Mustache as Resistance Representation and Reception of ’s Masculinity Guanda Wu

Kyogekitecho\ \ (jingju manual), a handy guidebook to Chinese jingju ( opera) produced for welcoming Mei Lanfang’s third (and last) formal trip to Japan in 1956, begins its introduc- tion to the greatest nandan (male players of female roles in Chinese theatre) of the 20th cen- tury with a forward by Uchiyama Kanzo\, the owner of the well-known Uchiyama Bookstore in Republican .1 In this opening text, Uchiyama perceptively notes the dual identities associated with the dan (female roles) player in Japanese-occupied Shanghai in the early 1940s: on the one hand, Mei was known as a celebrated actor of female roles; on the other hand, he was hailed by Uchiyama as “a great mustached man” (hige no ijobu\ ) (Uchiyama 1956:4).2 In lieu of a survey of Mei Lanfang’s stunning artistic achievements onstage, Uchiyama’s introduc- tory text focuses on the story of how Mei as “a great mustached man” had repeatedly refused to return to the stage in Shanghai during the Japanese occupation. Mei’s mustache, as Uchiyama’s phrase hige no kosen\ (the mustache’s resistance) suggests (1956:4), served as an embodied marker of masculinity that indicated both the maestro’s decision to halt his stage career and his resis- tance against Japanese aggression during the latter part of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945). While the Chinese actor’s remarkable construction of femininity onstage has been well documented in a substantial body of English-language literature, Mei Lanfang’s complicated performances of masculinity have just begun to garner scholarly attention. In his recent study of the artistic transformation of jingju from 1870 to 1937, during the transition between the (1644–1911) and the early Republican era (1912–1937), Joshua Goldstein employed what he calls “the split between the real and representation” to describe the essence of the Republican understanding of a nandan’s gender alteration between on- and offstage (2007:250). While this is how we understand the nandan’s theatrical acting today, such an understanding was historically new in the early Republican era. In the Beijing pleasure quarters of the Qing dynasty, nandan not only performed onstage as female characters but also presented socially feminine bodies offstage by serving as singing waiters and male courtesans. Hence, these beautiful boys of the Qing presented coherent femininity transcending the boundary of the stage, which made a distinction between the real and representation unnecessary, if indeed it ever existed. This new epistemological split encouraged the spectator to apprehend a nandan’s

1. This research would have been impossible without the support of three generous sources of funding. The East Asia Library at Stanford University awarded me a travel grant that allowed me to study its collection of early-20th-century publications on Chinese and Japanese theatres in March 2015. My research trip to the Yenching Library at Harvard University in May 2015 was supported by a travel grant from Yenching and a Thesis Research Travel Grant from the University of Minnesota. 2. Chinese and Japanese names are given in their conventional order, that is, the surname first, followed by the given name. All translations from Chinese and Japanese are my own, unless otherwise indicated.

TDR: The Drama Review 60:2 (T230) Summer 2016. ©2016 122 New York University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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The employment of the concept “female masculinity” is inspired by Judith (Jack) Halberstam’s celebrated study study celebrated Judith Halberstam’s by inspired is (Jack) masculinity” “female concept the of employment The of cases the from itself differentiating However, (1998). body female the by displayed effects masculine the of constructiontheatrical female masculine the of Lanfang’s Mei investigates, Halberstam that masculinity female symbiosis alleged the reconsider to us invites it Hence, performer. identifying female a necessitate does not roles sex. female the and masculinity female between is a PhD candidate in Asian Literatures, Cultures, and Media at the University Media at the University Cultures, and in Asian Literatures, is a PhD candidate Guanda Wu of male on the gender politics a doctoral dissertation He is completing of Minnesota. in Asian can also be found His work century. female roles in xiqu in the 20th players of . and Theatre Survey Theatre Journal interdisciplinary PhD and Media (ALCM) is an innovative, Asian Literatures, Cultures by the Departmentprogram administered and Literatures at the of Asian Languages in its multimedia focus, Cities. The program is unique University of Minnesota–Twin of more traditional Asian established literature or linguistics tracks going well beyond the music and sound studies, departments to embrace drama, film, language and literature and Literatures, Aside from the Department of Asian Languages and new digital media. in the humanities and faculty from a half dozen other departments the program includes and course work in other mainly take positions in academia, social sciences. Its graduates training in language in a regular graduate workshop, and departments, participation parts of the graduate experience. teaching all are integral Goldstein’s study of the Qing-Republic nandan is useful in looking at the representations Goldstein’s study of the Qing-Republic nandan 3.

The Prewar Bond The Prewar progres- Although Mei Lanfang’s trip to Japan in 1956 was eagerly anticipated by numerous of the once mustached gentleman in postwar Japan the presence sive individuals and groups, of the visit at still elicited hostility from those who were anxious about the political signification Kabuki-za Tokyo’s escalated as Mei’s troupe premiered at Tension War. the height of the Cold greeted by anti-Communist leaflets composed in a The Chinese company was on 30 May. Mei Lanfang and the Japanese femininity “as an aesthetic illusion, a performance contradicting the real fact of his biologically a performance “as an aesthetic illusion, ­femininity of a nandan’s performance of gender in part Such hermeneutics (251). (and socially) male body” gender normalcy during the Qing- resulted from the introduction of science-sanctioned a nandan’s subject of the newly founded republic, male “civilized” Republic transition: as a In to the social expectation of his biological sex. gender presentation offstage had to conform even if they performed femininity onstage. men should act like men offstage, other words, of femininity both coherent presentations (1770–1911), in the long 19th century However, reception of dan players in Beijing’s pleasure on- and offstage were much desired in the Mei Lanfang’s direct precursors (see Goldstein 2007:251; Goldman 2012:17–60). quarters, as well as the impact on Mei’s theatrical body, and receptions of Mei Lanfang’s masculine Sino-Japanese in a different cultural and historical setting: from the Second enactments onstage, privileges While much of the available literature to the end of the maestro’s life in 1961. War I Mei Lanfang’s pathway to national iconicity, his rendering of femininity when interpreting have contributed equally to his durable repu- contend that Mei’s performances of masculinity of Not only did audiences after the war read Mei’s embodiment tation (in in particular). but vice versa, and mustached gentleman offstage, Chinese beauties onstage in relation to once a female masculinity they also saw his dramatic characters exhibiting prominent in Mei’s later-career repertory. repertory. prominent in Mei’s later-career Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25September 2021

124 Guanda Wu visited Japantwice, in1919and1924, performingattheImperial Theatre in Tokyo. Japan. SponsoredbyO outside East Asia, Meihadalreadymadehimselfoneofthebest-knownChinesecelebritiesin owing Meiwasfinallysolvedon26July1942whenthenandan, hismustacheintact, appearedat Fedorenko 1960:286–87;MeiBaochen1994:24–25;Ozaki2004:293). The mysteryovershad- or wasburnedtodeathinthebombingraids(seePiaobosheng 1940:24;Liyan huakan1941:10; the actor’scloseprewarconnectionswithJapanese. Times 1956:3). grim, interrogativetone: “Anti-Japan MeiLanfang, whydidyoucometoJapan?” (TheJapan ers inbothmainlandChinaandJapan, 1938, reportsonseeingthenandaninHongKongstill brandishingamustachestartledread- from Shanghaiinthespringof1938, afewmonthsafter theoutsetofwar. Beginningin War remainunavailable, itisgenerallyknownthatMei’s householdmigratedtoHongKong While certaindetailsaboutMeiLanfang’spersonaltrajectory duringtheSecondSino-Japanese Reading theMustache amid the War Fan 1929:74–75). that forcedtheChinesetoconcedeexpansionofJapan’sillegalrightsinChina(Qi the NationalShameDayofRepublicChinaon7May, thefourthanniversaryoftreaty were outragedwhenhewasexcessivelybanquetedastheygatheredin Tokyo inobservationof pseudonymous authorstudyinginJapanduringMei’s1919visit, ChinesestudentsinJapan era), hisinteractionswiththeJapanesestilldiscomfitedChinesenationalists. Accordingtoa managed tosteadilyadvancehiscareerduringthepoliticalebbandflowofearlyRepublican Mei excelledatplacatingandaccommodatingthosewithcompetinginterests(whononetheless 1927:5).challenge fromrivalrousnandanofthenewergeneration(Shuntienshinpao Although biography of Taizhen) electedoneofthemostfavorablenewplays, despiteanunprecedented mote newproductionsofdan stage (Shuntienshinpao1917:5). A decadelater, whenShuntienTimes heldadifferentpolltopro- an incidentthatmarkedamajorshiftofpowerbetweentheshenganddanonjingju established As aresultofthefirstpollin1917, the23-year-old nandanMeiLanfang, defeatinganumberof Empire’s MinistryofForeign Affairs toserveasamouthpieceforJapan’spolicytowardChina. pao (Shuntien Times), aBeijing-basedChinese-languagenewspaperfundedbytheJapanese the mostinfluentialonesoftheirkindinRepublicanChina), bothtailoredbyShuntienshin- added tohisdomesticinfluence. Priortothewar, Meisucceededintwocriticalpolls(arguably Murata Kakukoin1926(MeiShaowu1984:49–55). actor IchikawaSadanjiIIin1924andtheMorita-zatroupeledbyMoritaKan’yaXIII individual artistsandtouringtheatrepersonnelfromJapaninBeijing, mostnotablykabuki Nobuko (seeMeiLanfang1957:16; Wang andLiu1994:75–82, 97–100). Inreturn, Meihosted Kan’ya XIII, NakamuraUtaemon V, NakamuraJakuemonIII, OnoeBaiko\ VII, andSatsuki trips hemadeconnectionswithsuchJapanesecounterpartsasMatsumotoKo\shiroVII,Morita 6. 5. 4. The labelingofMeiLanfangas “anti-Japan” inthepostwareraissurprisingconsidering Japanese in December 1941, immediately following the attack on Pearl Harbor (in Ozaki 2004:298). mustache only on occasion. The mustache was firmly in place after the city was taken British-ruled over by the According to , a son of Mei Lanfang, during Lanfang’s initial stay in Hong Kong, his father wore a For a thorough study of Mei Lanfang’s formal visits to Japan during the Republican era, see Tian (2012:15–56). relationship between the People’s Republic of China and Japan didn’t exist until 1972. It was precisely this prewar tie that made Mei’s trip to Japan possible in the mid-1950s, given that the formal In additiontotheexpansionofhisinternationalreputation, Mei’sJapaneseconnectionsalso sheng (maleroles)players, wasvoted “King ofthe Theatrical World” ( ˉ kura Kihachiro\, aneminentJapaneseplutocrat, theChineseactorhad players, MeimanagedtohavehisTaizhen waizhuan (Informal 6 asdidrumorsthathehaddrownedinanassailedvessel 4 Beforehistheatricalgeniuswasnoted ), jujie dawang), 5 Onthese Mei Lanfang’s Mustache 125 1942:467; 1942:467; . (From Wen Xiong Wen (From Weekly. Pacific Figure 1. Snapshot of the mustached Mei Lanfang in the the in Lanfang Mei mustached the of Snapshot 1. Figure Shanghai, Japanese-occupied to return Mei’s on report collaborator’s the in published courtesy of National Library of China) of Library courtesyNational of - - -

The mustache, as it is alleged The mustache, appeared to belong to) the body of a male player of given the fact that it belonged to (or Yet, Beginning in the early years of the Republican era and continuing through his triumphant Taipingyang zhoubao (Pacific Taipingyang viewed Mei at his residence in viewed Mei at his residence Seemingly 1). Shanghai (fig. his meet- in reference to both the pho- ing with the actor and noted: the journalist tograph, my “after seeing Mei Lanfang, was that immediate impression His he has been aging fast. his spir face was rather drawn, and a mus- its were quite low, tache that he retained above the (Wen lips added more years” Xiong 1942:467). to be exclusive to a postpubes- functions as cent male body, both a marker of the male sex and a token of biological matu- Perhaps because it is con- rity. sidered to be something granted the complicated by nature, interplay between theatrical- and the power citationality, ity, the mustache often remains obscured by the dis- of self-assertion through the stylization of with this reductive consideration of the mustache, And precisely in line guise of naturalness. to be a natural and thus inevitable product of the complicit journalist viewed Mei’s mustache his insinuating that the middle-aged actor was physically incapable of maintaining decrepitude, failure to apprehend the theatrical power associated While this demanding acting profession. stage it is nonetheless undeniable that both on the theatrical with facial hair is not uncommon, most compelling (and certainly the handiest) object and off the mustache remains arguably the or to make a youthful male performer, to foreground the masculine body of a cross-dressed appear more mature. Mei’s mustache was more than a marker of masculin- female roles during the war of resistance, at the empirical the mustache, its profound sense of self-expression, With ity and/or maturity. his onstage femininity and a performative dismissal embodied a resolute departure from level, Because this disassocia- of the glamorous androgyny for which Mei’s body was best known. at the allegorical level, tion from the feminine occurred at the pinnacle of the war of resistance, Chinese body. and now unmistakably male, Mei’s mustache further symbolized an unyielding, Mei and the Soviet Union (1935), States (1930), the United touring performances in Japan, national Lanfang’s personal body had been imagined as increasingly representative of China’s seemed to be aware the famous nandan After the outset of the war, 2008:205–39). body (Yeh to of a potential opportunity for his internationally known feminine body to be manipulated rent snapshot of Mei appeared of Mei appeared rent snapshot in a Shanghai-based Weekly), edited by Chinese newspaper with a along collaborators, who inter report by a journalist the Dachang airport in Japanese- the Dachang A cur occupied Shanghai. Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25September 2021

126 Guanda Wu during thewar(Feng1961:4). occupied Shanghai, thephotographicimagemotivatedcaricaturisttobearextremeadversity qu) (Mencius2009:62). ByremindinghimofthehardshipthatMeihadtoendureinJapanese- man” (dazhangfu), amoralexemplarwhocannotbe “deflected bypowerorforce”weiwu ( buneng characters suchasXiShiand Yang Yuhuan, butalsoresonatewithMencius’sidealofa “great ingly thatthemustachemadeMeinotonlylookmoreglamorousthanhissignaturedramatic viewed MeiLanfang’smustacheasasignofaginganddisheartenment, Fengcontendedstrik- ital inChina’shinterland, untiltheendofwar(Feng1961:4). Unlikethecollaborators, who only decorationinhisratheremptyroomChongqing, theNationalistregime’swartimecap- Lanfang, takenfromanewspaperandsentbyhisfriendShanghaiasgift, remainedthe photographic portrayalofMei. According toFeng, aphotographfeaturingthemustachedMei fled SoutheastChinauponitsfalltotheJapanese, wasdeeplyheartenedbylikelytheverysame as anyovertmanifestosagainsttheJapaneseoccupation. FengZikai, acaricaturepainterwho wearer himselffrombeingpersecutedforhis(surreptitious)resistance. Chinese male, butalsobecauseasaputativeandinevitableproductofnatureitexculpatedthe tling presencerejectedthepossibilityofbestowingJapanesewithaglimpsefeminized of themustacheprovedtobeaparticularlyastutemovenotonlybecausefacialhair’sstar read stereotypicallyashaving “submissive” and “effeminate” attributes. Hence, hisadoption itarists aswelltheirChinesecollaborators, especiallywhentheonstagefemininitycouldbe pect ofprojectinghisChinesebodyasanattractivefemininecharacterbeforetheJapanesemil- China. Mei’sstunningdecisiontohalthisstagecareerthereforecircumventedtheverypros- reinforce thenationalmetaphoricaldichotomybetweenamasculineJapanandfeminine contrast tocleanly shavedbeards)graduallybecame lessrepresentativeofanational distinc- appearance (1981:177). perceived byotherChinesenationals, mainlybecauseofhismustache, tohaveaJapanese upon oneofhishomecomingtrips fromJapaninthefirstdecadeof20thcentury, hewas Japanese-educated writeroften regardedasChina’sgreatestofthe20thcentury, recalledthat ists fromtheirlocalChinesehosts(fig. 2). Inhis1924essay “OntheMustache,” LuXun, a taches, alongwithothernoteddifferencesindress, tellingly distinguishedtheJapanesetour colonial governmentin Taiwan, touredthesouthern ChinesecoastalcityXiamen, theirmus- when acohortofJapanesegentlemenledbyGoto\Shinpei, thentheciviladministratorof stylized mustachesaspartoftheircodescivilityaftertheMeiji Restorationin1868. In1899, continental neighbor. Allegedly influencedbytheEuropeans, Japanesemalesubjectsadopted intriguingly, playedaparticularlycriticalroleinintroducing thismasculineconventiontoits male population. tache trimmingproliferatedamongtheupper- andmiddle-class ranksoftheRepublican plicated circulationsofrenewednotionsmasculinityacross theglobe, thepracticeofmus- certainly notmoreprominentthan, othertypesoffacialhair. Yet, owingtoaseriesofcom- mustache, inChina’spre-moderntimes, wasrarelyviewedtobeanentityindependentof, and tacles, andclothing. Historicallyspeaking, thisphenomenonwasunprecedentedbecausethe other culturallysusceptibleformsthatdecoratedtheexteriorofabody, suchashairdos, spec- prominent pointofsignificationinthe(re-)fashioningcodesmodernity, alongwith mustache itself. DuringtheQing-Republictransition, themustacheappearedtofunctionasa time performancesofmasculinityalsobringtolightthehistoricityandcitationality In additiontothestrongsenseofself-assertionMeidisplayedthroughhismustache, hiswar Its SourcesandHistoricity The Mustache However, asasignofresistancenonetheless, Mei’smustachewasasemotionallystirring However, upontheadventofRepublicChina, neatlytrimmedmustaches(oftenin Among thediversesourcesofRepublicangentlemen’smustache fashions, theJapanese, - - - Mei Lanfang’s Mustache 127 Shashin kurabu: ichimei ichimei kurabu: Shashin Figure 2. A group of Japanese gentlemen, led by Gotō Shinpei, visited the the visited Shinpei, Gotō by led gentlemen, Japanese of group A 2. Figure Southern the distinguished mustaches Their 1899. in Xiamen city Chinese (From hosts. Chinese their from tourists Japanese 1901:n.p.; courtesy of National Taiwan Library) Taiwan courtesy1901:n.p.; shashinchō jinbutsu National of Taiwan -

In addition to these notable mustaches of early Republican gentlemen, another critical another early Republican gentlemen, In addition to these notable mustaches of featuring a Chaplin’s highly stylized mustache, For a globalized Hollywood spectatorship, more than a prac Chaplin’s mustache of course became- Dictator, with The Great However, tion. By retaining impressive retaining impressive By tion. Republican gentle- mustaches, some of the most including men, - collec of the time, prestigious to the circu- tively contributed proliferation of new lation and in China, codes of masculinity despite their widely divergent stances. cultural and political wearers The famous mustache certainly not but were included, a bour Yat-sen, Sun limited to, the found- geois nationalist and of ing father of the Republic Qirui (a.k.a. 3); Duan China (fig. one of Sun’s Chi-jui), Tuan major rivals and a three-time premier of the Republic (fig. 4); one of the found- Li Dazhao, ers of China’s Communist Party an 5); and , (fig. anti-Communist warlord who 6). hanged Li in 1927 (fig. upon of 1941, In the fall Lanfang’s wartime mustache. source was also likely responsible for Mei watched the Mei and his two teenage sons the eve of the fall of Hong Kong to the Japanese, starring and directed by the very famous Dictator (1940), Hollywood political comedy The Great Chaplin West, One of the Chinese maestro’s closest counterparts in the . tour of the United States in 1930 and was in return had befriended Mei during the nandan’s (Mei Lanfang Asia in 1936 the comedian’s trip to warmly received by him in Shanghai during the mus- identified sons attending the initial screening, one of the Mei Shaowu, 1962:50–54). that might well motivate his father to maintain his own tache of Chaplin’s characters as a source acquaintance’s given that the senior Mei was apparently moved by his (in Ozaki 2004:297–98), and watching elucidating its antifascist implications in depth to the youth satirical performance, Shaowu 1984:82–83). (Mei times after it was first viewed” “some seven astonishingly, the film, style, “toothbrush” known as the shaved edges, thick and protruding center with completely As a strategic Tramp. the cinematic persona, was essential to the comedian’s best remembered Hollywood tycoon might well have captivated his Chinese the British-born mustache wearer, Because Chaplin rarely acquaintance with the mustache’s magic power of transformation. a site-specific token that reminded his fans of the dis- it became sported a mustache offscreen, (dedicated tinction between the hilarious characters and Chaplin’s various serious social roles among husband, passionate if controversial affable gentleman, committed activist, filmmaker, not only seemed to discern Mei As both a perceptive spectator and an astute emulator, others). but also ascribed to the meager the mustache’s potential use for alternating between personae, exterior bodily apparatus an additional gendered implication by employing it only in the space to the theatrical stage where he had performed female roles. the comedian’s mustache clearly mimicked that In that film, tical marker of an altered identity. West, In the the toothbrush mustache’s most notorious bearer in modern times. Adolf Hitler, of a Chaplin was lauded as a visionary, due to his sardonic treatment of the fascist regime in 1940, Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25September 2021

128 Guanda Wu (from Republic of China (from Figures 3–6. Famous mustache wearers (clockwise, from left): Sun Yat-sen, the Provisional President of the 1921:13); Zhang Zuolin,xiezhenji early Republican warlord (from Da zhonghua 1916:n.p.); Li Dazhao, head of the Peking University Library (from 1912:n.p.); , three-timeZhongguo geming ji 1912:n.p.); Duan Qirui, premier of the Republic Shibaotuhua zhoukan 1924:n.p.). Beida shenghuo Mei Lanfang’s Mustache 129 - (The tunnel warfare) 1965, directed by Ren Ren by directed 1965, warfare) tunnel (The Didaozhan Xudong. (From Wang Junyi, et al. 1998; screengrab by Guanda Wu) Guanda by screengrab 1998; al. et Junyi, Wang (From Xudong. Figure 7. A contemporary Chinese cinematic portrait of a Japanese officer with his his with officer Japanese a of portrait cinematic Chinese contemporary A 7. Figure in collaborator Chinese

In early Republican China, while Mei’s body was viewed increasingly as emblematic of the while Mei’s In early Republican China, In part owing to Chaplin’s remarkable rendering of it, WWII encounters with the tooth- WWII remarkable rendering of it, In part owing to Chaplin’s From Division to Affinity Division From War the Photos of Mei’s Dual Identities after styled mus- variably in the post-WWII era suggests, As the history of the toothbrush mustache invested semiotic signs in modern times (markers of in addition to functioning as highly taches, make and participate in cultural also among others), altered personae, civility, maturity, gender, not only to affective and performance history as nodal points linking emotions and memories, as we have seen in the contemporary Chinese (Although, life but also to political history itself. as they always invite memories often are distorted, representations of the Japanese officers, partly Mei Lanfang’s mustache remains memorable to date, deflection in one way or another.) it functions effectively as both a marker of identity and an emotional like Chaplin’s, because, and mnemonic nodal point. the actor’s personal accomplishment delighted some Chinese state on the transnational stage, At the same who longed for international recognition of indigenous drama’s aesthetic merits. before time many feared that the nandan’s androgynous body would embarrass the nation The latter camp included some of the most influential intellectuals of the age, foreign eyes. brush mustache have inevitably stirred mixed emotions and memories. As its postwar appear inevitably stirred mixed emotions and memories. brush mustache have resentment ance results in either or sometimes or laughter, this style oddly a bit of both, of mustache is simultaneously and an emblem of an evildoer a conse- As a laughingstock. its adop- West, in the quence, highly tion becomes a rare and regulated practice in which any seemingly serious attempts would immediately elicit suspi- Not much different from cion. West, its unfortunate fate in the the toothbrush mustache in con- temporary Chinese representa- tions (cinematic and televisual in particular) almost exclusively belong to the bodies of one namely offi- peculiar role type, cers of the imperial Japanese army during the Second Sino- despite the 7), (fig. War Japanese fact that this particular style of mustache was never really fash- ionable among them. prophet of history, once the horrors of the German dictator were finally revealed to the world. world. revealed to the dictator were finally horrors of the German once the history, prophet of as Mei, the Chinese side, antifascist war on midst of a long-fought in the fall of 1941, But in the comedi- already read the must have mainland, fled the war-torn spectator who had an expatriate was what Chaplin offered For Mei, in his onscreen appearance. critique of fascism an’s satirical for the ongoing pain. emotional remedy but rather a transient of future calamity not a warning to visit the movie that prompted the nandan impetus it was this kind of psychological And likely theatre for repeated viewings. Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25September 2021

130 Guanda Wu (Slaying the Tiger). (From Mei Lanfang 1945:2) Lanfang’s testimonyabouthislifeduringtheJapaneseoccupationappearedinWenhui bao(The the nandanandChinesenation. the warthatChineseasawhole, forthefirsttime, fullyembracedthecorrelationbetween female impersonationandMeiLanfanginparticular. ­including LuXun, whowasrememberedfor, amongotherthings, hispoignantcritiqueof as a clean-shaven resurrected actor and Mei as Fei Zhen’e in Figure 8. Mei’s own writing on his life during the war, with Mei 7. On 10October1945, thefirstNationalDayofRepublicChinaafterwar, Mei (2003:15–26). For an in-depth English-language study of Lu ’s attitude toward nandan and Mei Lanfang, see Li 7 Ci hu Itwasthusintheimmediateaftermathof

initial reappearancesonstage. presented byMeiinoneofhis Ci hu(Slayingthetiger), aplay in thekunqu(Kunopera)play the Mingdynasty(1368–1644) unyielding femaleloyalistof text thenandanappearsas stage, insetmidwaythroughthe tion forhisformalreturntothe off hismustacheinprepara- a rejuvenatedactorwhoshaved top ofthepageMeiemergesas postwar present. While atthe wholly abouttherevitalized ries ofthepast, thephotoswere mainly devotedtobittermemo- (fig. 8). Whereasthetextwas photographic portraitsofMei featured prominentlytworecent mustache, thepublicationalso to atextualreferenceMei’s Japanese conflict. Inaddition suspension duringtheSino- paper revivedafteryearsof Standard), aShanghainews- dual identities(figs. 9and 10), cal representationofanandan’s privileged subjects. Inatypi- cations favorednandanasits vention, Republicanpubli- subjected tothisexhibitioncon- Although actorsingeneralwere ing thepersonin “real” life. juxtaposed withthosedepict- actor inhis/herdramaticroles an featuring era —photographs initiated intheearlyRepublican exhibition conventionthatwas trations embracedafashionable play ofthetwocontrastingillus- As amatteroffact, thedis- Mei Lanfang’s Mustache 131 [1928] [1928] loyalist Beiyang huabao huabao Beiyang 1985, 176:5) 1985, (Hsun Hui- (Hsun Huisheng Xun nandan, famed the of identities dual The 9. Figure (From pictorial. Republican early popular a in Sheng) - - dramatic

as the nandan’s remarkable use of his mustache confirmed the ostensible “truth” “truth” as the nandan’s remarkable use of his mustache confirmed the ostensible — , the display of Mei’s theatrical rendition of the Ming ­ the display of Mei’s theatrical rendition , In the Standard perceived.

Yet, in the aftermath of the war, the photographic representations of Mei Lanfang’s dual in the aftermath of the war, Yet, While it is beyond the scope While it is beyond the about his male sex, one would not need to redundantly point out that the beautiful woman one would not need about his male sex, in the postwar Hence, onstage was plainly the outcome of his long-term dedication to the art. persona was much different from the way it was previ- the reading of Mei Lanfang’s dual era, ously ­ aged a post-Qing spectator of “women” nandan to read the “theatrical,” onstage as “artistic,” while com- “fictional,” and thus off- “gentlemen” prehending the “mundane,” stage as “natural,” “essen- and therefore somehow This very tially true or real.” understanding of the nandan’s gender duality became increas- if not exclu- ingly prevalent, toward the end of the early sive, owing to an Republican period, epistemological turn during the In Qing-Republic transition. as previously men- Qing Beijing, the connoisseurship of tioned, the dan favored a coherent femi- After the founding of the Republic, theatrical stage. ninity that transcended the boundary of the mascu- “natural” femininity onstage and “artistic” division between an epistemological however, to the identity of the female impersonators of the linity offstage became increasingly essential This was because the social acceptance and aesthetic explicability of the newer generation(s). of nandan’s stage portrayals of women have been conditional upon their cogent presentations masculinity offstage. reality and identities were no longer preoccupied with an epistemological distinction between fiction character from a mundane character from a mundane in male person as he appeared life. Republican everyday how the of this essay to detail of photographic juxtaposition pro- a nandan’s dual identities altered to an contributed foundly reception of male specialists the early of female roles after notewor it is Republican era, thy that this maneuver encour “dramas of resistance,” Belonging to what I call the Fei Zhen’e is unlikely to be coincidental. Slaying tells of a Ming woman’s transformation from a lady-in-waiting at the imperial the Tiger If prior to the war the distance court into an assassin who aspires to retaliate against the rebels. the actors are separated spatially are separated spatially the actors The elabo- roles. from their of the costuming, rate stylization - facial expres posture, makeup, - hairstyle greatly dis and sion, a female ­ tinguished Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25September 2021 132 Figure 10. Guanda Wu [1928] 1985, Nandan ’s dual identities. (From Bawang bieji(Farewell, myconcubine;date unspecified). Japanese imperialists(mid-1940s, shortlyafterthewar), and Mei’s femalecharacter Yu Jiin 50-year-old artistwhohadshavedoffhismustache to welcometheChinesevictoryover old grandsonwithhisgrandmother(circa1912), amustached gentlemen(early1940s), anover- sage sharedbyMeiLanfangandhisfemalecharacterratherthan suggestinganessentialdis- the of Yu Ji, alsoseemtocontinuetheaforementionedearlyRepublicanconventionofdual display,

218:3) 8. Although therepresentationsofMei, ashisoffstagepersona andhisthespianembodiment defies any ambiguous reading ofthe character’s gender. ­perhaps the most explicit marker of a male body of the Qing dynasty, in addition to the posture and costuming, in the image, the female role specialist appears to play, astonishingly, a young male character. The braided queue, body trespass onto the domain of the theatrical stage. play remainWhile details about this particular unknown, ter of fact, the 1907 photo that depicts the teenage actor challenges Mei’s coherent pattern by having Mei’s male A closer reading of this late Republican publication’s images would lead to some riveting findings. As a mat- Changfeng, liketheStandard, seemedtobemoreinterestedinconveyingthepolitical mes- Beiyang huabao 8

actor (circa1909), an18-year- ically asa15-year-old student in theillustrationschronolog- periods. The nandanappears late QingtoRepublican biographic trajectoryfromthe images coveringMeiLanfang’s ent readerswithasequenceof Changfeng photosenmassepres- opening issue(fig. 11). The was featuredinthepublication’s graphs ofthepatrioticnandan early 1946, asetoffivephoto- resentations ofthenandan. In the postwarphotographicrep- spicuous differenceofgenderin character transcendstheircon- between Meiandhisdramatic some kindofpoliticalaffinity publication, alsorevealedhow late-­Republican Shanghai-based Changfeng Pictorial), another Changfeng huabao(The of postwar nationalism. politically investedintheethos Mei’s dramaticpersonawasalso the nandanandhischaracter, as the sharedpatriotismbetween distance hasbeenbridgedby displayed intheStandard, this life wasincommensurable, as he presentedhimselfin­ and thehandsomegentlemanas between hisfemalecharacters In linewiththeStandard, everyday Mei Lanfang’s Mustache 133 surpass burgeoning 1946:15) Changfeng 1946:15) huabao . (From (From . ChangfengPictorial Figure 11. Mei Lanfang’s various personae in the inaugural issue of the late- the of issue inaugural the in personae various Lanfang’s Mei 11. Figure Republican -

Farewell, My Concubine Farewell,

The Dramas of Resistance The Dramas The Cosmic Blade and the Like thought that Mei Lanfang did not ­ it was generally On the early Republican stage, other dan players in some of the traditionally esteemed areas of expertise such as singing tech- other dan players in some of the traditionally esteemed areas of expertise such as singing “stage refined his highly Instead, and movement (Goldstein 2007:146). acrobatics, nique, ­appearance (146) were thought to be the key to Mei Lanfang’s and beauty” carriage, (banxiang), culture have thus described jingju’s ­ Scholars of Chinese visual ­preeminence. (Dong “visual turn” emphasis on visual allure during the early years of the Republican era as a as Mei Lanfang, (Pang 2007:133–63). “from listening to watching” a transition 2010:201–03), attained his ascendancy among both a proponent and beneficiary of this altered expectation, in the dan players by refashioning jingju’s rendition of female roles with his superiority sexual appeal. tinction between reality and tinction between - Also replete with senti fiction. the jingju ments of resistance, play story of a despondent relates the of the final moments warlord at In the cul- his military regime. Yu drama, minating scene of the mate, the warlord’s favorite Ji, lord with after entertaining her herself with kills a sword dance, her faith- the blade to preserve man fulness to the unblessed defeat. on the brink of military a hero- as On the one hand, in ine known for her excellence neatly Ji does not Yu martial arts, fit the description of the typi- cal Confucian woman: vulnera- and deficient in effeminate, ble, of because And strength. physical like her combative appearance, Yu the Ming loyalist Fei Zhen’e, Ji could be conversely perceived as displaying certain masculine by On the other hand, traits. committing suicide in the wake of the ultimate fall of her lord’s Ji in fact maintains Yu troops, her loyalty to her lord/state and embraces the Confucian patriar chal codes. Hence, the masculine Hence, chal codes. and patriotic female character onstage intriguingly coincides with the mustached gentleman trespasses and they work in tandem to signify a shared unyielding body of Mei that offstage, the distinction between the fictional and the boundary of the theatrical stage and transcends the real. Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25September 2021

134 Guanda Wu scripts, funeral) weretheplaysthathe “enjoyed performing” and “found interesting”;amongthelater in hispreexistingprogram, Yutang chun (ThestoryofSuSan)andDaiyuzanghuaflower’s shincho\ 1924:10). ButwhenKumeinsistedonananswer, Meieventuallyconfessedthat, while none ofhisworksweresatisfyingandthatthehistrionicsalllookedunsightlytohim(Engeki Kume Masao, thenandanatfirsttackledinquirywithhisusualhumilitybyassertingthat to addressthequestion, “What areMr. Mei’smostsatisfyingperformances?” bytheplaywright in acolloquiumsponsoredbythejournalEngeki shincho\ (Newcurrentsoftheatre). When asked visit toJapan, MeiwasinvitedtospeakagroupofnotedJapanesewritersandtheatrecritics stated preferenceforperformingtheseplays. On27October1924, duringhissecondformal umph oftheplaysfeaturingalluringbeautieswaspartlyevidencedbyMei’sreluctantly eral evenafteritwaspolishedby Mei’stheatricalgeniusinthe1910s. Regardingthe undesir role injingju’sclassicalprogram duringtheQingdynastyandunfortunatelyremainedperiph - haps duetoitsdullandprotracted storyline, theCosmicBladeheldacomparativelymarginal minister ZhaoGao(Yanrong’s father), viaaseriesofquasi-historicalepisodes. Intriguingly, per named Zhao Yanrong totwogenuinehistoricalfigures, theQin’s lastemperorandhiscorrupt father. SetduringtheQindynasty(221BCE–206 BCE), theplayrelatesafictionalcharacter excelled, theCosmicBladetellsofamarried, solemnwomanwhorebelsagainstherbiological Yuzhou feng(Beautydefiestyranny, orliterally, the “cosmicblade”)fromMei’slate-lifecareer. tions. This phenomenonisperhapsbestexemplified by thegrowingprominenceofdramaslike to usethesemalleabletextsnegotiatewiththenewaesthetic rationalesandpoliticalstipula- able sizeandbreadthofhispre-existingrepertoireprovidedMei withnumerousopportunities under thenewregime’sstatecensorship(Liu2009:387–406), butalsobecausetheconsider only becausethecreationoftraditionaldramasbecameanincreasingly treacherousendeavor of predominantlynewworksbutratherbyreshufflinghispreexisting plays. Itwasperhapsnot political milieu. However, itisnoteworthythatMei’slater-career repertorywascomposednot War, histheatricalenactmentwasconfiguredtoappearcongenialwiththealteredculturaland ies thatcouldmovebetweenthetwowidelydividedideologicalcampsatpeakofCold Lanfang 1957). As Mei’sbodywasprivilegedasoneofaverylimitednumberChinesebod- North KoreaandthegrandiosekabukihousesinJapan(seeMeiLanfang[1955]2001:9; of ruralfieldsandindustrialfacilitiesinChina, butalsotheimprovisedundergroundstudiosin nificance fortheyoungCommunistregime, includingnotonlythemakeshiftstagesbyside performed undertheaegisofstate, appearingatavarietyofsitesthatwerepoliticalsig- ticularly trueafterthefoundingofPeople’sRepublicChina(PRC)in1949whenMei cerns perhapssteadilytookpriorityoverhisinterestinmonetarygain. This wouldbecomepar popular localstartoanationallyandinternationallyesteemedpatrioticartist, hispoliticalcon- tory tohisfadingsexualappealasthenandanreachedmiddleage. ButasMeiascendedfroma the stagein1945. Indeed, onecouldattributethemodificationwithinMei’slater-career reper ture charactersfromtheprecedingdecadesturnedouttoberathermixedafterMeireturned these submissivebeautiesbecamelessfrequentbythemid-1930sandfatesofMei’ssigna- ness, andmoralinnocence. role, whoseessentialallurerestsonacombinationofphysicaldelicacy, behavioralsubmissive- Regardless ofthegenericdifference, whatallthreeproductionssharedwasthenubilebeauty ever, werefirststagedin1916and1923respectively, andwereexclusive toMei’srepertory. rewrites ofpremodernliterarycanons, The san, perhapsthemostprevailingscenarioinclassicalChinesedrama. As Republicantheatrical of SuSanintroducesaromancebetweenpromisingConfucianscholarandfaithfulcourte- Pertaining tojingju’sQingrepertoirebutrefashionedbyMeiwithnewstagecraft, The In themid-1920s, whenthenandan’sseductivepowerwasperhapsatitspinnacle, thetri- In contrasttothetaleswithtender, romanticsentiments, inwhichtheyouthfulMeiLanfang Despite theirpopularityinthefirsttwodecadesofRepublic, Mei’sperformancesof Luoshen (GoddessoftheriverLuo)waspreferred(Engeki shincho\ 1924:10). Flower’s Funeral andGoddessoftheRiver Luo, how- Story Story - - - - - Mei Lanfang’s Mustache 135

- - ( 9 and males’ 10

For Mencius, three fundamental principles are essential to the character of one who shall be eulogized as a “great “great a as eulogized be shall who one of character the to essential are principles fundamental three Mencius, For or power by deflected or privation, or poverty by moved honor, and riches by astray led be cannot “he man”: 2009:62). (Mencius force” the of merit moral the and exclusive, mutually as women of that and men” views “great the of way the Mencius 2009:62). rules patriarchal with compliance (Mencius in lies latter Through the ancient sage’s eulogy of the “great man,” Mei’s rendering of the resistant “great man,” Through the ancient sage’s eulogy of the (Forty-year sishinian (Forty-year in Wutaishenghuo in Mei’s early career, mediocre reception Despite its the noticeable discord now arises: how should we understand But one critical question that illuminates the reason for initiating and It is precisely this kind of political orientation 9. 2009:62). 2009:62). caricaturist Feng Zikai’s reading of the mustached woman was strikingly reminiscent of the Given the Confucian ideal’s misogynist formation gentleman during the war. exclusive privilege of embodying the epitome of gentlemanly virtue, the rebellious daugh- exclusive privilege of embodying the epitome of gentlemanly virtue, rather ter seemed particularly commendable because she was perceived to embody some account as Feng Gengguang’s ­masculine traits by overcoming the alleged female inferiority, tellingly suggests.

10. life onstage), Mei’s memoir of his theatrical life during the first half of the 20th century, the first half of the 20th century, memoir of his theatrical life during the Mei’s life onstage), Mei’s secretary and the co-­ by Xu Jichuan, “favorite” Mei’s Cosmic Blade is strikingly lauded as asked to comment on this particu- When (Mei and Xu 1957:148). author of his autobiography The Cosmic Blade laudatory terms. Mei himself also spoke of it repeatedly in lar play circa 1950, a production into which “was addicted,” a play to which he successively, was hailed by Mei as, “exceptional had constantly won his and a dramatic piece that in life,” “put the most effort he [in the Qing] (Mei and Xu was initially imparted to him by his master since it fondness” 1957:146–48). Cosmic Blade dated all the way for the “exceptional fondness” that his between Mei’s claim choice of three entirely different plays as his favor back to the last days of the Qing and his understood This question perhaps needs to be 1924? ites in conversation with the Japanese in more impor but also, own artistic preferences, as not only a historical question about Mei’s I call for a answer it, To biographical self-making. a historiographical inquiry regarding tantly, and political interests that might color Mei’s rec- keen awareness of a canonizing inclination the inconsistency Hence, and practices in the 1950s. ollections of his early artistic inspirations interest in and an altered not only a historical turn, within Mei’s own accounts perhaps suggests tendency to but also a historiographical repertoire, a renewed assessment of his pre-existing with an emphasis on the interests and pursuits that recount the great patriot’s artistic trajectory in his postwar life. were deemed to be politically meaningful Mei Lanfang , Life Onstage In Forty-Year . expanding Mei’s stated passion for the Cosmic Blade a Japanese- inspiration of Feng Gengguang, attributes his obsession with the play to the a mainstay of Mei’s throughout the nandan’s educated Republican plutocrat who remained Feng, Mr. play for “the most praiseworthy” the Cosmic Blade was According to Mei, career. fiction to take bold action against tyranny and injus- mainly because it was rare for a woman in “great to the Yanrong Feng Gengguang was said to once liken tice (Mei and Xu 1957:146). by poverty “moved masculine icon who cannot be the imagery conceived by Mencius, man” buneng qu ) weiwu (fugui buneng yin, or deflected by power or force” or privation, able reception of the play at the time, Mei candidly noted: “Whenever it was played, the box the box it was played, “Whenever noted: Mei candidly time, of the play at the able reception first to Shanghai for the When I toured not as good as I wished. was always office performance To only twice. I performed the Cosmic Blade of a total of 45 days, during a stay time [in 1913], of count its frequency one could only not, are fond of a play or whether audiences learn about (Mei and Xu 1957:146). being staged” Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25 September 2021 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00551 by guest on 25September 2021 [1955] 1997; screengrab by Guanda Wu) Lanfang’s Stagecraft), directed by Wu Zuguang. (From Mei Lanfang, et al. Jin entitled Army) in a 1955 documentary Figure 12. Cinematic portrait of Mei Lanfang’s 136 Guanda Wu Beiyang huabao. (1928)1985.Beiyang huabao[TheNorthernChina Pictorial]176(4 April):5. Beida shenghuoxiezhenji. 1921. “Tushuguan zhurenLiDazhaoxiansheng” [Headofthelibrary, Mr. Li References one. become themselves —have At lastandinperpetuity, Mei’sbodyandthepolitic ofChina Yat-sen, themustachedRepublicanstatesmanwhomademodernChinesenationareality. a pristinecondition, theluxuriouscoffinwasoriginally reservedforthe1925funeralofSun in agrand, exquisitecoffin. Builtofraretimberinthe earlyRepublicanyearsyetpreservedin excellence diedofheartfailure, byorderofthepremierZhou Enlai, Mei’scorpsewasplaced This evenappearedtrueafterthebodywasdeceased. On 8 August 1961, whenthenandanpar a mundanepersonortheatricalcharacter tleman offstageofcourserevealsthatthebodyMeiLanfang gentleman personainlife. The bourgeoningaffinity between the “women” onstageandthegen- ters wereviewedassharingthesameuncompromisingsoulthat wasattributedtohispatriotic In theconcludingyearsofmaestro’scareer, anincreasingnumberofhisdramatic charac- Between theNandanBody andChineseBody Politic The EternalUnity last oftheactor’slegendary life. and wasrememberedasMei’sfirstfull-lengthdramaticcreationduringthePRCera takes command), Mei’sowninterpretationoftheMuGuiyingstory, whichpremieredin1959 in theabsenceoftheirmalecounterparts. InadditiontoplayssuchastheCosmicBlade, extraordinary braveryinstrugglesagainstexternalassaultsorinternaldespotism number ofwhatIcall “dramas ofresistance,” inwhichfemaleprotagonistsareknownfortheir Represented bytheCosmicBlade, Mei’shighlyossifiedpostwarrepertoireforegroundeda daxue chubanbu. Dazhao]. Beida shenghuoxiezhenji[AlbumoflifeatPekingUniversity]:13. Beijing:GuoliBeijing Mei Lanfang de wutai yishu (Mei Kang Jin bing (Against the — was acommittedparticipantinpostwarpolitics. Guiying guashuai(Mu tactics andmartialarts;Mu Guiying, whoisgiftedinboth featuring aheroinenamedMu sical fighting-intensivepiece Mukezhai (Mukevillage), aclas- a 1948cinematicadaptation; to thewiderpublicthrough Japanese sentimentsandknown regret), anotherplaywithanti- (fig. 12);Shengsihen(Eternal on Shanghaitheprecedingyear response totheJapaneseattack first stagedbyMeiin1933 the Jinarmy), aproduction movie; West bythe Disneyanimated rior recentlypopularizedinthe ing across-dressedfemalewar joins thearmy), aplayconcern- limited to:Mulancongjun(Mulan of resistance” includebutarenot Concubine, theprevailing “dramas the Tiger, andFarewell, My — whether ittooktheformof — like Mei’sdualidentities Kang Jinbing(Against — at timeseven Slaying - Mei Lanfang’s Mustache 137 Engeki Engeki . Stanford, CA: Stanford, 1770–1900. in Beijing, of Culture Politics and the City: the Opera 26, 2–3:200–19. 26, Quarterly The Opera

\]. shincho colloquium of Engeki [The tenth \ danwakai daijukai” shincho “Engeki [The Northern China Pictorial] 218 (5 September):3. China Pictorial] 218 [The Northern huabao Beiyang (1928) 1985. 1924. 61, 3:387–406. 61, Journal Theatre [New Currents of Theatre] 1, 12 (December):1–16. 12 (December):1–16. Theatre] 1, [New Currents of

[The new China’s artists], translated by Kimura Hiroshi, 283–351. Tokyo: Tokyo: 283–351. translated by Kimura Hiroshi, [The new China’s artists], no geijutsuka \goku Shin cho

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