SEIZE THE TIME m

Vol.2 No. 3 October 1975

This Issue:

THE BLACK COLONY- A PROGRAM FOR LIBERATION part I NATIONAL LIBERATION WITHIN THE U.S. THE ECONOMICS OF IMPERIALISM WITHIN THE U.S. NATIVE AMERICAN SOVEREIGNTY. CLASS STRUGGLE:WORKPUCE ORGANIZING. FROM THE SISTERS: A CRITIQUE OF THE WHITE WOMAN'S MOVEMENT. WORLD REVOLUTION: PORTUGAL, AN ANALYSIS. CULTURAL REVOLUTION: DIEGO RIVERA The Black Colony-A Program for Liberation

INTRODUCTION PART 1 A hundred years ago, Black people were much. We have learned the power, creativ• They take the decade of Malcolm X, urban the victims of the "great betrayal." The ity and critiufiMi' of the masses in pop• rebellions and Panther Party in isolation dreams of freedom, equality and democracy ular movements, broad coalitions such as without understanding the historical basis that had been built up during the Recons- ALSC, mass organization such as the League for this period. The militance of the six• trucion era were brutally shattered by the of Revolutionary Black Workers and cadre ties was based on massive economic and Hayes-Tilden Compromise of 1877. The rise organizations such as the Black Panther social changes that had occurred during of the KKK, the former slaveowners and the Party. We have learned the great dangers and prior to world war II. The major change brutal repression of Black people was tra• of trying to combine mass and cadre organ• was the completion of the migration pro• ded tor the Northern ruling class's right izations, of not building strong mass bas• cess and further urbanlaation of Blacks. to economically exploit the south. The es, o£ unprincipled strugg laK security The ship and airplane factories of the first Centennial of the birth of the United and adventurism. west coast brought further urbanisation Stat«s was celebrated by the riss o£ the Now is the time for Black Revolution• of Blacks. This final "great migration" KiGC, the rise of the Northern imperialist aries to examine our history, sum up the led to the almost equal distribution of ruling class( and a campaign o£ rs«nslave- experience of past twenty years of strug• Blacks between the North and South. The main thrust of this migration was accom• ment and genocide against Black people. gle in the US as it enters its third cent• panied by a secondary movement o£ Black Another hundred years have passed, and ury. Strong leadership is necessary i£ people into the Southern cities. This ur• Amerlka is preparing for the Blcentinnlal Black people are to collectively heighten banization process would lead to the sit• celQbrations- The us has grown to be the our struggle for freedom, self determina• uation that by 1970, 84% of Black people most hated Imperialist power in the history tion and democracy, AS Mao stated many would live in urban centers. of the world. Black people within the US years ago, the three required tools for have struggled for the last twenty years the liberation of a people are a strong Secondly, Blacks, as a people, advanced to gain the same rights of democracy, e- national unified front and a people's economically during the second World War. quality and freedom we struggled hard for revolutionary army both led by a strong Barron, in Demand for Black Labor states, a hundred years ago. Over the past years, revolutionary party. We feel that at this "World War II marked the most dramatic im• our struggle has more and more been iden• time the formation of a Black revolution• provement in economic status of Black people tified with the anti-imperialist struggles ary cadre organization is absolutely nec• that has ever taken place in the urban in• o£ the world's colonized peoples. Malcolm X essary. Only such an organization can dustrial economy. The income o£ Black work• and Robert Williams brought our struggles coordinate mass struggle, throughout the ers increased twice as fast as that of to the attention of the freedom fighters US. Only such an organization can coord• whites. Occupatlonally, Blacks bettered of other lands. Since the early sixties, inate and build different forms of strug• their positions in all of the preferred our struggle has grown and intensified un• gle and lead Black people through times occupations. The biggest improvement was der the leadership of InQlviduals such as Of rising revolution and stategic retreat. brought about by the migration from South Malcolm X, Dr. King and organizations such Such an organization would have the stren• to North (a net migration of 1,600,000 as the old Black Panther Party, SNCC and gth and experience to confront such diff• Blacks between 1940 and 1950.)" Barron con• AIJSC. icult questions as combatting the attempt• tinues, ''The changes that took place in the The seventies saw broad retreat by our ed consolidation of fascism, making princ• economic deployment of Black labor in WWII movement under the external pressure of in• ipled alliances with other revolutionary were clearly an acceleration of developments tense governmental repression and the in• forces, seeking international support that had been under way since WWI. In a ternal pressures o£ incorrect political lines , throughout the world for out struggle and process of transition, at a certain point lack of understanding of organizational forms , combatting the fascist forces in the work• the quantityof change becomes so great that lack of discipline and lack of principled ing class. the whole set of relationships assume an unity. Black organizations folded or were entirely different character." This change rrelycrippled by the d\ial mer.ances of in improvement in economic status slowed attacks and internal weaJcness. during the post war years of the late for• fcwian revolutionar pointed out that ties and again surged during the Korean War. ti»e true test of a revolutionary organiz• After the Korean War, Black people's cond• ation is not how well it leads during per• itions continually declined. In a period iods of mass rebellions and revolutionary of 'no war' the US economy had no choice fervor, but how well it leads during the but to decline. In the following economic darkest periods when repression is most slowdown, the worst hurt were the Black workers. This decline in the economic life intense, mass support at its lowest ebb, was heightened by major industries such as and the balance of forces is such that the packinghouse and steel industries moving the ruling class is clearly dominant. to the South, Southwest and West. These in• Vietnamese revolutionaries take this th• dustries were "running away"from powerful ought further by saying that revolution• and stibstantially Black unions of the North. aries recruited during the low ebb of One of the most powerful was the United revolution are generally more reliable Packinghouse Workers based in Chicago. This than those recruited during high points union was mostly Black and very powerful. because their commitment will be based Black activists inside of this union, mostly less on emotionalism and more in firm middle level officials and shop stewards, beliefs of the justness of their struggle. waged a campaign to win Black control of As 1976 approaches, mass struggle and the Union. The battles these activists resistance are on the rise. Urban rebell• waged over conditions in the plant, com• ions are occuring in the ghettoesof the ••The\ don'l use the wurd violence until y,iu 're about to explode..Wtei munity issues and control for the union, itroiiifs tim e for a Eilack man to explode thev call it violence.. But white towns and cities of the US. These spontan• peojic tai he exploding u^iiat blacK people all day long, and it 5 never fortold the latter massive battles be• eous rebellions occur in response to dep• called >iotcnct I cncn haw; some of y ou've been so victimized by it that you can't recignize it for what Workers against the automotive industry. eased police and vigilante repression and it is today.." '.lalaHm X Dec. 12. 1964 United Auto Workers and the united bourg- massive governmental cutbacks in educat• eoise of Detroit. As in Detroit, the union ional and social programs. Unemployment and the industry combined to attack the is over thirty percent in the inner city, struggle of Black workers. Unlike the strug• A SHORT HISTORY OF THE PAST THIRTY YEARS inflation reduces worker's paycheks by gle in Detroit, the Packinghouse workers in up to twenty precent, while welfare cut• We understand that such an organization Chicago were decisively defeated. The union backs threaten disaster for many poverty can only be built on principled unity, officials were worried about future organ• stricken households, vigilante activity scientific analysis and a sound concrete izing drives by the Packinghouse workers is on the increase. Six counties in Cal• program. We put forward our analysis and and abandoned Chicago for the non-union ifornia are being terrorized by a massive program for evaluation- discussion and havens of Ohmaha, Nebraska. The steel and white fascist milita. This militas has struggle by our comrades in the movement. auto industries would follow the packing• fired on and ran UFW organizers off ranch• Many activists have a poor understan• house industries into the non-union South es and fields. In a Florida county the ding of the Black Liberation Struggle. This and West. Industries such as the electron• militia rides in the sheriffs cars during is because they refuse to take a histori• ics industry would take those "runaway patrol. In Wilmington Delaware a thirteen cal materialist view. They do not under• shops" out of the cotintry to the neo-colonys year old Black woman-child was shot in stand the different class forces contending of Mexico, Phillipines, Taiwan, South Korea, the back by a white property owner for at each stage of Black history or the nat• etc. allegedly picking a few peaches. She died. ionalist content of the various struggles. The image of Black children being att• Many activists see only what they want and Savage terror co-existed with the econ• acked by mobs of whites clearly shows the ignore the rest. This leads to narrow omic decline of Black people during the fif• choices facing our people and activists. minded statements such as, "The Black Pan• ties. Lynchings were commonplace every• In 1975 we are under attack throughout the ther Party was the only correct revolu• where between Mississippi and Chicago (the United States. Our children, men, women, tionary organization during the late six• lynchings of Black workers by white youths workers and communities are under the most ties and early seventies," or that the in Chicago during the fifties was put to savage attack since the end of Reconstru• Panthers were completely adventurist and a rapid halt as Black street gangs retal• ction. Conditions are much worse than reformist and did the movement more harm iated for the lynchings.) At the same time they were when the sixties rebellions were than good." Both views are wrong and have Black activists of the thirties and for• ties were under attack by the right wing flaring across the map. led to serious mistakes. We must view each forces of Joseph McCarthy and Richard Nixon. But conditons are different than they movement,organization and individual dia- Repression had driven many activists under• were during the sixll-?. the people learn• lectically (recognizing both the positive ground or into 'retirement'. The unions ed through struggle both the joys and ben• and negative) and make an honest evaluation were becoming more and more the props of efits of victory and the bitterness and from the stand point of looking at an en• capitalism. However, the dismalness of the heartbreaks of defeat. The struggles for tire situation, not just part of it. early and middle fifties was soon to be huBan rights, rnnmity control, democracy One of the problems that many activists broken. The anti-colonial struggles of Asia in the kiorkplace. Black Studies and supp• have is that they are familiar with only ort of Af ican Iai)eration have taught us the past decade of our liberation struggle. Con-t. new «ilitant •oveacnt for national liber• people. Ttie CivU Ri^ts Hnwnt ted 9i««a and Africa were beginning to'stir Black ation and its new nationalist leaders. birth to a variety of middle-class stntatt people within the US. Events such as the based organizations which becaae aore nat• Bandung Conference and the independence of ionalist as they saw the failure of the in• Ghana did not go unnoticed. Closer to home, tegration-oriented Civil Rights Movement. the 1954 decision of the US Supreme Court The defeat of the j/Opularly based Mississippi in favor of school desegregation was a Freedom Democratic Party at the 1964 Demo• strong signal of the coming civil rights cratic Convention by the alliance of Hubert movement. Less than a year after the deci• Humphery, Lyndon Johnson and John Stennis sion, Rosa Parks sat in the bus that would was the last straw for many of the SNCC a- spark the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the ctivists. Activists realized that Black peo• beginning of Dr. King's many campaigns. ple lacked power, and that until we gained Many Southern Blacks felt that the decis• power there would be no meaningfuJ social ion would lead to instant desegregation. change. The Black Power Movement was, at When it became obvious that desegregation first, essentially a reform movement. Black would take place slowly and only under activists felt that,by mobilizing Black com• pressure, the mass movement of the civil munities throughout the country, they could rights era began. force the ruling class to be responsive to The Civil Rights Movement must be seen their needs. At this point it was accepted as a progressive national movement in which that one of the few powers that Black people different classes united and struggled had (and had demonstrated in Watts) was a great capability for violence. However, by against a colonising power. Different clas• MALCOM X, ROBERT WILLIAMS AND THE URBAN ses had different goals and it was not un• 1966 it was clear that meaningful change REBELLIONS would be impossible within the framework Of til the struggle had been transformed from One of the first to highlight the new one of civil rights to one for human rights the present social system. The twin pres• militancy of the Black movement was the sures of masses of angry Blacks in the US would the struggle begin to realize its former head of the Monroe, North Carolina revolutionary potential. and mounting defeats for us imperialism by NAACP chapter, Robert Williams. Recogni• the Vietnamese were driving the US social The Civil Rights Movement reached its zing the injustice of the court system he system to a massive internal crisis, it was height during the early sixties. The suc• stated that "They (Blacks) must convict obvious that the few crumbs that the various cess of the tactic of direct action in their attackers on the spot. They must Federal povery programs threw at Black people Montgomery, Selma and other Southern cities meet violence with violence." Statements were no more significant than the earlier gave fuel to the desires of the masses for such as this and actions such as forming civil rights legislation. At the same time equality. In this period, the Civil Rights a Black branch of the National Rifle Ass• the state was using massive military repres• Movement was truly a mass movement that em• ociation led to his suppression by the sion in response to the urban rebellions and braced the Black people of the South. Work• NAACP. When a vrtiite mob attacked a peace• was using Black youth as cannon fodder in ers marched, students attempted to inte• ful protest violently, many Blacks were Indochina. Black organizations had a choice; grate Ivinch counters, and the bourgeoise beaten and jailed. An elderly white cou• either to take up Malcolm's challenge and provided leadership and reaped most of the ple wandered into the Black community. join the struggle on the side of the anti- benefits (open housing, better education Angry bloods seized them and threatened colonialist forces of the world, or to give for their sons and daughters, and some in• to hold them hostage until the arrested in and accept a few reforms for a newly ex• crease of job opportunities for trained demonstators were released, in the face panding Black elite. This was a classical professionals.) of the threat of a massive police and vig• choice facing the nationalists throughout However, by 1963, the Civil Rights Move• ilante invasion of the Black community, the world: to either become bourgeois nat• ment was in serious trouble. It became in• William's rifle group voted to get Uilliaas ionalists, and not threaten the status qao. creasingly clear to the masses of Blacks out of the country- This decision probably be satisfied with soae relative privile9e8 that civil rights struggles would neither prevented a massive slaughter. Williams was for a 'native elite' and actively join in substantially alter their living conditions granted political alylum in Cxiba and later the oppression of the native masses; or to in the work place or the community or change resided in China. become one with the people and embrace the the basic power relationships that had op• In the North, Malcolm X was providing lead• struggle of revolutionary peoples through• pressed Black people during their entire ership to the militant masses of Harlem. Af• out the world. Dr. King, SNCC, CORE and all history within the US. At the same time that ter his break with Elijah Muhamed in March, Black student organizations were faced with the ineffectiveness of the Civil Rights 1964, Malcolm broadened his thinking with this choice. This question was most dramat• Movement was becoming apparent to the Black his discussions with other Black leaders, ically confronted on the issues of Vietnam masses, the concept of non-violence was Muslim leaders in North Africa, and various and organizational relationships to the gov• being challenged. The scenes of Bull Con• African heads of state and representatives ernment. As early as 1966, SNCC ca»e out in ner's dogs and pigs attacking and brutal• from the various liberation struggles. Re• support of a Student for Democratic Society izing peaceful marchers in Birmingham, cognized as the father of Black revolution• (SDS) anti-wcir demonstration. Their state• Alabama flashed across millions of TV sets ary nationalism. Malcolm X's lasting con• ment read, "Samuel Young (a SNCC activist) and etched in the minds of the masses. Many tribution to the Black Liberation Movement was murdered because US law is not being en• began to argue that self-defense was both is the amazing content of his many speeches forced. Vietnamese are being murdered because a basic human right and a basic hioman duty, and interviews. In the final 52 weeks of the US is pursuing an agressive policy in especially since non-violent tactics were his life, he laid the ideological basis for violation of international law. The US is not bringing substantative changes to the modern Black revolutionary struggle. First, no respecter of persons or law when such lives of the masses. he took the Black Liberation struggle out persons or laws run counter to its needs The Civil Rights leaders recognized that of the sphere of civil rights and into and desires." By 1967 Dr. King had come out theyneeded some action to galvanize the the sphere of human rights. In doing so he completely against the war. He would event• sagging movement. By 1963,demonstrations, argued that the Black Liberation struggle ually refer to the Vietnamese as "our Viet• marches, countless jailings and many deaths was not an "internal problem" of the US namese brothers." had changed the mood of many organizers. but a viable part of the struggle of the The March on Washington was originally con• peoples of the world for the basic human King's denunciation of the Vietnam war is ceived as a massive Black demonstration rights of freedom, equality and self-det• one of the four factors which led to his that would be aimed at shutting the capitol ermination against "white world supremacy." assasination. The others were; that he was down until Blacks received true justice He argued that our allies were the revolu• becoming an international spokesman for and equality. Obviously this was unaccep• tionary peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin Blacks in America as Malcolm had been, he table to the ruling Democratic Party lead• America. Further, although there were pro• was attempting to build a massive coalition ership. The sellout of the March by the gressive whites within the United States of poor Blacks, Latinos, Native Americans Civil Rights leaders is well known. What and we must unify our people and rely on our and whites, and he was beginning to shift was to be a massive,militant direct action own efforts before we could build alliances his base to the working class, supporting was transformed"by them into a picnic party. with others. Malcolm pointed out that capit• such struggles as the Memphis garbage strike. Dissenters such as SNCC's chair, John Lewis alism and racism were connected ("you can't FBI files show that he was about to become had their speeches censored. His speech de• be a capitalist and not a racist"); that another Malcolm with an even wider mass base. nounced the Kennedy Civil Rights Bill which capitalism was a decaying "vulturistic"ec- AS in Malcolm's case, the FBI felt that such many recognized would go unenforced and onomic system and that all progressive TW a radical, charismatic leader must be elim• bring no real changes. His speech said, in countries "had some type of socialism." inated . part,"In good consciousness, we cannot sup• Like other African revolutionaries such as CORE was considering an anti-war resolu• port the Administration's civil rights bill, Amilcar Cabral and Franz Fanon, Malcolm X tion at its convention in 1965 but it was for it is too little and too late. There's understood the profound role of a people's tabled at the request of James Farmer. This not one thing in that bill that will pro• culture in a national liberation struggle. was a significant setback. Leaders such as tect our people from police brutality He called on Black revolutionaries to launch Farmer would eventually wind up in the Nixon a "cultural revolution to unbrainwash an en• What is in the bill that will protect the Whitehouse. tire people." He recognized that armed strug• homeless and starving people of this nation? The response by imperialism to the begin• gle would be a necessauy component of our What is there in this bill to insure the ning stages of revolution by a colonized struggle and was attempting to build a Black equality of a maid who earns $5.00 a week people is to militarily smash the peoples' United Front, the Organization of African in the home of a family whose income is movement while buying off a section of the and Afro-American Unity, when assasins' bul• $100,000 a year?" The civil rights move• native elite in order to give some appear• lets cut him down. Malcolm died in February, ment began to lose even its white liberal ance of relaxation of colonial relations. H*>* as he was trying to implement organ• support as it attempted to take the issue Robert Allen quotes Franz Fanon in descrip• izationally his ideology. It would take or• to the northern cities. Dr King remarked in tion of this period of anti-colonial strug• ganizations such as SNCC and the BPP to try 19G6 that the racist violence he encounter• gle, "Once the native masses begin picking to implement his ideology in practice. ed in the working class neighborhoods of up weapons, then the colonialists become Chicago was worse than that he had encoun• loudest in their pleas for nonviolence. They tered in Selma Alabama. The urban rebell• The twin struggles of Black people in the assert that nonviolence is the only way to ions that started in 1964 put a finish to urban centers and the Indochinese people achieve social change, and they invite the the civil rights movement. When the ruling battling US imperialism dominated the US native elites into their offices to discuss class realized that civil rights leaders from 1964 to 1972. Black activists in SNCC, the situation. The colonial rulers are par• could not control the angry workers and the BPP and other organizations quickly ticularly fearful because blown-up bridges, youths of the Black inner cities, they con• drew parallels between the anti-colonial raveged farms, repressions and fighting centrated on new strategies to contain the struggles in Vietnam and what many activists saw as the anti-colonial struggles of Black Con-t. Rj- '0 basis. Native Sovereignty In North America We must do these things before we can begin to organize and mobilize people to Editor's Note: This article was written by time of confederation and the institution stop the War. Native people in Canada, It is included of reservations, the native peoples of this Our immediate future plans include dis• here because much of the history and ana• land got one sixteenth the land per family tribution of information and organiring for lysis is similar to that of Native people that Canadian settlers got and that was be• an initial anti-war demonstration on Oct.14, in America, The U,S, Department of the In• fore the mass expropriation of our lands by Columbus Day, in as many cities as possible terior also tries to divide Native people industrialists, railroad corporations and across the U.S. Wc are also considering fur• into "reservation"J non-reservation, urban, land speculators! We are all in the same ther demonstrations and a trailing of the terminated, etc, aaying that CM gtOM-p feae boat. We need land. Land is the basis o£ Bicentennial Wagon Train slated to arrive these "rights" and others don't, any nation. at Valley Forge on July 4, 1976, in an at• ******* Before the government tells us of what tempt to capture some of the press coverage this event is receiving and remind the U.S. The Indian people at the turn of the rights we may struggle for, and we are re• people of what those wagon trains meant to 19th century were a part Of a WOrld pro- ferring to aboriginal title, treaty rights, Indian people. cesa-th* process of colonization by Eng• etc, and wh© constitutes an Indian,(we land, France, United States and Canada. Al• mean the legal division between status, non• SEND CONTRIBUTIONS AND WRITE FOR MORE though this same process began much earli• status, metis, treaty, Eskimo and Inuit,)we DETAILS TO: er in our history, it was at this time that need to establish for ourselves that first, Survival of American Indians the organised and open rebellion around the we are an historically colonized people P,0, Box 719 principles of national aelf-detcrmination and as such we have an inalienable right Tacoma, Washington 98401 • OR occurred. Our heroic ancestors(Louis Kiel, to independence as a nation and that thia (206) 456-1375 Dumont, Geronimo, Sitting Bull and many right is not negotiable, and secondly, that El Centre de la Raza more) fought l»ng and hard agflinet this all rights propsed to us by the foreign 2324 16th Avenue South colonialisation. Their struggle was one of governemtn in Ottawa are abnegated by that Seattle, Washington 98144 self-determination as an independent na• singular right-the right to national self- (206) 329-9442 tion. Their struggles did not take place determination, in isolation; everywhere throughout the With that in mind we need to establish world colonized people rose up in rebel• our national boundaries. We need to deter• lion against the colonizers. At the time mine the quantity of land that would allow On August 5. 1975. 150 people left of the Rlel Rebellion, the peoplea of China us to be economically, socially and poli• Olympia, Washington on a 6-day march to rose up in a mighty storm against the co• tically self-sufficient. Only national in• Portland, Oregon to protest the campaign lonizers, the peoples of Puerto Rico, Cuba, dependence and the meeting of the land re• of war and agression against the Indian Brasil, the many nations of Africa, Asia quirements Of Statehood will end the depen• people at Fine Ridge and Rosebud Indian and South America also rose against the dence that our people suffer from. Only reservations being waged by the U.S. gov• colonizers. All were defeated, but as to• complete control over our nation's natural ernment through its agencies, the BIA, day is the witness of great changes in the resources and an end to the exploitation FBI, and others. world, the defeat was temporary, Tbday the of our lands by foreign business will al• Since January of this year there have United Nations Assembly is made up of coun• low us to tap the creative power and abil• been numerous murders on Indian lands in tries barely a decada old, peoples former• ity of our own people. South Dakota, They have indlscrlmlately ly colonized, have gained national Indepen• NATIVE STUDY GROUP taken the lives ol Indian men and women dence. This has had a profound Impact on Vancouver, Canada of all ages, and have included murderlngs the world, each new victory for colonized of children and the elderly. We have been peoples has served as an inspiration to unable to find any valid investigation of CAMPAIGN FOR THE SURVIVAL OF other peoples still struggling. Further, AMERICAN INDIANS" any of these deaths, or of the conditions tba p«ople« of tb« world recognite that all and government attitudes that led to them. We are sending you this information as COIOMIwmJl p«oplc h«v« a cowon struggle, Living conditions and incidents of vi• the first step in a nation-wide campaign to «a4 tl»«7 aid each other In the building of gilante, goon squad, and police brutality expose U.S. aggression against Indian peo• their nations. It Is in this same context are worse than they were at the outbreak of ples on Indian land. The terror tactics of that we must view our struggle. the 1973 battle at Wounded Knee. The Feder• the BIA and FBI on the Pine Ridge and Rose• Our history has been one of coloniza• al agencies charged with the responsibility bud reservations in South Dakota are the tion ever since the first settler came to of protecting Indian lives and treaty rights, most extreme examples of the organized at• this land. There is a peculiarity about the Aberdeen area office of the BIA in par• tack on Indian people by the U.S. govern• our history of colonization in North Ameri• ticular, are coordinating the inter-agency ment that has followed the Occupation of ca, however, and that is that we now con• and military acts of aggression while ef• Wounded Knee in 1973. Another example from stitute a minority living within the same fectively preventing this information from the Northwest is that the budget for en• geo-political boundaries as the mother reaching the free press. forcement of the illegal laws of Washing• country, and though we are generally ex• Several parallels to the South Dakota ton State on Indian fishing(a violation of cluded from the citizenship that other conditions, existing here in the northwest, the original treaty rights as upheld by Canadians enjoy by virtue of their birth, bring concern that murders and aggression the Bolt decision) has increased from we are kept dependent by "welfare statisirf'. on the scale of South Dakota could focus $5,000 in 1974 to $904,000 for 1975. On Further, the nationals of our nation are next against northwest Indians. The Boldt August 18, federal and state marshalls determined by a "legal" colonial status. decision has not solved all the northwest with 200 armed police and a helicopter ar• Culturally, politically and socially and Indian fishing people's problems. Treaty- rested 3 persons and confiscated 3 boats economically, the metis, Eskimo, Inuit, guarenteed fishing rights are still being and eleven nets belonging to Native Ameri• Treaty and Status Indians share a common violated, and the state's steadily increas• cans at Frank's landing on the Nasqually history. We are divided by Canadian law ing fisheries and game-law enforcement Reservation. only-which is of course not our law. forces together with the growing hostility As a colonized people, though we are The people of the U.S, rose in the of non-Indian commercial and sports fisher• a minority vis-a-vis the settler popula• late '60's to demand an end to the Vietnam men, leaves us in a potentially explosive tion, we have a right to self-determina• War with a cry of "Bring the War Home". The situation here. tion. And yet, we have no control over U.S. government has done just that, against Approximately 250 people marched on our lives, our children's schooling, what Indian people. We must again ask the U.S. the final day, August 11, as the march soever. This foreign government has kept people to raise their voices to stop the reached Hollady Park in Portland. At a us in a state of dependence and domination horror at Pine Ridge. We need your help to press conference in the park SidMilla read so complete that we are afraid to call our• do this! this statement written by Ida Stuntz(Kills- selves a nation. We call ourselves socle- **We must overcome a strict nation• right), whose husband Joe, was murdered by ties, charitable organisations, associa• wide news blackout to inform the people the FBI in South Dakota 2 months ago: tions, anything but a nation of peoples'. We, of this country. This article details on• as an Internal colony, not only have no ly a few of the more recent incidents at The Ida Stunt2(Killsrlght) family Is political, economic or soical control over Pine Ridge. demanding in the form Of restitution for our lives-we don't even have land any long• **We must raise tremendous sums of mo• the murder of her husband, Joe Stuntz(Kllls- er. And we needn't feel that status and ney to cover printing and mailing costs to right), the amount or figure derived at the treaty Indians got a "better deal".At the distribute this Information on a wide-scale continued on pg 6

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Alabama Coushatta Coushatfa Cfiittmacfia' INDIAN LANDS TODAY SEIZE THE TIME p. 5

^BEHIND THE LINES^ BOSTON 26,000 94,000 nation, as we don't have all the facts In Boston, of the city's Labor Party, which organized the Commit• and the outcome of those organiziing cam• pupils are being bused to desegregate 162 tee Against Racism, has taken some of the paigns Is not yet clear. However, because public schools• School attendance is up strongest, most militant stands in defense, of the importanee of the conditions in to 727.; last year the highest attendance of busing. However, because of their own Boston, we will continue to investigate was 65%. While attendance has grown, rac• history of sectarianism and because of and pass on as much information as pos• ist flttaeka have lessened. Whether this the political disagreements people have sible. is due to the huge military presence in With Trotskyism, they have been unable, Boston, or to the organising efforts of The broadest based anti-racist org• and unwilling to unite with the white anti-racist forces in the white community anization in Boston is "Greater Boston left in Boston around milltant-anti- Will be clearer when the military forces Tenants and Workers," which has been a racist practice. PLP Is an important ex• leave. primary organization behind building ample, although not the only example, As Louise Day Hicks has said,"Whatever defense squads since April. These defense because oi the possible repression the ie going ta happen in Boston Is going to squads are mobilized through telephone left in Boston, particularly the PLP, set the tone for the forced-busing issue trees when potential riots are developing. faces. In the face o£ that repression, elsewhere." Racist forces around the coun• They have, on occasion, successfully stop• it is particularly important that we try are turning to Boston for leadership. ped white mobs from attacking Black peo• clarify possible areas of unity. White revolutionary people are studying ple. They have tried to place people in Strategic positions; as school bus moni• While it is important to be honest and Boston to gain a better understanding of principled about our politics, we have racism and the methods for organising tors , and as observers along bus routes and inside the schools. Although "Greater to understand the difference between that against racist mobilization. Whether or Boston Tenants and Workers" has found and sectarianism. What is required is an not they are successful, organizers work• that they cannot do much organizing in assessment of what is primary in a given ing in Boston should summarize and ana• Situation. In Boston, the mobilization lyze their practice making it widely a- those positions, they are important in of the fascists is primary - they are the vailable to organizer's around the country. that the people in them have gained a main enemy. The response on the left As the economic crisis heightens, overtly better understanding of the problems should be a strong, anti-racist united racist and fascist mobilizations such as and the perspective of the white students front to stem the racist tide. Boston and Louisville will occur more and parents. frequently and more intensely. Obviously, Another important development is the Look, we in congress are all the white movement must be prepared to forming of anti-racism committees within for real school integration deal with those situations i£ we ever existing organizations like the National but busing is an artificial hope to lead the white working class on Lawyers Guild and some Tenant's Unions. to a socialist revolution. The situation in Boston has graphically Saiga the Time has tried to learn what brought home the importanee of combatting organizing is going on in the white com• racism in all areas of our practice. munities in Boston. This article does not One negative aspect of the organizing attempt to do a full analysis of the sit- in Boston is sectarianism. The Progressive

CONGRESSIONAL ATTEMPT TO LEGALIZE FASCISM

STOP SBl! Also, redrawing of school boundry lines is phony and doesn't get at the problemi Senate Bill 1 is a 753 page omnibus crime interfered with public transportation by bill, that if passed would allow the police their very numbers could have been prosecu• a free hand insupressing anyone who disa• ted for sabotage-, a major felony. Virtually grees with the government. This bill would every form of demonstration against the gov• completely rewrite the U.S.crime code. The ernment would be classified as sabotage. The document is too extensive to review entirely, penalty? Life imprisonment. This section but here are some of its key points: also attacks trade unions by making any form ESPIONAGE; Under the guise of "national of picket line, sit-in, plant occupation, security" the Official Secrets Act defines or demonstration a felony pimishable by espionage as the knowing collection or com• $100,000 in fines and 15 years in jail. Sec• munication of "national defense information" tion 1331 defines a riot as "tumultous con• and would leave newspapers, reporters, and duct" on the part of five or more people editors open to prosecution for the pub• which "creates a hazardous or physically lication of an article the government did offensive condition" or which "obstructs a not like. This section of the bill goes on federal government function." And rezoning the suburbs to broaden the definition of foreign pow• CRIMINAL CONTEMPT* In direct violation of is just another superficial er to include "any international organiza• the double jeapordy clause in the Fifth tion" and thereby makes it a crime punish• ammendment. SB 1 would allow a judge to able by death for an American organization sentence a defendant to six months in jail to communicate with its international coun• for contempt of court and then charge the terparts. The final sections of the Official defendant with another federal offense for Secrets Act deal with dieclofiure and unlaw• the same action. This measure could be used ful obtaining of classified information. against political prisoners and workers Under its provisions, the publiaation of a striking in defiance of court injunctions. document like the Pentagon Papers would be ENTRAPMENT Under this section SB 1 gives punishable by a fine of 3100,000 and seven free license to such activities as the re• years in jail. cently discloseiciA domestic operations. TREASON'During the last ten years/ the U.S. This section makes entrapment impossible to has technically n^t been at war; but under prove. Agents of the government could pro• StB. 1 those who called for victory to the ceed to infiltrate, disrupt, and openly Vietnamese could have been prosecuted as provoke the labor and progressive movements 1 and be guaranteed court approval and pro• traitors, a crime punishable by death.SB The problem is haw to handles tile crisis facing the power struct• tection. achieve real school ure by criminalizing all opposition, by Anyone interested in cooperating to build a integration in an national movement against this fascist meas• punishing anyone who "with intent to bring orderly, natural fashion ure, please contact: about the forcible overthrow or destruction while keeping the races , of the government of the United States or AD HOC COMMITTEE AGAINST REPRESSION of any state as speedily as circumstances P. 0. BOX 40458 permit", "incites others to engage in con• San Francisco, ca 94140 duct which then or at some time in the fu• ture would facilitate the forcible overthrow of such government". The word "facilitate" is intentionally general and vague so that the slightest ©pposition to the state could be called treason. SABOTAGE}Under the vague terms of this sec• tion, anti-Vietnam war demonstrators who SEIZE THE TIME p. 6 BREAK DE S/Q SI X- TRIAL UPDATE

On Saturday, ftuguat 21, 1971, Solcdad CHAINS Brother George Jackson was shot to death by guards in the prison yard at San Quen- tin. The authorities said he was shot while trying to escape. HetHe your duflrTela. come togethef die rsallty eitw«tlonj Mnderstand t^iat Pleeta Drumgo, David Johnson, Hugo fflseiao Ifi alreaov Here, that ueopie aiQ aireBdy rinell, John Larry Spain, Luis Talaman- dying who csuld bs saTsd, that gsnsiatlen. -or. tez, and Willie TatQ are in the Adjust• will Jie or live p»o* hu(eh6»ed half-lluea If ment Center (maximum security) at San yau fail to act. Do what must be done, discover your hUHanitj and ywwt X«Y« in revfflwcl^n, pass guentin in Marin County» California! They an the torch. Join us. give up your lire Tor have teen charged with conspiracy and the People. •murder in the deaths of three guards and GEORGE lACKSON twD inmates at san guentin on the day DEFEND THE SO 6 George Jackson died. They are also known as the San Quentin Six. continued from pg. 4 TRIAL UFDftTE; Ities. Finally, Allen Mancino was able Currently the prosecution ia calling to get in touch with his lawyer to issue ito witnes3C3 4 So far they have only a statement that said any testimony that JOANN LITTLE FREED! called correctional officers, the sixth authorities were attributing to him was witness being Charles Breckenridge. The false and had been beaten out of him. On August 15th, a jury of six whites prosecution witnesses have been consis• Now the prosecution wants to call and siH blaeks acquitted Joann Little af tently Inconsistent. Their testimony has Mancino as a witness- Mancino has issued murder. Joann had been charged with the been full of holes and hasn't held up a statement saying he will not testify murder of Clarence ftlligood, a white Beau• under cross-examination from the defense. for the prosecution and that he will take fort County prison guard. Joann's response A key development in the San guentin the fifth amendment. Allen Mancino's re• to the charge was that Alligood had tried Six trial has been Allen Mancino's re• fusal to testify for the prosecution puts to rape her, end that she had defended fusal to testify as a prosecution witness. his life in grave danger. His lawyer, herself £r the attack. When Allen was a Soledad inmate, he was Sally Soladay, has filed suit to get Man• joann's acquittal is a victory for all approached by Captain Charles Moody, and cino out of the hands of the California oppressed people. It is a victory which offered probation if he would murder corrections system and into the custody affirms the right o£ women to defend them• George Jackson. Mancino turned down the of federal marshals. Currently, Allen is selves from sexual assult. In particular, offer. On August 21st, Mancino was one of being held in Carson City. the victory is Q blow against the racist the few white inmates in the yard where People are urged to attend the San oppression of Black women in the south. George Jackson was murdered. Allen was Quentin Six trial, which is held on Mon• Seize the Time wishes to convey our ahot in the leg and left bleeding by the day, Tuesday, Thursday, and Friday, 9:30 love and and solidarity to Joann Little. prison authorities. to 4:00, at the Marin County Courthouse. Your victory is truly a people's victory. Since the events of August 21st, Man• .^s you've said, "X've never been pessimis- cino has been constantly moved from one FREE THE SAN QUENTIN SIXI i^«ut tJM p«tfsr o£ the people...T Anew prison to another. From Carson City to FREE ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS: if the people stood together, we Walla Walla, Mancino has been held in• communicado by California prison author- NATIVE AMERICAN

CAl^PAIGN continued from page 4 cost of the United States Government to kill one Vietnamese soldier in Vietnam, Yvonne Wanrow Wins Appeal With the war having been brought home by the U.S. government against the Indians Yvonne Wanrow, divorced mother of now and in particular Joe Stuntz, we demand three, is a Colville Indian, Lake Band, that it be paid for Ida, her sons. Grey Horse who lived and worked until recently, in and Richard promptlyI Spokane, Washington. In 1972, a series of -Survival of American Indians events led to her arrest and conviction Committe and supporters. for killing a man who attempted to molest her eight-year old som SOME OF THE RECENT INCIDENTS AT WOUNDED THE CASE: KNEE THAT HAVE HAPPENED IN CONNECTION * On August 11, 1972, William Wesler, AND FOLLOWING THE OCCUPATION IN 1973: armed with a knife, attempted to molest wanrow's son Darren, and the ten-year old **23 murderson the Pine Ridge reserva• daughter of Shirley Hooper, Yvonne's baby• tion alone in 1974. sitter. **Some 47 rounds were shot into the * After the incident. Hooper's seven-year houses of AIM supporters, many of old daughter, Mildred revealed that it had which were filled with women and been Wesler who, several months earlier, children during shooting sprees, had raped her and infected her with V.D. **yet no one has been arrested in * The incidents were reported to the Spo• connection with any of these inci• kane police who refused to do anything. dents, even though the assailants * The night of August 11, the mothers were identified. stood guard over their children together. *wa 2 year old boy's arm was shattered Wesler.drunk, burst into the house and by bullet. headed toward one of the children. Yvonne YVOME WAmOW MD HER CHILDREN **Jeannette Blssonette, mother of si*. screamed for help, and Wesler turned and and witness to AIM leader Pedro Bis- lurched toward her. she shot him ae h© onette'o killing by BIA was ahot and atta

PORTUGAL AN ANALYSIS WORLD

The Portugese revolution is a serious 25 DE ABRIL 10711 threat to US Imperialism's present REVOLUTION strategy for world domination. Before the popular uprising of April 1974 Portugal fulfilled the same role for US imperialism as iran, Brazil, the PhllllplnQS, and south Africa. It was a sub-Imperialist power furnishing its own exploited national resources to maintain a fascist dictatorship at home and opposing national liberation ander of the Armed Forces under the fascist movements abroad. Oaetano and president Of the MFA between flprll and September 1974, served in Guinea- colonies against FRELIMO in Mozambique Bissau; Otelo Sarvia de Garvalho, the comm• MFLA/TNLA/UNITA in Angola, and PAIGC in ander in chief o£ the Army, was the Portugese Guinea-Bissau with US/Nato equipment and governor of Guinea-Bissaut More importantly direction in the same manner as Iranian hundreds o£ thousands of enlisted men and troops fight in Nambia against SWAPO and in women served in Africa in brutal senseless Zimbabwe against BANUi The .ruling class war that the majority Of the military felt fears the response of the American people unnecessary and that civilian resiscsrs In and the ability of us military in a future Portugal openly opposed through mass prdt- oommitment similar to Vietnam and conseguent- eat and guerilla action despite the harsh• IV has given primary responsibility to ness of fascist rule. When the soldiers sub-imperialist powers to be the cornerstones returned home they found themselves in the of counter-revolution throughout the world. role or those thev had fought-oppressed by One way the US does this is by giving mass• an insensitive regime that was clearly not ive amounts of military hardware in the operating in the interests of the masses guise of foreign aid to the sub-i«ipe5?ialist HISTORY OP THE MPA of Portugese people. powers like Portugal . One Of the crucial This contradiction was the catalyst for The anti-fascist resistance movement in factors in this situation is the mainten• the development of the Armed Forces Move• Portugal was as old as fascism but due to ance Of fascist dictatorships within these ment (MFA), which in its brief history has the size and effectiveness of PIDE{the FBI countries in order to insure maximum US overthrown a fascist regime, ended twenty of the'fascists) it has been ruthlessly Influence. This creates a situation where years of colonial war for millions in Africa checked for 48 years. The twenty-tWO member the militarv of the countries like Portugal and restructured the economy of Portugal central committee of the Portugese communist finds itself in a doiible bind, fighting towards socialism. The MPA has been OPPOSSd Party(PCP) spent a collective total of 308 a war that is certainly not fOr the bene• from its inception by the Imperialists thr• years in PTDE prisons. flountleSS thOUSandS fit Of the colonized peoples, yet yields ough NATO, the CIA, the Catholic church, were imprisoned and one out of every 400 no visable results for the coloniaing for• and the petit bourgeosie of Portugal. Portugese informed for the PIDE during the ces either: Portugese troops return home The origins Of the MFA are in the African five decades of fascist rule. The only way to find maesiva police repression, rampant wars of national liberation. The leadership for the resistance to seize power in 1974 unemployment, inflation and a stagnant econ• of the MPA, past and present, saw first was to have the only institution more power• omy controlled by US and western European hand the devastating effects of Portugal's ful than the FIDE intervene-the Armed corporations. subjugation. Antonio de Spinola, the comm- Forces.

continued on pg. 9 PUERTO RICO The following is reprinted from a sspcial issue of PUERTO RICO LIBRE'., the bulletin of the Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee: History of the Puerto Rican Liberation Struggle 1865: The Republican Society of Cuba and Puerto Rico is leadership and replaces them with a Nationalist Party labor Because of a systematic information created in New Yorl<, witli a constitution that reads "only by formation. blockade maintained by the US government, the force of arms can we wrest from the . . . Spanish nation the Feb. 24, 1935: Police stop a car carrying Nationalist Party few people in the United States are aware right to manage our own affairs . . ." lis members include members outside the University of Puerto Rico. In the ensuing Independentistas of the Puerto Rican people's long history exiled by the Spanish authorities from Cuba confrontation, known as the "Massacre of Rio Piedras," four and Puerto Rico, such as Flamon Emeterio Betances, who has of struggle for freedom and independence. Nationalists and one policeman are killed, and forty people fought for the freedom of slaves in Puerto Rico and begun the wounded. Begun in the 19th century against Span• movement for complete independence from Spain. ish colonial rule, the battle for indepen• February, 1936: A high police official, Colonel E. Francis Riggs, dence has continued for more than a century, 1867: Betances writes the "Ten Commandments of Man," is assassinated. Two Nationalists picked up as suspects are which correspond in many ways to the U.S. Bill of Rights. outlawed, militarily attacked, denied and murdered inside the police station. inde- subverted by imperial powers, yet always en• September 23, 1868: The town of tares is seized by 1936: The leadership of the Nationalist Party, including its pendentista during and expressing through a variety of revolutionaries and the Republic of Puerto Rico is President, Pedro Albizu Campos, are arrested and jailed on proclaimed with its own flag and constitution. Although forms the existence of the Puerto Rican na• charges of conspiracy to overthrow the U.S. Government by militarily a failure, the event i« still celebrated today by Puerto tion and its will to live. Rlcans as the birth of the Puerto Rican nation. force and violence. Today the issue-independence or coloni• March 21, 1937: A Nationalist Party march and demonstration 1898: When the U.S. troops invaded Puerto Rico on July 25, a alism- Is rapidly becoming a life or death in Ponce, commemorating the freeing of the slaves in Puerto group of Puerto Rlcans in the Spanish Army refuse to surrender question for an ever-widening number of Rico in 1873 and demanding the release of the imprisoned and flee to the mountains to begin guerilla operations against Puerto Rlcans. Low wages; high prices; Nationalist leadership, is fired on by police, killing 20 and the invodcra. living day-to-day off foodstamps and hand• wounding over 100, 1904: The independence wing of the Union Party, (founded by outs; contamination of air, land, water; tuis IVIuno2 Rivera, father of tuls Munoz WlarCn) struggles in the1943 : The Pro-Independence Congress forms, uniting pro- forced migration; massive sterilization; House of Delegates, the only popularly elected legislature in the Independence factions from different groups, parties, and labor amerleanlzatlon of Ruerto Rican language, colonial system, for a plebiscite on Puerto Rico's status. organizations. culture, way o£ life; more and more Puerto March 12, 1915; The House of Delegates approves by unani• 1940. 1944: The Popular Democratic Party, headed by Luis Rican people are identifying these condi• mous vote a memorandum opposing U.S. citizenship. Neverthe• Munoz Marin, is voted into power on an independence platform. tions with US colonialism, and coming to less, the Jones Act Imposes U.S. Citizenship in 1917. 1946: The Puerto Rican Independence Party emerges from the the conclusion that Independence is neces• 1922i The Puerto Risan Nationalist Party Is founded, partially Pro-Independence Congress In response to Munoz Marin's sary to survival. in response to the failure of the Unionists to wrest any renouncement of the demand for independence the year before, The independence movement today reflects concessions on independence from the U.S. and his purging of the left wing from the PPD. that broadness, that growing national feel• 1832: After the Introduction of a Dill to downgrade me national 1347; The Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico is resognlzed as a ing. It is a truly massive movement, inclu• flag to the status of a colonial banner, an outraged public "non-governmental organization" with official observers having ding political parties, student federations marches on the capitol building and routs the Senate during its access to sessions of the U.N. for Independence in universities and high deliberations on the bill, which was quashed. Dchooloj organisations of professional people, 1934; A massive strike of sugar industry workers ousts the afl such as lawyers, who defend the independence struggle, artists, writers and musicians who express the history and culture of the Puerto Rican nation and pro-Independence sentiment. Mass movements against US expansion such as the superport and the copper mining plans bring more and more people into the ranks o£ independence fighters. Mass organizations describe colonial conditions In their plat• forms, such as the Puerto Rican Women's Fed• eration, which sees the colonial society as one of the major exploiters of women. Trade union organizations, such as the United Worker's Movement, struggle against

continued on pg 19 SEIZE THE TIME p. 8

defenders of imperialism. aspects of our own; we must analyze the Organized armed struggle shows people strengths and weaknesses of the enemy's MESSAGES their great strength and potential for forces and of our own forces with ruthless seizing and holding power and shows the honesty. weaknesses of the government, corporate We are at an early stage of a pro• TO THE capitalism, and the military. Armed strug• tracted revolutionary war. We need strategy gle can inspire and organize, carry on the to last, to grow and organize for many years PEOPLE tradition of resistance and train fighters to come, a strategy to preserve and expand by fighting. The capacity to carry out euo- our forces, armed revolutionary forces cessful armed struggle in harmony with po• and political movement: a strategy for litical struggle must be built at every study as well as training, tactical retreat etaga of the revolution and cannot be put ao well aa escalation. We evaluate action off on the excuse that it is always pre• by analysing the extent to which It mature. For the seizure of power from the reflects and builds organization, reflects imperialists, armed struggle will be accountability to a mass base, whether decisive. actions win people and encourage them to A generation of fighters was pro• act or develop passivity among people. It's duced by the movements of the 1960s, not a popularity question; at this point a Opposition to the violence of everyday life comparatively small sector o£ the population led to organized popular violence. The •"Ttic rcvolutlonduy war ia a war ul Ltic actively supports armed struggle. Action masseej It can be waged onlj hy raobiliaing rebellions of urban Black communities were which is advanced should pull forward the the masses and relying on them" Mao Tse Tung training grounds for revolution. Robert "Be ConcerneJ with the Uell-Bein8 of the people's understanding of the enemy and Masses. Pay Attention to Methods of Work" Williams, Rap Brown, Malcolm X, the Black people's willingness to fight. People, Panther Party, forced the recognition of groups and organizations engaged in action the necessity of violent revolution. must take all of these factors into POLITICS IN COMMAND Resistance to the Viet Nam war included account. This is the meaning of "Politics thousands of people who participated In in Command." by the Weather underground Organization militant protest, clandestine or armed Our goal Is to build communist orga• actions against the warmakers, burning nization toward the stage where armed draft boards, destroying corporate and struggle becomes a mass phenomenon led by The only path to the final defeat of military files. Sabotage grew and spread a Marxist-Leninist party; a revolutionary imperialism and the hulldtng of socialism thru the armed forces. Bombings of war- stage. Organisation is the strongest re• is revolutionary uar. Revolution Is the related targets were understood and welcomed source o£ the people. Organization unites most powerful resource of the people. and built the popular movement: the bombing and builds, and means that each day's To wait, to not prepare the people for the of power lines into defense plants in efforts add up. Organisation is made up of right IB CO seriously mislead about what Colorado in 1968 (an action for which individuals,but is bigger and longer lasting kind of fierce struggle lies ahead. Cameron Bishop is on trial now), the Sam than any one individual, individuals are Melville bombings in New York in 1969, Revolutionary war will be complicated precious,but organization is decisive. the destruction of the Array Math Research and protracted. It Includes mass struggle Only organization allows continuity of Center in Madison in 1970, and the bombings and clandestine struggle, peaceful and experience and leadership, and carries the of. the Capital and the Pentagon by the violent, political and economic, cultural deeds of the individual fighters beyond weather unoerground Organization. and military, where all forms are developed themselves into the future. Organization in harmony with the armed struggle. With the development of popular and capable of waging full Internal political Without mass struggle there can be guerrilla warfare against U.S. imper• struggle around direction, and capable Of no revolution. Without armed struggle there ialism on three continents our movement uniting in action directs people's can be no victory. could not hang back from armed struggle, energies like a spear. Only combative Tbere ere wmay on the left who self- nor could its leaders say "not us." organization can resist infiltration and rlgfaceoiuly conden all violence of rev- Revolutionary armed struggle Is a fact repression and combat the highly organized olutioaarleB. They are keeping their own of life In the US, conceived and carried and trained forces of the state. hands clean by avoiding the full conse• out by a wide diversity of people and The strategic necessity for this quences of revolutionary ideas. For these groups and organlsationo. Thia ia a aign period is to mobilize the oppressed and people, the revolution will happen only of maturity in our movement. Armed a'ction exploited people against US imperialism. some day and hopefully be made by somebody is an integral part of the left, as varied Militarily this is the stage of armed else. But power concedes nothing without a and creative as the nations and peoples propaganda; the test of action is primarily demand. Armed struggle is an extension of which exist inside the borders of the US. the ability to win the people. Because political struggle, Just as war Is politics Although the guerrilla forces are decen• Imperialism is in decline, whole sectors with bloodshed. Under certain historical tralised and follow different and sometimes of the poor and working population can be conditions political struggle leads nec• contradictory strategies, we are unified won to a radical perspective. In Viet Nam essarily to armed conflict. When a small in our spirit of love for the people of the the seeds of the liberation army were ruling class maintains itself in power by world, hatred of imperialism and determina• called armed propoganda units—Ho Chi Minh force and violence, when the masses of tion to make revolution by every means nec• insisted on emphasizing the word propaganda. people are forced to work and live in bru• essary. There have been serious losses-- Viet Nam teaches that in revolutionary war talized and violent conditions, political comrades killed and imprisoned--but still firepower is only one factor, and not the struggle both peaceful and violent is the the guerrilla community survives, grows and key factor in determining who wins and Who inevitable result. renews. We greet and support other revolu• loses. Consciousness Is decisive. At this tionary groups waging armed struggle and Violence is not a thing to want or a point, timing is critical because timing believe that the struggle over the stra• thing not to want. It cannot be called into helps make action comprehensible. Guer• tegy for revolution among these forces is being or wished out of existence. Violence rillas must integrate armed struggle with a critical one. is a monopoly of the U.S. state. It is mass political struggle thru precision and timing, to point out to the movement woven into the very fabric of capita• Politics in Command and to the people the strategic and po• lism; in Rap Brown's words, "as American Our job is not only to carry out action litical necessity for armed struggle and as cherry pie," U.S. official policy that is comparatively simple. Our job is to for revolution. In this stage armed action Is vtalent and brutal; the brutal imper• succeed in making a revolution. The guer• provides a consistencey of militant opposi• ialist wgr of aggression in Viet Nam, the rillas, like all revolutionaries, bear the tion and action over time and is a beacon fascist coup in Chile, the colonial hold on responsibility of developing full poli• of hope to the hopeless. Puerto Rico, Capitaliam is a violent system tical strategy, and a mistake in military having at its center the violent relation• strategy can be deadly. The stakes are The bombing of the State Department ship of exploiter and exploited, worker and high, not only for the people and orga- by the WUO in January 1975 is one example boss, a relationahip of oppression and con• nlBations carrying out military work, but of effective integration of military and stant struggle. Under capitalism, armies of for the course of the revolution. Ho Chi political struggle--millions of people women are forced into prostitution. Black Minh said, "a military without politics is opposed increasing aid to South Viet Nam and Cambodia, and thousands demonstrated people's life expectancy is ten years less like a tree without roots--useless and in active opposition to US policy; the than that of white folks, old people are dangerous." That is why we use the slogan target and tactic and action were clear. discarded after they've worked away the "Politics in Command." The beauty of the SLA food distribution better port of their lives. The status quo The critical task of all the diverse program a year ago was that it brought Is (Dwrder. forces now engaging in some form of armed thousands of people into direct touch with Fighting for the future will be pain• struggle in our country Is to learn the the guerrilla struggle, served the people ful, but In the long run it is the only laws of revolutionary warfare and apply and both exposed the scale on which hunger thing that can end pain. As Jose Marti said them to the concrete conditions of the evleta in the US and pointed to the enemy Of Cuha eighty years ag*: "The island, US today. Wa must learn from the revolu• who cause it. The active and aware support like a reaurrectlon, lifts herself In her tionary experiences of Viet Nam, Guine- of thousands on the food lines was an en- agony, sees th« aid which covers her and Bissau, Cuba, China. Russia. There is a ormous accomplishment. The attack by the the bloody road leading to liberty and tremendous literature to study such as Black Liberation Army on Manhattan dis• prefers the blood to the mud." The Military Art of People's War by trict attorney Frank Hogan's armed guard Reactionary capitalist violence is Vo Nguyen Glap and Lenin's On Partisan In May 1971 was built on years of demon• criminal; revolucionarr violence will Warfare, We also have a rich although strations and hatred against that corrupt bring about tK« n«« *^Uty, MantisB- hidden history o£ guerrilla warfare in our tyrant who was responsible for the unjuSt Lenlsm holds that "th# fundMiental question own land to draw upon; the resistance wars imprisonment of thousands of Black people, of every revolution la th« f the repressive apparatus, even though such foreign backing is il• army o£ Batista and the army of the people. legal in Fortugal under the MFA. the guerrillas must be protected by an We must never hesitate to fight, but organized and combative movement, bv the we must never build any mystification around PORTUGESE SOCIALIST PARTY pAlltl^ial organization of the people, by violence. We must be a force of armed mili• Such foreign backing ie consistent With mass political action. All o£ these forms tants, not militarists. Another important the Portugese Socialist Party's brief his• help lay the basis for the eventual mobi• aspect of this is that revolutionaries tory. The party was originally founded in lization of the revolutionarized people have to tell the truth: we cannot make April, 1973 at a resort hotel in West Ger• against the state—the armed struggle of inflated claims about who we are and what many. It gained a role in support of the the oppressed, people's War. The guerrilla we represent, we must win the trust of the MFA'a anti-fascist coup a year later pri• groiaps have a critical role t« play but people and this will only develop through marily through its ability to arrange for the gun cannot lead. The gun is necessary, our own consistency of practice o^7er time. NATO non-intervention, again through west but its usefulness is only realized when We do not condemn violence that origi• Germany. It is "Socialist" in name only, politics are in coznman66 BlocU Ponlkar Bl^k Panh.er Party Platform. Program, ar^ Rulet 3 papers make the people dream dreams. They Party Piotform and Progrom W'c believe in ait educational svstcni that will give to our peoplirfticJej only black colonial subjects will be alluued to participote, a knowledge of self If a inan docs not have knowledge of forhin.sel thet purpose of determining the will of black people as to their avoid the actual overthrowing of the state, What W« Want and his poiitioii in societv and the world, then lie ha* littlenational chaic c destin\. v^lK\h ill the cuii[!.c of human tuiiii. it iKcoiiics iicccssarv for but in fact they introduce into their read• What W« Rslisva tuicldtG tu din tiling clK.' line pt'uple to diwohe the political h^mds wlnicc. ers 'or hearers' consciousness the terrible Wc belinc ilui bl^L pmiJlL ilundU nut IK; fuiad to liglit nith otli c!,tpjr:il e xitid e the white racist govcrn- ) (liiit tliv> ^iioiiid dccldic tliL iiinxi ^liicli iin]H.i tliciii ses make their move and begin burning and tfi (ietermnie MIT dKtinv. nitiit ot America We will protect oiir!.elves from the force andto Ibeliviopr d. itits c mulii tu IA; jclf tudtiit. IlhU all lucii ait ctutttl Z. We waiK fufi eiiipluyniKm jor our peopte. vioLno* of Hie rafia polirr a.,fl ll.o r^ioi^ ...llltari, ..liatexeraiiiiil . iiiiii MIL) (III Liiduiud m ilitii Liialiii wKli uilaiii unalien• destroying, then it must be admitted by all We believe tluit tlie federal govtninient is responsible and obli- able lights: that among these arc life, lilitrtv. and the pursuit of gated tfl eivc even man emploimfiit or a guaranteed incoillG. 7W.e end Iwppiliw:;. Ihdt. (6 kmire these rights. gou'rHinenK- are luMuted that the colonial society is in deep crisis. believe tt.atr if tl.c wl.itc American lius.i.CMmcn ^viil not givO full W V wd»f dii imm^dyfa to t'OUCt BRUTALITY dnamong4 mci. tleri-^ing their just poii-erx from tU- co.ixe.if oj ihe citiploMiient, then tbe means of production should be taken W'froem believ e wc can end pohcc brulalitv in out bbck communitgoiiTtifJv ; that, ^^hcuc\t>r any form of ^'ncriiinciK becomes destruc The authorities...take some spectacular the biiiiiit'iiiin;!! and placctl in the conimuiiitv lo tliat the ptupbv or^aniziiik ? bhitk vtlf-dtltiiM.- e'oups that art dedicated tu defend(he •u( t/ioe ent/j, ,1 ii tlic right vf lliv people to alter or tn abolish of the coiiiniiiiiit), can organize and employ all ot its ptuplineg oiiandr blatk (oiiiiiiiiiiin troiii raii\t |)(ilia' iippnuion and brutalitit.uflfitf lo imiaiite a tmi gDUTiiiiiciir. Iisvimi na Jmndiimn on mch mQasuras. They arrest one or two leaders, 'llie Second Amendment tn the CoiKtitutum of the Uiuted StjtpTtiutplcy.w and (jryaiiiriiii; tfi powers in vucJi fnriM. j. I,> lliem •.Iml) giic a high stiiiuLird of living. seem mo^t l,kch lo L-ff^ct their safety and Uappim-s. Prmkncc, they ojrganize military parades. But these 5. We want an end to the robbery by Ihe wliite man of our Blackgive s a right to ln-ar .iri.i'. Uc ihcretort bcl.<-v<.- tl.jt AW blacL indeedpi-oplc, will dict^ilc fh.it ^.>vernmcnts I0115 L'st.ihllvl.cd should .>,>t UoTTim unity. should ..rm them^he, (or «l(dc(e.,«^^ be- .h..„gc,d for ligl.f and l,..n,le.>t cau»e.^ .md, .K.o.diutiK, ull ^s- displays o£ force only serve to reinforce We heiie\e tli;it this rjci(t government ha5 robbed m and nOWS . We Vdnt fr«<>dotii for all black mtn held m ttderdl. date, county diL dLiniliuling tlic (Utrdiit debt of fwrt* acres and t«w anmuksd cK.v prwn» ami ivili. pcritiite hath shown, that mankind arc more dis|)iised tn suffer native aggrassiveness. The repressions, far I'ortv ^icrc; LUKI two nuilc; was promised 100 \eari; ago as restltiitioWc Ixliein c that all black pe-uple sliouU tx: released from the«l..l manev csils J.e s..ff...d.lc, (h:,.. to right ihuilHhs. hv aboli.l.i.l^ iu, U.i.V jjiU JIKJ piiMiii because tliC^ lu^c nut it-eeivL-d t Uii diid impaitiiil from calling a halt to the forward rush ot ,•.l..^. Id.^r .„.J mj.s murder of p^oph-. Uc «,11 acc.plIUlt. th e the fwriii) tu ivliish thc^ arc accusloiiied. Hal. 11/HH a ttm'j, fain of Iiayiiiciii 111 tui[CiK\ wlncli will tx: diitiibutcd lu our m4n\ ^win- abuses and usmpatmns. purwitig invariahlv tho witiic tihjecl. c\ ineei national consciousness; urge it on. The 9. Wr mam oU Uact propfr «'ien btvuilii lo iiiuf to be tiieda in lo rt-J„ev ('it;/, under ab^^ilutc der^piitirjin. it i,-, the\r rii;lit. munillo!; 'IKc (Urman^ are now aidme the Jcut in Israel (omatt theby « fuo* of tfirir prrr i:roup or people frum their black itcom it -timi i/uii, (0 Hum off jiic/i ijuu'nimciil, uiid lu pmuk iic'u genocide of ll.e Jcwisl. pcopU- 'IV Ccr...jm mu,f h"iur.t (it W Miu 61fcuitlM ftMUI. AmmJinen t of the U.^ Constitution eive-s a man a right to te ^ bivlloftk Kill not giie dHoinioiKnih»e; d b> liis peer group, A peer is a person from a similar economic, But the nationalist leaders move quickly to ,n the twuwi; and tbc bnd dmtUwcyl be, [tli^iouj, gto^rapliual. tiivituiiinLiitd!, historical and ratial take advantage of the situation. They make Vflkk^ivuitd, Iv Uv lUio Ihv vuuit mil t/w (uucd lu Jtlui d |un :„««n« t« >ta people. from IlKT black communitv from vvl.nl. tlie bljck defendant t^me. militant statemcnto and claim to be apcahing W'c have been, and are being tried bv all white [mie^ that have no undmtandiftg ot the "average r&isflmng man" ot the black in the name of the rebelling native masses. t^mmuniiy. They contend that if sweeping reforms are KJ We want land, bread, housing, educatim. chthing, justice dnd peace. And an our major political objective, a United Nations made, than order can be restored. They may ftM^ryiimJ plfbmii" Iv bv I'vltl ihrvu^ftvut tin- l/l^h ntvnj in even demand an end to colonialism, the col• onial power welcomes this opportunity to dQal with 'reasonable' spokesmen. The col• onists offer the nationalist leaders a share in power over the colony. They may even Most activists are famllar with the bat Fascism was set up as an intermediate grant political independence to the colony, outlinea of the history, politics and pro• organization to evaluate potential cadre if pressure is great enough, and support gram of the Blai^k Panther Party, The Pan• before they actually became members. NCCF those nationalist leaders who pledge that thers started in Oakland, California by members were expected to know and imple• they will restore order and protect the e- organizing around the issue of police bru• ment the Panther Party's program and fol• oonomio interests of the colonists. In sbort, tality against Black people. From the first low Party rules, Mass work continued th the imperialists' objective is for colonial• issue Of the party pater, "THE BLACK PAN- through the "Breakfast for Children" and ism to be transformed into neo-colonialism THER"(April 67)J the right to self-defense other programs. But by 1971 the external and the nationalist native elites to cooper• was militantly upheld. Bold actions such pressure of the government combined with ate with their former enemies in subduing as Panthers taking weapons into the state severe internal weaknesses such as hero smA contfslling the rebellious colony. The capitol at Sacramento underlined this ba• worship, lack of political education at revolution, they hope, will be subverted sic principle. This concern for defense by the cadre level and lack of organization• and the native maosee will thereby find the Tarty was underlined by the Panthers' al discipline and adherence to democra• themselves under the yoke o£ a new ruling original name, "the Black Panther Party tic centralism led to a split among the class." for Self-Defense". Many Blacks, especially leadership and in the organization. This Within the US, organisatione such as CORE street youth, were attracted to the Party split effectively ended the Black Panther and tiiwir leaders used tne tide of rebellion because of its stand ©n self-defense. Mal• Party's role as a country-wide organiza• of thm Late aljrti** ta maks .snrane^enente colm X and Robert Williams were bcth able tion. wicfe UM earpanM Mmeture of the us and to attract followers precisely because Both the success and failure of the r«c«ived millions of dollars of corporate Blacks no longer believed in being brutal• Black Panther Party are rooted in the Par• and gov't money. This money was not used to ized without fighting back. The Sacramento ty's ideology. Their analysis stated that benefit the masses but rather to further the action in particlar gained them nationwide Black people within the United States were attention and recognition among Black ac• carreers of the new elite controllers. Pol• a colonized nation and that Black people tivists . iticians rode on the nationalist tide into must wage a war of national liberation to elected office and,like Kenneth Gibson of However, Party members recognized the be free. The Panthers believed that the Newark, exposed their true fascist faces. need for a broader program. By 1967 the capitalist system was the basis for the On college campuses smooth Black administ• Panthers began to develop a more compre• oppression and reaclsm that we faced and rators rode on the student rebellions into hensive ideology and political program. The that only a socialist solution was possi• administrative jobs. Often the same admin• 1966 Ten Point Program(see box this page) ble. The party characterized their ideo• istrators who benefited most from the strug• represented a broad minimum program for logy as being revolutionary nationalist, gles of Black student unions would be the struggle. This program captured the imag• and at the same time embraced dialectical ones to authorize the presence of police ination of the masses in that it spoke to and historical materialism and studied re• during the next campus disturbance. On the issues ranging from Black people's lack of volutionary thinkers from throughout the other hand SNCC, Dr. King and many Black political power to concrete problems such world. Malcolm X(they considered themsel• student organizations throughout the US as decent housing, jobs and education. ves the successors of Malcolm X), Frantz firmly remained true to the masses of Black Some critics accused the program of being h- people and escalated the struggle during Fanon and Chairman Mao had exceptional reformist. What must be understood, how• the late sixties. fluence on the development of the Panther ever, is that this program could not be ideology. Strategically they saw their By the late sixties the focus of Black fulfilled under U.S. capitalism. Buring role as organizing Black people into a re• struggle had shifted to the major urban 67 and 68, the Party was concentrating on volutionary force and making whatever al• centers of the North and West. The condi• a variety of issues such as rent eviction, liances as necessary for the destruction of tions in the city were extremely repres- welfare, public education and putting up of U,5, Imperialism, The Panthers provided eive. A masalve police presense was the stop lights in the Blflek community. By 1968 leadership for much of the left. Whenever only barrier preventing open rebellion. the Panther Party considered itself an an• possible, they sent speakers to anti-war From 1964 on tbls barrier proved insuffi• ti- capitalist, pro-socialist vanguard re• rallies, demonstrations, etc. Bobby Seale cient. Unemployment was over 20X in most volutionary Party. Significantly, it was ghettos, and the gap between black and was arrested in chlcago(Chicago 8 conspir• the first Black nationalist organization White Incomes had been widening steadily acy) for this type of work. In several that considered itself to be Marxist-Len• cities, the Panthers were the core of al• since the Korean War. The police were(are) inist. Inside the party's newspapers, ar• liances that included other Third World extraordinarily brutal and callous, while ticles such as "Correcting Mistaken Ideas government orriciais ignored the hundreds people and progressive whites. On the ques• in the Party" were trying to apply Mao's of thousands of Black residents in their tion of whether Black people should sec- Ideology to the concrete conditions and cities. The preasure was too great to con• cede(separate) from the U.S., the Panther problems facing the Panthers. The Party tain, and spontaneous rebellions occurred Party took the position that this was a expanded to major urban centers such as In the major urban centers. The long hot question for the masses. They called for New York, Chicago. Los Angeles. Omaha, sunmers of the '60's became the norm and a U,M„-supervised plebescite of Black peo• were met by increaslnly massive military Cleveland, etc. ple to determine our future. They saw the Unfortunately the Party never had the respcnse. At their height in 1967 and 60, "lumpen" or street youth as being the most opportunity to consolidate organisational• every major urban center in the North but progreaaive force in the Black nati.in. Oakland was occupied by National Guard or ly. By 196Q most o£ its nationwide leader• Black people supported the Black Pan• regular army troops. These rebellions ship was dead, in jail or cKiled. In 1969 ther Party because of its program, its na• reached their height in April '68, the twenty-eight Panthers were murdered by the tionalism, the mass base o£ many of its police. The murder of Fred Hampton and cadre and its dynamic leadership. Many following the assassination of Dr. Mark Clark stated this year which also saw polls taken in the late sixties showed Hirtln Luther King Jr. 125 U.S. cities most major Panther offices raided by the tliat the great majority of Black people up In flaoes as our people responded police. Ccnse<^uently much o£ the Party's supported the program and policies of the to th» hrrjta\ wvrd«r «f one of our most resources and energy was directed at free• Party. It is clear that the people's sup• l>«10ved leaders. This nasslve uprising of ing its leadership and other cadre. Rela• port Of the Black Panther party grew out Black* fkp«uQk<^t th« Orjited States was tively open membership policies had allow• one of the ma»t aue«Mi« £ the o£ their love for an organization which ed large numbers or police agents to in• repeatedly would fight by any means nec• national political consciousness of Black filtrate the party and caused immense dlf- people ever. SMIl srotips of activists essary for the masses of Black people. ficultieo. From New York to Los Angelca, Panthers participated and led battles for tkrovghwt tbc O.S. atte^ited to build a high ranking party members were di scovere<3 lastiag reiroltttiooary MO vent. Two of the Black workers in Chicago, stoplights for to be police agents. By I'e 70'5 member• children in California, for Black Studies best 9rgaoix«d of cbcM (roup* were activ• ship was closed and massive purges took ists lAw btcam tba Black Panthar Party throughout the country, etc. It is also place to rid the party o£ all but the most clear that the Panthers stand on self-de- and the Uague of RevolutioMrT Black Work• dedicated. Hie Itetior\al Conmittee to Com• ers. Corvt.en%U ^National Liberation Struggles within the U.S.^PAGE A The key to understanding the relation• all these imperialistic acts took place through our support for the right of self- ship between class and national 9truggles within the presentday boundaries of the US. determination of those colonies. So we must within the U.S„ is recognizing that the The struggle against imperialism, for na• combat bourgeois ideologj; which leads white U.S. is an empire - the highest stage of tional liberation also takes place within workers to ractionary positions, with the capitalism. It cannot be treated like a these borders, ideology of internationalism. The first self-contained capitalist society where THIRD WORLD WORKERS LEAD BOTH CLASS AND step towards building proletarian Interna- all the owners of the factories and rulers NATIONAL STRUGGLES tt*nalisra ie refusing to fight for white skin privilege and the rejection of racist of the government and workers in the fac• Furthermore, because Third World people ideology. To settle for anything less, un• tories and fields all share the same lan• are oppressed as nations and workers within der the guise of organising white workers guage and religions, ths same overthrown the U.S. and bGoause the great majority of around their "own interests", Is nothing but feudal past, etc. The united States never Third World nations are working class, many eeonomiBm. was this "pure" capitalist state. Ihere- major class struggles have been led by Third fore^ the struggle to overthrow capitalism World workers in concert with struggles a- Economism is nothing new, In 1862-65 here has never been and will never be sim• gainst national oppression. Seize The Time Marx, along with others, organlEed the tex• ple 'hlasS' struggle. has published a 3-part article(Vol. 2, no.s tile workers in England to support aboli• tion. The short term, economic Interests of The focus of this issue is national 1,2 and 3) on the involvement of Black work• the workers would have been best served by liberation struggles within the U.S. Be• ers in both class and national struggles. supporting the South, sending them ships to cause they take place within the "legal" The conclusion of this article is that both break through the North's blockade in order boundaries of the government of the U.S., class and national struggles have been most many revolutionaries try to deny the na• progressive and successful when consciously to bring cotton to English factories. At tional aspect of these struggles. They waged simultaneously, The struggles of farm that point, over half their looms lay idle put class and national struggles in con• laborers, the Farah strikers and Mexlcano because cotton was scarce. Those workers tradiction and imply that'tlass struEEle" workers without papers lead to a similar understood, however, that their real inter• is good while "national struggle" is an conclusion for chicano people. The AIM ests, their liberation as a class, was tied unfortunate byproduct of the mental stress takeover of industrial plants on native to the liberation of the slaves. suffered by non-white people under capit- reservations shows how the question of Right now, the clearest example of rac• aliem. So some Third World revolutionaries sovereignty(natlonal control) for workers ism in the white working class is in Boston, react to this racism by denying any class of an oppressed people ls_ class struggle. There is also a clear task for white organ• izers in Boston. On the job, in schools,fer content to national struggle. These concepts are not new concepts. community organising, the strategy for this The first error Is much more dangerous. In fact, they are central to the develop• period roust be; It strengthens racism among white workers ment of scientific socialism as a working 1. organize the most progressive white and revolutionaries by hiding itself in tool for social revolution. Lenin and Marx people to fight the racist attacks "Marxist" words. It persists for a long both place national liberation struggles against the Black community, and time because it's in tune with the present against imperialism in the forefront of the 2. build support among middle elements social order. Tt even provides an explana• Struggle for socialist revolution; tion for the "misbehavior" of Third world for Black people's right to educa• "The proletariat of the oppressor na• people - they are petty-bourgeois nation• tion. This must be done in order to tions must not confine themselves to gen• alists . 3. neutralize the backward, fascist e- eral, stereotyped phrases against annexa• lements(ROAR). Although serious, blind nationalism is tion and in favour of the equality of na• much less likely to persist , It cannot pro• tions in general, such as any pacifist THE ROLE OF CULTURE IN IMPERIALISM AND vide an explanation for the betrayal of bourgeois will repeat, The proletariat can• NATIONAL LIBERATION politicians, agents and businessmen of that not remain silent on the question of the We have shown how the U.S. is an empire people except to say they are the tools of frontiers of a state founded on national economically and politically, and the rela• the white man - which in itself recognizes oppression, a question so "unpleasant" for tionship of class and national struggles. a separate elase of people who are against the Imperialist bourgeoisie. The proletari• The US has also culturally oppressed Third the interests of the whole nation. Also, it at must struggle against the enforced reten• world people within its borders in the same ie extremely rare that such agents work tion of oppressed nations within the bounds way "classical" empires oppressed the cul• against their nation solely on belief. Even of the given state, which means that they tural life of their subject nations. those who are not In direct pay, are well must fight for the right to self-determina• Language Is a clear example of this at• off in relationship to the rest of their tion. The proletariat must demand freedom tack. Language is the means of passing a people. This is often so obvious that the of political separation for the colonies people's cultural heritage, history and va• Third World brother or sister on the street and nations oppressed by "their own" nation!' lues. In this 5ge, language includes access can immediately tell, "he's working for the to the printed form(literature,books, maga• -from "The Socialist Revolution and the Man," - an accurate class analysis, zines and newspapers) and broadcast media Right of Nations to Self-determination" (radio and television). The U.S. has re• THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN IMPERIALISM by V. I. Lenin, 1916. pressed Third World people's languages in Capitalism in America was built square• traditional colonial ways through military In fact, Marx goes so far as to say ly on the oppression of whole nations and force and restrictive laws and in more so• that the working class of an empire cannot peoples. Study Historyl The American colo• phisticated neo-colonial ways like adver• seize state power until they themselves nies began as part of the British empire. It tising money and federal grants. enslaved millions of Africans to produce su• struggle for the liberation of the nations In slave times, speaking their own lang• gar cane, tobacco and later cotton-all cash held captive by the empire; uages and practicing their own religions crops. The need to import slaves and fin• "Quite apart from all phrases about were death penalty offenses for Africans ished goods and export cash crops built 'international' or 'humane' justice for forced into slavery. Treaties that the US the North into a trade and later an indus• Ireland-which are taken for granted in the signed with Mexico recognizing the equal trial center. In order to get more land, International Council-it is in the direct status of Spanish in the western territor• the U.S. government broke every treaty it and absolute interest of the English work• ies were broken - no ballots or official made with Native Americans recognizing ing class to get rid of their present con• government documents are printed in Span• their sovereignty and began a program of nexion with Ireland. And this is my fullest ish, police in Latino neighborhoods rarely genocide against them. Its imperialist conviction, and for reasons which In part I can speak the language, and civil servant expansion brought it into conflict with can not tell the English workers themselves . tests are not offered in Spanish as well. the declining Spanish empire. After the For a long time I believed that it would be During World War II Japanese language Spanish-American war, the U.S. annexed possible to overthrow the Irish regime by schools, newspapers and churches were Cuha, Puerto Rico and the Phllllplnee. English working-class ascendancy, I always closed by the US government. On the West Coups by American sugar plantation owners expressed this point of view in the New York Coast it sent all Japanese people to "Re• in Hawaii and American slaveowners in Texas Tribune(an American paper). Deeper study has location Ccntcra"(concentration camps) . brought those territories into the Empire. now convinced me of the opposite. The Eng• Italian and German nationals were not Uars against newly independent Mexico an• lish working class will never accomplish treated like this. nexed huge territories in the Southwest. anything until It has got rid of Ireland." Until the rise of Third World struggles Even the "Louisiana"(lands between the Ap• (Marji'e emphasie) . in the 60's and 70's, the U.S. government palachians and the Missisippi River), Alas• -Marx, 1669, for the International. ka and Florida purchases were deals by the had not consented to spending tax money on Napoleanic French, Caarist Russian and THE NEED FOR WHITE WORKERS TO SUPPORT helping people understand and transmit their Spanish empires to raise money and avoid NATIONAL STRUGGLE AS PART OF CLASS STRUGGLE own languages. Only after years of struggle wars with the expanding U.S. empire, Hone The same case can be made for the U.3. by Chicanes and Asian people have public had the consent or knowledge o£ the Native The racism of white workers is a key ele schools in the southwest and west coast be• peoples. ment in upholding the empire, The fight a- gun bi-lingual programs. The right to speak gainst racism will be key to the liberation Spanish has been a rallying point for the To finish the Western CKpaneion. rail• Of White white workers, as well as Third Chicane people, Spanish ti&& them, not only road, plantation and mine-owners needed World people within the U,S, to Mexico and all Latin America, but also workers to Ao dangerous work at pay scales In the white movement there is a great to their historical development as a people. far lower than free white citizens were cry, "But you have to organise white work• There are no public schools that teach willing to take, Slavery had beenaboliohed^ ers around their own interests'." That is Native Americans to speak their tribal lang• and anyway. Black sharecroppers were cen• where we must grapple with the question of uages, In fact, for a long time Native child• tral to southern agricultural. Labor re- ideology. According to bourgeois ideology. ren were sent away to government boarding sruitere turned to Asia, populous, semi- It IS in the interests of white workers to schools to be "Americanized" and break them coioniai and close to the western coast. attack Black workers. Acting as cannon fod• away from their languagCj religion, culture Language and cultural differences, restric• der for the Imperialists In their attacks and family. tive laws. 1 Ottg contracts atid wKxte iracism on internal coloniea ie the only way we will Repression of national language is not kept Asian workers isolated and their wages maintain our position of relative privilege. limited to speaking languages other than depressefl. Dangerous work, white riote and But a dialectical analysis e£ that posi• English, The Black colony and Hawaii have lynch mobs, and starvation wages killed ma• tion leads us to the understanding that re• distinctive English dialects^ using differ• ny of them. lative privilege(white akin privilege) actu- ent vocabularies, grammer and voice tones War, genocide, the incorporation of cally weakens us as a class. What will stren• than "standard" English. Sometimes they are huge territories under US sovereignty, the gthen us is unity with the masses of the in• incomprehensible to whites. People aspiring super-exploitation of non-white peoples - ternal colonies which can only come about Cont. Page B PAGE B froB page A role of culture in winning national libera• THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN NATIONAL STRUGGLES to white middle class status look down on tion has been one of the outstanding contri• cpeaking their o«n dialects. Good joh© were butions of Third World national liberation The culture and struggles of different and are hard to get if you can't sound struggles to the body of scientific social• Third World people have often deeply influ• white. Third World comedians make fun of ist revolutionary theory, enced each other within the U.S. This side politicians and preachers who try to sound Cabral sums up the role of culture in of U.S. history, even world history, has white. The youth embrace the language of national liberation by saying; been ignored very often. Many times, if the the ghetto, the street, the people, as a way "A people who free themselves from history or present situation of a Third to rebel against white schools and stan• foreign domination will be free culturally World people is examined, it is done only dards of conduct. only if, without eotnpleKes and without un• In rolationshlp to Europe or white Amerloa. Even when a Third World people strug• derestimating the importance of positive In school a history course is better than gles for democratic equality, the U.S. gov- accretions from the oppressor and other cul• average if it teaches us the impact of the Ycrnment has turned some concessions into tures, they return to the upward path of Spanish invasion on the Americas, the re• another means of control. In Black high their oxm culture, which is nourished by sistance of Native Amerlcane to white set- schools in the South, the book "Black Re- the living reality o£ its environment, and tlers/U.S. calvary, the uprisings of Black eanstruction in America 1860-1880" by W.EiB. which negates both harmful influences and slaves, the false promises and outright kid• Dubois was standard reading, until integra• any kind of subjection to foreign culture. napping by railroad and plantation labor tion. Thus, it may be seen that if imperialist recruiters that brought Asian peoples here. U.S. imperialism also attacks other as• domination has the vital need to practice Yet there is much more to the history pects of Third World people's national cul• cultural oppression, national liberation is of Third World people here than their rela• tures. For a long time standards of beauty necessarily an act of culture." tionship to European invasion and white Am• for all non-white people were defined by erica. For ejtample, the Inca, Mayan and Az• how close a person could get to looking CULTURAL IMPERIALISM AND THE WHITE WORKING tec Indian civilizations influence Chicanes white. Black people tried straighten their CLASS here. Black runaway slaves often made alli• hair and lighten their skin. Asians and At the same time it attacks Third World ances with Native Americans, among them the Latinos tried to peroxide their hair. Tour• people, the culture of imperialism corrupts Seminoles who were never militarily defeated ism and anthropologists treat some Third the White working class. The culture of im• by the U.S. government. The labor struggles World communities as quaint or primitive. perialism is not just white American culture in agricultural fields involved and still In San Francisco and New York City China• -it is primarily a bourgeois culture. So the- involves many nationalities, mostly Latino towns, behind the facade of curio shops and white working class, as a class, is denied and Asian on the Uest Coast, Latino and restaurants are sweatshops, crowded tene• any culture, The imperialists have stolen Black on the east coast and south. Relation• ments, drugs and gang wars. Redevelopment working class culture, history and heros and ships between these nationalities were and virtually destroyed J-town in San Francisco replaced them with bourgeois culture and na• still are often crucial to the success or as a place where people could live in order tional chauvinism. We are supposed to iden• failure of a struggle. to make it a tourist attraction. Tour agen• tify with a mythical middle class, that has cies arrange trips through reservations-to no historical roots or scientific relation• see real live Indians - who as a people ship to economic production. Vlhat the middle have the lowest life expectancy, the high• class(or silent majority) concept does ac• est unemployment, the most dependency on curately portray is the position of white government welfare, etc, in the U.S. workers, as a whole, to the internal colon- The broadcast media has been an impor• jles. tant tool in cultural imperialism. Every• The practice of genocide and rape is thing from the first feature length movie, an example of how the Ideology of imperial• "The Birth of a Nation" a racist view of ism affects white workers as well as being U.S. history, to Charlie Chan, Tonto and Important tools In oppressing internal co• Superfly is part of the oppreeeion. The lonies . shuffling fool and the whiteman's sidekick In 1866 there were 2 to 3 Black men have given nay to the drug-pushing gangsirer killed each day in Mississippi alone. In aod ctM •inorlcy cop «bo earns white peo- 1973, 53 Black people, many of them under pla'a re«p«ct by dying at the end .of the 20 years old, were killed by police in •ovie. Radios and record companies are typ• New York City alone. Over 1/3 of the women The impact o£ struggles in the Third ically owned by white eapitalists(including in Puerto Rico have been sterilized. The World itself cannot be ignored either. The Adolf Coors and William Buckley), The few life expectany of Native Americans on re• liberation of Haitl(therearly 1800's) in• Third World owned radio stations or newspa• servations is 43 years. In all the internal spired Black slaves in America to revolt. pers are severely limited by lack of adver• colonies, drugs(including alcohol) continue The liberation of Cuba and the spirit of tising support, despite having large poten• to be a major tool of genocide as well as Che not only affected Latin America but tial audiences. There are no Third Worl.y economic exploitation. also La Rasa in America. owned businesses that can pay out advertis• Rape Is used against both men and women Revolutionaries(and not just white ones) ing dollars like QIC, American Tobacco or also have often neglected the relationship Exxon. in the internal colonies. It has been used as a counterinsurgency tactic to intimidate between Third World peoples and their his• and degrade the internal colony. Rape also tories, struggles and present situations. strengthens the supremcy of white men. Rare• This neglect is dangerous in two ways, ly has a white man been jailed for raping a First, because Third World people are under Third World woman. great pressure by the empire's super-exploi• Rape of white women by Third World men tation and repression, they often lash out is another matter. There are currently 37 at the nearest target, rather than careful• Black men in the state of Louisiana facing ly dismantling the problem and creating the life sentences for raping white women. The solution. If organizers have not done their publicity such rape casesreceive attempts job and don't anticipate this situation, to divert white women's anger against sex• the American way of life is to blame your ism towards Third World men. Punishments problems on another nationality, the near• for rape against white women are used, not est one to your own step on the social lad• to discourage rape, but to strengthen the der. So gangs of Black and Chicano youths colonial relationship between the colonies kills each other in Los Angeles, Hawaiians and white people. resent Japanese school teachers, and Samoans and Mexlcanos are hired as strike breakers Under Imperialism white people are against UFW, encouraged to particpate In the subjugation of Third world peoples. White people them• This kind of conflict has been and still selves do not face national subjugation, is encouraged by capitalists to destroy uni• genocide, etc. This is a relative privilege ty and hold back struggle. What's mote, it under imperialism, DuBois Sums up What that is a mass question; it affects every revolu• relationship does to white culture and its tionaries' work whether that person organi• values: "How extraordinary, and what a tri• zes in the prisons, the community, the mili• bute to ignorance and religious hypocrisy, tary or the workplace . You can not have is the fact that in the minds of most peo• solid unity with someone on the plcketllne ple, even those o£ liberals, only murder if when you go home you find out his broth• makes men. The slave pleaded, he was humUe; er shot your cousin. he protected the women of the South, and Secondly, certain problems of sovereign• LIBERTAD the world ignored him. The slave killed ty and control must be anticipated by organ- iaers. Various peoples within the U.S. may DE EXPRESION white men; and behold, he was a man!" decide to secedefseparate) or stay within a The relative privilege of white workers union, but maintaining certain powers gov• does not include control o£ Our OWtt llVSS, CULTURAL RESISTANCE AS PAPT OP NATIONAL erning internal affalrs(reglonal autonoay). including culture. So long as we maintain LIBERATION In some places many Third World people of that position of privilege we will not con• Tn the U.S. the cultural nationalism one nationality live with smaller numbers trol our own lives. Our culture will remain expressed by the slogans "Black Is Beauti• of another Third World people, For instance, "middle class" culture, which is basically ful", "La Raea Primera" has been generally many areas of the Southwest are inhabited a culture of bourgeois aspiration, unless ps8l«iv« in the over-all struggle agalnot by bath Chleanos and Native Americans. Na• white revolutionaries can begin a process ImpcriallaiB. It Is negative only when revo• tive Americans have demanded sovereignty of cultural as well as economic and politi• lutionaries try to say culture is not part over all lands originally recognized as cal revolution. The liberation of produc• or the »erUSfil« or the only form of struggle "Indian territories" and reservations in tion leading to liberation of culture and treaties signed by the U.S. government Cultural Daciooalisa la reco^ized as ideology is dialectical in that we will not These include hunting rights, control of an iBporinc icep to nitionii liberation - be able to carry out a socialist revolution A«il««v GaWal. alaia natural resources and the right to try non- by the leader of Gulne without, in the prose^is o£ struggle, remold- BiSSau'a llkcratlao front, Wy Pr«nt« P«non, Indians who commit offenses against Indians ing our culture and laeas. who took pan ia cha AlyvrlM atrvssl* independaocc nd cba ckiMM a«d vi*eM». on reservation land in Native courts. Yet ese partiea and nattoaal froota. lo tect, ch« Cont. to page D PACT C ^The Economics of Imperialism and Internal Colonies

Lenin and Cabral have taught us that Conditions of employment within the In the internal colonies this devel• the key feature o£ imperialiam is the fact oppressed nations are usually backward, opment takes a parallel form of moving that the exploitation of nations by nations using little machinery and with low pro• black and Chicano workers our of agricul• assumes equal importance with the exploi• ductivity. This means that the rate of ture and into the modern industrial sect• tation of workers by capitalists. Another exploitation is low and profits high in or. This is brought about by the applic- way to say this is that imperialism is the these production proceeses. The rate of eation o£ machinery and modern methods to historical product of the expansion or cap• exploitation is a technical measure for the production of crops and minerals, italism and the colonial expansion of Euro• the division of working time between re• making large numbers of workers idle. pean nations (and Japan). The simultan• producing a value that pays for the work• These workers turn to the towns and citr eous expansion o£ these two systems of ex• er's wage on the one hand and producing leg in search of work. Capitalists fre• ploitation has divided the world into op• value for the capitalists' profit on the quently take advantage of their despera- pressed and oppressor nations. This arti• other hand. In cane-cuttlng, for example, ion by hiring them to replace striking or cle explores the economic basis o£ rela• the only tool is a knife so that the work• relatively high paid white workers. An tions batwean these types o£ nations. er has to spend a lot of time cutting en• Important difference between internal and As the US pushed its way into the eco• ough to pay for her wages. In contrast, external colonies is that in external nomic activities of its new colonies (late workers in the oppressor nation have ac• colonies, industrialisation created a 1900's) it created a series of one crop or cess to machinery and training to increase labor aristocracy with a material inter• two crop economies, sugar In Cuba and their output. This means that only a small est in imperialism but no stake in the Hawaii, fruit from the Phillipines, and so part of their working day is necessary to ideological part of the bribe, ie, con• on. This specialization was forced on reproduce the value of their wages. This viction of her/his own racial or national these countries because it meant that fruit is true even though the wage is relative• inferiority to the white national, for instance, eould be produced very cheap• ly high in the oppressor nation and rela• but in internal colonies neither part of ly, relative to production costs in the U5 tively low in the oppressed nation.,Even the bribe can be offered. The good jobs factories which were priced so that "nat• though workers in the oppressed nation are jealously guarded by the white arist• ive" producers could not compete and were are forced to work very long hours to ocrats of labor, and racial and national driven out of business. This meant that raise the rate of exploitation, they do chauvinism is quite strong. there were no alternate jobs/ for workers not produce as much profit individually Because of this there is no sector of the opprcased nation. They were forced as a worker in the more advanced produc• of the oppressed nation working class to accept work on the terms of the US firms tion set-up. Nonetheless, the rate of pro• which can be counted on as allies by the (eg. United Fruit) or starvSi Also, the fit Is higher in the oppressed nation. capitalists of the oppressor nation. US-controlled governments helped out by re• This is true because there is no need to This is one of the objective reasons for quiring peasants to spend at least a part advance huge sums of capital on machines the leadership position of this section of their time earning wages. This was us• as there is with advanced technology. This of workers, in tho struggle against capit• ually accomplished by imposing a tax pay• is another source of the superprofits with alism. A similar situation exists with able only in cash which most peasants could which the capitalists of the oppressor na• regard to the creation of capitalists only obtain by leaving their village. tion can bribe the workers of that naUnn within the oppressed nation. With an in• When these low cost wage goods (fruit, ternal colony the capitalists of the coffee, other food and fiber) arrived in oppressor nation regard all economic act• the US they allowed US capitalists to make ivity ae "theirs" an<3 have the economic, Super firofite, i.e., profits greater than political and military clout to make it normal. These profits have several dif• So. This has been decreasingly true for ferent fiOUroSfi but one of the most impor• external colonies, however, in the era tant has been the fact that cheap wage of the decline of imperialism.. Thus the goods allows an increase of exploitation Black, Chicano and Native American revo• within the oppressor nation. That is, lutions have fewer bourgeois and petty with the cheaper wage goods, wages could bourgeois elements in leadership positions also be pushed down without leaving US than has been true in external colonies. workers any worse off, there by increasing Oppressed nations also provide a profitability. Vfhat actually happened market for commodities from the oppressor was that wages fell less than the prices nation. These are heavily biased in favor of wage goods so that the benefits of As capitalism has continued to sp• of ruling class purchases, either as ind• imperialism were shared by both workers read throughout the world another pattern ividuals, eg., autos and refrigerators; and capitalists. This is part of the ob• has also developed. This is the creation or as a class, eg., weapons, schools, jective basis for cooperation of all of an industrial sector within the opp• ports. The production of these commodit• classes in the oppressor nation against ressed nation? Using low-wage workers ies provides employment and income for the oppressed nation. for higher profits, these sectors are us• workers of the oppressing nation, which At the same time, the subjective ually isolated from the rest of the more increases the material stake of the doctrines of imperialism, racism, sexism traditional sector of the economy. But working class of that nation in the cont• and national chauvinism were put forward in some rare cases the nation itself inued exploitation of other nations. to deal with the resistance to US imper• becomes an industrial, as well as an opp• In 1892, Engels wrote about the rel• ialism. "Natives" were presented as back• ressor nation, eg, Brasil. The wages in ationship between the material bribe and ward, ignorant, e3:ceedingly sexual and these industries are low relative to the workers' consciousness: wicked in other ways. Imperialism was thus US or Europe but high relative to tradit• "The truth is this: during the period "justified" as being humanitarian. These ional jobs. These jobs are usually fill• of England's industrial monopoly the same ideas were applied in dealing with ed by workers from the oppressed nation English working class have to a cert• the Black, Chicano and Native American or by the beginnings of a labor aristo• ain extent, shared in the benefits of nations within the US..The workers of cracy within the oppressed nation. the monopoly. These benefits were these nations were in the same objective These workers are provided technical very unequally parcelled out amongst position as workers from external colo. - training by the capitalists or govern• them; the priviliged minority pocketed nies like Puerto Rico and Hawaii. That ment, while ideological training is pro• most, but even the great mass had at is, they were concentrated in agriculture vided in part by the labor lieutenants of least, a temporary share now and then. and mining, paid very low wages and given the oppressor nation. Cont, to page D only the har<3est and most dangerous jobs. Racism, sexism and chauvinsim make up the other part of the package with which us workers were "bribed" by imper• ialism. The real differences between jobs held by workers of the white nation and those of the oppressed nations were the basis on which the working class wac divided by imperialism. The super pro• fits made possible by exploitation of oppressed nations created higher wages for white workers; these higher waaes were in turn justified by racism. Another source of super profits are the different rates of exploitation be• tween the oppressed and oppressor nations. This is eaaiest to see in the case of, say, an oil refinery in Puerto Rico identical with one in the US. Even though output and productivity are es- acntially the same, hours of work are longer and wages lower in the Fucrto Rican plant than in the one inside the US. Thus profits are higher in the op- p»?esse<3 nation because eisploitation of workers is greater than in the US. But situations like ths one above are rare. Much more tvoioai is the si• tuation where ua workers are more pro• ductive than workers in other nations because they work in more advanced plants. Coat. -••g» B what form their peoples' struggle will take all the different nationalities is possible, •re vitfaia the Hexic«D (seccession, autonomy, within a worker's by the U.S. after the state, etc.) However they can cooperate on CONCLUSION liar and are recognised as other long range strategies like working The struggle against national oppres• of 'Axtlan' by Chicanes in the U.S. out campaigns to win certain rights or re• sion, for national liberation, is very much La Kan Ikilda Party has been organising cognition and building trust among our peo• alive today in America. As little as the tb* QiieMO Mjority within some townships ples that a just society with equality for bourgeois media reports them, the rebellions t9 g£ rol of local government. in Detroit against the Willing of a Bla eU : -. .r. centers of America also show youth by a white tav6rn-own6r(inspite of a tbiv pattern. Oue of the largest centers of neo-colonial Black mayor), in Riverside a- Black popul«tia« culturally, numerically gainst the police murder and harassment of and politically is in New York City. But Chicanes, the self-defense of AIM people at there is also a large Puerto Rican and La• Pine Ridge against the FBI and BIA, in tino co

Most of our lives are spent working. revolutionary f)otential. Careful selection works overtime, who gets the training, etc. Perhaps the worst part Of our Jobs is that of issues, and skillful organising can bring But our demands should go yet farther to in the face of meaningless or destructive a broad mass organization to a revolutionary questions about the nature and purpose of work, low pay, raciom, sexism, harassment, stance. The same issue, treated differently, the entire system. For example, health care favoritism, weak unions, or no union at all, could leave workers fighting against or workers may demand changes in their work we seem to have no power to do anything could unite them in a fight against man• which would improve patient care, partic• about It. No strength to fight back. NO agement . ularly for groups such as women, aged, third control of our work and our lives. Whether A combination of different levels Of world peoples, and the poor in general. This we work for public or private employers, mass organization can help avoid dead ends, struggle can build beyond the workplace, we are made tools, robots, interchange• but there are no pat rules for the kind Of ally with the community and publicaliy able parts of a machine that is bigger than organization needed in every situation. Dif- call into question who controls health care, any of us. It is a machine which seems to erent needs and different conditions dic• what their objectives are, and what alter• grind on with or without us - generally tate different organisational goals. In a natives are possible. The potential o£ such »vsr us - in the service of those who run completely unorganized workplace, for exam• demands in challenging the basic system is the U.S. empire for fun and profit. ple , step one may be to organize a campaign reflected in the fact that collective bar• But paopi* ta9*tSM-, organised, can suc- around on issue that Will build to an in• gaining law outlaws negotiations on the CessfUlly PhAllenge this machine. Organiza• plant organizing committee for a unionizing "merits, necessity, or organization" of any tions o£ workers, rooted In the workplaces campaign. Or where safety conditions are work. and the unions, are the firm foundations of poor, a safety committee may be most effect• Examples of identifying the key issue to a revolutionary movement. The revolutionary ive in rallying people. Where there are many achieve an organizational goal are: an eff• movement gives us the power to fight back. Black or Raza or Asian workers, a national ort to take control of a workers' credit It humanizes the workplace. form of organization or caucus is usually union by a management-oriented board, by the first priority for TW organizers. focusing on the issue of the board's dis- we must emphasize that more than practi• oriitiinatory use of loan funds during a rec• cal or technical questions are involved here /// TT)DAV>VoRK- ent strike; a campaign to build a safety Organizing ourselves as workers means deal• enforcement committee, on the issue of an ing with some of the most fundamental pro• PL Acre r\ifHKiHQ industrial injury sustained by a co-worker; blems in the US today. It means being con• a campaign to form a caucus to struggle cerned not with just our own personal skins, for power in a Central Labor Council, on the but with our co-workers, with the nature issue of the leadership colluding with man• and quality Of the goods and services we agement by persuading workers to cross pi• hcT^ or . produce, with the nature and practices of cket lines in a strike; a campaign to get the corporation or government where we work, rid of a sexist supervisor on the issue of and with the relationship of our jobs to a damning incident; a campaign to organize a society in general. TW workers defense committee on the issue of We come face to face with some of the racist firings; a campaign to organize a basic political challenges of our revolu• women workers' committee, on the issue of tion. Third World organizers are faced with management's appointing an "affirmative ac• the job of tapping the power of their nat• tion council" to advise management and re• ional movement, while allying as effect• present the workers. ively as possible with progressive people 3. Conducting the Campaign of other nationalities, including white When any of these organizations are nat• A campaign must be planned in advance. workers. In order to make such an alliance ional in form (for example, an organisation Before attempting to devise a strategy, we possible white organisers have the task of of Black workers), they can lend additional must thoroughly research and understand the building an anti-racist front among white force to the struggle. This is the power of situation we are dealing with. It's espec• workers, women have the role of mobilizing national aspirations and solidarity. Such ially Important for us to learn from the the tremendous power Of women workers to groups provide the basis for TW working peo• experience of past struggles. break the special chains that bind them, ple playing a major role in organizing rev• Information monopolized in this society and men must fight to develop ths anti- olutionary fronts among all the progress• creates a basis of power for people in scxiat potential of male workers into a iva people of their nationality. inQependant certain positions, like management and significant force. groups can be the basis for an alliance of union officials. Workers are kept in the Eiiocpt in a very disorganized and spon• Qirrerent nationalities around common aims, dark as to what's in the contract, what the law says, what goes on in negotiations, taneous manner we have not yet learned how providing the autonomy is respected and ra• and 30 on. Constant and avid research and to base militant direct action in the vrork- cism is combotted. education are necessary to take power, and place to bliild Q fighting fores whioh can Womeno' organizations, both cauouees and win. to learn about the different forces which separate organizations, are necessary to de• can be called upon or which may fflOVe against Finally, we face the need to develop feat eexiem, to dsvslop womcns' leadership, ourselves ao organizers capable of pulling and to aohieva the potential power of the the workers. tooether an<3 leading a strong mass move• vomene' movement among workers. Since the As a basis for workplace organizing these ment. To do thia, we need to i^rasp the problems of working class women are the pro• are the primary legal resources; strateoy and the tactics of labor organizing blems of all workers, alliances with male- 1. Tho law. This includes most Importantly TACTICS OF LABOR ORGftMIZilHG dominated organisations are necessary. They the collective bargaining law which covers When discussing tactics of mass organiz• can only be built, however, as women devel• the specific group of workers with rules ing, it is useful to consider threo con- op their leadership and as men take a lead for the conduct of representation elections, CdD^! 1. ^sganitation as a goal, in oomhatting se«ism in their own ranks. decertification Of Unions, negotiations, and protections for engaging in union activity. 2. the key is sue , 2. The Key Issue Also the state or federal Occupational 3. ««oaucting me eampaign. Ot course, we ae » co»l ization by issuing calls for it to appear. Safety and Health ftct (OSHA) and ths Fair 19 i«wopxe nave no power vrfien they The organization and consciousness of work• Labor Standards Act (FLSA). are disargmind. In oMerai, th« j9b of ers is developed by struggles around issues, 2. The contract. This is basic. Know it by MM Lkkor or^aniMI is to BUlld op^aniea- in which they attempt to exercise and ex• heart. tloM 6f ««Mrlt^* {xx-MT. It is easy to ror- tend that power. While many issues will oomo 5. The union bylaws. Any Internal union 9^ «hi* iten «• «ra cnQttt op in day to up day by day which must be used to help struggle requires familiarity with both day stni99l«s. MfOM l^iMeKiA^ matr pull tJOQettaer and educate people, an effect• local and international bylaws. ai9D Me itoold a«riiM clMTly wtot •ort of ive organizing i Mfiiiign requires the ident- organization «M strive to balld in tte stru• iCication of ooe or a few key issues to fo- continuecl on pg 13 ggle, and Kow it con be built. During the cus on. SEIZE THE TIME p. 13

What's Behind the How Do We Organize Public mrker in the Public Strilte Wave? Sector? New York City cops riot on the Brooklyn Bridge, stopping traffic and slashing tires., ministration), on the other hand, were ne• firemen hit the bricks in Berkeley and stop ver unionized. all Teamster drivers attempting to enter the 9) Management is generally an inept, inef• entire city—fifty thousand tons of garbage ficient, arrogant bureaucracy - quite vul• rot in the streets of New York as 10,600 nerable to organizinq. sanitation workers strike not for pay but strategic Principles for Public Sector for jobs...90,000 workers strike the State organizing or Pennsylvania...; what's behlnfl these re• These are some general principles for cent explosions of public employee militancy? public sector organizing: public sector Expands often evokes the mass power and conscious• 1) Ally with recipients of services a- In the laat fifteen years one out of ev• ness of the great ClO battles of the 30's, round quality of services and budgetary ery three new iobs has been in the public especially in the minds of those older priorities. sector. If we include companies contracting workers who Uvea through those times-. 2) Ally With working taxpayers around with the government, one out of six workers Strategic Factors tax inequity, big business boondoggles, in ths U.S. now works for government. There These are some strategic factors in pub• high salaries for management and manag• are now 15 million government workers in the lic sector organizing: ement inefficiency and corruption. U.S. The city o£ New Yotk alone has 336,000 1) High concentration of oppressed peoples 3) Ally With the unempioyea by righting employees. Local government is more often in lover paying blue collar and clerical for jobs. than not the largest employer within its jobs. 4) Build alliance of different national• ities both on the job and in ths communi• own boundaries- Union membersHip in the U.S. 5) High concentration of women in low pay• as a Whole would be shrinking rather than ty by attacking racism and national opp• ing Clerical jobs. ression. growing today but for the unionizing cam• 3) Unionisation is just beginning for pub• paigns now under way in the public sector. 5) Build alliance between sexes, which lic workers. The bureaucracy has not yet are usually concentrated in different jobs Fiscal crisis Hits the Public sector as become as entrenched it is in the pri• and work areas, by fighting sexism and TWO factors have created a crunch on pub• vate monopoly sector. Though most still by women developing their leadership. lic worker payrolls. The first is a general cannot be trusted, they are not as react• tendency in an advanced monopoly capitalist 6) Women must lead women; TW workers must ionary as private monopoly sector and lead TW workers. society which has been called "the fiscal craft union officials. Strikes are still crisis of the state". In a book by that name, 7) Do not focus on economic issues pri• illegal in 48 out of 50 states for these marily. political economist James O'Conner explains unions, yet they strike anyway. To date 8) Battle to democratize the workplace- how the increasing socialization of the only 2.5 million out of 15 million public to seize management power. This has very costs or proauctlon (sucn as Ford's lOO workers are unionised- heavy Implications. billion dollar public rinanclng corpor• 4) They provide eerwi

But equally as important as these legal work area, or union), allies who cannot be Labor Organizing cont. resources is the wealth of information that relied upon (perhaps the union leadership, workers have through direct experience. The certain groups of workers, certain commun• history and experience of past struggles ity organizations), the forces of the enemy, combined with the knowlege of what goes on that is. management's strength and its for• day to day In the workplacQ amount to an ces among other workers, in the union lead• intelligence within a mass workers' group ership, and in the police, the courts, am• far superior to that of management. ong politicians, etc. Weigh the resulting TO build a successful campaign we must • power relationships and adjust strategy and In today's workplace, accurately assess the forces for and ag- \^ goals accordingly. thinking for yourself and caring ainst the workers: allies who can be relied Both issues and tactics should be sel• about your co-workers are acts ot upon (other people of the same nationality ected With this principle of guerilla war• inserrection. in the community or the community in gen• fare in mind t By choosing when, where, how, eral, or workers of another nationality. and for what we fight, a small and weak force can defeat a large and powerful one by a protracted process of concentrating its Strengths on the enemy's weaknesses. Tactics should involve as many people as possible in doing something together. Beginnings can be as simple as a survey, a petition campaign, or the election of representatives. The key is that mass org• anization needs action to survive and grow, for the people involved to learn and dev- continued on next page Generally a campaign will build in momen• tum until a peak is reached, then it will begin to decline. All campaigns should be Notes on Labor brought to a conclusion. They should not "just fade away". Whether a campaign ends in victory or in defeat there should be a Organizing, time for summing up the lessons o£ the stru• r.^ ggle, and a period for consolidation the SABOTAGE victories or salvaging the remnants before ^•bouqe meansto push b«ck, beginning again the research and discussion I pull «ut ar break elf III* contini^^^*^^ (anas of Capitalism of the next campaign. In building organiza• tion this is a critical time, sine© during the campaign many new people may be mobil- iasd and educated, and their participation NATIOMALISM INTERNATIONALISM, AMD THE must bo consolidated organizationally in WORKPLACE order to continue. We are forced to develop Workplace organizers must deal with the new capabilities to meet the needs of the Interplay of two facts: 1. Class struggle Struggle. These too will slip away if they between workers and the bourgeoisie is the are not consolidated organizationally and fundamental contradiction and the basis of ed again. revolutionary change In the US: 2.National Jimong the campaigns possible in a work• movements of the Internal colonies are the place, the unionization drive is an impor• leading force in class struggle at this tant and frequently oocuring one. So here time. are some' helpful suggestions on how to wags These two principles are not in contra• this Klna of struggle. diction. National struggle is the leading Whether workers are trying to decertify form but clearly not the only form of class current \inion* m a new tonion or struggle in the US. It is complementary to both, they face a petition campaign to get a necessary movement among white workers an election, earning at least 30% of the against the cultural, economic, and politi• workers' signatures and defining a bargain• cal relations of imperialism in the comm• ing unit, on behalf of some organization; unity and in the workplace. followed by an election campaign in v^ich In general it can be said that if an some organization or "no organization" must international group of workers are engaged win a majority of the workers' votes, if the in a given struggle in which the leadership petition campaign wins more than 50%, then does not include strong participation from the election is usually not required. Legal the oppressed nationality or nationalities, assistance Is advisable to Insure that all significant mass power is still untapped. these efforts are not ahot down by some TW organizers find strong allies among technicality. their own people in the community. This is In conducting the campaign, the following part of the construction of the united nat• points are important to keep in mind: ional front for liberation, which if not 1) Form an inplant committee before beginning under working class leadership will instead Slop politically. When people do something to gather signatures or contacting a union. be a united national front for reform and together, no matter how small or easy, and The committee should include potential lead• career advancement for the national petty a victory is won, then a higher degree of ers from all shifts and work areas. bourgeoisie. The national front cannot unity and self-confidence is forged to sup• 2) Keep the campaign underground - out of be pulled together by a "multinational" port th« next tictic on a higher level. management's sight- as long as possible, so organization, though allies must be developed IB i|ewral a tactic should be as mili• that when it surfaces it will have the among white workers. tant as the workers participating are pre• strength to survive. Where workers of several nationalities pared for, without being self-defeating. 3) If possible, do the whole campaign as an are concentrated St organizers of each nat• (Do not lead a group to break the law when independant organization. This places the ionality are working, the basis exists for they can be identified. Turn the cars over workplace organization in a position of developing a revolutionary alliance. If when no one is around). Once a struggle strength when and if a decision is made to successfully organized, that alliance is a reaches a certain stage (for some workers powerful form for mass struggle in the this is all the time) it is to our advan• affiliate with another union or an inter• national union. workplace. It unifies the strength of all tage to promote direct action. Sabotage, workers, while preserving the pov/er of the and other forms of clandestine action, in• 4) In selecting a union to work with or af• autonomous national movement. The structure cluding inflicting personal damage upon the filiate, research and compare the different and development of such an alliance can be enemy, are often necessary ingredients in unions available. Read sample contracts, and seen in an "ideal" strategy for building it. a mass struggle. But thet are not a substi• learn about their internal situation through 1.Autonomous campaign by TW workers which tute for broad mass activity- they must be_ workers they represent. Study the bylaws. builds a workers' group and links up with a broad mass activity. Efforts in this dir• 5. Negotiating for affiliation- Unions will community forces in the community to dev• ection, in varying degrees of organization, wine and dine and flatter the leadership form the seeds for a "workers' militia" in when discussing affiliation. Insist on local elop a formal or informal national front. a given workplace. There is certainly also autonomy, the right to elect officers and 2.Simultaneous anti-racist campaign by white a role for a military underground, integra• delegates, to control the finances and keep activists- for example, getting the union ted into the mass movement. It could enforce as much of the dues as possible, to nego• to take an anti-racist stand on an issue. the people's demands. Many workers are tiate and ratify the contract. A good ap• 3.Common campaign around a single issue in grateful when they receive clandestine as• proach is to negotiate with several unions an alliance formation. sistance in their struggle. at the same time and make them bid against The Revolutionary Union Movements (RUM) one another in terms of favorable affilia• were revolutionary black workers' organi• Organizers will find that in the course tion conditions. zations based in the auto plants of Detroit of struggle events occur which change the 6. Expect both cooptation(sudden pay raises, in the late 60's and the Early 70's.They character and direction of events. New id• were shaped by the militancy of the Great eas will surface and unexpected confronta• promotions for leaders, etc) and repression (firings, threats, etc) from management. Detroit Rebellion of 1967, and united in tions will happen. Someone will come up the League of Revolutionary Black Workers. With a wildly imaginative and effective The struggles they led against the UAW *It is often difficult to decertify an APL- tactic, or management will make a mistake, leadership and the companies and courts CIO union because according to Article 20 over-react, make a threat they can't back were a high point in the black workers' of the AFL-CIO constitution no other AFL- up or a statement that damns them. Good or• struggle. ganizers will have the flexibility to ad lib CIO union can ever come in to replace the Though based at the point of production, dedertified union, or participate in the to react fast and to exploit these events the League was very active in the Detroit to the fullest. decertification. cont. to pg. 15 tont. from pg, 14 community. Among such work was the one continued from pg 9 year of control of the South End Univer• Portugal sity student newspaper, which under their More than an opportunist officialdom, the working class further th'an the MFA and the PCP envi• leadership became a revolutionary work• suffers from the conversion of the institution of the sioned by workers seizing the means of ing class black-orionted community news• union itself into a part of the boss' apparatus. The sacred production immediately. paper, as they reasoned, "the schools be• contract, once viewed as the register of the workers' But now under pressure of an economic crisis similar to Chile's in 1973, brought long to the people, they should serve the gains, has become the written record of their subordina• about by restrictions on Portugal's peoDlQ." Other community organising included tion to the power of capital The esniority eyetem, ortce a Changing economy by wAHftpAiy capitalists a caHpaign to involve all prograesive people Uef«ns« against favoritism and arbitrary firingi has bsen through sind .rr«the coalition government and the all responsibility (and thus all power and disunity of the left opened the door for all "recognition") for themselves, making counter-revolution. Tens of thousands of it hard for more leadership to emerge. Poor small landowners (the middle and upper organizers intimidate, even if they inspire peasantry), agitated by Catholic priests' confidence (or more often dependance) in stories that Goncalves wanted to nation• themselves; good organizers inspire self- alize their 10 acre plots, confirmed in confidence in the people they organize. their anxiety by their Bishop's assurances If we can grasp the dialectical rela• that the PCP were the enemies of the tionship between mass and carde organizat• Church, Christ, and Democracy, and ion, then mass organizing campaigns can also manipulated by outright fascist build structures of organizers- poten• elements and the CIA/NATO intelligence tial cadre- rooted In the rank and file. network, joined In a massive reign of One danger is the tendency to subordinate terror in the North against the PCP. mass organizations to the cadre organiza• (Prior to the revolution the Church tion, using them as tools of sectarianism. owned 40% of all land in Portugal). In Cadre organizations must work to build dem• six weeks more than 50 PCP offices were ocratic mass organizations with a real base attacked and burned, books and records and a vigorous internal life. (We urge our destroyed, and individual PCP members readers to carefully study the article COL• stoned in the streets- all in the name LECTIVES AMD MASS ORGANIZATIONS in the last of Democratic moderation. Issue or STT, volume 2, NO.2.) At no point did the Socialist Party A DRUM-led demonstration at the UA Wconvention, oppose, or even disassociate itself November 1909. from this rightwing violence. Rather, the CONCLUSION Socialists used it to convince their CADRE ORGANIZATION AND DEVELOPING MASS The underlying theme of this article own members and "moderates" nationwide LEADERSHIP is that there are no pat rules or easy that the PCP was finished in the Nortn, The decline of DRUM and ELRUM is only formulas for labor organizing. Too often ana that the only way to placate the one example of a broader decline which has people substitute a dogmatic theoretical violent right was to remove Goncalves befallen many militant and progressive approach to mass organizing for the flex• from government. In this way, the Socialists workers' organiaations, from the CIO unions ibility and self-reliance which are re- were able to split the HFA, particularly of the 30's to present-day caucuses and guired. This cuts people off from the nine prominent officers In the revolu• workers' groups. Suffering from a failure wealth of lessons to be learned from prac• tionary council, against the government, to continually develop more leaders from tice . and, eventually use the threat of a the rank and file, lacking in political Even among revolutionaries who are sit• military coup as their hole card to oust clarity and discipline, countless organ• uated in Q strategic location for mass or• PCP member Goncalves as premier and later isations have fallen apart or become empty, ganizing, there le often a very limited to block his appointment as armed forces bureaucratic shells and/or management tools grasp of how to do effective work. While chief of staff. for coopting and controlling workers. we believe that the concepts sketched here This manuvering was hardly surprising Ths missing element is a revolutionary will be useful in developing thos« skills, given th^ origins of the Socialist party cadre organisation- an organisation of org• becoming competant organizers requires act• and its social base, but what was demora• anizers with clear politics,which works and ual practice, applying self-criticism, self- lizing was the role of the left who studies in a democratic and participatory reliance, and learning from the people. opposed the PCP on the basis of its yet centralized and disciplined manner, "revisionism"(revisionism in this case STT which is armed with the tools of dialect- cont. on p. 17 FROM Working Women: a Mighty Army THE SISTERS

Sisters.' This section of the paper f(r~^is open to contributions of wo• men throughout the revolution• ary movement. Please send us

articles, ueoms, gravhios or WA^HlUb DIWV.amiAND.OHlO stories you would like to sec printed and we will do our best to get them in. and development of humanity. If we are to be fighterst which it cannot and need not provide. We w& mush develop theoretical For TtilrQ world and white working class can struggle against sexism whether or not it is the direct result of capitalism and weapons! women, the choice of putting our feelings primary does not exist. These women have Imperialism. a multitude of survival questions to deal But just as Marxism does not provide with like children, how the rent's gonna a complete map of the social universe, get paid, violent confrontations with men, neither does feminism. It is as foolish A CRITIQUE of the etc,etc. It comes down to a matter of sur• to argue that the relationship between vival • Because the white women's movement men and women is the souroe of all oppres• was not [Struggling to put the personal as• sion as it is to claim that the relation• White Women's pects of women's oppression into a «lass ship between capitalism and labor is the perspective the movement did not address cause of all aspects of human discontent. the needs of women oppressed by nation and ... We need a movejnent which recognizes Movement class. and fights to abolish all of the sources As we saw the need to develop other of human degradation, be they racism, forms of work besides cr groups many dif• sexism, capitalism, imperialism, or Prom Viotnam to Detroit, the libera• ferent areas and types of practice sur• fascism. We need a movement which will tion movement ot Third World peoples have faced. Many women began to organize women's articulate socialist politics within the given rise to the formation and develop• studies programs and alternative institu• women's movement, feminist politics with• ment of the white revolutionary movement. tions and lifestyles, others participated in the left." The period of the 1960's marked a begin• in bourgeois feminist groups like N.o.w. (P.l) ning of the end to US Imperialism, oppres• others saw men as the primary enemy, while Barbara Ehrenreich's speech Sociaist/ sed people were rising again in an open others became involved in the white anti- Feminism and Revolution, also given at the my iA*i4a the OS. It was at this tine imperialist (a/i) movement. conference, tries to put s/f in the frame• xhaz wbice woaen began to once again ques• Those of us who became involved with work of a class analysis. She explains that tion our position in society. the white a/i movement were trying to " the agent of revolution is not a group The present-day white women's move• follow the example given to us by our Viet• defined by race or sex or sexual preference, ment has its roots in student organiza• namese sisters: that the liberation of but a group defined ultimately by its rela• tions like SDS. The male chauvinism of women can only be achieved through the tionship to the system of production that men inside these organizations and the struggle for total liberation of all op• is a class." (p. 3) In her speech she tries lack of program which spoke to women's pressed people. to define s/f as a theory for organizing needs made it impossible for women to func• We organized against the war, strug• women not only around sexism but class as tion solely in mixed organizations. gled for day care centers, organized on well. Women's consciousness around the the job and fought on the streets. We rea• She believes that North American work• necessity to develop our own leadership lized that our Third World sisters fight ing class consciousness has been destroy• and around sexism was very undeveloped. for liberation of their nations is the ed in the 20th century by two major de• We weren't sure what the relationship of primary aspect of their struggle for li• velopments. They are: women's oppression was to the rest of beration as women. We saw in practice that 1. racism the struggle. Some of us were unclear about the demand for the right to abortion was the nature of our oppression as women. 2. the atomization of the working class, racist if it wasn't accompanied with a (by this she means the physical dis• However, it was very clear that women could demand to stop forced sterilizations of not deal with these questions inside the persion of the working class through su• Third World women. We found that to burbanization and the destruction of all mixed movement. As a result, women began struggle against sexism wasn't to meet in seperate groups. working class communities and the growing enough. We realized that we had to privatization of working class life, which One common form that our seperate struggle against imperialism and is shifting away from the workplace and groups took was of consciousness raising racism as well. community to the home and family. Since (cr) groups. CR groups were a way for each From our experience, the white women have traditionally been assigned the woman to discuss and share her feelings and women's movement sees the need to make a responsibility of maintaining the home problems with other women. For many of us, revolution. We know that our oppression, she feels we can't look at the atomization cr groups provided the basis from which we although particular, has to be dealt with of the working class without running into the began to brsak down our isolation from in the context of fighting US imperialism sexual division of labor. From this analy• eaeh other. Once we were able to get past at home and abroad. We also understand sis she draws the conclusion that the main the isolation we began to see that our that we need theory to consciously guide task " is not party building or united feelings of alienation, self-hat«, inse• our work. front building but class building— find• curity and guilt didn't come from within. ing the programs and the actions and the We found out that other women shared the SOCIALISM FEMINISM ways of working which help to bring to• same problems and feelings. We became able gether the working class as a revolution• to transform our feelings into an objec• Socalism feminism (s/f) is an attempt ary class." (p.4) tive understanding of women's oppression. to clarify our Ideology and to bring a We were rising up and beginning to realize class analysis to our movement. At the the role sexism plays as an ideological Socialist Feminist Conference (held in PRTTTglSM OF SOCIALIST/FEMINISM prop in a system of world-wide exploita• July 1975) many different applications tion. Wie root o£ our alienations was ana aermitlons of s/r were put forward. The main strength of both s/f presen• CXMlng to light. Tn all o£ the above re• In a paper entitle Lesbianism and tations is that they represent a move by spects, cr groups were a source of strength Socialist Feminism a call for the develop• the white women's toward Marxism-Leninism and sisternoofl. ment of a synthesis of socialist and femi• and developing a class analysis. Howcyer, a tendency of e» groups was nist theory was made because; The main weakness of both is their to VitM the personal aspects of our opprea- " Socialist theory has never developed dogmatic interpretation of Marxism-Lenlnsm. sioQ oa primary. As a result, there was no an aJequats theory «>£ ssx oppression, This error leads them to many confused CIAM analysis of women's oppression and largely because it is a body of thought strategies for work inside the white women's BapW KOCJtefftller's and Betty Ford's were whiah does not deal with sex eind sexuali• movement. Doth presentations, because they ^»"P^ into the same category ae welfare ty, in the Marxist map of the social aren't sslf-reliantly using dialectical •OtKera. world, human beings are distinguished as materialist thought to assess the concrete •mi* mlBUfta use made bccQuoe of the workers, capitalists or peasant's; not as conditions we face, fall to come to the con• clusion that anti imperialism is the strate• P«fcit-t>o«r9«ia olaaa composition of the men and wom&n, net as gray or straight. It gy for revolution inside the US. whit« umm •« anvi nt. Historically this is difficult to extract an analysis of «law bu ban ujic to m»km choices about sese oppression from a theory whiah does th«ir iiVM. TIM Mtcrial rwlities of not recognize sex as a significant factor ON STRATEGY life like rooa, i. UMUM.Mlneatian. job. in human social life. Feminism, on the are ar«a« lAieh p*^t-b<>«r^i« clasaes Other hand, has specifically addressed Dialectical materialism is the method have been «bl* to omfcrol eaaur« It has been weak• the island. The MPl Deglns puDllshlng the pro-independence ened as a viable political force within weekly Claridad. November, 1974: Claridad becomes first pro-Independence daily in Puerto Rico. the MFA movement that forged the revo• 19C0: The MPl is the first organization in the world to present lution. the colonial case of Puerto, Rico to the newly-created U.N. 1972-1975: The independence movement supports major strikes The opportunist position of those Special Committee on Decolonization. that occur throughout the island, denouncing the repression of opposed to the PCP has been the crucial the colonial government which mobllijes thQ National Guard factor. Elevating "revisionism" and "So• 1964: The MPl attends the second conference on Non-Aligned against strikes twice within these three years - the only times cial imperialism" over the dangers of US Nations which approves a resolution supporting the inde• the National Guard has been mobilized since the 1950 Jayuya imperialism and its fascist lackeys not pendence of Puerto Rico. rebellion. 'A^ 20 CULTURAL REVOLUTION

NEW WORKERS SCHOOL MURALS curate history of the United States can every struggle, produces it heroes-what be created for the education of all, The Wallace and Bruce were for Scotland,What One day after Diego Rivera and his history of Diego Rivera began with the Emmet and Wolfe Tone and Connolly were team of murallsts were called down from arrival of wnite men in the 1600*3, and for Ireland, what Mazzini and Garibaldi working on the huge mural they were making is current to 1934, when the last panels were for Italy, what Gabriel and Denmark in Rockeffeler Center kl years ago(193a), were painted. The panel you see above Vessey and Nat Turner were for enslaved tLey tegan work on another raura1, the la one out of the 21 panels Rivera and Negroes of America and Toussaint L'Ouver- HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES FROM THE his team painted. Photos of the mural ture for the Negroes of Rati, that Sandi• WORKING CLASS POINT OF VIEW. The mural were made by Luclenne Bloch Dimitroff, no was not merely for Nicaragua, but for consisted I o£ 21 panels and was created also a raura1 painter. Tf anyone knOWS the whole of Latin America." The above at the New Workers' School on East 14th of color photos/sketches of these mural was written by Bertram D Wolfe,who in etrect in New lork City. All but five panels, please write to, MURALS,SEIZE 1035 wrote Portrait Of America by Diego of the panels were destroyed when Unity THE TIME. Rivera,(now out of print), Wolfe also Lodge(where the IGWU had put most of the The above panel is titled IMPERIALISM. helped Diego with the historical research mural, leaving out five mural panels for "Over the whole panel broods the grim and that was required to accurately portray aesthetic and political reasons)burned determined face of the patriot here("ban- history. We would add that George Jack• in the early 1960's. Todav a'-ter i' dlt",Secretary of State Stimson called son holds the same place for comrades pre• Aacmato Ccaar Sandino. Every age. sently struggling for freedom within the beast. COKT.' ON P'~. II