering her signature this way is still a clear sign of El. Lady Margaret most likely meant for the "R." in her signature to stand for

Regina because up until she changed her signature, she signed her name in the common aristocratic practice, which, in her case, was "M. Richmond."265 Lady

Margaret used the "M. Richmond" signature since the 1460s.266 Considering the major political changes since then, Lady Margaret may have felt that it was time to alter her signature to symbolize these changes as an authoritative reminder to her recipients and anyone who might read her letters in the future. She even signed her name this way in letters to her son, most likely as a reminder to him

263 Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 152. 264 Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 150-151 is the best source for a copy of this letter. This letter also appears in Cooper 66-67, Howard 155-157, Hymer 164-166, and Routh 100-101. 265 Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 152 and Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 86. 266 Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 86. According to Jones & Underwood, the first example of her signature as "M. Richmond" dates from 1468. This document is Westminster Abbey Muniment, 12182, fol. 34, household accounts of Sir Henry Stafford and Lady Margaret Beaufort at Bourne and Woking, 1468. Jones & Underwood's analysis also indicates that the last time she used the "M. Richmond" signature was in April 1497. However, according to Jones & Underwood's work and of course, their bibliography, they did not examine the following documents in the Westminster Abbey Muniment Room, all of which Lady Margaret signed "Margaret R:" Westminster Abbey Muniments, 3172, power of attorney from Lady Margaret Beaufort, 14 May c. 1499-1504; Westminster Abbey Muniments, 4682, estates given to Westminster Abbey (1506); Westminster Abbey Muniments, 16015, licence for Lincolnshire lands, c. 26 November 1503; WAM 16016; and WAM 16017. 97 that he would not be king if she had not intervened politically. It is also

significant that after Stanley's elevation to in 1485, Lady Margaret

did not adopt Derby, alongside Richmond, when signing her name, possibly

signalling her power as Henry VN's mother and therefore a member of the

reigning royal family.268

Like her move to Collyweston and its transformation into a palace, the new

signature could also have been an additional sign of her independence - her

independent power and authority - not only as the king's mother, but also as a woman who had taken a vow of perpetual chastity, and was formally declared a

femme sole and was a member of the Order of the Garter. Because relocation was part of taking the vow and Henry granted Collyweston to her without conditions, Lady Margaret was free to do with it as she saw fit. Her El and

political sense recognized the need to make her power and personal authority

irrefutable and clearly visible. The conversion of Collyweston from a fine

residence into a Tudor palace269 was an important part of her political agenda.

The first letter, dated 14 January 1499 at Collyweston, may be found in Crawford 150- 151, Howard 155-157, Hymer 164-166, or Routh 100-101; the second letter, dated 28 January 1501 at Calais Town, may be found in Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 149, Ellis 46- 48, or Routh 102. 268 There is no primary source evidence revealing Lady Margaret's signature as the Countess of Richmond as well as Derby; she is identified as the Countess of Richmond and Derby in numerous primary and secondary sources, but nothing survives revealing her signature indicating that she was the Countess of Derby as well as Richmond. Crawford 152 makes note of this observation that Lady Margaret continued to use Richmond in her signature despite being married to Stanley, the Earl of Derby.

269 Jones, "Collyweston..." 129. For specific renovations, see pages 133-137. Unfortunately, Jones indicates on page 140 that no trace of Collyweston remains. 98

Palaces of the Tudor era have become famous for their courtly and leisurely luxuriousness and Collyweston was no exception.270 Lady Margaret was so successful in transforming Collyweston that when Henry VIM's officials examined the property after her death, they concluded that it was suitable to receive the king and his staff.271 Elizabeth I used it in the earlier years of her reign, but although the property was repaired and renovated in the 1560s it was in decline by the end of her reign.272 Lady Margaret was also successful in converting Collyweston into a palace because of its reputation as Henry VH's escape for leisure and amusement.273 She routinely hosted visiting nobles and courtiers, but the most famous occasion was the 1503 royal visit when her son and his daughter Princess Margaret, Lady Margaret's godchild, and favourite grandchild and the entire court stayed from 29 June to 5 July to mark Princess

Margaret's formal departure to marry King James IV of Scotland.274 Lady

Margaret's goal of making Collyweston a renowned palace was accomplished successfully. She was able to accommodate royalty there, lavishly displaying her status and authority as mother of the first Tudor king. Her presence and identity were clearly stamped on the property. For example, she fitted the four great bay

270 Jones, "Collyweston..." 131. Jones' aim in this essay was to critically examine the role of Collyweston in early Tudor years. 271 Jones, "Collyweston..." 129. 272 Jones, "Collyweston..." 129. 273 Jones, "Collyweston..." 131. 274 Cunningham 108, Chronicle of London 323, Jones, "Collyweston..." 129,130, 134, and 140, and Jones & Underwood, "The Tudors & England - Lady Margaret Beaufort" 27. See Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 148 for their reference to Princess Margaret as Lady Margaret's favourite grandchild. She was named after the Lady Margaret and at her baptism on 30 November 1489, Lady Margaret was one of her godmothers. 99 windows with her arms and had new battlements erected around the middle gate.275 Lady Margaret made Collyweston a mirror of her son's preferences and policies. Lord Morely noted that her chapel was equal to Henry's and her jewel house was separated from the counting house and library.276 Such renovations displayed her regal status to onlookers and visitors alike. The new Collyweston offered both an impressive and politically intimidating atmosphere.

Collyweston provided Lady Margaret not only a locus of social power but also an effective base from which she exercised temporal, political, and judiciary functions. From approximately 1500 onward, Lady Margaret and her council dealt with a significant increase in cases involving arbitration of land titles in

Northamptonshire, Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, and Yorkshire. Many of these cases were referred to Lady Margaret by Henry's royal council,277 such as the dispute between the town and university of Cambridge in 1503.278 When the master of Godshouse College at Cambridge University called to Collyweston for the production of documents in May 1503, he observed that there were at least fourteen councillors present, including sergeants-at-law, Collyweston (household) officers, and men from Cambridge.279 Jones, in his analysis of Lady Margaret's accounts, observed frequent references to prisoners who were incarcerated at

275 Jones, "Collyweston..." 135. 276 Jones, "Collyweston..." 133 and 135. 277 Jones, "Collyweston..." 137. 278 Jones, "Collyweston..." 138 and Underwood, "Cambridge Connections" 67. 279 Jones, "Collyweston..." 138. 100

Collyweston either permanently or temporarily while in transit to Northampton or

London.280

Jones noted that Lady Margaret had extensive political responsibilities working closely with her son because his reign, as it progressed, involved an increasing number of serious lawsuits, fiscal and criminal. These included the interrogation of a Master Butler and the prior of Stoneleigh for a treasonous conversation in January 1500281 and the confession of treason by a Sir Robert on

20 January 1500 regarding his involvement in the Cornish Uprising of 1497

"before [his] lady[']s grace at Collyweston."282 Lady Margaret also dealt with a report from Colchester tavern in which the people involved were questioning

Henry's ancestry and thus, his legitimacy for the throne. Lady Margaret also sent her agents to collect fines, bonds, and see that political and financial obligations were met.283 Lady Margaret made Collyweston such a significant power centre that Jones compares it to Lathorn's status in Lancashire when Lady Margaret's third husband's family, the Stanleys, were granted royal authority in the 1470s.284

Lady Margaret appealed strongly to the culture and expectations of her time and integrated El most effectively. In the last decade of her life, buoyed by a powerful reputation for piety and power and well established at Collyweston,

280 Jones, "Collyweston..." 139.

281 Jones, "Collyweston..." 139.

282 Westminste, r Abbey Muniments, 12245, confession of treason spoken at Collyweston, 1500.

283 Jones, "Collyweston..." 139 and 140.

284 Jones, "Collyweston..." 141. 101

Lady Margaret was able to enhance her image further by becoming a patroness of higher education. Her career at Collyweston constituted a culmination of her political career, enhanced and guided by her El. She was able to shape a positive public image in very complex situations from committing treason against

Richard III for her son's cause to her role in strengthening the new dynasty, and finally, establishing herself as an autonomous political figure at Collyweston in support of her son's government. The interaction between her emotions and intelligence as rational response patterns to her environment, her "molar behaviour," aided Lady Margaret in shaping and maintaining her positive, public image. More specifically, she applied her interpretations of others' emotions by regulating them with flexible planning, creative thinking, redirected attention, and of course, motivation for power and prestige. 102

Chapter 4

El and Lady Margaret as a Patroness of Higher Learning

In her last years, Lady Margaret Beaufort devoted much of her time to patronage of higher learning, such as the establishment of Christ's and St. John's

Colleges at Cambridge University.285 Historians are certainly justified in linking her academic patronage with her celebrated piety and her close relationship with

Bishop John Fisher, her personal confessor. They however, do not take into consideration the emotional context of her role as a patroness of higher learning and, in particular, the way in which it reflects her El. Patronage was a vehicle that allowed Lady Margaret a wide range of opportunities to deploy and utilize her El as she regulated her own and others' emotions, utilizing them to her advantage in desired new directions and demonstrating flexible planning and creative thinking. These new directions involved projects that would enhance her legacy and place in historical memory. They included an expansion of academic resources by promoting the teaching of theology, establishing new university colleges, and strengthening Cambridge University as an alternative to Oxford.

They also involve extensive personal commemoration and a suite of rooms at the university, where women were not normally allowed.286

According to Frederick Hepburn, "The Portraiture of Lady Margaret Beaufort," Antiquaries' Journal: Journal of Antiquaries of London 72 (1992): 118 and Jones & Underwood, "The Tudors & England - Lady Margaret Beaufort" 28, Lady Margaret is most remembered for her patronage of higher education.

Bradshaw 7. Lady Margaret's endowment of professors of Divinity significantly enhanced access to instruction in theology available in England.287 Upon

Elizabeth of York's death in 1503 Lady Margaret also became the patroness of

Queens' College and proceeded in reforming it.288 She secured the resignation of Thomas Wilkinson as President of Queens' College and saw him replaced by

John Fisher in 1505. Fisher's elevation may be seen simply as Lady Margaret's personal preference, manifesting her El by recognizing his intelligence spectrum and the benefits of having a project partner who shared her vision and values.

However, Lady Margaret planned more broadly: as the President of Queens'

College, Fisher was in the position to supervise Lady Margaret's new project - the construction of Christ's College.289 Lady Margaret's strategy of redirecting both personal and public attention to Cambridge University contributed significantly to its transformation into an internationally regarded institution with considerable influence in secular and ecclesiastical politics.290

John Fisher played a major role in stimulating Lady Margaret's interest in academic patronage. In his capacity as a bishop, her confessor, and, since

September 1503, a Reader at Cambridge, he not only fostered her interests but was able to redirect her attention from Westminster Abbey to Cambridge

University by convincing her that secular priests were needed much more than

287 A.F. Leach, The Schools of Medieval England (New York and London: Barnes & Noble, Inc. and Methuen Co. Ltd., 1969) 282. 288 Durning 46. 289 Dowling 9 and Durning 46. 290 Leader, A History of the University of Cambridge 265. 104

monks to spread the word of God. In the spirit of Northern Humanism, Fisher saw the dissemination of God's word to the ordinary people of England as the most pressing issue. Under Fisher's influence, Lady Margaret came to see the training and formation of secular priests as a key priority and a matter of common good - hence her role as Cambridge University's largest contributor.291

Another motive might have been Lady Margaret's need to redirect public attention from female royal figures in academic patronage to whom she had ranked inferior in her earlier years, namely Edward IV's queen Elizabeth

Woodville, and Richard Ill's queen, Anne Neville, both of whom had been patronesses of Queens' College.292 Unlike them, Lady Margaret was not a crowned queen and never enjoyed that topmost rank. She was a member of

Woodville's court and carried Anne's train during her coronation ceremony at

Westminster Abbey on 6 July 1483.293 While Anne Neville's death had preceded

Christopher Nugent Lawrence Brooke, "The University Chancellor," Humanism, Reform, and the Reformation: the Career of Bishop John Fisher, eds. Brendan Bradshaw and Eamon Duffy (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1989) 60, Christopher Nugent Lawrence Brooke and Robert Highfield, Oxford and Cambridge (Great Britain: Cambridge U P, 1988) 151, Cooper 247, Dowling 11 and 73, Jones and Underwood The King's Mother 202, 204 and 205, Leader History of the University of Cambridge 275 and 282, Macklem 10, Nicholas Orme, Medieval Schools: from Roman Britain to Renaissance England (New Haven, CT: U P, 2006) 223 and 241, Richard Rex "Lady Margaret Beaufort and her Professorship," Lady Margaret Beaufort and Her Professors of Divinity at Cambridge: 1502-1649, eds. Patrick Collinson, Richard Rex, , and Richard Stanton (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge U P, 2003) 20 and 23, Rex, Theology of John Fisher 6, Joan Simon, Education and Society in Tudor England (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1966) 81, Linda Simon, Of Virtue Rare 112-113, and Malcolm G. Underwood, "John Fisher and the Promotion of Learning," Humanism, Reform, and the Reformation: the Career of Bishop John Fisher, eds. Brendan Bradshaw and Eamon Duffy (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1989) 25. Other sources, including biographical ones, for example Jones & Underwood's The King's Mother, as well as literature on John Fisher and/or the history of Cambridge University, agree that Lady Margaret could not have established these colleges and professorships without Fisher's influence and guidance.

292 Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 133; and Dobson 10.

Buck, History of Richard III, Book 149, II 8-9. Henry Tudor s rise to power, Lady Margaret was unlikely to have enjoyed

Woodville's precedence over her during Edward IV's queen's brief restoration following the marriage of her daughter, Elizabeth, to the new king, Lady

Margaret's son.294 Considering the role of El in Lady Margaret's political career and her relationship with Elizabeth Woodville (see Chapter 3), the desire to outshine these two former queens undoubtedly played an important role in her decision to become a patroness of higher learning. Although Elizabeth

Woodville's patronage was what had allowed Queens' College to survive and be revived by her generosity, Lady Margaret's endowments were crucial to the material well-being of Cambridge University, which was in financial need despite the contributions of both Edward IV and Richard Ill's queens.295

A large reason why Cambridge University was in chronic need of donations was its social, political, and economic standing - Cambridge was not yet considered equal to Oxford. Like other medieval universities, Cambridge was a vocational institution, in principle aimed at training clergy.296 Lady Margaret's endowments were meant to benefit the broader public by providing educated and well-trained spiritual guides: Lady Margaret's Divinity Readers were permitted to preach rather than lecture during Lent; they had duties outside the university (as well as inside); they were to hold at least a Bachelor of Divinity degree; and they were to receive an additional stipend often pounds annually so that they would

294 Starkey 20. 295 Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 133. 296 Cobban 161. See more of Cobban for additional information on medieval universities and their curricula. 106 be able to preach six annual, obligatory sermons with ease. Furthermore, they were commissioned to read to anyone free of charge in order to bring theology to laymen.298 These provisions were not necessarily original or innovative, but they represented strong, progressive steps toward Lady Margaret and Fisher's ideals of a collegiate, evangelical university oriented towards theological training and committed to teaching the three biblical languages.299 This correlated with

Fisher's main task as a humanist: improving educational institutions in order to enable them to train clergymen to minister/preach in new and more effective ways. Humanists hoped that raising educational standards would reform abuses of the church from within.300

The purpose of Christ's College was to produce clergymen who were better educated and more zealous than those of previous generations.301

Christ's College was conceived primarily as a chantry, secondarily as a devotional house, only then a place of study. Lady Margaret and Fisher shifted its priorities. Chapter 41 of Christ's College's Statutes provides detailed evidence of Lady Margaret's intention to assist in generating better educated and more zealous clergy. It regulates students' lives and defines the specifics of university

*" Dowling 74. 298 Linda Simon, Of Virtue Rare 113. 299 Bradshaw 6-7. 300 Joan Simon, Education and Society in Tudor England 81. 301 Dobson 23 and 27, Leader, A History of the University of Cambridge 283, and Underwood, "Cambridge Connections" 70. Patricia Demers is more specific; she believes that Lady Margaret and Fisher hoped that these efforts would eventually end Lollardy (Demers 67). education by prescribing "the rudiments of Grammar" and frequent worship.

Chapter 29 reflects Lady Margaret's requirement that the Fellows act as godly examples to the pupils. They were to hold the following objectives "above all things, namely, the worship of God, the increase of the faith, and probity of morals."303 The chapel was to be the soul of the college's principles and objectives.304

Fisher and Lady Margaret honed their approach while planning and establishing Lady Margaret's second college at Cambridge, St. John's, which was completed two years after her death in 1511. Her passing and the fact that

Fisher gave Lady Margaret the idea of undertaking the St. John's College project305 are the reasons why many historians have credited the establishment

302 Christ's College, Cambridge University, Early Statutes of Christ's College, Cambridge: with the statutes of the prior foundation of God's House, ed./trans. H. Rackham (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1927) 106/107-108/109. The odd-numbered pages are English translations of the original Latin on the even pages. See "Chapter XLVIII - Of the interpreting of things ambiguous and obscure" 118/119-120/121 for additional information pertaining to how the Lady Margaret wanted her college to be governed. Leader, A History of the University of Cambridge 283 and Underwood, "Cambridge Connections" 70 provides some insight on Lady Margaret's intentions by analyzing the preferences reflected in the Lady Margaret Preacher elections.

303 Statutes of Christ's College 86/87. This statute and the previously noted citations pertaining to Lady Margaret's intentions in establishing Christ's College match her will; see Lady Margaret Beaufort, "The Will of Margaret Countess of Richmond." The Funeral Sermon of Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, Mother of King Henry VII, and Foundress of Christ's and St. John's College in Cambridge, Preached by Bishop Fisher in 1509: with Baker's preface to the same, containing some further account other charities and foundations, together with a catalogue of her professors both at Cambridge and Oxford, and of her preachers at Cambridge, ed. J. Hymers (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1840) 239.

304 Dobson 27. The chapel was consecrated in June 1510 and ranked one of the largest and luxurious chapels in Cambridge. 305 Brooke, "The University Chancellor" 47, Cooper 247, and Rex, "Lady Margaret Beaufort and her Professorship" 23-24. Surtz, The Works and Days of John Fisher 186 speculates that Fisher received more credit than Lady Margaret because of his role as the executor of her will. In this role, he financed a part of its construction and endowments, founded four fellowships, the position of Reader of a Hebrew lecture, Reader of a Greek lecture, four examiner readers, and four under-readers. of St. John's College solely to Fisher. However, its governing rule and practices

ought to be credited to Lady Margaret's El as much as those of Christ's College

because Fisher himself insisted that it was Lady Margaret who deserved the

credit in the letters of thanks and offers of commemoration presented by

Cambridge.306 Fisher was perhaps too modest when discussing his role and

involvement, but he and Lady Margaret should be seen as a team. Both placed emphasis on the importance and distribution of ecclesiastical property in hopes that resources would be used more efficiently.307 Both wanted St. John's to

house a learned academy that produced more educated and zealous preachers;

like Christ's College, St. John's was to produce clergy capable of quality

preaching. The students were to excel both in academic performance and in

proper evangelical behaviour. Preaching and Bible study were to be taught jointly.308 All this teamwork, which led them to the reform of Cambridge

University and cemented its relationship with the Tudor dynasty, can be linked to their initial meeting.309

. Lady Margaret's ability to work with Fisher as a team is only one of the

manifestations of her El. Contemporary sources offer other, even stronger examples of the role of Lady Margaret's El in pursuit of academic patronage.

She utilized flexible planning, creative thinking, redirected attention, and

306 Cooper 247 and 252 and Rex, "Lady Margaret Beaufort and her Professorship" 23-24. 307 Dowling 16. 308 Lady Margaret Beaufort, "The Will of Margaret Countess of Richmond and Derby", Dowling 14 and 74, and Underwood, "John Fisher and the Promotion of Learning" 31. 309 Dowling 10 and Rex, "Lady Margaret Beaufort and her Professorship" 20. 109

motivation. An important example is that she obtained royal permission from her

son, Henry VII,310 in a personal letter to "altre and chaunge part of a lyncence

which [Henry] had gyven unto [her] before to be put into mortmain at

Westmynster; and now to be converted into the university of Cambridge for [her]

soule helthe"311 before endowing the first university lectureships in theology and

divinity in December 1496 and March 1497.312 The written royal permission was

important not only for its own sake, but also because of it enshrines an explicit

proof that she was the primary agent in the project.

This letter also offers a clear insight of Lady Margaret's relationship with

Fisher and his role in her career as a patroness. Henry indicates in this letter that

he had received her letter through Fisher, who simultaneously delivered her

requests for a "general pardon for all manner causes" and "to alter and change

part of a license" as well.313 In doing so, Fisher "hath more over-shown unto

[Henry] on [Lady Margaret's] behalf that [she] of [her] goodness and kind

Cooper 91-92, Leader, History of the University of Cambridge 282, Rex, "Lady Margaret Beaufort and Her Professorship" 20-21, and Underwood, "Cambridge Connections" 67- 68.

311 Henry Tudor, "A Letter from the King to his Mother," The Funeral Sermon of Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, Mother of King Henry VII, and Foundress of Christ's and St. John's College in Cambridge, Preached by Bishop Fisher in 1509: with Baker's preface to the same, containing some further account other charities and foundations, together with a catalogue of her professors both at Cambridge and Oxford, and of her preachers at Cambridge, ed. J. Hymers (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1840) 160. A copy of this letter may also be found on pages 43-46 entitled "LETTER XXI - King Henry Vllth to his mother, Margaret Countess of Richmond" in Henry Ellis' collection Original Letters Illustrative of English History. Vol. I of III. London: Harding, Triphood, and Lepard Co., 1824.

312 Cobban 205.

Tudor, "A Letter from the King to his Mother" 160. 110 disposition have given and granted unto [him] such title and interest," for which he was very thankful.314

Less personal examples include two specific entries in the Calendar of

Patent Rolls, dated 1 March 1497 in Westminster, Membrane 17 (7). The first is a declaration of a "[IJicence for Margaret countess of Richmond, the king's mother, to found a perpetual lectureship of sacred theology in the University of

Oxford[.]"315 The second (and immediately following) entry is also a declaration of a licence, but this licence permits Lady Margaret "to found a perpetual lectureship of sacred theology in the University of Cambridge!.]"316 What is particularly noteworthy is that only Lady Margaret herself is mentioned - she alone was granted the licences - there is no mention of Fisher. The first entry mentions only her son, the King, but solely as clarification of Lady Margaret's identity and status.

Similar licences recurred and increased in value and importance in subsequent years. Lady Margaret continued to be the sole principal named in these documents. Her authority and responsibility become more clear and profound. For example, the same Calendar of the Patent Rolls entry dated 1

May 1505 in Westminster, Membranes 11-15 (19-15), states that with the

314 Tudor, "A Letter from the King to his Mother" 161. 315 Great Britain, Public Records Office, Court of Chancery, Calendar of the Patent Rolls Preserved in the Public Records Office Vol. II: Henry VII, A.D. 1494-1509 (London, Great Britain: HMSO, 1914) 79. The Calendar of Patent Rolls contains numerous entries like this pertaining to Lady Margaret. Although not all refer to her work as a patroness, they are clear indications of her independent work and contributions to her society.

316 Calendar of the Patent Rolls, II: 79. 111 consent of John Synchlyng (proctor or master) and the scholars of the

Cambridge college 'Goddeshouse,' a licence is to be granted to "Margaret countess of Richmond and Derby...to refound the house, by the name of Christ's

College[.]"317 Lady Margaret is the sole person granted this permission and is listed as sole person credited for its completion in Membranes 18 (4) and 20

(7).318 The Statutes of Christ's College indicate clearly on the title segment that the

statutes were put forth by...Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, and mother of the most illustrious King Henry VII, for Christ's College at Cambridge, which at no small expense the Princess herself lately completed, although it had before been in some measure begun by Henry VI of blessed memory, formerly King of England.319

Following this title segment and preceding the first chapter, the Statues include the foundation rules, beginning with the following: "We, Margaret, Countess of

Richmond and Derby, and mother of the most illustrious King Henry VII:-" with the words, "We, Margaret," in the original Latin ("Nos Mafgareta") in Lady

Margaret's own hand.320 Chapter 19, "Forms of oath to be taken by the Master

317 Calendar of the Patent Rolls, II: 415 and A.H. Lloyd, "Two Monumental Brasses in th3 Chapel of Christ's College," Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, vol. 33 (1931/32), ed. E.A.B. Barnard (Cambridge, England: Bowes & Bowes, 1933) 78. 318 Calendar of the Patent Rolls, II: 433 and 543. 319 Statutes of Christ's College 42/43. 320 Statutes of Christ's College 44/45. The editor and translator H. Rackham, a Fellow of Christ's College, notes that the words Nos Margarets are in Lady Margaret's own hand (H. Rackham, (ed. and trans.), Early Statutes of Christ's College, Cambridge (Cambridge: Messrs FABB & Tyler, Ltd., 1927) 44). He also observes that the first chapter of the Statutes constitutes, 112 immediately after his Election[,]" reinforces Lady Margaret's role and authority in that the master, in fulfilling his duties, would do so "according to the Ordinances and Statutes...put forth or hereafter to be put forth by Margaret, Countess of

Richmond and Derby, and Mother of the most illustrious King of England, Henry

VII, for the government of the aforesaid College[.]"321 Pope Julius II gave Lady

Margaret the same sole credit and recognition in his bull confirming the establishment of Christ's College, including her insignia and the Tudor rose in the document.322

Lady Margaret's decision to embark on a career of academic patronage was linked to changes in the political atmosphere of her personal world. As reflected in the Calendar of Patent Rolls, Lady Margaret received the first licences to act as an academic patroness on 1 March 1497. They granted her permission to found perpetual lectureships of sacred theology at Oxford and

Cambridge.323 Both of these projects were completed by 1502. When the licences were issued, her son's rule was much more secure than when he first acquired the crown in 1485; having dealt with and suppressed various

in principle, an introduction to the rules of Lady Margaret's foundation, hence his conclusion that Lady Margaret was keen on setting the rules and practices for Christ's College (Rackham, "Introduction," iv). Furthermore, Fisher is only mentioned occasionally throughout the Statutes in connection with his position as a faculty member, not as someone involved in the foundation of the College like Lady Margaret. For example, Fisher is mentioned with regard to his personal room assignments and privileges for visits in "Chapter VI - Of the prefemng of the worthy and of the assignment of rooms" 50/51-52/53 and in Chapter 46, "Of the Visitor," 114/115.

321 Statutes of Christ's College 68/69-70/71.

322 Pope Julius II, Papal Bull Confirming...Christ's College, London National Archives E 36/281.

Calendar of the Patent Rolls, II: 79. 113

rebels/rebellions, such as the Yorkshire Rebellion of 1489 and the Cornish

Rebellions of 1497.324 The fact that the pardon of the Blackheath Rebels, who were associated with the Cornish Rebellions, is the final document in a collection of Tudor proclamations in the reign of Henry VII pertaining to rebels attests to the growing stability of his reign.325 The new dynasty was recognized internationally:

Henry's son and heir to the throne, Arthur, was married to in

1501 and Henry's daughter, Lady Margaret's favourite grandchild, Margaret, was married off in 1503 to James IV of Scotland, with whom Henry signed the Treaty of Perpetual Peace in 1502.326 The Yorkist presence at court disappeared with

Elizabeth of York's passing in 1503. Lady Margaret had fewer political issues for her and her council to oversee.327 Lady Margaret's El demanded continued self- realization and its energies were redirected from politics to patronage.

An overview of entries pertaining to Lady Margaret in the Calendar of

Patent Rolls supports this argument. The first volume, which contains patent roll entries dating from the beginning of Henry's reign (1485) up to 1494, contains ten

324 The Yorkshire Rebellion of 1489 and the Cornish Rebellions of 1497 were the two rebellions featured by Anthony Fletcher & Diarmaid MacCulloch, Tudor Rebellions, 5th ed., Seminar Studies in History (Great Britain: Pearson Education Ltd., 2004) as the most important of the reign of Henry VII. See the brief, concise histories of these two rebellions from pages 18- 21.

325 The proclamation pardoning the Blackheath Rebels in this collection is dated 29 June 1497 (Fletcher & MacCollouch 39). The collection contains proclamations pertaining to preceding rebellions of Henry VII's reign, including the suppression of the Yorkshire Rebels, dated 10 May 1489, the rebels in 1486 and finally, the northern rebels of October 1485 (Fletcher & MacCollouch 20, 3, and 10 respectively).

326 Jones, "Collyweston..." 140.

327 For some specific examples of disputes/cases with which Lady Margaret and her council at Collyweston had to oversee, see Jones "Collyweston" beginning on page 137. 114

records regarding/addressing the Lady Margaret; four in 1486, four in 1487, and two in 1488. The second volume contains one entry in 1497, 1500, 1504, and

1507, and two entries in 1505 and 1506. The entries from the two periods differ sharply in terms of content. Those from the late 1480s pertain to matters

involving Lady Margaret's socio-economic authority, and requests she was able to make because of her rank. These do not recur after 1496. None of the 1486-

1488 entries indicate that Lady Margaret was involved in academic patronage

(See Table 1).

Table 1: Entries Pertaining to the Lady Margaret Beaufort in the Calendar of Patent Rolls - 1485-1509.

Entry Number Land/property Year of Authority Religious ownership Academic Other Entries and privileges Patronage

1486 4 3 2 1 0 0

1487 4 1 1 2 0 0

1488 2 0 1 0 0 1

1497 1 0 4 0 2 0

1500 1 0 0 1 0 0

1504 1 0 1 0 0 0

1505 2 0 2 0 2 0

1506 2 0 0 2 0 0

TOTAL 18 4 12 6 5 1

SOURCES: The entries of 1486 are dated 15 March, 12 March, 3 August, and 11 October (Great Britain, Public Records Office, Court of Chancery, Calendar of the Patent Rolls Preserved in the 115

Public Record Office, Vol. I: Henry VII, A.D. 1485-1494 (London, Great Britain: HMSO, 1914) 84, 94,113, and 128 respectively; the entries of 1487 are dated 22 March, 11 October, 10 April, and 21 December (Calendar of the Patent Rolls, I: 154-155, 160,171, and 206); the two entries of 1488 are dated 13 January and 25 February (Calendar of the Patent Rolls, I: 199 and 201); the 1497 entry is dated 1 March (Calendar of the Patent Rolls, I: 79); the 1500 entry is dated 2 October (Calendar of the Patent Rolls, I: 216); the 1504 entry is dated 7 February (Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 1: 371); the 1505 entries are dated 1 and 4 May (Calendar of the Patent Rolls, I: 415 and 433); the 1506 entries are dated 23 January and 28 November (Calendar of the Patent Rolls, I: 450 and 519); and finally, the 1507 entry is dated 11 November (Calendar of the Patent Rolls, I: 552).

The Patent Roll entries lend themselves well to the categorization

introduced in Table 1; entries that pertain to religious institutions such as churches, chantries, and monasteries are not to be confused with matters of patronage. As a woman of very high status, Lady Margaret was the subject of lands, estates, and the right to govern and/or supervise, hence the category dedicated to her authority. Some entries involve more than one category, hence the reason why the sum of each year's categories may not match its total number of entries. For example, 1497 contains four separate matters: two licences to establish "perpetual lectureship[s] of sacred theology," (one at Oxford and the other at Cambridge); and two licences to found chantries (one in the chapel of St.

George in Windsor Castle and the other in the church of Wymburne).328

The entries in the Calendar of Patent Rolls also reflect the effort of ensuring Lady Margaret's legacy and remembrance in posterity. For example, both Oxford and Cambridge University's "perpetual lectureshipfs] of sacred theology" were named in her honour in the founding documents, not in her memory after her death; each lectureship was "to be called the lectureship of

328 Calendar of the Patent Rolls, I: 552. 116

Margaret, mother if King Henry VIl[.]"329 Two separate entries in the Calendar of

Patent Rolls declare that Lady Margaret alone "finished and established" Christ's

College.330

The Statutes of Christ's College also confirm that Lady Margaret, not

Fisher, was the one credited for the establishment of the college and that she

played a key role in drafting the Statutes, actively ensuring her legacy.331 She was particularly concerned with the rules and customs pertaining to students, faculty, and clergy, and made sure that she would be remembered for it. For example, Chapter 40 of the Statutes states that the pupil scholars' oath required each candidate to "truly and honestly observe the Statutes, all and sundry, that

Margaret, mother of the most illustrious King Henry VII, Foundress of this

College, has herself or by her agents put forth for the administration of the same[.]"332 Chapter 19 states that the Master's oath taken immediately upon election was "according to the Ordinances and Statutes put forth or hereafter to

be put by Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, and Mother of the most illustrious King of England, Henry VII, for the government of the aforesaid

College[.]"333 The Master and Keeper's "[fjorm and [tjerms of[b]ond' by which

329 Calendar of the Patent Rolls, II: 79.

330 Calendar of the Patent Rolls, II: 433 and 543. The first is dated 4 May 1505 and the second is dated 14 July 1507.

331 The title page and the subsequent page of the Statutes are particularly important in making Ladi y Margaret's role, and her role only, astoundingly clear.

332 Statutes of Christ's College 104/105. This chapter continues onto the subsequent page.

333 Statutes of Christ's College 70/71. 117 they were bound in the subsequent chapter also refer to the statutes and ordinances "lately instituted or caused to be instituted by the illustrious Lady

Margaret!.]"334

The fact that Lady Margaret wanted "all the Fellows of [Christ's] College to care for above all things, namely, the worship of God, the increase of the faith, and probity of morals"335 reflects her El in two ways: it demonstrated her concerns about achieving greater common good, as she saw it, and served as a formal reminder to future generations of her piety. Chapter 41, "Of the Divine worship, scholastic exercises, and manners of the Pupils" reflects a similar intent: prayers were to be said for the Countess and her family even after death.336 The

Statutes are elaborately decorated with Lady Margaret's devices (her arms, badges, daisy, marguerite, Lancastrian rose, and her portcullis), visual reminders of her central role in founding the college.337

Lady Margaret's concerns about validating her legacy and ensuring posthumous remembrance are also reflected in her will. This testamentary document, dated 6 June 1508, is of particular importance because it represents a first-hand expression of her El and is one of the few surviving primary sources reflecting her voice directly. She used her will as an instrument to ensure that the fruits of her academic patronage were permanently entrenched. Cambridge

334 Statutes of Christ's College 70/71. 335 Statutes of Christ's College 86/87. 336 Statutes of Christ's College 106/107. 337 Rackham, Statutes of Christ's College iv. 118

University, particularly Christ's and St. John's Colleges and their future, were very important to her. She left them a significant part of her estate's funds and designated Fisher the executor of these bequests. She referred to the two colleges as "places where the lawes of God be more specially lernyd, taught, and prechid, and scolers to the same entent to be brought up in vertue and cunnyng for the increase of Crist's faith, have provided, ordeyned, and establisshed[.]"338

The terms of bequest required the masters and scholars to abide by the rules of the statutes and ordinances339 and that

the maister and scolers of...Crist's College, to be orderid, rewlid, and governed according to [her] said will, mynde, and entent, and according to the statuts and ordinaunces; and also to see and cause all...testament and last will to be truely executed and performyed in every behalf, as they will answer before Almighty God at the dredfull daie of finall jugement.340

Lady Margaret's will demonstrates her ability to apply creative and redirected thinking to the more distant future. The document reflects her motivation and ability to appraise and regulate emotions (her own, as well as those of others), and motivation in a personal, written document.

338 Lady Margaret Beaufort, "The Will of Margaret Countess of Richmond" 239. 339 iDowlin g 14 and "The Will of Margaret Countess of Richmond" 230, 239-240, and 247. See pages 44-121 of the Statutes of Christ's Collegetor th e statutes of Christ's under Lady Margaret's patronage and authority.

Lady Margaret Beaufort, "The Will of Margaret Countess of Richmond" 247. 119

However, it is the architecture of Christ's College that offers, arguably, the strongest evidence of Lady Margaret's El in ensuring her legacy and place in historical memory. Spatial organization and visual features of Christ's College strongly reflect Lady Margaret's presence and her preferences, ensured by her authority and its foundress.341 Residential colleges were a key tradition of medieval university life where memories of masters, fellows, and founders remained.342 Lady Margaret's symbolic and spiritual presence permeates the college's architecture, new and old parts alike.343

For instance, Christ's College's master's lodge and entrance are rather atypical of their architectural categories because of Lady Margaret's use of the space and her concern with posthumous legacy. The master's lodge, previously known as the Beaufort lodging,344 on the first floor of Christ's College, was clearly

Durning 45 and 59. Durning's aim was to re-examine Christ's College from a gendered point of view (Durning 45), an undertaking that is wholly original and unique in the study of Lady Margaret Beaufort. Jones & Underwood have discussed the importance of her lodgings in The King's Mother, but although they placed emphasis on the extent to which her lodgings were arranged for her personally (Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 225), they did not analyze any part of Christ's College's unique architectural and spatial attributes the way Durning did. Durning acknowledged this and provides additional descriptions of the Beaufort lodging and its architecture (Durning 48-49).

342 Lloyd 74.

343 James P. Carley & Janet Backhouse, "Remembrances of Lady Margaret Beaufort in the Archives: her Foundation Document and her Signatures," Christ's College Magazine 222 1997:14. This statement is based on Cariey's personal observations and experiences as a visitor of the college. Considering all that Lady Margaret did for the college, including her many financial and material contributions, it is no wonder that Cariey's personal observation is that Lady Margaret's spiritual presence permeates throughout. See Geoffrey T. Martin, "Lady Margaret's Benefactions to Christ's College," Christ's College Magazine 230 2005 (Quincentenary ed.): 31- 46 for detailed records of her donations.

344 Although sources do not clearly indicate when the Beaufort lodging became known as the master's lodge, they imply that the Beaufort lodging became the master's lodge after Lady Margaret's passing because of the lodging's history and space fit for a master, for the lodging was built specifically for Lady Margaret. built for Lady Margaret's personal use. This permits one to assume that Lady

Margaret not only had these rooms built but that she made use of them, given the pivotal role she played in the university's establishment and affairs.346 For example, the chamber in the master's lodge nearest the hall, with its own separate entrance to the courtyard, functioned as Lady Margaret's meeting room.

The two inner rooms, comprising of the master's private chambers, had an additional entrance beneath the carved oriel of the upper lodging.347 Durning concludes that these rooms must have served as an important base for the realization of Lady Margaret's interests and role as a patroness while present in the college and university, particularly because they provided an appropriate space for audiences.348

While the spatial design provides clear evidence of Lady Margaret's El by reflecting her ability to redirect her attention and monitor others' emotions with regard to her personal power and authority, the finishing touches provide an even stronger reminder of her presence and the vital role in the foundation of the college. Her marguerites, portcullises, and daises are omnipresent. They were

345 Lloyd 74. According to Lloyd, who is associated with the antiquaries of Cambridge University, the remainder of the house was allocated to her servants among whom the master of the college may also have been included. 346 Durning 51 and Underwood "Cambridge Connections" 67-69. Lady Margaret's involvement in Christ's College's affairs apart from patronage, also included legal functions. Underwood points out in his article "Cambridge Connections" that an important dispute between Cambridge University and the town of Cambridge was referred to her Collyweston court in 1501. Its resolution was an agreement in Lady Margaret's authority to deal with any future disputes between the university and the town (Underwood, "Cambridge Connections" 67-69).

347 Durning 48 and Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 225.

Durning 51. 121 incorporated into various windows, plates, and vestments, the hall screen's woodwork, the college's original book of statutes, and they dominated the carved panels in her lodgings' main chamber.349 Upon the completion of Staircase 4 in

1994, builders carved in her signature for all to see (Figure 13) as an additional reminder of the college's origins and founder.

Figure 13 mmmmm

SOURCE: Christ's College, Cambridge University. This image is a detail of the original provided by Christ's College. Note that this image has been included in this thesis with formal permission from the master, fellows, and scholars of Christ's College Cambridge. A black and white version of this image may be found in Cariey & Backhouse 15.

However, it is Lady Margaret's lasting presence at Christ's College is best ensured by the prominent placement of her heraldic devices throughout the college. One of the most impressive instances is the coat of arms inserted below

Durning 58. the window and above her chamber entrance of the Beaufort Lodging facing the

court (Figure 14) that contains her evocative motto souvent me souvient.

Figure 14

SOURCE: Christ's College, Cambridge University. This photograph has been included in this thesis with permission of the Master, Fellows, and Scholars of Chnst's College, Cambridge.

Carley & Backhouse 14, Dobson 4, and Durning 51. 123

Another dramatic reminder of Lady Margaret's presence and authority is the college's gatetower. It is dominated by Lady Margaret's arms with the integrated

heraldic field within the architectural lines.351

351 Carley & Backhouse 14 and Durning 51-53. Displays of heraldry, such as coats of arms, were one of the dominant ways of representing the aristocracy and its power, authority, and innovation. Coats of arms, more specifically, were signs of heritability and thus, visual proof of one's right to titles and lands under their legal control. See Durning's Figure 4 for one of her own photographs of Lady Margaret's arms display at Christ's College (Durning 52). 124

Figure 15

K*3 •*.-<*-'?, M .*--:i im r*i*- rw-i'V.. M'-

't

-™1 •:•% ; ; - •.*•. :>wm&#&, ft/xmmkr,,, • , .;i: - • jnr : :|p'" *N tl ^:iis^' wis

SOURCE: Christ's College, Cambridge University. This photograph has been included in this thesis by permission of the Master, Fellows, and Scholars of Christ's College, Cambridge. Lady Margaret's arms and Beaufort family shield with her personal crest dominate the gates/gatehouse of Christ's College. 125

Lady Margaret's arms and Beaufort family shield with her personal crest also dominate the gates/gatehouse of Christ's College. Lady Margaret chose to emphasize her power and authority by adding badges of a crowned red

(Lancastrian) rose and a Beaufort family portcullis, a demonstration of her El in providing a reminder of Tudor legitimacy. Lady Margaret strengthened the visual impact by having the shield supported by mythical beasts and by saturating the background with her personal emblems, marguerites and forget-me-nots, and her motto souvent me souvient - Lady Margaret made her presence and hers alone, clear for all to see.352 The inclusion of the royal emblems highlighted the fact that

Lady Margaret not only established the college but maintained it under the mantle of royal authority.353

Visitors of Christ's College are continually reminded of Lady Margaret and her role. The only references to Henry VI, the patron of Christ's precursor God's

House, are the coroneted red (Lancastrian) roses on the main gateway and above Lady Margaret's lodging door. However, this Lancastrian symbolism may also serve as a reinforcement of Lancastrian long-term patronage of Christ's

College, begun by Henry VI and completed by Lady Margaret. Lady Margaret also may have wanted the Lancastrian roses to serve as a symbol of her power and royal lineage in an effort to outshine the two Yorkist queens Elizabeth

Woodville, wife of Edward IV, and Anne Neville, wife of Richard III, both of whom

352 Durning 53-55. Gates were important focal points in late medieval ceremonial traditions; Christ's College's entrance strongly resembles that of a cloth of estate (Durning 55). 353 Calendar of the Patent Rolls, II: 433, 543, and 552, Durning 53, and Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 81. were patronesses of Queens' College. Finally and perhaps most importantly,

Lady Margaret undoubtedly wanted the crowned Lancastrian roses to symbolize her son's power and legitimate accession to the throne of England. As Dobson suggests, transforming God's House into Christ's College was a superior ploy to demonstrate Tudor political and spiritual legitimacy.354 Hence, the imagery simultaneously enforces Lady Margaret's exalted station and personal authority as the King's mother, and her personal agency and initiative in establishing

Christ's College. These carefully restored visual displays continue to serve as a lasting reminder of Lady Margaret's power and place in the history of Christ's

College.355 Dobson argued that they also serve as memorials of Cambridge

University's finest creative period, when it finally became logistically and academically an equal to Oxford.356 They not only represent and symbolize the

Lady Margaret, her presence, and her authority, but they also serve as monuments to the wealth and artistic taste of a woman whom Dobson calls "the most formidable woman in early Tudor England."357

354 Dobson 28. 355 Note that the photographs included in this chapter are very recent; see Carley & Backhouse 14 for Cariey's personal observation of Lady Margaret's presence in imagery in Christ's College. Furthermore, all the previously discussed symbols of Lady Margaret currently remain.

356 Dobson 4 and Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 229-230.

Dobson 4. Similar visual displays and underlining concepts were used to decorate St.

John's College's entrance (Figure 16) and elsewhere in the college, when it was completed in 1511, two years after Lady Margaret's death.358

Durning 59. 128

Figure 16 W %-• fife*

SOURCE: This photograph of St. John's College's entrance was originally taken by Alice Hardy of the St. John's College Development Office. It may be found in the photo album entitled "Walk through St. John's 2009." All photo albums may be found on the following website entitled "College Photo Galleries" - http://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/photo gallery/. The original photograph from which this detail was created is the second photograph in the album itself in this specific website upon entry of the photo gallery (http://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/photo gallery/?album=walk- through-sic) entitled in accordance with the album, "Walk through St. John's 2009." This image 129

has been reproduced by permission of the Master and Fellows of St. John's College, Cambridge University.

Another impressive display of Lady Margaret's presence in St. John's College is incorporated in the archway leading patrons from the First Court to the Second and the Beaufort portcullis in the Chapel Court (Figures 17 and 18).

Figures 17 and 18

i-**».

put J 'tin Itin ?

SOURCES: These photographs of the archway in the First Court leading to the Second and the Chapel court were kindly provided by St. John's College and included in this thesis by permission 130

of the Master and Fellows of St. John's College, Cambridge. The second photograph was originally taken by Alice Hardy of the St. John's College Development Office. It may be found in the photo album entitled "Walk through St. John's 2009." All photo albums may be found on the following website entitled "College Photo Galleries" - http://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/photo gallery/. The original photograph from which this detail was created is the fifteenth photograph in the album itself in this specific website upon entry of the photo gallery (http://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/photo gallery/?album=walk-through-sic), entitled in accordance with the album, "Walk through St. John's 2009." These images have been reproduced by permission of the Master and Fellows of St. John's College, Cambridge University.

The visual displays incorporated into the architectural features of both

Cambridge colleges, Lady Margaret's last will and testament, the various entries in the Calendar of Patent Rolls, and other sources providing strong evidence of the role of Lady Margaret's El in her activities as a patroness of higher learning.

They reflect her creative thinking, her abilities of flexible and long-term planning based on appraisal and regulation of emotions as well as her skill at using these to her advantage by redirecting her attention and shaping her motivation and attitudes. Equally important is that her creative thinking, abilities of flexible and long-term planning based on appraisal and regulation of emotions, redirecting her (and others') attention, and shaping her motivation and attitudes remained within the boundaries of what her world permitted of a woman of Lady Margaret's status as a high noblewoman. Lady Margaret's El, constituted a critical element of her character, a factor hitherto overlooked by historians in their analyses of this period of Lady Margaret's life. Chapter 5

Lady Margaret's El and Fisher's "Morning Remembrance"

Fisher's month's mind sermon, "Morning Remembrance, delivered one month after Beaufort's death (29 June 1509) and widely disseminated in print, is arguably the most important document to shape and sustain Lady Margaret's image as a model of piety and define her lasting legacy. Sermons were important tools in shaping public opinion in Lady Margaret's time360 but Fisher's eulogy also sustained generations of historians interested in Lady Margaret and the early Tudor period. With the exception of John Britton, historians saw it as providing key evidence of Lady Margaret's exceptional piety. However, it also provides a vital window into the manifestations of her El.

Jones & Underwood, The King's Mother 1. Wynkyn de Worde published this sermon. See Hatt 27-35 and Rex, Theology of John Fisher 42-44 tor an analysis of how Fisher structured the sermon. As previously noted in Chapter 2, the following copy of Lady Margaret's eulogy, Saint John Fisher, "Morning Remembrance," The Funeral Sermon of Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, Mother if King Henry VII, and Foundress of Christ's and St. John's College in Cambridge, Preached by Bishop Fisher in 1509: with Baker's preface to the same, containing some further account of her charities and foundations, together with a catalogue of her professors both at Cambridge and Oxford, and of her preachers at Cambridge, ed. J. Hymers (Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1840), rather than the additional copy of this sermon, entitled "MORNYNG REMEMBRAUNCE HAD AT THE MONTH MYNDE OF THE NOBLE PRUNCES MARGARET COUNTESSE OF RYCHMONDE AND DARBYE. ENPRYNTED BY WYNKYN DE WORDE" in The English Works of John Fisher, ed. John E.B. Mayer (London: Oxford U P, 1876) because it is the clearer of the two available copies. Although historians seem to prefer Mayer's copy, the language of Hymers' version is much more modern and his annotations are more relevant to this thesis' interests.

360 Preaching, according Wabuda 24, was second to the sacraments in importance; it played an essential, supplementary role because preaching was public church education. Sermons promoted church standards, beliefs, and morals. For information on the roles and importance of sermons in this time period, see Wabuda 27. Fisher portrayed Lady Margaret in a manner most late medieval English noblewoman wanted to be remembered, stressing her nobility, chastity, piety, and hospitality by comparing her to (Saint) Martha (of Bethany). Dobson argued that the sermon contains features absent in all previous English Queen Mothers' eulogies in terms of its emotional quality and rhetorical elements.361 Fisher's composition makes clear that Lady Margaret had made an intense, personal, and emotional impact on him. Lady Margaret's piety, which Britton dismissed as superstitious rather than entirely genuine,362 is certainly the strongest focal point of Fisher's praise. By comparing her nobility, piety, chastity, and hospitality to

Martha, Fisher unintentionally exposes Lady Margaret's El: her capabilities in appraising and regulating her emotions as well as those of others prior to utilizing them in shaping motivation, redirecting attention, creative thinking, and flexible planning.

Martha was the most obvious choice among other women figuring in the

New Testament and the entire Bible. Because she had been married and her son, Henry VII, had been conceived through conventional means, Fisher could not pair the Countess and the Virgin Mary.363 Mary Magdalene was out of the

Dobson 8. He points out the fact that Fisher created this sermon as part of a deliberate attempt in influencing others to instigate proceedings to have Lady Margaret canonized. 362 Skinner 370.

363 Matthew 1:18-25 and Luke 1:26-36 stress Mary's virginity and claim that Jesus was conceived by the Holy Spirit. All biblical references in this thesis are from the NET BIBLE, New International Version (NIV), 1st Ed. (Biblical Studies P, 2005). 133 question despite her repentance and closeness to Jesus.364 Fisher also could

not compare Lady Margaret to the Virgin Mary's cousin, Elizabeth, mother of

John the Baptist because of his execution by beheading.365 Lady Margaret also could not be linked to any woman featured in the Old Testament. Eve, for example, disobeyed God by picking an apple off the forbidden tree of knowledge.366 Rebekah tried to manipulate her husband to obtain for her second

(twin) son, Jacob, his older brother Esau's birthright.367 Esther was a fine woman but, unlike the Lady Margaret, she had been a queen.368 In any case, an Old

Testament figure would not have been the most suitable for comparison with the

Lady Margaret because she would not have been directly associated with Jesus, unlike the women of the New Testament.

364 Although there is no evidence in the gospels that Mary Magdalene had actually been a prostitute, her image as a woman once possessed by seven demons excluded her form comparison to Lady Margaret despite her becoming a devout follower of Christ, her presence at his crucifixion, and her witnessing his resurrection (Mark 16:9 and/or Luke 8:2). For details on Mary Magdalene's presence at Jesus' crucifixion and resurrection, see Matthew 27: 55-56, 61, and 28:1-10, Mark 15:33-47 and 16, Luke 24:1-12, and finally, John 19:25 and 20:10-18.

365 Luke tells the story of Elizabeth's pregnancy, her meeting with Mary pregnant with Jesus, and birth of Elizabeth's son, John the Baptist in 1:5-66. For John the Baptist's death, see Matthew 14:1-12 and/or Luke 6:14-29. Naturally, this left Salome, who demanded John's head on a platter (Matthew 14:6-8), out of favour for Fisher's purposes. 366 Genesis 3.

367 The story of Esau and Jacob begins in Genesis 25; however, for Rebekah's effort in getting Jacob, her favourite son, Esau's birthright from their father, her husband Isaac, see Genesis 27.

368 See the book of Esther for her life and how she became queen. She is admired for saving the Jews of her kingdom. Martha s association with Jesus may be the reason why her cult was at the height of its popularity in the late-medieval era,369 a fact that also may have influenced Fisher in choosing Martha for comparison with Lady Margaret.

Martha, along with the Virgin Mary and Mary Magdalene, can be considered one of the most important women in the New Testament.370 Martha, however, was the best choice for more specific reasons: she was of noble family and the Bible made her famous and respected as the first woman to confess her faith in Jesus as Christ, Son of God.371 Jesus not only loved Martha, but her siblings Mary and

Lazarus as well.372 She witnessed the miracle of her brother Lazarus' rise from the dead373 and twice hosted Jesus in her home. The first visit, according to

Luke,374 generated the best-known image of Martha because of her hospitality for

Jesus.375 According to a popular medieval legend, Martha passed away upon

369 Diane E. Peters, "The Life of Martha of Bethany by Pseudo-Marcilia," Theological Studies 58 (1997): 442 and Elisabeth Moltmann-Wendel, A Land Flowing With Milk and Honey - Perspectives on Female Theology (New York: Crossroad, 1986) 57. For additional insight on the cult of Martha in the later medieval period and the medieval legends of Martha, begin with Diane E. Peters, "The Life of Martha of Bethany..." 444. Peters notes that it was after the 1187 discovery of the body of "Martha of Bethany" that Martha's cult began to thrive. Peters' book, The Many Faces of Martha of Bethany (Ottawa, Canada: Novalis, St. Paul U, 2008) 13-14 and 20-25 contain more detail because of her discussion of the rise and fall of the cult.

370 Peters, "The Life of Martha of Bethany..." 441. Peters identifies Martha as one of the three most important women of the New Testament, together with the Virgin Mary and Mary Magdalene. Peters does not include other women of the new Testament, such as Mary's cousin Elizabeth, mother of John the Baptist.

371 Peters, "The Life of Martha of Bethany..." 441. See the gospel of John 11:27 for Martha's personal confession to Jesus.

372 See John 11:5.

373 See John 11:11-44 for the story how Jesus rose her brother, Lazarus, from the dead.

374 See Luke 10:38-42 and John 12:1-11 for the two separate events during which Martha served Jesus food in her home.

Peters, The Many Faces of Martha of Bethany 26 and 27-28. 135

hearing the words (dictated to her) that Jesus had uttered on the cross, "Father,

into your hand I commend my spirit."376 Martha was an excellent rhetorical tool to

highlight Lady Margaret - both women shared social status and key virtues

(chastity, piety, and hospitality) and both were considered excellent symbols of good Christian life.377

Martha of Bethany, like the Lady Margaret, was a secular noblewoman:

Martha was a lady "to whom by inheritance belonged the Castle of Bethany" and

Lady Margaret was a "linea[r] descendant] of King Edward the Third[.]"378 With this background came the expectation of noble conduct and virtues, such as chastity, piety, and of course, charity and hospitality. As Fisher saw it, nobles who did meet the expected standards of behaviours "should be ashamed to go out of kind, from the virtuous manners of their ancestor[s] before."379

Hence, there were two kinds of nobility - one bestowed by lineage and the other by behaviour and both were important for the Countess. The nobility of descent was beyond question: Lady Margaret carried royal blood and was

Peters, "The Life of Martha of Bethany..." 446 and Peters The Many Faces of Martha of Bethany 19. This statement, "Father, into your hand I commend my spirit," may be found in Luke 23:46; however, the NIV presents this statement with "commit" rather than "commend." 377 Peters, "The Life of Martha of Bethany..." 449, 452, and 453-454. 378 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 108. See Chapter 2 on the importance of noble status in Lady Margaret's world. Peters indicates on page 17 of her book that Martha's mother, Eucharia, was a descendant of the royal house of Israel and from her, Martha and her siblings, Mary and Lazarus, inherited the towns of Magdala, Bethany, and part of the city of Jerusalem (Peters, The Many Faces of Martha of Bethany 17). According to Vita Beatae Mariae Magdalenae, Martha's father was the Syrian Theophilus; however, according to other Latin sources, he was simply Syrus.

Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 108. 136

related to the highest ranking noble families of England. Fisher, however,

portrays her also as noble "in nature:" kind, forgiving, generous, pious, politically

and economically savvy, obedient, and hospitable,380 "a mirror and exemplar of

honour" to "all the noblemen and women,"381 just as Martha was presented in the

Bible.382 Patronage can be seen as a form of hospitality and much of a secular

noble's power and influence derived from it.383 It was an expected component of

a good noble's demeanour and behaviour, like hospitality and general largesse.

Hosting Jesus in her home was one of the ways Martha contributed to her

society as a patroness.384 As a secular noblewoman, Lady Margaret was able to

bestow her patronage to the academic and literary worlds however she pleased.

Fisher confirms (and insinuates) that the extent of her patronage activities,

especially her support of higher learning, was seen as exceptional by her

contemporaries and highly regarded by them because it was motivated by

service to Christianity, enhancing her reputation for piety. Patronage of literature

and academia was a socially approved way for secular noblewomen to engage in fulfilling charitable tasks while fostering a reputation. Lady Margaret was able to

pursue this venue to the point of building an image of near sanctity without

Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 109 and 110. 381 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 108-109 and 121. 382 Peters, The Many Faces of Martha of Bethany 17. 383 Skinner 370-371. 384 Philip F. Esler and Ronald A. Piper, Lazarus, Mary and Martha - A Social-Scientific and Theological Reading of John (London: SCM P, 2006) 77. 137 directly investing in the Catholic Church as an institution. As Fisher wrote, she

remained "a true defender" of Catholicism and "all the learned men of England, to whom she was a very patroness" mourned her death.386 She instituted Holy

Divinity Readers at both Oxford and Cambridge University, supported preachers to disseminate Jesus' doctrine, and she was responsible for the establishment of

Christ's and St. John's Colleges at Cambridge University.387

As a patroness of higher education, Lady Margaret was able to flaunt her

power, influence, and of course, her piety. Piety, as discussed in Chapter 2, was expected and to a certain degree mandatory in Lady Margaret's world. However,

Lady Margaret was able to flaunt it, and yet be praised and build her exceptional

reputation on it. Flaunting piety, or anything else for that matter, requires flexible

planning, creative thinking, and redirecting attention. Such an exercise of emotional knowledge also requires a firm understanding of societal expectations and accurate appraisals of situations in the proper social, environmental context.

In Lady Margaret's world, developing a reputation for exceptional piety

meant flaunting those aspects of pious life that were above and beyond the basic, general expectations. Fisher's purpose in his sermon "is not vainly to extol or to magnify above her merits, but to the edif[ication] of other[s] by the example

See Chapter 4 for analysis of the reason(s) Lady Margaret changed her focus to academic patronage from ecclesiastical patronage. 386 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 121. 387 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 129. See Chapter 5 for Lady Margaret's involvement in establishing these two colleges, especially Christ's College. 138 of her." Fisher stresses Lady Margaret's strict, daily routine. Her days began with prayer, usually at approximately five in the morning, followed by matins.

Afterward, she

heard four or five masses daily upon her knees, so continuing in her prayer and devotions unto the hour of dinner, which was the eating day ten of the clock, and upon the fasting day, eleven. After dinner full truly she would go [to] her stations to three alters daily...and her evensongs before supper, both of the day and of our lady, beside may other prayer and psalters of David throughout the year; and at night before she went to bed she failed not to resort unto her chapel, and there a large quarter of an hour to occupy her in devotions.389

Her household members and numerous guests noticed this strict daily regiment and some joined her.390 It was not difficult to ensure others had taken note of this rigid schedule because of the large amount of time Lady Margaret devoted to

God every day. Visitors and household members were bound to have noticed her at prayer or engaged in some other form of religious activity at some point in the day. This approach was emotionally intelligent in three very important ways.

Having others observe her pious behaviour would only enhance and maintain her reputation and image, particularly after her son's accession to the throne, which immediately accorded her a central place in the public eye. Secondly,

Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 112. Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 114. Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 114. 139

emotionally intelligent people tend to engage in mental hygiene activities of some

sort. Confession and prayer appear to have been Lady Margaret's sources of

mental hygiene. Finally, pious activities like prayer and mass typically provide a

quiet, peaceful, and solemn atmosphere offering Lady Margaret undisturbed

opportunities to reflect on her emotions, her observations of others' emotions,

and hence, plot her next move. Considering how much time Lady Margaret

habitually spent engaged in religious contemplation and Catholic rituals, she

clearly maximized the potential for reflection and thought that they offered.

Her vow of chastity greatly contributed to her cherished and carefully fostered reputation for exceptional piety. The timing was essential for this

purpose: Lady Margaret took her vow of perpetual chastity in 1498 or 1499.391

Her husband, Thomas, Lord Stanley, who would pass away only in 1503, was still very much alive and well when she obtained his permission to take this vow.392 Women who took such vows were normally widows393 and taking this

step while still married further enhanced Lady Margaret's standing.

The vow was ground into public consciousness through various ceremonial and visual means. The episcopal ceremony that accompanied the vow involved taking the "mantle and ring" and being "clothed and veiled" like a

Jones & Underwood 187-188. Jones, in "Collyweston..." indicates that she moved to Collyweston in 1498; since relocation was part of the package in taking a perpetual vow of chastity, Lady Margaret most likely took the vow in 1498. 392 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 113.

Durning 50. 140 nun.394 Although there is no direct evidence indicating that she changed her everyday appearance as a result of the vow of chastity, she took care to be represented in austere, nun-like apparel in her last years. Prior to moving to

Collyweston, Lady Margaret as been documented as dressed in the same and/or strikingly similar robes as her daughter-in-law, Queen Elizabeth (of York), behind whom she only followed half a pace during formal occasions.395 However, Lady

Margaret took care not to be represented in sartorial splendour in her portraits.

Frederick Hepburn's analysis of Lady Margaret portraiture makes a critically important observation: "[i]f one takes all the painted portraits of Lady Margaret together, one can see that, without exception, they show her...wearing essentially the same, nun-like costume."396 See Figures 18 and 19 as examples.397

394 Mary C. Erler, "English Vowed Women at the End of the Middle Ages," Mediaeval Studies 57 (1995): 156. For details on the ceremony itself, see pages 160-165. 395 Starkey 21. 396 Hepburn 120. 397 For information, including specific details, on the significance of each piece of her nun­ like costume, see Hepburn 123-128. Figure 19

SOURCE: Lady Margaret portrait in Hampton Court Palace. Photo: Rebecca Osawa, with verbal permission and under supervision on 4 August 2009 after disclosure of intent and nature of this thesis. Figure 20

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f'®J i?

SOURCE: Lady Margaret's funeral effigy, Westminster Abbey Muniment Room. This image is included with permission. Copyright' Dean and Chapter of Westminster.

Merely taking a vow of perpetual chastity and dressing in a nun-like garb, rather than actually taking the veil, were both emotionally intelligent decisions for one fundamental reason: both steps were strong visual representations of piety without the loss of autonomy involved in joining a religious order. As a nun, she would have been bound to the church and the requisite vow of obedience

might have interfered with independent action and strategies aimed at enhancing

her image through high visibility and patronage of higher education. Remaining

in the world, while living as if under a nun's vow, gave Lady Margaret more financial freedom because one of the conditions of the vow of perpetual chastity was abstaining from the extravagant lifestyle typical and expected of high

nobility.399

Upon taking her vow, Lady Margaret relocated to Collyweston in

Northamptonshire where she took up permanent residency. She welcomed

Stanley's visits there but relegated him to his own space, treating him as a friend

rather than a husband.400 She enjoyed autonomy and privacy whether or not her

husband was visiting Collyweston. It was at Collyweston where she handled

many political and judicial cases that were actually referred from her son's court401 following the vast renovations she made to convert the property to a

palace, including the chapel that was equal to her son's and that all visitors admired (see Chapter 3).402 Fisher points out that it was well-known how

398 Krug 106. 399 Erler, "English Vowed Women..." 156-157. 400 Anne Crawford, Letters of the Queens of England 146. Such an arrangement reiterates (again) the political nature of their marriage. For specific details on Collyweston itself, see Jones, "Collyweston..." 401 For examples of specific cases, see Jones, "Collyweston..." 137-141. SeeChapter3 for analysis of the political significance of Collyweston and its relationship with Lady Margaret's El. 402 Jones, "Collyweston..." 133. Jones states that the chapel renovations were particularly noticeable in the repairs and alternations made for choristers and the elevation of a chamber for desks and printing presses. For specific details on the renovations the Lady 144

"studiously she procured justice to be administered...and of her own charges provided men...to hear all causes and administer right and justice to every party, which were not in small number"403 and that Lady Margaret was "a common mediatrice" for "all the common people...and took right great displeasure for them[.]"404

The literary projects and patronage that Lady Margaret had undertaken in the last decade of her life also helped cement her reputation for exceptional piety. As Fisher phrased it, the works she translated and/or gave her patronage were "for her exercise, and for the profit of otherfs]."405 For example, in 1504, she translated (into English) the fourth book of the Imitation of Christ and in 1506 she translated the Mirror of Gold for the Sinful Soul.406 Patronage as a tool in fulfilling spiritual obligations is also advocated in the Book of Hours she commissioned from Caxton in 1491, in which readers are encouraged to be charitable to everyone.407 It afforded Lady Margaret a high profile opportunity to engage in very visible and public forms of charity while allowing her to spend much time with clergy, who were central to the conduct of higher education and

Margaret made at Collyweston, Jones, "Collyweston..." 133-137. These renovations were discussed in more detail in Chapter 3.

403 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 116.

404 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 121.

405 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 110.

406 Edwards & Meale 100.

407 Krug 93. held much public authority and prestige. Her autonomous status allowed her to develop her own religious routine and adapt to her political, social, and economic realities and needs.

Lady Margaret was very likely conscious of these possibilities when she pondered the decision to take this vow, in particular the enhanced control over personal resources409 in addition to the privileges she had enjoyed as femme sole since her son's first parliament. It is also quite likely that on a genuine personal and emotional level, the vow was based on Lady Margaret's true and strongly held feelings. However, Britton's speculation that the vow could be viewed as "an ill-disguised pride of birth and connections" may reflect another dimension of her decision.410

Lady Margaret could very well have been influenced by psychological factors. As discussed in Chapters 2 and 3, Lady Margaret's marriage to Stanley was political from the very beginning in 1472.411 In 1499 she was quite advanced in years (fifty-six) and there is no evidence that her relationship with

Stanley had ever been romantic. In her mid-fifties, the hormonal impact of menopause may have negatively affected any sexual interests she may have

408 Krug 106.

409 Durning 50 and Erler, "English Vowed Women" 157.

410 Skinner 371.

411 See Chapter 3 for the nature of her marriage to Stanley. 146

had. The vow of chastity would hardly have presented sexual hardship to either partner in the marriage since Stanley had access to other women.

Regardless of the specific reasons that led Lady Margaret to it, taking the vow of perpetual chastity was, without question, an emotionally intelligent move because of the freedoms it afforded her and, of course, the enhancement of her reputation for exceptional piety. Naturally, Fisher stressed this vow in his

Remembrance as an impressive act of piety comparable to that of Martha.

Chastity can be viewed as a form of mortification of the body and in the New

Testament, Martha "is praised in chastising her body by Christian discipline" since this was "necessary to every Christian willing [to be saved], yet it is much more to be praised in the nobles[.]"413 Fisher's praise in his sermon, helped to immortalize Lady Margaret's self-denial and penitence beyond the visibility of her conduct in life.

Lady Margaret also promoted and publicized her piety and special relationship with God and saints through verbal and non-verbal auditory means.

412 Rosella E. Nappi and Michele Lachowsky, "Menopause and sexuality: Prevalence of symptoms and impact on quality of life," Maturitas 63 (2009): 138-141. This article reviews available knowledge on sexual changes and how they affect the quality of life as a result of menopause. Analysis of sexual changes within the context of menopause in medical literature revealed that the prevalence of sexual symptoms upon menopausal onset differs because of numerous variables, including hormonal status, age, country, number of participants, and the design of each study. Analysis has also found that the most common sexual complaints include a decrease in libido, vaginal dryness, poor arousal and orgasm, and reduced sexual satisfaction. Age and decreasing oestradiol levels strongly affect sexual functions, desire, response, and thus, satisfaction. Nappi and Lachowsky conclude that women are vulnerable to female sexual dysfunction (FSD) because of the complexity of numerous factors that can potentially affect individual well-being, for each woman's menopausal experience is the culprit of a combination of biological, psychosexual, and socio-relational factors. See pages 138 and 140-141 for Nappi and Lachowsky's intentions and conclusions. Thefirst page and continuing onto the second provide basic, introductory information about menopause.

Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 112. Fisher offers testimony that he had heard Lady Margaret "tell many a time, as

she lay in prayer," about her vision of St. Nicholas at "about four of the clock in the morning...naming unto her Edmund, bade take him unto her husband."414

Fisher has also "many times heard [her] say that if the Christian princes would

have warred upon the enemies of [their] faith, she would be glad yet to go follow the host and help to wash their clothes, for the love of Jesus."415 Lady Margaret,

"at the hour of her death," when asked if the sacrament contained Jesus, who suffered crucifixion, "confessed assuredly" that she believed in the presence of

Jesus on the sacrament for "[m]any [to] bear record...with all her heart and soul[.]"416 There were many witnesses to these statements. Lady Margaret is also reported to have used almost the same words as Martha who professed shortly before her death that she had "believed that thou art Christ the son of

God which came into this world."417

Lady Margaret clearly volunteered the information about St. Nicholas' dream outside the privacy of the confessional because Fisher included it in his eulogy. This means that she did not consider the story confidential and that she

414 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 112. For Sir Francis Bacon's brief discussion on Lady Margaret's marriages, see Sir Francis Bacon, The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh, ed. Roger Lockyer (London: The Folio Society, 1971) 235. Interestingly, Bacon presents Lady Margaret's experience in choosing Edmund not as a vision of St. Nicholas, but that "she dreamed one night that one in the likeness of a bishop in pontifical habit did tender her Edmund, Earl of Richmond, the king's father, for her husband." Although there are some inconsistencies with Fisher's eulogy, it is still consistent with Fisher in that both articulate that it was Lady Margaret's choice to marry Edmund (Bacon 235).

415 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 129-130. 416 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 130.

Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 130. very likely shared it freely in support of her son's dynastic claim. Thanking God and/or St. Nicholas aloud in her prayers in others' presence in church and other settings would have ensured that others could overhear her and internalize the story.

The dissemination of the St. Nicholas visitation provides strong evidence of Lady Margaret's El in terms of framing her own motivation and in appraising and redirecting the attention of others in the desired direction in a way that allowed the episode to become well-known and ingrained in others' memories.

As argued in Chapter 3, Lady Margaret's motive was to demonstrate divine sanction for her son's accession to the throne and the installation of the Tudor dynasty despite some of the controversial issues involved, such as her childhood marriage to William de la Pole that made her union with Edmund Tudor technically bigamous. Fisher reinforces this legitimization intent by including the

St. Nicholas intervention in his sermon.418 In fact, Fisher did not even acknowledge the earlier marriage and only asserts that she chose between

William de la Pole and Edmund Tudor under the influence of St. Nicholas.419

Making sure that her experience with St. Nicholas was a matter of common knowledge was a very emotionally intelligent tactic on Lady Margaret's part because it appealed to the prescriptive beliefs and emotional needs of her

418 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 110-111. Pope Nicholas V upheld the validity of her marriage to de la Pole. See Pope Nicholas V, "Letter, August 18th, 1450," Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers Relating to Great Britain and Ireland, vol. x, ed. John Twemlow (Hereford: Hereford Times Ltd., 1915) 472. 419 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 111-112. 149 contemporaries. Her vision and the message of a saint - a heavenly instruction for her to marry Edmund - communicated the divine intent that Henry was to be

born and become King Henry VII. In the terminology of the psychology of El, it is clear that Lady Margaret appraised others' emotions around accepting Henry VII as their sovereign monarch and redirected their attention to divine legitimization.

In the same step, she reinforced her positive image as an extraordinarily pious,

God-fearing woman, worthy of a direct message from Heaven.

Lady Margaret took other steps to foster her reputation for religious devotion. One was the dramatic and highly visible instance of bodily mortification such as kneeling while in acute pain. According to Fisher, kneeling for the Lady

Margaret was "so painful that many times it caused in her back pain and disease.

And yet, nevertheless daily...she failed not to say the crown of our lady, which...contain[s] sixty-three aves; and at every ave to make a kneeling."420

Putting herself into increasingly excruciating physical pain that made her cry drew further attention to her piety because it could easily be interpreted as a sign of devotion and/or repentance upon

hearing the word of God and the divine service, which daily was kept in her Chapel with great number of priests, clerics, and children, to her great charge and cost; her tongue occupied in prayer much part of the day; her legs and feet in visiting the alters and other holy places, going her stations customarily when she were not let[.]

420 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 114. 421 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 120. St. Martha, unsurprisingly, was also commended for her Godly devotion "often by

kneeling, by sorrowful weepings, and by continual prayers and meditations, wherein this noble princess somewhat took her part."422

Lady Margaret's "crying out to Jesus about her pain" can easily be

interpreted as an act of El. Fisher's indication that the Lady Margaret was "crying

out" implies that her complaints were very vociferous and thus, drew attention.

Deliberately drawing attention is emotionally intelligent for a number of reasons.

Drawing attention requires redirected attention; in order to achieve the desired

goal effectively, an emotionally intelligent person must deliberately consider

motivations for drawing others' attention prior to taking the actual action.

Deliberately drawing others' attention constitutes an exercise in influencing and

regulating others' emotions and it requires creative thinking aimed not only at

obtaining but also holding others' attention in order to fulfil the motive(s) and

achieve the desired goal(s). Therefore, deliberately acquiring others' attention is

an exercise in employing emotional knowledge.423

Lady Margaret did this most effectively by weeping in prayer. Fisher-

observes that "[h]er marvellous weeping" was witnessed by many before

confession "likely every third day."424 Fisher's sermon also notes physiological

422 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 113-114. 423 See Chapter 1. 424 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 115. Another example of weeping as evidence of piety is Margery Kempe (1373-1438), a British mystic. For information on Margery Kempe, see 151 details of Lady Margaret's weeping; it recollects "floods of tears" to the point where she might as well have said, "exitus aquarum deduxerunt oculi mer when her staff were fulfilling their household duties and could overhear her.425 Fisher does not claim that Lady Margaret always cried as a result of a religious rapture.

He comments that it was "the most painful cramps" that she had in her "merciful and liberal hands" that compelled her to cry and weep to God, loudly crying out

"O blessed Jesu help me! O blessed Lady succour me!" Fisher saw Lady

Margaret's cries of pain as "a matter of great pity" (emotional upset) to those around her because "like a spear it pierced the hearts of all her true servants that w[ere] about her, and ma[d]e them cry also of Jesus for help and succour, with great abundance of tears."426

Lady Margaret's complaints were emotionally intelligent in both subject and vocal nature not only because they drew others' attention to her piety but also because they were acceptable to her contemporaries from antecedents in

Biblical stories. Fisher's sermon points out that important figures make complaints to God "often times in scripture" because He "seems to be more indulgent and favourable unto the wicked person, than unto the good liver."427

For example, Fisher notes that the prophet David said "that the pain pierced his stomach 'to see the rest and ease that sinners often have, it is not looked for the

Raymond A. Powell, "Margery Kempe: An Exemplar of Late Medieval English Piety," The Catholic Historical Review LXXXIX(I) (Jan. 2003): 1-23. 425 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 115. 428 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 120-121.

427 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 118. 152 death of them, nor none abiding stroke or punishment falls upon them."428

Fisher's second example is of the prophet Jeremiah, to whom he refers as

"Jeremy, [who] also said complaining upon God...[w]hy do the wicked people prosper in their way? Well it is with all them that break the laws, and do wickedly."429 Similarly, the prophet Abacuc asked, "crying upon God...'[w]hy lookest thou favourably upon them that despise thee, and suffer a sinner to bear down him that is more righteous that he is?"430 Fisher's final example is Job, who asked God why "the wicked people...be comforted with richness."431

According to Fisher, all such complaints are justified not only because of antecedents in the Bible but also because of the reasons behind them: "[fjhere is in Almighty God two virtues specially commended and magnified throughout all scripture, that is to say, mercy and righteousness; and both these should move him rather to be favourable to the good, than unto the bad."432 Martha, to whom

Fisher is comparing the Lady Margaret throughout his sermon, had the same feelings; she "knew that [God] was so good and merciful, and showed his goodness generally to all persons," and genuinely believed that if

she had be[en] present at the death of Lazarus her brother, whom for his goodness he loved so

428 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 118. 429 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 118. 430 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 118. 431 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 118. 432 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 118-119. 153

much, [God] would not have suffered him to die...[a]nd in like manner, the soul of this noble princess, which had the body adjoined unto it in favour and love, as sister and brother, it might complain for the death of the body, which every part of the same body had been so occupied in the serve of God before.433

Considering her rigid daily routine, reading habits, and close relationship with and proximity to Fisher and other higher clergy members, Lady Margaret was most likely very familiar with the Bible, including the stories of Martha, David,

Jeremiah, Abacuc, and Job. The extensive amount of time she spent praying and attending mass each day provided her with plenty of opportunities to consider her objectives because of the privacy and solemn, peaceful atmosphere that came with prayer and meditation.

Lady Margaret's hospitality, praised by Fisher, can also be seen as an emotionally intelligent way of promoting her piety. Not only was her Biblical counterpart, Martha, praised for being hospitable but recipients of her hospitality undoubtedly had ample opportunity to witness Lady Margaret's piety, both her religious devotions and her good deeds. Being hospitable requires empathy, an ability to appraise others' emotions and to redirect thinking, to be, in effect,

Christ-like. It was also seen as a reliable way to gain heavenly favour, especially when it was directed to strangers, particularly poor strangers.434 Charity,

433 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 119-120. 434 Bridgen 102-103. regarded by medieval Christians as the daughter of faith, involved corresponding relationships between the individual soul, the physical body, and people. Its reward was a place in heaven, for Jesus reasoned that Christians could not love him if they could not love their neighbours.435

In comparing the Countess to Martha, Fisher's sermon stresses that Lady

Margaret "is magnified for her godly hospitality and charitable dealing to her neighbours."436 Martha, unlike her sister Mary, assumed the role of hostess during both of Jesus' visits.437 Fisher points out that Lady Margaret extended her hospitality happily, generously, often, and to large numbers of people. She gave

"alms to the poor and needy,"438 to whom "she was always piteous and merciful!.]"439 He represents her hospitality as exceptional because

[p]oor folks to the number twelve she daily and nightly kept in her house, giving them lodging, meat, and drink and clothing, visiting them as often as she conveniently might; and in their sickness, visiting them and comforting them and ministering unto them with her own hands: and when it pleased God to call any of them out of this wretched world, she would be present, to see

435 Bridgen 67. 436 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 115. 437 Peters, "The Life of Martha of Bethany..." 442. Martha hosted Jesus in her home in Luke 10:38-42, during which she scolds her sister Mary for not being helpful. The second time Martha served Jesus in her home was in John 12:1-8. This second visit was when her sister Mary washes Jesus' feet with her tears and dries them with her hair. 438 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 121.

Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 115. 155

them depart, and learn to die, and likewise bring them unto the earthf.]440

According to him, she never denied anyone meat and drink, including those who came to her Collyweston residence to take part in legal cases and these, as previously mentioned, "were not in small number!.]"441 Lady Margaret was hospitable to strangers as well, about which Fisher exclaims

oh marvellous God! What pain, what labour, she of her very gentleness would take with them, to bear them manner and company, and entreat every person, and entertain them, according to their degree and honour; and provide, by her own commandment, that nothing should lack that might be convenient for them, wherein she had a wonderful ready remembrance and perfect knowledge.442

Fisher commented that her hospitality was according to "[Saint] Bonaventure...or greater merit, than if she had done all this to the self person or our saviour

Jesus."443

Fisher's sermon portrays Lady Margaret as someone who went above and beyond her society's expectations of charity, piety, and other virtues expected of noblewomen. His numerous anecdotes about the Lady Margaret are

440 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 117. Fisher repeats the fact that Lady Margaret dressed her visitors and provided them meat and drink on page 120 and emphasizes Lady Margaret's generosity to the poor in particular on page 121. 441 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 116. 442 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 116.

443 Fisher, "Morning Remembrance" 117. 156 strengthened by his comparison of her with Martha. To be remembered like this was any English noblewoman's wish. The question is whether this portrayal reflects the way Lady Margaret genuinely behaved and believed, or, as Britton boldly suggests, she had led Fisher into thinking what she wanted him to think of her. Britton strongly believed that her piety ought to be viewed with suspicion.444

The two opinions are not irreconcilable. As the previous chapters have shown,

Lady Margaret, through her motives and intentions influenced by her El, she had the abilities to assure that she would be seen and remembered in the best possible light. Fisher may have idealized his friend and patroness, skipping some of her less than saintly features. However, his long relationship with Lady

Margaret as a confessor, project partner, and friend left him wide open to her vision of herself, providing in his Remembrance a valuable mirror of her motives and intentions shaped by her El.

Skinner 370 and 371. 157

Conclusion

The present study of Lady Margaret Beaufort (1443-1509) explored two

key arguments. It claimed that Lady Margaret was emotionally intelligent, and that her El played key roles in her life, namely her political survival and success and her ability to shape her reputation and legacy, particularly through her career as a patroness. It demonstrates Lady Margaret's chief El characteristics, namely

her ability to appraise her emotions as well as those of others, and to utilize El through redirected attention, creative thinking, flexible planning, and motivation.

The concept of El is central in understanding any individual's life and legacy and this thesis has demonstrated that the theory of El contributes soundly to historical analysis (Chapter 1). Because psychology focuses on individuals and the workings of their minds, employing psychological approaches can reveal much more about historical figures' lives and even resolve some debated conundrums in historiography.

Lady Margaret's attitudes toward the social world in which she found herself, and her handling of the economic, political, and social circumstances that formed her societal environment, reflected her evolving El skills and traits

(Chapter 2), particularly her abilities to appraise the emotions of others as well as her own, and to act accordingly. She did not challenge the dictates of her society but rather utilized them to her advantage. She not only successfully navigated 158 through the adversities presented by the Wars of the Roses but hastened their end by orchestrating her son's accession to the throne and helping to ensure the successful entrenchment of the new dynasty (Chapter 3). Once Henry VII and the Tudor Dynasty were secure, Lady Margaret felt free to devote her last years to enhancing her own reputation and historical legacy through pious works and patronage of higher education (Chapter 4).

Her actions reflect effective utilization of El, particularly flexible planning, creative thinking, motivation, and redirected attention (see Chapter 1, Figure 2).

Bishop Fisher's eulogy, "Morning Remembrance," offers a persuasive mirror of

Lady Margaret's El traits and qualities (Chapter 5), as discussed in Chapter 1 and very effectively summarized in Figures 1 and 2. The emphasis on El helps to bring into focus and contextualize the one characteristic that contemporaries and historians alike have most often associated with Lady Margaret - her exceptional piety - and untangle her complex motivation for supporting higher education. While undoubtedly deeply religious, Lady Margaret was able to use piety and patronage as tools of socially acceptable self-actualization - a key trait of emotionally intelligent people. By appraising her emotions as well as those of others, she was able to take the actions that were most beneficial to her personally but that would satisfy her peers' social, political, and religious expectations. The El factor sheds new light not only on Lady Margaret's motives but also on the means she employed to accomplish her goals - once she accurately appraised her emotions and those of others, she followed up 159 effectively by utilizing flexible planning, creative thinking, redirected attention, and

motivation.

El is central to understanding Lady Margaret's life and accomplishments.

The El theory constitutes a methodological tool to supplement the more traditional analyses based largely on interpretations of Fisher's sermon. The argument that her career as a patroness of higher education was a product of her

piety alone does not do justice to Lady Margaret's personality, agency, and

intelligence. Her political activities, piety, and patronage must be analyzed in the context of her El, with which she shaped her social and political fortunes and her posthumous legacy. 160

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