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Constraints on Multiparty Democracy in Zimbabwe: Opposition Politics and Zanu-Pf (1980-2015)

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CONSTRAINTS ON MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY IN ZIMBABWE: OPPOSITION POLITICS AND ZANU-PF (1980-2015). BY AARON RWODZI Submitted in fulfilment of the academic requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Social Sciences (Historical Studies), University of KwaZulu- Natal, Durban. JUNE 2018 ABSTRACT This study is informed by Gramsci’s hegemony theory complemented by instrumentalism to analyse the constraints on multiparty democracy under the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government. Zimbabwe since independence in 1980 was led by President Robert Gabriel Mugabe for 37 years up to 2017 when the military edifice deposed him. Electoral contests between the Mugabe-led ZANU-PF and pro-democratic opposition parties, inclusive of those that were formed out of ZANU-PF, gave the opposition no chance of gaining power. The closest the opposition came to winning was the March 2008 harmonised elections when the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) broke ZANU-PF parliamentary hegemony, and when Morgan Tsvangirai beat Mugabe for president, only to be prevented from forming a government on grounds of electoral technicalities. This dissertation is premised on the constraints on the institutionalisation of multiparty democracy in Zimbabwe. It analyses the efficacy of the growing opposition to ZANU-PF rule and how the liberation narrative espoused by ZANU-PF critically hampered the development of democratic traditions. This dissertation contributes to our understanding of attendant challenges to effective multiparty democracy in Zimbabwe in view of the military takeover in 2017. It is a study that transcends the narrow confines of analysing ZANU- PF alone and blaming it for mayhem in the country. Rather, the research posits that the governance crisis in Zimbabwe is a shared responsibility. The shortcomings in the objectives, strategies and modus operandi of opposition political parties in Zimbabwe and the strength of ZANU-PF are analysed. The extent to which opposition parties were sponsored by western countries to effect regime change, and the extent to which their political programmes were largely driven and shaped by internal considerations and reflected the ‘will of the people’, were evaluated. The thesis considers ethnic divisions and post-independence inheritances in making conflict inevitable. It argues that ZANU-PF built up strong liberation narratives designed to entrench its hegemony, with media portrayal of opposition parties and ZANU-PF to serve different ends. Finally, the role of the military in Zimbabwean politics, oftentimes characterised by unremitting violence, is considered as militating against peaceful democratic politics and a smooth political transition after the 2018 elections. i PREFACE The findings presented in this thesis are a result of a research that was carried out in the School of Social Sciences (Historical Studies), Howard Campus, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, from August 2015 to June 2018 under the supervision of Professor Goolam Vahed. This study is my original research and has not been submitted to any other tertiary institution. Student Name: Aaron Rwodzi Student Number: 215076746 Date: June 2018 ii DECLARATION This research has not been previously accepted for any degree and is not being currently considered for any other degree at any other university. I declare that this thesis contains my own work except where specifically acknowledged. Signed: Date 30 June 2018 Supervisor: Professor Goolam Vahed iii DEDICATION In memory of my father, Stephen Tongesayi Rwodzi and mother, Maud Chenzira Rwodzi. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am profoundly indebted to my supervisor, Professor Goolam Vahed, without whom this study might not have been successful. He supported me throughout the study period and gave invaluable suggestions and recommendations each time I submitted work to him for perusal. I must recognise Professor Mandy Goedhals, my first supervisor before she went on retirement, for the sterling guidance in the formulation of the research topic among other things, and for her sacrifice to ‘sink’ or ‘swim’ with me during the defence of my thesis. I had the opportunity to use her office at the Howard Campus whenever I visited for consultation. Thanks also go to the Parliament of Zimbabwe, and, in particular, to Mr. Chingoma, the Director of Human Resources, for granting me the permission to interview parliamentarians from the political divide. It was through him that I got Hansard Legislative and Senate Debates that I used in the research. The Movement for Democratic Change, thanks to the efforts of Mr. Moyo from the party’s Security Department, deserves my gratitude for availing to me a lot of relevant literature on the party. I thank Sydney Chisi and Mr. Gandi Mudzingwa from the MDC President’s Office for the interview I had with them together. I appreciate the face-to-face interview contributions given by Minister Supa Collin Mandiwanzira and by Monica Mutsvangwa, the latter as Minister and war veteran, that helped to shape my arguments. The skype interview I had with Senator David Coltart was so informative and deserving of special mention. He consented to having an interview with me despite his tight working schedule. Thanks also go to Dr. Fay King Chung with whom I had an interview that lasted over an hour. She always showed interest in the progress I was making in my research by making direct calls on my cell phone and through emails. She laid the foundation of my research as the first person to be interviewed by me. I am thankful to the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference (ZCBC) for the support they gave me. Father Dr. Chiromba prepared a gatekeeper letter which I used to interview members of the Catholic Community including Arkmore Kori, National Coordinatorof the Catholic Commission v for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe (CCJPZ) and Sister Janice McLaughlin of the African Forum for Catholic Social Teaching. CBCZ introduced me to their library with vast literature about democracy and elections in Zimbabwe which proved useful to the study. Dr. Innocent Madenga must also be commended for responding to my research questions via email. I extend my gratitude to all people who accepted my interview request. These include Faith Nyamutsungira who gave the ‘woman voice’ to the democracy debate and Rueben Mureyani from the war veteran perspective. Lecturers at Catholic University of Zimbabwe who participated in the completion of questionnaires, Brother Zvaiwa and Mr. Matandaware among others, did a commendable job. All other people who participated and cannot be mentioned here by name must not feel ignored: I thank them all. Special mention goes to the following editors: Professor Ranga Zinyemba for volunteering to edit my work despite his busy schedule and Dr. Jacqui Baumgardt for accepting my request at short notice. vi CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................... 1 Background of the study .............................................................................................................. 1 Preliminary literature study, and reasons for choosing topic................................................... 8 Research problem and objectives: Key questions to be asked ................................................ 18 Research problems and objectives: Broader issues to be investigated .................................. 19 Principal theories upon which the research project was constructed .................................... 23 Research methodology and methods ......................................................................................... 29 Chapter outline……………………………………………..…………...………………………33 CHAPTER TWO ........................................................................................................................ 36 RECONCILIATION: A FALSE START, 1980-2000.............................................................. 36 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 36 Background and reconciliation challenges ............................................................................... 38 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 67 CHAPTER THREE: ................................................................................................................... 68 URBAN POLITICS AND THE QUEST FOR REGIME CHANGE (1980-2015) ................ 68 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 68 Origins of worker-government conflict……………………………………………………….71 Government strategies: silencing growing urban opposition and mobilizing electoral support ......................................................................................................................................... 88 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 103 vii CHAPTER FOUR: ................................................................................................................... 104 THE SANCTIONS DISCOURSE: AGENDA SETTING AND STRUCTURAL CONSTRAINTS, (2000- 2008) ................................................................................................. 105 Introduction ..............................................................................................................................
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