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Current Research on Gender Effects in Campaigns and Elections

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Current Research on Gender Effects in Campaigns and Elections Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2015 What Female Candidates Need to Know: Current Research on Gender Effects in Campaigns and Elections Lauren Michele Leist Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the Mass Communication Commons Recommended Citation Leist, Lauren Michele, "What Female Candidates Need to Know: Current Research on Gender Effects in Campaigns and Elections" (2015). LSU Master's Theses. 3818. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/3818 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WHAT FEMALE CANDIDATES NEED TO KNOW: CURRENT RESEARCH ON GENDER EFFECTS IN CAMPAIGNS AND ELECTIONS A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Mass Communication in The Manship School of Mass Communication by Lauren M. Leist B.A., Louisiana State University, 2012 May 2015 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The topic of my thesis is, in of itself, a testament to the many people who have inspired and empowered me to reach the point I am at today. First and foremost, I thank my family. I know I’ve always been fiercely independent, but my parents were the ones who made sure I knew that being a girl doesn’t limit me from being able to do whatever I want or be whoever I want. I thank my grandparents who taught me to do it “my way” and, may I say, not in a shy way. It may not be traditional to acknowledge people from my high school years in a graduate thesis, but as this thesis proves, I’m not afraid of challenging the status quo. Therefore, I would like to acknowledge my high school English teacher and speech and debate coach Anita Boyd. Thanks for encouraging my writing and introducing me to the life-changing world of forensics. And while I’m on the topic of forensics, thanks to all who have been involved with the LSU Speech and Debate Team – especially those who coached and challenged me: Austin, Chas, Eddie, and Erik. I’d also like to thank Mark Thornton and Jim Cegielski for taking a chance on a high school student. They taught me more about journalism and running a newspaper than any journalism school ever could (sorry, LSU, but it’s true). Of course, I cannot forget to thank my rock star committee members: Chris Mann, Bob Mann, and Johanna Dunaway. Thanks for believing in me and in this very ambitious project. Chris, thank you for encouraging me and being patient with my writing perfectionism. Bob, it was an honor to have been in your incredible speech writing class and a privilege to have traveled and studied abroad with you in Turkey and London. Johanna, thank you for caring about this research as much as I do and being a prime example of women making a difference in traditionally male fields. ii Finally, I would like to thank the other people and things I couldn’t have gotten through this thesis without. Mike Rold, thank you for commiserating, supporting, and sharing grad school survival knowledge with me. I have many friends who have encouraged me, but I especially want to thank Emily Avery for always being up for debriefing our crazy days over a glass of wine or Chimes trivia. I must give a unique shout out to the Gilmore Girls for the many midnight laughs that got me through aggravating nights of writing. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, I’m grateful for the smart trailblazing women who have made this topic even possible by daring to run for office. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………................. ii LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………................... v LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………….................. vi ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………………………. vii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………............ 1 2 REPUBLICANS AND DEMOCRATS……………………………........... 7 3 APPEARANCE…………………………………………………………… 18 4 AGE………………………………………………………………………. 27 5 ELECTORAL CONTEXT……………………………………………….. 36 REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………................. 43 VITA…………………………………………………………………………………………… 48 iv LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Average Age of Members, 111th-113th Congress…………………...................... 28 Table 2: Percent of Women in State Legislatures…………………………………………. 41 v LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Probability of women state legislators running for U.S. Congress …………… 14 Figure 2: Likeliness of Supporting a Presidential Candidate in Their 70s ……………… 30 vi ABSTRACT Studies show that the vast majority of people have no problem voting for a woman and that when women run they win as often as men, yet female representation remains startlingly low in the U.S. Women are 50.8 percent of the U.S. population, but they account for merely 19.4% of the 535 seats in Congress, 24.5% of statewide executive positions, 24.2% of state legislatures, and 17.6% of mayors in cities with populations over 30,000 (Center for American Women and Politics 2015). There is certainly much research dedicated to gender and politics. But what is missing from current literature is an organized compilation of relevant research that can be easily used for practical purposes. While many books and articles have been written on various pieces of this puzzle, there is not a comprehensive manual for practical use drawing from a range of research. I intend to build on existing literature by organizing it in topical categories and presenting the findings of current research with some practical implications. My hope is that it can serve as a reference guide tailored to both researchers and practitioners. vii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION Ned said, "Nancy Drew is the best girl detective in the whole world!" “Don't you believe him," Nancy said quickly. "I have solved some mysteries, I'll admit, and I enjoy it, but I'm sure there are many other girls who could do the same.” - Nancy’s Mysterious Letter, by Carolyn Keene Over the past three decades, media outlets have been hungry to dub elections as the “year of the woman” or the definitive moment when women have “made it” in politics. It happened in 1992, the original “year of the woman,” when women ran for office in record numbers. In 2008, Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin were the faces of a new groundbreaking year for women. And now, after the November 2014 election, the number of women in Congress exceeds 100 for the first time. As women continue to make history in politics, there is room to argue that the effect of gender in campaigns and elections is diminishing. Studies show that the vast majority of people have no problem voting for a woman and that when women run they win as often as men, yet female representation remains startlingly low. Women are 50.8 percent of the U.S. population, but they account for merely 19.4% of the 535 seats in Congress, 24.5% of statewide executive positions, 24.2% of state legislatures, and 17.6% of mayors in cities with populations over 30,000 (Center for American Women and Politics 2015). The new record number of women in Congress is merely an increase from 99 seats last year. Women in the House of Representatives didn’t even get their own restroom until 2011. And until 2008, the Senate swimming pool was “male only” to accommodate the male senators who preferred to swim naked. And, of course, a woman has yet to be elected as president or vice-president. The increase of female elected officials in America has been staggeringly slow compared to other nations. As of the World Economic Forum’s 2014 report, the United States ranks 20th out of 142 countries for gender equality. Several of the countries ranking ahead of the United 1 States, including Rwanda and Nicaragua, are considerably less developed economically. While the United States ranked high for economic opportunity and educational attainment among women, it was ranked 54th in the political empowerment category. Clearly, there is a problem, but researchers have disagreed about why growth has been so gradual. There are two distinct generations of literature on gender and politics just within the past three decades. After the surge of female candidates in 1992, researchers declared that “when women run, women win” (Seltzer, Newman, Leighton 1997). And then came 2008. Hillary Clinton became the first woman to nearly clinch a major party nomination. Sarah Palin became the second women to run on a major party ticket for vice president, nearly 30 years after Geraldine Ferraro became the first. When neither candidate ended up in the White House, researchers revisited the role gender plays in campaigns. If women really do win when they run, then why – when the stage was set better than ever before – did a female victory not happen? If blatant sexism no longer plays an explicit role in vote choice, do gender stereotypes play an implicit one? There is conflicting research on the extent of the role stereotypes play in campaigns. While many agree that stereotypes have negative effects, others have found empirical evidence suggesting that stereotypes have minimal or sometimes even positive effects (Huddy and Capelos 2002; Dolan 2006; Dolan 2014). Increasingly, current research suggests that the underrepresentation of women in political office is due to a lack of women running. Therefore, it’s not that women can’t win; it’s that many chose not to run because of institutional forces or doubt in their qualifications. Another recent study (Kanthak and Woon 2014) found that women are less likely to volunteer for roles if they know they are going to be judged by others.
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