Our Changing Terrain:
Settlement, Somalis
and more
Migration Action Migration Action
VOL XXVII, NUMBER 1, 2005 ISSN: 0311-3760 Contents Migration Action is published by the Ecumenical Migration Centre: Editorial 2 95-97 Brunswick Street, Fitzroy, SARINA GRECO AND RASIKA RAMBURUTH Victoria Australia, 3065. Tel: +61 3 9416 0044 Fax: +61 3 9416 1827 Al Grassby: 1926 – 2005 4 Email: [email protected] Reflections and a Personal Tribute The Ecumenical Migration Centre (EMC), LAKSIRI JAYASURIYA of the Brotherhood of St Laurence, works for the development of Australia as a multicultural society through its welfare, Young Somalis in Australia: An educational approach 6 educational, project and community work. to challenges and recommended solutions The centre has been working with migrants YUSUF SGEIKH OMAR since 1962.
EMC’s work is diverse, from community On The Somali Language in Melbourne 19 service and development to social action MICHAEL CLYNE AND SANDRA KIPP and community education.
Within a framework of ensuring equal Refugee Settlement Services beyond the Settlement 23 access and rights for all Australian society, Services Review EMC provides counselling services and community development activities to a MELISSA PHILLIPS number of ethnic communities, both estab- lished and newly arrived.
EMC also initiates research towards an understanding of a range of issues, and promotes change where necessary.
Editors Sarina Greco and Rasika Ramburuth Special Thanks Kath Holgate, Neelima Choahan, Deborah Patterson and Deanna Boulos Cover Illustration Rusty Stewart Layout Pixel City Digital Design (03) 9380 8429 Printing Art Offset (03) 9572 4400 It is not the intention of this journal to reflect the opinions of either the staff or the Board of the Brotherhood of St Laurence. In many matters this would be difficult to ascertain, nor do the editors think it desirable. The aim of the journal is to be informative and stimulating through its various articles, suggestions and comments. SUBSCRIPTION RATES (per volume of 3 issues) Individuals/Organisations $60 Concession $40 Abroad $70 Single issues $20
VOL XXVII, NUMBER 1 2005 1 Migration Action Migration Action
Editorial
Once again this month, with much deserved pride, the religious background – has on young Somalis’ learning Government welcomed hundreds of Liberian refugees, and development of future goals and aspirations. the latest group of African new arrivals arriving under Australia’s Offshore Refugee Humanitarian Program. This research, coming from within the African This is the positive face of our relatively generous community, and the recommendations that it proposes refugee intake and superior settlement service for engaging effectively with Somali youth and their system for those identified offshore for re-settling in families, is invaluable to service providers, policy- Australia. makers and the wider community alike.
Based on recommendations by the UNHCR, resettling The second of these articles builds upon themes raised people from Africa is a priority in the composition of in Migration Action in 2004 – the role of language Australia’s offshore refugee intake. In 2003-04, 70.6% policy in multiculturalism was discussed in an article of the offshore component of Australia’s Humanitarian by Joseph Lo Bianco. There are now somewhere near Program was dedicated to Africa (followed by the 180 community languages spoken in Melbourne alone, Middle East and South West Asia), and this regional and changing patterns of language use and language focus has been a continuing trend in 2004-05 and maintenance are crucial issues confronting many beyond. It has been widely asserted that increased culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) commu- settlement challenges associated with the new intake nities. In this issue, Michael Clyne and Sandra Kipp groups, including Liberians, Burundians and Sierra look at the use of the Somali language in Melbourne, Leoneans, are directly related to their experience of and argue the issue of language maintenance for new protracted refugee situations, with many having spent arrival communities is as important now as it was in years in limbo in refugee camps. the past, when more attention was given to advancing language policy in multicultural education. Based on The recent and rapid increase in languages spoken their research into the use and maintenance of Somali from the Horn of Africa, such as the Somali language, language in Melbourne, Clyne and Kipp provide an is reflective of the large intake of refugees from Africa overview of the nature of the Somali language and under Australia’s Refugee and Special Humanitarian factors impacting on its use in Australia. Given the Program. Somalia continues to feature within the top importance of language in cultural identity and family ten countries of birth for people granted Humanitarian communication, they highlight the need for Somali to visas in 2003-04. In this issue, we include a number of be integrated into the education system to ensure that contributions about Somali refugee settlement. younger generations can maintain their community language and the ability to use it effectively. Based on his research and relationships with the Somali community in Melbourne, Yusuf Sheikh Omar New Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Scheme offers significant insights into the cross-cultural and (IHSS) contracts, and to a lesser extent new Community settlement challenges that Somali youth are currently Settlement Services Scheme (CSSS) grants, are experiencing in Australia. In his article, Omar focuses expected to bring a shift within Australian settlement on the impact that pre and post-migration experiences services, as new players enter the settlement sector as refugees – coming from a very different cultural and and new models for service delivery are developed.
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In the last issue of Migration Action, the Refugee Department of Immigration, coming to light in the Council of Australia, together with the Ecumenical media in recent weeks. In the meantime, since the Migration Centre, offered an update on recent changes Federal election in 2004, we have seen increased in settlement planning and policy that have occurred activity by Liberal backbenchers leading the move in response to the Settlement Services Review. In this from within the Government for the reform of punitive issue, Melissa Phillips offers significant insight, from immigration policies. Increasingly, new voices from the viewpoint of a practitioner in the settlement sector, unexpected quarters are joining those calling for a fair into the challenges to ensuring access and equity in go, if not for justice for refugees. the provision of settlement services to new arrivals. Phillips discusses some of the limitations of the Finally, we mark the recent passing of Al Grassby Settlement Services Review, such as the methodology and acknowledge his significant contribution to the by which it was undertaken, whilst at the same time building of multiculturalism and racial discrimina- highlighting the positive impact that the implementa- tion laws in Australia. This edition of Migration Action tion of certain Review recommendations has had on begins with a tribute to Al Grassby, offered by a refugees. Importantly, she provides a critical analysis colleague and friend, Professor Laksiri Jayasuriya. of the introduction of competitive tendering into the IHSS funding model, discussing the advantages, chal- Sarina Greco & Rasika Ramburuth lenges and implications for the settlement sector. EDITORS
The early months of 2005 have brought a significant shift in the terrain of Australia’s refugee policy – the recognition by the Federal government that its current system of indefinite, non-reviewable detention is no longer feasible as a system for managing onshore arrivals. A small step is the announcement of a new Removal Pending Bridging Visa, creating the possibility for long-term detainees, who are not in the appeals process and cannot be removed from Australia for reasons such as statelessness, to reside in the community until if or when they can be removed. Regulations governing this visa are yet to be released, but it is expected to benefit only a handful of long-term detainees. Although it fails to address the systemic problems associated with indefinite detention, the Removal Pending Bridging Visa is an acknowledge- ment by the government of an existing deficit in immi- gration policy – one that is continuing to be exposed with increasing instances of wrongful detention and mistaken deportation of Australian citizens, by the
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Al Grassby: 1926 – 2005 Reflections and a Personal Tribute
LAKSIRI JAYASURIYA
Al Grassby deserves to be remembered as someone who put by the likes of late Walter Lippman and others, Grassby the last nail in the coffin of the White Australia Policy; but broke sharply from the past by officially recognising the perhaps even more importantly carved out a public language needs of the culturally different without recourse to the of inclusion and diversity that survives to this day. brutal denial – indeed denigration – of their rights to be ‘different’. This, however, went along with a bonding to the He embraced his portfolio as Minister of Immigration (1972- wider community by requiring that new settlers affirm their 1974) with his usual passion and enthusiasm, one that acceptance of commonalities of a liberal political order. This excited many minority groups but caused much consterna- was achieved by conferring on them the rights and duties of tion in the immigration bureaucracy deeply entrenched in a common and universal citizenship. the orthodoxy of the day – a legacy of White Australia. It is in relation to this new thinking about the logic and Grassby discharged his Ministerial responsibilities without rationale of settlement that some have conferred on Grassby fear or favour, making dramatic and momentous changes to the dubious title of ‘the father of multiculturalism’. What immigration policy relating to both recruitment and settle- part Grassby had to play, we must leave history of future ment. In the area of recruitment, his lasting contribution generations to determine. What can be said without dispute was in charting a bold new direction based on a policy of is that Al was a great catalyst of change – and one whose non discrimination and carefully regulated immigration. influence was entrenched in a deep sense of personal com- Yet, the Grassby years in immigration, in my view, will mitment to liberal values of the enlightenment, of freedom, always be remembered more for his initiatives on settlement justice and equity for the dispossessed and excluded. These than recruitment. He laid the ground rules for an ideology values and principles were most visible in his espousal of the of settlement which was firmly cast as a policy directed to notion of ‘family of nations’, the prototype of what was to promoting social integration of new citizens. Emboldened
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become the essence of an Australian multiculturalism. With the First Australians, to enjoy their rights and entitlements. this favourite phrase – ‘family of nations’ – he visualised ‘a Grassby stands out as one of the first persons in public to concept that embraces all peoples’, a desire to straddle unity have endeavored to straddle the language of the Aboriginal alongside diversity. His vision was of a society in which all and multicultural discourse, that is a common public its members can share equally and fairly in the rights and language of inclusion and tolerance. There is still a long entitlements of Australian society. road to traverse. Perhaps his commitment to bridge this gulf will remain one of the greatest legacies of Al Grassby, as a His achievements in his Ministerial portfolio constitute only pioneer of freedom, justice, and equality for all Australians a first phase. But in my view, Al Grassby, in his second phase as equal members of the political community. of public life, was thrown into a new and more challenging role. Following Grassby’s defeat and the return of Whitlam, We can best serve Grassby’s memory by continuing to he was appointed as a Special Commissioner of Community struggle for his dream of a diverse, tolerant and inclusive Relations, which was probably Grassby’s most lasting and society. The path may well be different but the destination also personally satisfying role in Australian public life. This will still be the same. Vale, dear friend. involved spearheading, with the late Lionel Murphy, the promulgation of the Racial Discrimination Act (RDA) of Emeritus Professor Laksiri Jayasuriya AM 1975 through its tortuous course through Parliament. Honorary Senior Research Fellow The enshrinement of this legislation in bricks and mortar University of Western Australia was to be a landmark event of monumental significance. This single Act of Parliament was unexpectedly to buttress and enable a raft of progressive measures relating to land rights and Native Title. The latter was to inaugurate a new era of Australian history by restoring to the First Australians, their rights and entitlements. This was of special significance for Al Grassby who viewed this legislation not just as a measure relating to combating the scourge of racism but also a statutory safeguard – for defending and protecting minority rights of equality and non discrimination. Grassby saw the RDA as also facilitating the achievement of a nation committed to the rationale and principles of Australian ‘multiculturalism’. In his new role, Grassby pursued the social objectives of ‘pluralistic integration’, as defined in the Lippman Report on Community Relations, but which Grassby preferred to express via his notion of the ‘family of nations’. Importantly for Grassby, the RDA was a policy, a way of ensuring an equitable multiculturalism – a multicul- turalism for all Australians. This slogan was to become the watchword of the Fraser era of multiculturalism.
Grassby’s policy outlook as Commissioner of Community Relations contained one noteworthy strand of thinking not apparent earlier. This was his abiding commitment to assist the impoverished and disempowered Aboriginal people,
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Young Somalis in Australia: An educational approach to challenges and recommended solutions 1
YUSUF SHEIKH OMAR
Introduction The lack of successful role models and its negative impact on young Somalis is also touched upon, and the relationship Any refugee or immigrant student leaving the familiarity between youth and their parents is a major discussion point. of his or her own country and culture for a new country Family issues are addressed, including socio-economic will encounter various challenges and difficulties. These pressures, family conflict and social isolation. Young people challenges and difficulties may be made easier to bear but and teacher/school administration are also discussed, as cannot be totally removed. some teachers are unaware of the cultural barriers between I personally faced these challenges during my studies students and teachers/school administration. School drop overseas. Having lived in Sudan and Malaysia as an out rates, unemployment and the inability to plan for the immigrant student and then in Australia as a refugee, I future conclude the challenges for Somali youth identified deeply understand the challenges and difficulties refugee in the paper. and immigrant students face in a new country and how The second part of the paper consists of recommendations for these challenges affect their learning and their lives as a possible solutions to the challenges that have been identified. whole. For this reason, I have chosen to write my paper about the challenges that young Somalis encounter in Australia and suggested solutions to these challenges. Overview of Somalia and its people
The purpose of this paper is to scrutinise, analyse, map Somalia has a population of approximately 8,000,000 and identify the main challenges that young Somalis and and is located in East Africa, bordered by Kenya to the Africans in general face, and to make recommendations south, Ethiopia to the west, Djibouti to the northwest for improving their circumstances. The information for this and the Gulf of Aden to the north. Somalis are nomads, paper was collected through reviewing relevant literature, constantly moving with their stock in search of water and personal observations, formal and informal interviews and grazing. Therefore, nomadic pastoralists for a long time discussions with teachers, parents and Somali students. I had the major role in shaping Somali culture and society, hope this paper will be a contribution to understanding and they still represent 60% of the country’s population. the challenges that confront young Somalis and refugees in Hence, Somalia’s economy is pastoral and agricultural with general within Western countries, such as Australia, and to livestock, notably, camels, cattle, sheep and goats, repre- assist the development of appropriate solutions for them. senting great part of the wealth. As Middleton and Rassam (1995:316) state, “the term ‘Somali’ is popularly held to The paper consists of an overview of Somalia and is divided be derived from the expression of ‘Soomaal’, which means into two parts. The first part details the challenges facing ‘come and milk the camel, goat or sheep”. The expression young Somalis in Australia. Language poses a significant used among nomads refers to the pastoral subsistence and challenge in respect to academic progress and social the Somali ideal of hospitality. Somalia’s early acceptance of isolation. Following language, culture shock features as a Islam is perhaps the most significant step in its history. Islam major issue and, since September 11, 2001, religion – as became the base of its culture and formed the identity of its Muslims – is also seen as a real challenge. Section one also people. Therefore, Somalis share a similar culture, language investigates problems associated with skin colour, lack of and religion, which gives them a sense of common identity. educational background, psychological issues, time man- The languages spoken in Somalia are Somali (Maxaad tiri agement, breaching of rules and lack of negotiation skills. and Mai), Arabic, English and Italian.
1 This article is based on Challenges that Face Somali Young People in Australia and Solutions, presented at the African Studies Association of Australasia and the Pacific (AFSAAP) 27th Annual and International Conference: African Renewal, African Renaissance – New Perspective on Africa’s Past and African’s Present, University Of Western Australia, Perth, 26-28 November 2004.
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Migration to Australia because in my head I have to translate what they are saying into my language and then from my According to Australian Immigration and Customs services, language into comprehension. When I was doing a number of Somali students and government officials have an assignment I couldn’t think because I couldn’t visited and studied in Australia since early 1960. However, work out how to do it and I started to get very only a few stayed for an extended period. That changed in strange headaches… 1969, when a young Somali man named Abdullahi Ayan landed in Perth for study purposes. By the late 1970s and On the other hand, Somali students often develop their early 1980s, there were about 75 Somalis in Australia, most oral skills quicker than their written skills because Somalis of them studying or working. are culturally an oral people. Lewis (1981:40) claims that Somalis are born speakers. Every elder is expected to be able In 1991, the clan based militias succeeded in overthrowing to hold an audience for hours on end with a speech richly the government and since that time Somalia has remained laced by judicious proverbs and quotations from famous without a central government. As a result, many Somalis poems and sayings. This is indeed one of the most striking fled from their homeland and sought asylum around the characteristics of Somali nomads whose formidable store of world. Over the last decade, Australia has accepted a large knowledge makes some elders seem like walking encyclo- number of Somalis as residents under the Refugee and paedias. That is the reason why the spoken word is the key Special Humanitarian Program. Ahmed (2004) states that to influence amongst Somalis. the 2001 Australian Bureau of Statistics Population and Housing Census shows that the number of Somalis living In addition, I have been informed by some teachers that in Melbourne is 2303, of which 1138 are men and 1165 even though Somali students find it difficult to develop are women. White (1999:17) points out that a significant writing and reading skills, their verbal language skills are number of Somali refugees have been young people under more advanced when compared with other refugee and the age of 24 years. immigrant students. A fact sheet on Somalia prepared by the Melbourne based Adult Migrant English Program Research Language challenges Centre August in 2003 stated: A high value is placed on verbal skill and adroitness in a) Language challenges and academic progress Somali culture, which may mean that Somali students use Somali students, particularly senior students with insuf- styles and strategies of speaking that may strike teachers as ficient English language, face academic difficulties. White unusual, or even brash, challenging or confronting. (1999) and Birman (2001) found that when Somali young people arrive in Australia their English is poorer compared b) Language challenge and social isolation to other refugees. Due to years of interrupted education in Senior Somali students’ weaknesses in articulating their Somalia, the lack of English language skills is far more serious thoughts, feelings and experiences in English language for senior students than the younger students. According to makes them conscious of their role as outsiders. Birman Birman’s view, which correlates with my own observation, (2001) finds out that Somali students, particularly in high elementary Somali students seem to have an easier time school, are seen as separated from American Students. Not adjusting to school and grasping the language than high being able to participate fully in class activities because of school students. Therefore, the greatest challenge for senior their restricted vocabulary, they are in a state of commu- students is language. As a result, they may find it difficult to nicative isolation although they are with English speakers do assignments and writing in general. Bhatnagar (1981:26) in the classroom and this leads to segregation and the and Walfgang (1975:111) emphasise that researchers found formation of cliques. For example, one day I had a conver- a certain number of new immigrant children (non-English sation with a Somali student about his view of his school in speaking background) in America were handicapped by the Melbourne. He replied: language barrier, hampering and preventing their academic progress. O’Kane (2003:5) writes that a refugee client at I am not comfortable in the school because it is the Brotherhood of St Laurence expressed the language very difficult for me to understand what teachers problem in his studies by saying: or students are saying. As a result, I sometimes do things in wrong way. I spend at school very The most challenging thing in my study is the dark periods. I feel isolated. language barrier…. Both by lecturers and tutors when they are speaking I have to work very fast
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c) Language background in where he could go. He replied “…the culture you know. Yeah, you might have a bad reputation...if you go If a refugee or immigrant students’ language has no back- somewhere like that (a night club), so we don’t want a ground relationship with a new language – such as Somali bad name.” and Arabic languages with English – they may face difficul- ties in learning the new language especially with the pro- Moreover, I asked a young Somali boy - who seemed to nunciation, grammar and syntax. Take as an example, the be assimilated into the Australian environment - about his letters ‘P, Z and V’. These letters do not exist in the Somali feelings as a Somali, and he replied, “I really feel guilt language. Therefore, when Somali adult students learn toward my culture. My community humiliated me. They English they may pronounce them as ‘B, S, and F’. Richards think I am not a good Muslim. Some of them don’t salute (1994:305) points out that “immigrant students from a very me. Finally it is my fault”. I asked him if Australians see different language background may be more intimidated by him as Australian and he replied, “Never, never, never. the prospect of learning English”. You are a refugee. They see you as a refugee, especially if you are a black and Muslim”. A young Somali girl who Culture shock has adapted to a western life style and no longer wears the Hijab (head scarf) stated, “I liked my independence…but Generally speaking, Somali communities in western I don’t have such a good relationship with the Somali countries have maintained their specific cultural and community.” religious characteristics. As a result, these communities, especially the young people, often find themselves caught In terms of assimilation into the new culture or maintaining between two cultures creating tension and confusion. the original culture, Wolfgang (1975:141-144) and Cotera (1980:16) acknowledge that researchers identified three Minority Rights Group (1994:27), Richards (1994:312) ways that refugee and immigrant students may react to and Birmam (1986:133) acknowledge that social mobility the cultural conflict. Firstly, a refugee or immigrant student may distance minority youngsters from their own cultures may resist assimilation or integration through adhering to while reinforcing the isolation and oppression of those who the traditional values of the family and through associating remain outside the dominant culture. Nevertheless, it is primarily with members of their ethnic group. Members of very difficult for Somali young people to navigate between the group are most likely to be recent newcomers and they both cultures and straddle the boundaries between the two might not seek help from the teacher, counsellor or school cultures because the full value of membership comes only staff. with full commitment to being active in the group. Secondly, refugee/immigrant students may try to become assimilated into the new culture as soon as possible. At the Assimilation and isolation same time, they may reject identification with their own ethnic group. Unfortunately, this rejection of their ethnic If a young Somali attempts to assimilate or even integrate culture does not help them to learn sooner or understand into the Australian life style, s/he may feel disloyalty and the culture of the host country more quickly than the first dishonour towards his/her family and community. Recent group. This second group seems to be the most likely studies emphasise that existing evidence points out the to become marginalised people with no real identity. probability that these children are likely to end up in a Bhatnagar (1981:52-53) finds that this group “may be cultural ‘no man’s land’, unable to belong to their original baffled or puzzled about themselves”. They may begin to culture or their new country. Both the host country, such as cast doubts on their identity and ask questions such as ‘Am I Australia, and the Somali community are likely to consider Australian or not? Am I Somali?’. In addition, their negative the child’s behaviour inappropriate, unproductive and anti- attitudes about their identities destroy their self-image, social. However, if the young person chooses to adhere their intellectual functioning and spoil/disturb their social wholly to his/her parent’s values, s/he may remain isolated behaviour. Their negative attitudes may also bring tension in the school and new society and may remain unable to between themselves and their own families and cultural participate in all things that school and the new society have groups. As a result of this tension, they may be rejected by to offer. their communities and without a guarantee that they will be Fact Sheets prepared by the North East Migrant Resource accepted by the new society. Centre in Melbourne point out that the more the young Thirdly, refugee/immigrant students may remain proud Somali generations start to adapt to the Australian lifestyle, of their culture and social identity. At the same time they the more they reject their Somali culture and its life style. can be open to the new culture. This group can learn better White (2001) asked a young Somali why he felt restricted
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than the first and second groups. They can also adapt and terrorist. You look like a monster…people keep integrate easily with the new environment and contribute staring and looking at you weirdly… they think to their own culture in their new country. you are mad wearing skirts and scarves in summer. In general, Wolfgang (1975:87-99) finds that the culture of the home and the community –including the attitudes, In addition, pressure on Muslims, especially women who values, life-style and behavioural patterns that children learn wear the Hijab, has increased since September 11, 2001. in the family – is totally alien to what they are presented Taylor (2004:26) acknowledges that anti-Asian sentiments with in the school environment and wider society. They are of the 1980s and 1990s were replaced by anti-Muslim caught between two cultures, torn between loyalty toward rhetoric and action after the September 11 terrorist attacks family and the need and desire to integrate into the host on US and in Bali in 2002. Explaining this anti-Muslim country. Faced with this conflict, it is not surprising that sentiment, a Somali girl stated, “since September 11, they the incidences of emotional disturbance among immigrant started to put pressure on us just because we are wearing children in the new environment is higher than that found the Hijab. Sometimes they think we’re terrorists… I feel among students from the host country. Bhatnagar (1981: beautiful wearing the Hijab.” 26) states that new immigrants’ cultural distance from the host country is seen to cause socio-emotional problems as they struggle to resolve the conflict and live in two different The challenge of skin colour worlds: that of the home and that of the school and new Certain studies express the view that there is a consider- society. able amount of racial discrimination based on colour of skin which is faced by Somali youth as well as immigrant The religious factor black young people in western countries including Australia. White (1999:18) indicates that: There is a sense of confinement among young Somalis who tend not to go out in the evening or participate in many The most disturbing finding was the extent of activities with their Australian counterparts because Somalis discrimination that Somalis and other black see the Islamic religion as pivotal to their lives. Birman Africans are experiencing as they settle into (2001) observed that the Islamic religion remains “a central Australia. Approximately 7 out of 10 of the part of the lives of the Somali students. This involves daily sample of 221 black Africans reported experi- prayer, no dating, and it is not seen as appropriate for males ences of racial or ethnic-based discrimination. and female adolescents to go out together to the movies or the mall.” As one male said, “in America (as well in A recent study in the USA showed that bands of young Australia) everyone has boyfriend or girl friend. In American men were intimidating and ridiculing Somali Somali culture you don’t have one until you see a person refugee youth who, in turn, were getting ready to strike you would like to marry.” Moreover, young Somalis and back at their tormentors. Similarly, White sees that the main Muslims in general find it difficult to get halal food or facili- reason cited by young Somali males for street fighting was ties for praying at some schools and workplaces. racism and the colour of their skin. Reddy (2004) narrates stories of Somali students in Melbourne who faced discrimi- Muslim girls are supposed to keep their hair covered by nation from Australian students and fought the taunts and a Hijab (head scarf) and that causes some problems for the racial slurs first using their fists, and later their heads. them in western countries. Birman (2001:7) points out White (1999:29) asked a young Somali boy what was the that American students keep asking Somali girls why they cause of the street fighting. The boy answered, “they call us always wear scarves on their heads. White continues saying, black bastards and whenever they call us black, then we “Americans tried to pull the scarves off and said they fight them back because we are black.” Similarly, Elder wanted to see their heads.” As one Somali girl put it, “100 (2001) discussed the discrimination and racial slurs with a times we explained it to them, they don’t get it…” A month Somali young girl, who stated, “with my people, I am on ago I had a discussion with some teenage Somali girls about the same level but the other people feel I am below them. the Hijab and problems that they face as a result of it. Their I feel that is what they think”. comments included: I interviewed some Somali teenagers and asked about their Some people try and pull your scarf off… They experiences as black people and how their classmates treat say can we see your hair? They don’t act nicely them. Most of them gave very similar answers, emphasis- to you…(They say) you will look beautiful without ing that most people respect them. However, some people the Hijab. It is too big to carry. You look like a insult them and use abusive language such as , “they call
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us nigger…black dog…black idiot…black gorilla…black According to White (1999), many Somali young people have cunt…black shit...ugly, freaky go back your country”. suffered disrupted schooling due to conditions in Somalia and refugee camps, which can negatively affect their expe- Despite finding this amount of racial discrimination based rience of the educational system in Australia. Similarly, on colour of skin, I believe that some black young people’s Birman (2001:9) states that the lapse in their educational claims of discriminations are based more on expectations. I background affects their feelings about school and their am not exaggerating when I say that some young Africans, motivation to keep trying. Birman quotes some Somali including Somalis, think that white people believe they students’ comments, including, “It was too much informa- are much more important than black people. In addition, tion... suddenly I had to learn all this stuff very quickly”, some of these young people are influenced by the negative “(the teachers) give you a test or essay and whether or historical relationship between Afro-Americans and white not you understand it is up to you” and “sometimes I felt Americans. Moreover, my observations and discussions with like quitting, like skipping class…” some young Somalis regarding the issue of discrimination brings me to conclude that young Somalis may aggravate and exacerbate the issue in some situations and sometimes Psychological problems create scenarios of discrimination which have no real basis Many young Somalis in Australia are struggling with serious or do not yet exist. psychological problems. Richards (1994:313) shows that Bhatnagar (1981:122) acknowledges that even “if the black some refugee students “have lived through traumatic experi- immigrant students learn English well and attend (white ence of war, appalling conditions in refugee camps, extreme schools) one reality remains unchanged which is that they stress and anxiety. Some of their relatives and friends may are still strangers in (the white environment)”. To distance have been murdered and these hard experiences reflect themselves from this strangeness and skin discrimination, negatively on their learning and their development”. In some immigrant black students deny the reality of their skin addition, White (1999) acknowledges that during his study colour and their place in the community. Bhatnagar (1981: of young Somalis, many of them referred to the war in their 52-53) explains that a study in Britain shows that black home country and difficulties in adjusting to Australian con- British children generally show a strange preference for the ditions. Birman (2001:19) argues that perhaps behavioural dominant white group colour at the same time they show a problems and anger being expressed by Somali students are tendency to devalue their own group colour. The study also a consequence of past exposure to trauma or current diffi- illustrates a devaluing of their group identity and shows that culties in adaptation to a new society. cultural conflicts in themselves diminish their capacity for During my investigation of war experience and its negative learning and successful economic and social adaptation. consequence on the psychology of Somali youths, I read Unlike the black British children, young Somalis have shown a number of diary entries written by Somali students strongly that they are very proud of their black skin colour. in Victorian high schools. Most of these diary entries As a young Somali claimed, “most white people would die mentioned the civil war in Somalia. It was very clear that the to have our colour anyway”. war experience caused them huge psychological problems. A summary of three of these entries is as follows:
Lack of educational background The first student (a girl) wrote: “I come from Somalia… when the war began, I was only 11 years old…my parents Somali senior students who came to Australia at the age of and four of my cousins were killed in Mogadishu in our 12 and over have challenges in keeping up with the pace house…my parents and my cousins were lying on the of school due to their interrupted education in Somalia. floor and blood was everywhere…my brother was crying Richards (1994:306-320) points out that some refugee and his shirt was bloody…we went to Kismanyo (city in and immigrant students who come from countries where Somali near Kenyan border)... the enemy came after us educational opportunities are extremely limited, or where in Kismanyo…then we left Kenya by foot…the Kenyan education has been totally disrupted for many years by Government said all Somali people couldn’t stay there war and civil turmoil, are likely to have a difficult time any longer…we left Kenya…from Kenya to Sudan then understanding what is required of them. They may be very to Syria, then Turkey, Russia, Poland…to Denmark…to afraid of the whole school environment. They also have Australia on 21st June 1997…” very limited opportunities to develop concepts that might be taken for granted in children who have been in school The second student (a boy) said: “When the war started from their early years. in Somalia…my mum said everyone had to stay inside the house. She locked the doors and windows. We slept
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on floor because if you stood up you may get shot…They Lack of successful role models (militias) started going to the houses and shooting the people. I run away with my friend…we were tired, Studies conducted by the Migrant Resource Centre in hungry, thirsty, and we couldn’t walk…” Melbourne has indicated that a lack of positive role models, particularly for male youth, has led to attitude and behav- Third student (boy) jotted down “… the most violent thing ioural problems among young Somalis. Rothermund and that I have seen was the war in my country…a lot of Simon (1986:193-194) write that refugee and immigrant people were killed and tortured… the army burnt the students need positive role models, including some people city and suburbs down, killing people and stealing every whose characteristics, strengths and successes enable the thing…” refugee/immigrant students to identify with their own aspi- rations. They also need to see those role models functioning The challenge of time management in circumstances that demonstrate both self-respect and respect for others. Richards (1994:308) acknowledges that Using a clock and managing time is a very new thing for immigrant students in their native countries were presented Somalis because, culturally, Somalis are nomadic people with authority figures - such as teachers, judiciary, doctors, with a different value of time. It is not easy for young politicians and other public figures - with whom they could Somalis to change their habits when they are experiencing identify as role models. In contrast, in the new country, they their original culture daily while living with their parents may be presented with very few positive images of their and within the Somali community who do not attribute ethnic people who are in positions of respect and authority importance to time. In addition, Somalis in their homeland in the mainstream of the new society. Missing successful role did not need to organise activities such as leisure time for models has a negative effect on their self-esteem, damaging their children because the whole Somali environment was their future aspirations and motivations to learn. full of movement and activities. The Somali community in Australia does not yet realise these differences or under- Regarding Somali youth and their role models in Australia, I stand the new environment and its requirement that their have identified groups of Somali young people and the role children’s time be managed. As a result, there is insuffi- models they look up to. The first group’s (only boys) role cient time allocated to activities such as homework clubs, models are Somali taxi drivers. Most Somali men in Australia gardening, sports, recreation and leisure for young Somalis. are taxi drivers. As a result, their sons plan to be taxi drivers Moreover, some parents do not know how their sons spend after finishing high school or TAFE. I was told that one their spare time. Some young males form small groups and day a 14 year old Somali boy went to a shop and saw a move around the streets, especially at night, sometimes blue shirt made out of good material which was similar getting involved with drugs and other harmful activities to a taxi driver’s shirt. The boy said, “Oh, I would like to and regularly failing to attend school. buy this beautiful shirt and preserve it until I finish my high school and become a taxi driver. Then I will use it for taxi driving.” In another example, a Somali man told Breaching rules and lack of negotiation skills me that his son asked him why he had not become a taxi driver, the son stating “...fathers who drive taxis always Because Somalis and Africans in general are from lawless have money in their pockets and give their children but countries, they can find it difficult – even young people who you have no money to give us.” Therefore, it is very clear grew up in Australia – to obey rules and regulations. Reddy that this group is influenced and moulded by the culture of (2004), talking about school discipline and refugee students taxi driving. including Somalis, quotes the view of a school principal based in Melbourne: The second group’s (only boys) role models are African- Americans. Elder (2001) emphasises that this group, even We also have to establish an environment where though they live in Australia, imitate African-Americans. they understand that there are rules and regula- Rappers are their heroes and their role models. They dress tions that go with living in the Australian society. like them, talk like them and walk like them. Elder reports We have to work on some basics like ‘please’ and that a 12 year old Somali boy who was born in Australia ‘thank you’ and on helping them to develop nego- likes the word ‘nigger’, justifying this by saying, “...rappers tiating skills. We have to get them to settle and to use it. They are our idols. We like them. We act like them listen to things they are not used to doing. We try because they are famous. We don’t want to be left out.” to help them negotiate a way through the difficul- ties instead of resorting to fists. Most of the youth in these groups are not achieving well in their studies and are not aspiring to further education
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and professional opportunities for their future in Australia. c) Parents’ role in disciplining children However, girls are different. They are achieving more aca- demically than boys and gaining entrance into universities. Richards (1994:312) and Wolfgang (1975:87-90) acknowl- What lies behind these differences will be the subject of edge that some refugee/migrant parents react with fear and future research. suspicion when they feel that their children are attracted to aspects of the new culture which parents find disturb- ing and inappropriate. Therefore, parents may adopt an Young Somalis and their parents authoritarian approach to discipline and refuse to allow their children to participate in certain activities, such as a) Poor communication with parents in both Somali and trips or co-educational sports. For example, when research- English languages ers asked teachers if parents of refugee/immigrant students present any problems, the majority of teachers answered, When young Somalis come to Australia, they continue in “parents discourage their children [from participating], general to speak their mother tongue with their parents because they are powerless to reverse their old customs. and communities, but as Bhatnagar (1981:106) states, the Some parents allow their children absolutely no liberty”. same situation is not often true with children who arrive Indeed, this restriction on freedom can negatively affect at an early age or who are born in the host country. The students’ learning and development. latter group may understand their native language but often refuses to speak it either because they do not feel comfortable In contrast, some Somali parents in Australia, especially with it or because they consider that they can not express fathers, may feel powerless because their children are themselves properly in this language. For example, parents disobedient and question their orders. Birman (2001:11) may ask something in the Somali language but the children reports that Somali fathers in America: answer in English. Such a conflicting situation of languages does not always help the young refugee/immigrant students ...(m)entioned that they feel they cannot disci- to learn well and may impede their learning progress. pline their children at home because at school they can act up and not get punished and also On the other hand, as Richards (1994:309-312) explains, because the children tell them they will call 911 when English becomes a child’s primary conversational [000 in Australia] and report their parents if language while parents cannot speak it well, the parents they try to touch them. This in essence gives the have difficulties in communicating with their children who children far more power in the home than they cannot speak the mother language well. In this situation, had in Somalia. parents may not become actively involved in their children’s educational studies because of the English ‘handicap’, which Similarly, Nsubuga-Kyobe (2003:20) expresses that African can lead to learning difficulties for the children. parents in Australia, “feel powerless to bring their children in line with cultural and other values they presume to be b) Parents with limited education and preparedness appropriate, often feeling they are losing their children to the street”. Somali parents grew up in different environments and when they arrive in Australia they may be unprepared and not get d) Night shift worker fathers or absent fathers adequate education or training in the new environment about how to manage and assist their children. Moreover, Nearly half of Somali fathers, especially taxi drivers, work at some of them were poorly educated in other countries or night and sleep during the day. They often start their work at did not receive an education at all. These parents may not be 3pm, while their children are in school, and finish at 3-4am, able to effectively help their children with their education. while their children are asleep. Therefore, they do not get a Additionally, in Somalia, the role of the parents is to send chance to sit with their children and help them with their their children to school, provide books, pens and clothes studies. In addition, the value of the parent’s relationship and ecourage the children to succeed, while the teacher with the children can be damaged, which can reflect badly and the school are entrusted with the rest. Birman (2001) on the child’s learning and development. acknowledges that the schools and teachers used to play a more important role in the students’ learning in Somalia According to Somali culture, a man is the role model for than the parents because respect for schools and teachers, the family and plays the most important role in raising and and their authority to discipline students, was greater in training children. Close (2003) stresses that a recent study Somalia. has observed that most young men in jails had either poor fathering or no fathering, stating that:
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...girls from fatherless families are more likely Challenges for the family to become teenage mothers while boys are more likely to get in trouble with the law… without a) Socio-economic challenges questioning the mothering they receive, the belief is that lack of good adult male role models limits Nearly all Somali families in Australia are associated with both boys and girls in building self-esteem and a poor economic and social status, being unable to provide sense of appropriate social and personal bound- for the educational requirements and other resources that aries. help their children to become successful with their learning and lives in general. Trueba (1979:142) and Richards (1994: 309) acknowledge in their studies about refugee and new e) Single parents or young people without parents immigrant students that economic deprivation and the A lot of Somali young people live with a single parent social conditions associated with it do tend to interfere with (mother) or with their relatives and not with any parent immigrants’ learning. This is because poor families do not at all. Fact sheets on Somalia prepared by the Adult have the resources to help students to become successful Migrant English Program Research Centre (AMEP) and with their studies. Additionally, Walfgang (1975:99) states the Migrant Resource Centres (MRC) find that Somali that poor areas of a city and the environment of poverty in refugees in Australia include a relatively high proportion which immigrant children often live, compound the severe of women with many children whose husbands have died disadvantages of being culturally and psychologically dislo- or are missing. Many of these women entered through cated from the mainstream of society. Moreover, if children the “Women at Risk” category within Australia’s Refugee come from a poor environment, they are more unprepared and Special Humanitarian Program. The absence of one for school than their middle class counterparts. parent’s role (particularly a man in the Somali culture) or On the other hand, Bhatnagar (1981:37-124) stresses both parents is extremely negative for children’s learning, that students of diplomats and immigrant students from nurturing and development. In contrast, Gray acknowledges powerful business families – whose acquisition of a second that a study finds children living with both parents are at language is facilitated by favourable socio-economic and less risk. Moreover, Irin News Website claims that agression, institutional conditions – represent well-liked foreign and violence, absence and drop-out rates among Somali youth immigrant students who are accepted by their peer groups. in London schools can be attributed to depression and poor In contrast, discrimination against immigrant students from motivation among young Somalis who missed their parents lower classes further hinders these students’ educational and pined for family reunion. development and academic success.
f) Poor parent-school relationships b) Family conflict Somali parents may have poor relationships with their As Somalis are a collective society, the family is a central children’s schools for many reasons such as the language source of support, love, friendship and strength for the barrier and different cultures. In the Somali culture, the role children. As a result, any disturbance or destabilisation of of the parents is to equip their children and send them to the family has a negative effect on the children. In addition, school, entrusting the schools and teachers to teach and dis- power in Somali culture is associated with the men. cipline their children. However, some schools do not make Therefore, when Somali families come to Australia – where a continuous effort to attract Somali parents and develop men are not seen as more powerful or dominant in families’ good relationships with them. An article published in the affairs – men feel that they are losing their powers, privi- Irin News Website acknowledges that Somali parents do not leges and social status. As a result of this, power struggles know how to contact the schools to find out what problems between wives and husbands take place. Conflict results in their children are facing or what types of discipline they anger, frustration and violence inside the family, which neg- are allowed to use to correct their children’s behaviour. atively impacts on children’s education, development and Similarly, Nsubuga-Kyobe (2003) finds that some African sense of stability. Elder (2001) acknowledges that a report young people are dropping their school attendance rates from The Centre for Multicultural Youth Issues found a high and parents may be unaware as they rarely communicate proportion of family breakdown and homelessness among directly with teachers. Bhatnagar (1981) indicates that the African children in Australia, particularly Somalis. Similarly, poor relationships between immigrant students’ parents Nsubuga-Kyobe (2003) states that African family tensions and school staff negatively affect the students’ educational are increasing and a number of young people are moving progress. away from home much to the despair of their parents.
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c) Isolation c) School administration
As a result of language barriers and cultural conflict, some Young Somalis in Australian schools are often associated Somali families in Australia are facing isolation from the with their own group rather than the mainstream students. mainstream society, which is impacting negatively on young In addition, they rarely receive invitations into the homes people. Richards (1994:307) writes that some immigrant of their Australian classmates. Richards (1994:307) claims families have very limited opportunities for social interac- “this is not because the host community is unfriendly but, tion with the mainstream of the host country and this family the social structure of the school and classroom provide isolation is unhelpful for children’s learning. insufficient opportunities for different groups to get to know each other.” Some schools do not organise special programs Teachers and schools of welcome for the refugee/immigrant students and their families. The absence of a welcome program does not help a) Culturally unaware teachers refugee students to communicate with and integrate into the new society, impacting negatively on their education, Despite the fact that Australian teachers are trying to help psychology and social interaction. Somali students and other refugee students, it appears that they are not sufficiently trained to communicate with them d) Dropping out of school – coming from very different cultures – and understand their situations. Similarly, Birman (2001:14-20) confirms Many young Somalis, particularly boys, are dropping out of that American teachers are unaware of the situations school and there are several reasons for this. The first reason causing refugee students to arrive at their schools. American is financial. Birman (2001) states that there is pressure for teachers felt there was essentially no support for teachers Somali students to drop out of school and get a job to help from mental health specialists to brainstorm possible their families. Similarly, Taylor (2004) finds that young solutions (such as how to handle behavioural problems) in refugees want to repay debts to relatives and friends for the classroom. Many teachers stressed, “what should I do if travel money. They also want to support their extended a traumatic memory or story comes up in class?” families in their home countries and need to cover the cost of setting up a new household. Wolfgang (1975:99) claims when teachers do not know what to do or how to help the refugee/immigrant students The second reason is lack of educational background. with problems in their learning, they may ignore them or Birman (2001) points out that Somali students face difficult even resent them, which may cause the students to perform conditions in their learning, such as doing poorly in school poorly in their learning. Bhatnagar (1981:56) argues that with no resources for help. Birman quotes one student’s culturally unprepared teachers come to have negative comments on leaving school. The student said, “…they perceptions and low expectations of students and may, in are (Somali students) tired of it…they end up with the turn, teach them in uninteresting ways, to which students wrong people…they didn’t fight. They take the easy way may react badly. Therefore, poor achievements and poor because they say this is hard, I cannot do this. So I am behaviour from students may be seen by teachers as a con- gonna leave it, forget this stuff.” This is compounded firmation of their initial negative expectations. by educational policies in Australia, which put the new refugee/immigrant students with their age counterparts and b) Cultural barriers between students and teachers not within their educational level. As a result, some Somali students – who have no educational background – may face Some Somali students in Australia feel that the relation- difficulties with their studies and drop out of school. ship between school staff and Somali students is not good enough. Birman (2001) acknowledges that it appears to Somali students in the USA that their schools make an insuf- Unemployment ficient attempt to understand them and, when tensions rise, White (1999) finds that the occupational level for the banish them from the school as if they do not belong there, Somalis in Australia has been lower overall than the skill rather than addressing the underlying problem. Moreover, level of other settlers. The majority are semi-skilled or Richards (1994:305) expresses the view that immigrant unskilled and as a result there appears to be an above students may be very reluctant to confide in their teachers average level of economic disadvantage and poverty in about the problems that they may have at home or at school, the Somalia-born population residing in Australia. Taylor particularly if they perceive the cultural gap between (2004:21) adds that “lack of English, recency of arrival… teachers and themselves to be very wide with little possi- non-transferability of qualifications [if there are qualifica- bility of mutual comprehension. These feelings of isolation tions] and racism all create barriers to employment.” In make many immigrant children feel very helpless.
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addition, Nsubuga-Kayobe (2003:20) believes “even some RECOMMENDATIONS AND SOLUTIONS African-Australians with qualifications from Australian insti- tutions could not easily find jobs citing reasons such as lack Teaching the second language in small groups of Australian work experience”. Researchers in teaching second languages, such as Richards Challenges in planning for the future (1994:320) and Clarke (1994), express the view that small groups provide an active way for refugee and new immigrant Some young Somalis’ view of their future in Australia is students to learn with confidence through oral interaction not hopeful because they see their current situation as in the target language, including asking and answering bleak. Many of them hope to go back to Somalia, Africa or questions and talking about experiences. Teaching a the Muslim world. Birman (2001) emphasises that young second language through small groups is a very encourag- Somalis in western countries such as America and Australia ing method because small groups are less judgemental and have trouble envisioning future careers and understanding intimidating than a whole class. Moreover, teachers of the all the steps they need to follow to achieve career and edu- second language should be aware that young Somalis are cational goals. These challenges stem from the following: quicker in developing fluency in speech than reading and writing skills and cognitive thought in English. Therefore, ● lack of understanding of how the western system teachers should pay particular attention to students’ reading functions and writing skills. ● most young Somalis are living in “survival mode” and do not have the knowledge of the systems or resources Teaching the mother tongue to plan ahead Teaching the mother tongue as a medium and tool for ● they do not see members of their community progress- teaching the second language is very important. Engle ing in Australia and or in western countries generally (1975) acknowledges that research on refugee/immigrant ● they have difficulty in adapting to the new environ- students shows evidence that teaching the mother tongue has ment long-term benefits for immigrant students’ learning process. It is said that the basic skill of reading transfers readily and ● planning for the future is not held to be important in the dynamically from the first language to the second language. Somali culture and practice, as Somalis are originally For this reason, Richards (1994:316) suggests that parents nomadic people and generally like to act spontaneously should be encouraged to use the first language at home. They also should be taught that using mother tongue at home will support their children to acquire English.
Understanding and celebrating Somali culture in schools
The ways that culturally diverse families raise their children are different. Therefore, to understand the ways Somalis behave and bring up their children, it is very important for teachers to learn and become familiar with the cultural background of Somali families whose children attend their schools. The school should mark the major celebrations of all cultural groups, including the Somali community, and invite appropriate community members to participate in the preparation. Many parents like to participate in food prepa- ration at school on special occasions and Clarke (1994: 4) emphasises that parents are usually very pleased to be asked to share recipes. Food is important in these different celebrations because of its cultural value and its role as a facilitator of social interaction and shared enjoyment in a school community.
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Teaching refugee students their ethnic culture Encouraging parents to participate in school activities Somali/refugee students should be taught their culture, including their languages, religions, histories, geographi- Schools, the community, the Department of Education cal locations, arts, poetry, lifestyle, clothes, values and and local governments should organise special programs heritage. Otherwise, they may lose their identity and their for new Somali/refugee parents who have had a limited links with their community. Wolfgang (1975:141-144) education. Through these programs, parents can be assisted acknowledges that if immigrant students feel pride in their linguistically and educated about cultural diversity, training ethnic culture and heritage, their self-esteem and sense of and preparing them to manage and help their children in identity is enhanced. They also strengthen their links with the new environment. Bhatnagar (1981:209) states that if their communities and gain confidence to participate in and the parents are multilingual and multicultural, their children contribute positively to the new culture. do much better academically and socially than when parents try to deny their original language and culture. However, Fighting discriminations and racism children fare worst when parents stick only to the original language and culture. Moreover, parents should be encour- If there is any racism or discrimination based on skin colour, aged to give their children the chance to sit and discuss schools should facilitate seminars and continuous programs things with them and to act flexibly with them, not confis- to create awareness about equity, equality and justice in cating their freedom or dismissing their ideas. Trueba (1979: the school community. The school may seek advice from 99) suggests that schools should create a joint advisory organisations which are concerned about problems such committee of parents and school staff that has the purpose us equal opportunity, for ideas about how to reduce and of strengthening the relationship between the school and eradicate discrimination. culturally diverse communities. Moreover, Richards (1994: 316) advises that the school manager or an administrative member should accompany or escort parent representatives Providing special educational support for on a tour of school classrooms and facilities. Somali/refugee students who have no or limited educational background Building refugee students’ self-esteem Schools, along with the Somali community and the Department of Education, should together make a great Self-esteem is a very crucial characteristic for all children. effort to provide special educational support for Somali Therefore, teaching and promoting heritage language students whose education has been disturbed by civil war programs in schools in which Somali students are studying and turmoil. is very important. This is because the heritage language programs can confirm identity, enhance self-esteem and increase support from the home. Similarly, Engle (1975:4) Creating positive role models and Cotera (1980:28) assert that when immigrant students To create successful and positive role models for young learn their mother tongue, they gain feelings of self-con- Somalis and refugees in general, schools, the Department fidence, pride and self-esteem. As a result, they develop of Education and local governments should work together abilities to learn the second language and new culture more to train some Somali/refugee educators and employ them easily. Minority Rights Group (1994:19) acknowledges in different areas. The Somali educators themselves should that learning the mother tongue enables students to com- work with one another and organise inspiring activities for municate effectively with their parents, grandparents and the younger generation. communities. Therefore, it is advised that Somali youth are taught their mother tongue because the language is more than just words – it transmits cultural norms and values. Allocating a special budget to overcome socio- At the same time, it emphasises group feeling and a sense economic challenges of identity. To address the financial problems associated with refugee families in Australia, including Somali families, schools Building a good student-teacher relationship working with local governments could assign and allocate a special budget for the purpose of supplying resources and Teachers in multicultural and multilingual classrooms need educational requirements (such as uniforms, textbooks and to learn refugee/immigrant students’ cultures and traditions. scholarships) to these low socio-economic families. To understand refugees’ situations, teachers need accurate and updated information about immigration and the refugee
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experience, its procedures and effects on refugee students. In community and organisations concerned with refugee addition, teachers should communicate with Somali refugee affairs to give young refugees a chance and provide young students in a positive way, with an awareness of diversi- Somalis with opportuntities to develop relevant skills that ties, to overcomes cultural differences and help students to will assist them to find rewarding employment. develop positive self-images and identities. Moreover, the school administration should organise and engage activities Developing more recreational programs and programs for local students and teachers in which they learn how to welcome new refugee and immigrant students. Nsubuga-Kyobe (2003:23) emphasises the importance of As Richards (1994:316) stresses, the new refugee/immigrant developing more programs and services targeting youth, students will adjust to classroom routines and expectations including those relating to sport and fitness, dance and more positively if the local students and teachers already music (with Rhythm of Africa), story telling, counselling, have some steps for welcoming them and integrating them recreational activities and group work. into the class from the outset. CONCLUSION Welcoming parents in schools In my paper, I have outlined the difficulties that Somali If parents feel that they are accepted and welcomed by youth experience in navigating between two very different the school staff, their confidence and trust in the staff will cultures. I have also proposed strategies which could be be extended to their children. Therefore, to welcome the developed to assist their integration into Australian society parents, school staff need to learn a few words such as a and maximise their potential for educational achievement. greeting in the parents’ language. Similarly, body language However, my research, reading and experience has identi- (such as smiling) is a very good way of showing them that fied that for many young Somalis, their main challenge they are liked and accepted in the school. Furthermore, the appears to lie in envisioning future careers and under- entrance or foyer of the school is very vital for the first standing the steps they need to follow to achieve career impression. Therefore, using multilingual notices, posters and educational goals. Therefore, it is extremely important and brochures in relevant community languages, to provide that the potential and ability of young Somalis to become basic information about school programs, activities, events life-long learners and plan for the future be harnessed and and the role of parents, imply that the school respects and developed. This will help them to envision the road map to values other cultures and languages. Maps and pictures that a bright future. represent the different backgrounds of the school students are also very important in creating a positive atmosphere that promotes multiculturalism. Yusuf Sheikh Omar completed a Masters of Human Science (Arabic as a Second Language) at the International Employing refugee educators Islamic University of Malaysia and a Masters of Educational Leadership and Management at La Trobe The school should try to recruit, train and employ some University in Australia. He is a Multicultural Aid Teacher refugee/immigrant professionals who have the same at public schools in Melbourne. He is also a writer and language and cultural background of refugee/immigrant poet and was the Fist President (Currently Vice-President) students. As Richards (1994:320) stresses, these profession- of the Australian Somali Youth Association (ASYA). als can perform many important official and unofficial roles. [email protected] They can teach community languages, cultures and religions and can provide cultural interpretations to parents, children and school staff. They can also work as counsellors, aid teachers and build a bridge of understanding and communi- cation between the school and communities. They also serve to be positive role models for refugee/immigrant students.
Developing young refugees’ employment skills and opportunities
The skill level for the Somalis in Australia is lower overall than the skill level for all settlers. To overcome this challenge, we urge the Australian government, the Somali
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On The Somali Language in Melbourne 1
MICHAEL CLYNE AND SANDRA KIPP
Introduction The language(s) of Somalia
The approximately 180 community languages spoken in the Somali is a Cushitic language – that is, it belongs to the same homes of Melburnians tell the story of Australia’s migration language family as Oromo and is distantly related to Semitic history over at least the past seventy years. Whereas Sydney languages such as Arabic, Maltese, Hebrew, Amharic, and has concentrations of more recent migration groups from Tigrinya. Somali language and culture have a strong oral Asia and the Pacific, the Middle East and Latin America, tradition, which is passed on in tales, poetry, and proverbs. Melbourne’s multilingualism builds more on the (north, Unlike most other African nations, Somalis have a single central and southern) European migration of the immediate language, albeit with many regional varieties. Linguists have postwar period with the addition of similar groups to those classified them in several different ways. However, there is who have settled in Sydney. With one notable exception also a binary division, which is recognized by Somalis and – Melbourne has also received a lion’s share of the refugees is of significance to Somali speakers with whom we have from the Horn of Africa who have arrived in recent years. worked in Melbourne, between Maxaad tiri, sometimes This includes 85% of Australia’s Oromo speakers (from called ‘common Somali’ and encompassing most regional Ethiopia), 64% of Somali speakers, 58% of speakers of varieties, and May, the regional variety of the Upper Juba Tigrinya (from Eritrea) and 50% of speakers of Amharic district. (from Ethiopia). Since most of the Sudanese refugees have arrived since the 2001 census, we have no basis for com- The colonial and cultural history of the Somali people, parative estimates for languages such as Dinka. The 2001 together with low literacy levels, left them with a language Census indicates that there were then 3051 residents of that had no standard norms and mainly informal functions, Melbourne who spoke Somali at home. Sydney (1328) and the more formal ones being covered by English, Italian, Brisbane (420) are the cities with the next largest numbers and Arabic. Much of the effort towards planning a national of Somali speakers. It is likely that the numbers have language throughout most of the 20th century went into continued to increase since 2001. deciding on a script. Ultimately Latin script was selected, and the emphasis in language planning was then placed on devel- Though the Somalis are mostly rural people (80% are oping a vocabulary for abstract concepts, producing dictionar- nomadic), the Somalis in Australia have become one of the ies, an authoritative grammar, and textbooks and translations most urbanized groups; only 1.5 % of the Somali speakers of foreign books. The standard language, ‘common Somali’, live in non-metropolitan areas. Within metropolitan was based on mutually intelligible dialects but did not take Melbourne, there are a number of prominent areas of con- much account of the less mutually intelligible May dialects. It centration of Somali speakers to the west and north of the should be mentioned that the May areas were separated from central business district, typically areas with a high propor- the Maxaad tiri ones in the civil war. tion of community language speakers from a wide range of backgrounds. Significant factors in this concentration Researching Somali in Melbourne pattern are availability of low-cost housing, chain migration patterns (with later migrants sponsored by earlier ones) and Somali speakers are an example of a ‘new’ migration wave access to mosques (given the importance of the Islamic faith in that they are both African and Muslim. Languages of to the majority of Somali speakers). Somali is the youngest African immigrants in general and Somali as a community of Australia’s community languages – 40.2% of its speakers language in particular have been the topic of very little were under the age of 15 in 2001; in Melbourne the figure research to date, although an increasing number of was 41.1%. countries have growing populations of Somali speakers. A small body of international literature on diasporic Somali
1 We are indebted to the Australian Research Council for funding the project, Community Languages in Early 21st Century Australia, of which this research is part, to Awes Amin for research assistance, and to Denis Cunningham for a helpful suggestion. More extensive information will be found in Clyne and Kipp (forthcoming).
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does exist, including Arthur (2003, 2004), writing on Somali less able to serve as a means of expressing the exigencies of in Liverpool, and Mous & Ruumi (2001) exploring Somali in everyday life in a literate and technological society. the Netherlands.
Our research on the use and maintenance of Somali in Language maintenance institutions Melbourne is part of a larger and ongoing project on Readers will be well aware that since the 1970s Australian community languages in Australia, including their distribu- governments have generally seen it as a responsibility to tion, use and maintenance, and the changes in the language provide services in community languages for those who that take place over generations. We have recently also require them. In the allocation of funds and support, conducted research on Macedonian and Filipino (Clyne not only numbers of speakers but also special needs and and Kipp, forthcoming) and our research group is currently recency of arrival have been taken into account (Clyne, working on Hungarian and Tamil in Melbourne. Grey and Kipp 2004). There are a number of multilingual The data for this study is based on focus groups and on flexible structures into which an unlimited number of interviews and participant observation conducted by a languages can be accommodated, such as the Telephone member of the community. The focus groups included a Interpreter Service, SBS Radio, the Victorian School of cross-section of key persons from the community, repre- Languages (VSL), and the CCAFL cooperative arrangements senting the media, religion, secular and social welfare orga- between Australian states and territories to conduct Year nizations, and education. The interview sample comprised 12 examinations in low-candidature languages. Of these, six extended families of Maxaad tiri background and four until recently, only the Telephone Interpreter Service was of May background. These case studies cover the areas of available in Somali – and there have incidentally been May geographic concentration for Somali speakers in Melbourne. protests that the Somali interpreting available has only been Interview topics included language use in the family and from and into Maxaad tiri. beyond, proficiency in Somali and English, attitudes to Somali is not a Year 12 subject anywhere in Australia; bilingualism, language preference, perceptions of identity, nor is it taught within the VSL or any of its equivalents and perceptions of language maintenance and transmission in other states. (An attempt to have it introduced will be in the Somali community. discussed below.) Until a year ago, when Somali started to Where do Somalis fit into the ‘big picture’ of migrants be broadcast for an hour a week on SBS Radio, Somali trans- and community languages in Australia? Firstly, they are mission was limited to an hour each on three multilingual refugees from civil war, bloodshed and violence. As with community radio stations. In the past year, there has been the Sudanese and the Cambodians, many of the families no transmission of a Somali film on SBS television, and the are broken and the education of many children and young only presence of Somali in Melbourne has been an hourly people has been disrupted. Secondly, like the Sudanese fortnightly program on Channel 31, again produced by but not to the same extent because of a common religion, community members. Unlike other communities, the Somali they are a divided community. Because of the structure of speakers do not have a newspaper. Attempts to start one Somali society, primary loyalty is to a clan. And because have up to now not been successful. It may be that the oral the language differentiation between Maxaad tiri and May tradition in Somali and the dominance of other languages symbolized divisions in the civil war and feelings of ongoing (English, Italian, Arabic) in the Somali print media have exclusion, this has implications for language maintenance demotivated the community from channeling their energies efforts in Australia, as we shall explain below. Thirdly, in this direction. like many ethnic groups, they have a multiple identity. In The five Somali after-hours ethnic schools focus on culture, the case of the Somalis, Islamic religion is more of a core including religion. The two connected with mosques are value than their Somali ethnicity. Given a choice of identity conducted mainly in Arabic, the other three predomi- self-descriptors, our informants expressed their dilemma nantly in Somali. The total enrolment in 2001, the year of between Somali, Muslim and Australian – there is some the Census data mentioned earlier in the article, was 353 evidence from our data that for younger Somali Australians primary and 254 secondary pupils. Two public libraries, Muslim and Australian are gaining in importance compara- Yarra-Plenty and Hume-Moonee Valley specialize in Somali tive to Somali and African. Fourthly, because of the strong as one of their community languages, but are not well oral tradition, mentioned earlier, the cultural context of the provided with Somali books. Social clubs and societies, two languages, Somali and English, is different. This can some of which offer welfares services, are clan-based and play a role in increasing the chances of language mainte- use a regional variety as their principal medium of com- nance, as has been the case with Macedonian (Clyne and munication but switch to ‘Common Somali’ when delivering Kipp forthcoming), or it can render the community language services to Somalis from other regions.
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Language use and shift to their language, while the ‘May’ informants, particularly the men, were careful to make the distinction between ‘May’ On the basis of the 2001 Census, we have estimated the and ‘Maxaad tiri’ when talking about language. first generation (Somali-born) shift to English in the home at 3.4% (Kipp & Clyne 2003). That is, of all those born in While the family with a ‘live-in’ grandparent did exhibit a Somalia and now permanently resident in Australia, 3.4% stronger use of Somali in the home and between generations, reported using only English at home. This is in keeping the presence of grandparents in Melbourne does not seem to with the rate of language shift of other recently arrived guarantee this result, as a number of other families reported non-European groups, and can be located at the low-shift that the children have very limited verbal communication end of a continuum that ranges from 2.4% among the with grandparents, preferring to interact with their peers Vietnamese-born to 62% among the Netherlands-born. The at family gatherings. This may well represent avoidance interviews conducted for this small-scale study revealed a behavior given the limited English skills of the grandparents pattern similar to that in some European migrant families and the limited Somali skills of the children. Finally, while of the 1950s and 1960s: parents tend to speak Somali to the families were drawn from a range of geographical areas in children, most of the children reply in Somali but some in Melbourne, this does not on the face of it appear to con- English, and the language in which the children communi- tribute very much to language use patterns. One possible cate is generally English (Cf. Clyne 2003: 42-46). Somali was explanation of this could be drawn from the fact that the reportedly spoken to mothers a little more than to fathers, clan system in Somali society, particularly following on the as is the case in Spanish families (Clyne and Kipp 1999). civil war, has made it very difficult to establish a network Three-quarters of our informants socialized mainly with within the Somali community in Melbourne based on area other Somalis, with whom they use Somali. That is also the of residence. The research assistant noted that women language used by the parental generation to the extended in particular do not intermingle much, but rather use the family, while the younger informants tend to use English. telephone as a surrogate. Geographical location would thus The adult informants utilize the service of Somali-speaking become less important. professionals where possible, mainly social workers and counselors. There is no evidence that children attending The results of the family case studies and the individual an Islamic school differ in their language use patterns from surveys were supported by the focus group discussions, in those at state schools. which parents and other community members expressed alarm at the inability of their children to conduct con- Due to the particular features of Somali settlement in versations with any depth in Somali. ‘They (the children) Melbourne (including the May/Maxaad tiri distinction, learn English from Simpson’, said one community leader, different routes of migration, single-parent and blended referring to the impact of TV and its destructive effect on families and lack of accessibility of the grandparent genera- the Somali oral tradition in Australia. This is despite the tion) the interview data was also arranged in the form of seemingly low language shift rate for the first generation in family case studies. Although each case study does of course the Census statistics. represent the unique experience of one family, several general points can be drawn from them. An obvious issue is Somali in education the difficulty in making firm distinctions between ‘May’ and ‘Maxaad tiri’ speaking families, in that parents and children This situation calls for a more serious attempt to offer Somali often have quite different language use patterns and pref- language programs through the education system. There are erences, depending on (a) the region of Somalia in which currently 45 languages (notably community languages) the children were born and/or (at least partially) educated accredited as VCE subjects, some of them via a nationwide and (b) the intermediate countries or regions of migration. co-operative scheme for low candidature languages (see Another point (derived largely from participant observation above), although five of them have been suspended due on the part of the research assistant) is that it can be difficult to very low enrolments. As no mainstream primary and to establish exactly what is meant by ‘speaking Somali’, secondary schools teach Somali, the most appropriate a difficulty demonstrated by contradictions between the avenue to get Somali VCE accreditation would be to have reported language use of parents and children in a number it introduced within the VSL, which operates on Saturdays of families. The research assistant reported that there is from over fifty schools throughout the state, with several not in fact a great deal of verbal communication of any languages taught at each centre, according to demographic depth between the generations (even between parents and concentrations. This would provide a lead-up for students children). This is clearly exacerbated in Australia by the in Years 7 to 10 and satisfy the requirement that a language limited English skills of many of the parents, and the limited should have an existing secondary level curriculum before it Somali skills of many of the children. The ‘Maxaad tiri’ can be accredited as a Year 11 and 12 subject. families tended to use the term ‘Somali’ exclusively to refer
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Following the final focus group for the project, a working languages as was afforded to those of a generation ago, party was assembled under the chair of a retired language when multiculturalism and language policy was higher on teacher with much experience in organization to work the public agenda. towards the establishment of a Somali program at one or more centres of the Victorian School of Languages (VSL). Although the participants varied from one meeting Michael Clyne is Honorary Professorial Fellow in the to another, the group included five key members of the School of Languages at the University of Melbourne and community, the Assistant Principal of the VSL and two has published widely on bilingualism, sociolinguistics, linguists from the University of Melbourne (the authors). The inter-cultural communication and second language following needed to be demonstrated before Somali could be acquisition. Sandra Kipp is a Postdoctoral Research accredited as a Year 12 subject: national and local need; the Fellow with the Department of Linguistics and Applied existence of a teaching program, either from Preparatory - Linguistics at the University of Melbourne and has Yr10 or Yrs 7-10; the existence of suitable teaching and published widely on issues of language demography learning resources; the availability of curriculum writing and language maintenance in Australia. The content in this article is drawn from a broader research project expertise as well as the availability of potential examiners. on community languages in Australia and is featured The VSL required in addition: potential teachers, two of in the book by Michael Clyne and Sandra Kipp entitled, whom were included in a methodology course organised by “Tiles in a Multilingual Mosaic: Macedonian, Somali the VSL and run by the University of Melbourne; the devel- and Filipino in Melbourne”, which is in press with CAE opment of the curriculum based on VSL Course Outlines and Press. the Curriculum and Standards Framework II; and the names and addresses of students wishing to enrol in Somali at the [email protected] early to mid secondary school level. While five adequately [email protected] qualified teachers were identified, as well as Canadian, Swedish and Somali resource material, it did not prove possible to provide a list of students’ names, largely due to lack of expressed enthusiasm among students. Also, as has been found in other communities, the over-commitment of the small number of community language members with References the expertise and motivation to pursue a set of tasks such as these meant that the exercise had to be curtailed. The lack of Australian Bureau of Statistics (2001), Australian Census 2001, Canberra. political unity within the community (see above) probably also played a role in this. Arthur, J (2003), ‘Baro Afkaaga Hooyo!: A case study of Somali Literacy teaching in Liverpool’ in International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, Vol. 6 no 3/4, pp. Concluding remarks 253-266.
Community language use and maintenance patterns are Arthur, J (2004), ‘Language at the margins: The case of Somali in strongly affected by pre- and post-migration experiences. Liverpool’ in Language Problems and Language Planning, We mentioned earlier some of the features of the Somali Vol. 28, pp. 217-240. community in Melbourne – its ‘fracturedness’ in terms of broken families, as well as clan and regional divisions; Clyne, M & Kipp, S, Tiles in a Multilingual Mosaic: Macedonian, the strong oral tradition which makes the language inad- Somali and Filipino in Melbourne. Melbourne: CAE Press. equate to cope with the exigencies of life in Australia; and Clyne, M (2003), Dynamics of Language Contact. Cambridge: the multiple identity in which Koranic Arabic is competing Cambridge University Press. with Somali as the heritage language to be learned alongside English. The division within the community (south – the Clyne, M & Kipp, S (1999), Pluricentric Languages in an rest) has language dimensions, in that May speakers believe Immigrant Context. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. that the Somali language that is being imposed on them is Kipp, S & Clyne, M (2003), Trends in the shift from community not one that they can ‘own’. languages: Insights from the 2001 Census, People and Place, Vol 11, No 1: 33-41. Studies of other newer communities may identify other aspects of migrant language ecology that have been unde- Mous, M & Ruumi, C (2001), ‘Somalisch’ in Extra, Guus and de scribed in previous Australian research. It is important for Ruiter, Jaap (eds.), Babylon aan de Noordzee: Nieuwe talen the same support to be given to today’s new community in Nederland. Amsterdam: Balaaq, pp. 255-273.
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Refugee Settlement Services Beyond the Settlement Services Review
MELISSA PHILLIPS
It is often noted that Australia’s offshore Refugee and Limitations of the methodology Special Humanitarian Program (RSHP) represents a sig- nificant commitment to assist refugees internationally. In As has been noted in previous articles (EMC 2003), the particular, our well-developed settlement services are con- Review marked an important step in the development of sidered among the best in the world. There is an impressive Australia’s commitment to both multicultural and settlement range of services made available to RSHP entrants under services policy. However, it also marked a further step in the the Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy (IHSS): shift away from independent research that began with the initial information and orientation assistance, on-arrival closure of the Bureau of Immigration Research in 1996. The accommodation followed by support to secure longer-term methodology of the Review also raises an equally important accommodation, a household formation package, early question about consultation. While the Review attracted health assessment and intervention, and social support input from a wide range of individuals and organisations, and friendship through volunteer groups. However, in many of them DIMIA-funded, it did not ‘allow for proper responding to the needs of highly vulnerable individu- consideration of the opinions of the beneficiaries of settle- als and families, bringing with them histories of trauma, ment services’ (RCOA 2002, 3). When reviewing settle- torture and long periods of displacement, there is no room ment services, including outcomes for refugees, there is a for complacency. As the then Minister for Citizenship and serious gap if the voices of consumers are lost in the review Multicultural Affairs, the Honourable Gary Hardgrave MP, process. As the Galbally report recommended, ‘services and acknowledged, “we can do better” (DIMIA 2003b, 7). With programs should be designed and operated in full consul- many of the Review recommendations implemented, we tation with clients’ (Galbally 1978, 4). For practitioners are already doing better. However, opportunities exist for seeking to empower refugees and encourage self-reliance, the Government to enhance future evaluations of settle- the denial of refugee voices is an even more fundamental ment services, to consider fully the impact of competitive issue of access and equity. tendering on settlement services and, more generally, to In order for refugees to freely comment on their experience promote a more consistent positive message about refugees as consumers, they must not fear adverse consequences arriving under both the onshore and offshore components for speaking out. For example, refugees commenting on of the RSHP. their experiences of settlement services in Australia may This paper examines the findings of the Report of the Review be criticising the Department that is also responsible for the of Settlement Services for Migrants and Humanitarian processing of visas for their family members still overseas. Entrants (the Review), focusing on how key stakeholders, Enabling comment without fear is only one of the important such as the Government and settlement services, are doing factors to be considered when reviewing service provision better and where opportunities exist for improvement, spe- to refugees that have been recognised by agencies such cifically in the area of settlement services for humanitarian as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ entrants. Written from the viewpoint of a practitioner, it (UNHCR) Evaluation and Policy Analysis Unit (EPAU). A does not purport to be an exhaustive analysis. It is hoped recent example of this methodology is the evaluation of that revisiting the Review will generate further interest IHSS and services for survivors of torture and trauma that in its important recommendations for the Department was commissioned by DIMIA and the Department of Health of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs and Ageing (DHA). Incorporating significant consultation (DIMIA) and the government as a whole, settlement and with clients of IHSS services, this model of independent mainstream services and the wider community, to ensure evaluation allowed refugees, as well as other key stakehold- that access and equity are not denied to some of the newest ers, to contribute without constraint (Urbis Keys Young members of our society. 2003). DIMIA should also be encouraged to consider, in future, ‘mixed evaluations’ involving external consultants, partner organisations and Departmental staff (UNHCR 2002, 7).
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Impact of the Review • agencies involved in settlement services did not respond well to the new service model, some having limited Notwithstanding the limitations of the Review methodology, experience in competitive tendering and its require- the following examples serve to highlight how the Review ments; has made a positive impact on refugees: • a ‘level playing field’ did not exist between smaller • Pre-embarkation cultural orientation classes have been agencies and better-resourced organisations; trialled, reviewed and implemented (Recommendation • evaluating services largely against quantitative perfor- 30). mance measures overlooks less tangible elements of • Enhancements have been made to the Proposer humanitarian settlement; and Support Program, including additional funding to • the first competitive IHSS tender did not produce the support Special Humanitarian Program (SHP) entrants expected quality or variety of tenders, especially in (Recommendation 36). regional areas. • Goods available through Household Formation Support The Review suggested that many of the problems were due services have been improved (Recommendation 33). to the implementation of competitive tendering and not The 2004 Federal Budget provided major additional funding the model itself, and concluded that competitive tendering for settlement services. There was seed funding for a No should remain the preferred model in this area of settlement Interest Loans Scheme (NILS) which is yet to be established, services. The second IHSS tender round closed in January and provision for medical costs for SHP entrants to be met 2005 with new IHSS contracts set to commence in October by the Government rather than Proposers. Finally, at the 2005. Competitive tendering is now the preferred funding time of writing, a number of questions relating to the pri- model for the IHSS and AMEP, with possibilities for applica- orities and principles of DIMIA’s role in settlement service tion to other settlement services. Therefore, it is necessary to provision had been taken on notice at Senate Estimates further investigate the model and its implementation as both (Senate 2005).1 have consequences for humanitarian entrants. The competitive tendering model is based on the premise that Competitive tendering and contracting the market will determine the most effective and efficient outcome for clients and the Commonwealth. Many within Competitive tendering has been introduced to many areas of settlement services, and human services more generally, are human services, including DIMIA funded settlement services opposed to a method of tendering that dehumanises clients and the Adult Migrant English Program (AMEP). The Review by reducing them to a ‘unit’ with an associated cost. While addressed this in relation to the IHSS funding model where, they strive to be efficient and offer the Commonwealth prior to 2001, agencies had been funded through a grants- best value for money, they do not wish to compete for based process. The report identified several aspects of services in this manner or make cost the primary decision competitive tendering (DIMIA 2003a, 170-1) including the maker in their operations. There is also great risk in such a following advantages: pricing structure. DIMIA currently offers service providers a minimum guaranteed business level to minimise cash flow • that successful tenderers can offer the best overall value problems during periods of low or uneven arrivals; but this for money (per client unit cost) at fixed prices and will not continue in the next IHSS. Consequently, agencies contract periods; are preparing complicated pricing structures over a time • through tendering, a Department can prescribe what is period of some years with no guarantees. wishes to purchase and determine the most efficient and effective contractor; and Urbis Keys Young’s IHSS evaluation raised many issues about the cost structure of the IHSS and recommended a • performance and accountability checks can be built into separate pricing analysis to determine its appropriateness contracts ensuring consistency of service provision. for settlement services (Urbis Keys Young 2003, 36). Not all organisations have the capacity or resources to properly The Review also acknowledged challenges to the success of prepare costs for a tender and this may have discouraged competitive tendering including: some from applying, resulting in DIMIA having to actively encourage expressions of interest in the first IHSS round.
1 DIMIA also provides updates on the Review including answers to questions on its webpage at
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This is clearly not the desired outcome of a competitive Early Health Assessment & Intervention tender round that seeks to be efficient and fair, and it is hoped that this has been provided for in the negotiations The Early Health Assessment and Intervention (EHAI) that will occur prior to the implementation of the next IHSS program has been the only IHSS service not subject to com- contracts. petitive tendering. Now that its development phase has been completed, it too has become part of the competitive 2004 Submissions to the Review also pointed to competitive IHSS RFT, albeit in the adapted service type of Short-term tendering leading to fragmentation of service delivery Torture and Trauma Counselling which has a reduced role in and lack of integration. As one submission argued, rather health assessment. Following the Review Recommendation than developing ‘optimum cooperation between agencies’, 34, DIMIA has now ensured that humanitarian entrants competitive tendering discouraged services from working receive necessary assistance to access medical services by together in the overall interests of the refugees (Adelaide requiring Initial Information and Orientation Assistance Central Community Health Service cited in DIMIA 2003a, (IIOA) providers to take on an overall case coordination 174). Just like corporations in the open market, in some function. contexts IHSS providers have actively avoided working together for fear that ‘competitors’ (that is, other IHSS Questions have been raised as to how potential Short-term providers) will obtain detailed knowledge about their Torture and Trauma Counselling service providers will be service and have an unfair advantage in future IHSS tenders. able to compete with current providers for this service type. This does not appear to be in the best interest for entrants, The Review highlighted a complication to effective competi- which is why the peak organisation representing refugees tion, specifically that ‘agencies unsuccessful in obtaining issues in Australia has strongly argued that ‘every effort IHSS contracts … may not have been able to sustain their should be made to avoid generating unhealthy competition ability to compete with those already delivering services’ between agencies and division within the sector … especial- (DIMIA 2003a, 172). Despite earlier objections to compe- ly … in the selection of funding models’ (RCOA 2002, 56). tition in principle, when implemented it is important that At the same time as ensuring best possible service for price tendering is consistent in order to ensure accountability. and streamlined services, the challenge for DIMIA is to also DIMIA previously directly funded EHAI service providers ensure continuous improvement in the support provided to and it remains to be seen what the impact of this will be in humanitarian entrants. the future. Perhaps new players will be identified in the next IHSS or DIMIA may need to ‘actively encourage’ potential providers once again. On the other hand, the status quo Volunteer involvement might be maintained, with current providers continuing The Review also found that the current IHSS model of to operate in the future. Most importantly, it is hoped that volunteer involvement was not working as intended and changes made to the EHAI service to address limitations to required clarification and reinvigoration (DIMIA 2003a, accessing medical services will ensure improved outcomes 187). However, many volunteers expressed disappoint- for humanitarian entrants. ment on hearing that this clarification and reinvigoration was to come from yet another change to the model of Timeframe their involvement. Rather than being agencies registered under the current Community Support for Refugees The most recent IHSS RFT was announced in September (CSR) service, which is a uniform national program, con- 2004 with tenders initially due by December 2004, tracted IHSS providers could prescribe their own model of although this was later revised to January 2005. This was volunteer involvement. The IHSS RFT did not prescribe clear an extremely short timeframe given the level of cooperation volunteer roles and responsibilities as was recommended in and collaboration required from service providers who, as the Review (Recommendation 35). Some may be encour- DIMIA’s own Review found, have become fragmented by aged by the security of being formally attached to funded competitive tendering. There was significant risk in submit- service providers in the next IHSS model, others feel further ting proposals to cover 5 years of humanitarian arrivals and marginalised by DIMIA and may not survive the teething reducing a diverse range of service types to costs per entrant problems of an adapted model. It remains that funded and/or family, while allowing for contingencies in a highly service providers should develop a sustainable program of changeable part of the Migration program. The capacity volunteer assistance that provides vital friendship and social required to do all of this in three months may have advan- support to refugees and taps the full potential of community taged larger organisations with in-house capacity or the support for refugees. resources to pay consultants. New service providers would have also required time to network with current providers in
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order to prepare tender responses against service outcomes. ‘unfamiliar backgrounds’ (DIMIA 2003a, 182–3). While the The new IHSS is set to commence later this year and it is rec- Review made recommendations (31 and 32) to improve ommended that DIMIA commission a similar independent financial assistance and post-arrival advice and training, evaluation at least half-way through the contract period. it has been left to the Refugee Council to remind us ‘that Time should also be given for humanitarian entrants, other the Australian Government has a responsibility to apply DIMIA-funded settlement services, mainstream agencies the same standards in relation to all refugees, irrespective and volunteers to become familiar with new IHSS service of their country of origin or mode of arrival … Australia providers and a new model. Most importantly, during this has a responsibility to ensure that this persecution does not transition period, every effort should be made to ensure continue in this country’ (RCOA 2002, 54). that humanitarian entrants continue to access services in a seamless manner. Conclusion
Mixed messages The Review is an important marker in the history of settle- ment services in Australia, providing an opportunity to Although the Review focused on the offshore Refugee and take stock of where we have come from and what we are Special Humanitarian Program and specifically excluded currently doing for migrants and humanitarian entrants. issues relating to Temporary Protection Visa (TPV) holders, The Review also points to the way ahead. Many of the it must also be examined in relation to the broader context Review’s recommendations fall within the responsibility of attitudes to refugees in the Australian society. The of DIMIA and the 2004 Budget provided additional funding Review’s exclusion of one group of refugees is evidence for DIMIA to carry out these recommendations. However, of a broader trend of distinguishing between the offshore an important message from the Review was the need for a and onshore programs, with ‘good’ and ‘bad’ refugees to whole of Government approach and that responsibility for whom the wider community must respond with ‘open’ and migrants and humanitarian entrants does not lie solely with ‘closed’ doors respectively. This sends mixed messages to DIMIA. Central to this is the Charter of Public Service in a refugee communities and the wider Australian society. Culturally Diverse Society, which the Review requested be Whether these messages are constructed or encouraged by audited by the Auditor-General (Recommendation 6). politicians, the result is the same – largely negative stereo- types about refugees and a destructive impact on Australia’s The Review has been challenged methodologically and multicultural policy. it is hoped that future evaluations of settlement services consider the need for transparency, independence and Since 1999, asylum seekers arriving directly onshore have consultation. In particular, the consumers of settlement been subjects of excluding language and (mis)represented in services need to be consulted about the impact of settlement the media as everything from ‘illegals’ to ‘bogus’ (Pickering services on their livelihoods. Shifts in the nature of funding, 2000, 32). Regardless of their right to seek asylum or whether such as the introduction of competitive tendering, have had they are eventually recognised as refugees, onshore entrants a dramatic impact on the settlement services sector. This are also accused of taking places of ‘genuine applicants may have a flow-on effect to migrants and humanitarian who are languishing in refugee camps around the world’ entrants themselves. While the Review is to be commended (Ruddock 1999). This causes tension between refugee com- for addressing themes such as competitive tendering, there munities and disadvantages all refugees who desire to be is scope for further independent assessment. settled in Australia as most people in the wider community do not distinguish between intricacies of the RSHP. Instead, For multicultural policy and settlement services to be suc- they recall the most vivid images of refugees in recent times cessful, the broader community must be encouraged to do – the negative ones. its utmost to welcome the diverse range of migrants and humanitarian entrants. Recently, community attitudes to Many practitioners working with refugees feel that the refugees have become polarised, with negative messages barriers they encounter are linked to widely held percep- about certain groups of refugees coming from Government tions of refugees. For example, submissions to the Review and the mainstream media. This seriously compromises raised significant problems for humanitarian entrants in the Australia’s commitment to multicultural policy and settle- area of housing, specifically securing longer term accom- ment services. If, as Galbally adopted as a guiding principle modation. Some highlighted that newly arrived refugees in 1978, and the Review reminded us in 2003, ‘all members lacked ‘life skills’ and knowledge of household mainte- of our society must have equal opportunity to realise their nance, whilst others mentioned ‘racial discrimination’ full potential and must have equal access to programs and and real estate agents’ reluctance to assist refugees from services’ (Galbally 1978, p.4), then ensuring such access
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is a responsibility that goes beyond DIMIA. It remains a challenge to us all to ensure that migrants and humanitar- ian entrants are able to fully realise their rights in Australia including equal access and equal opportunity.
Melissa Phillips is the Coordinator of Anglicare’s Humanitarian Settlement Program in NSW. She has previously worked with the Refugee Council of Australia and Australian Red Cross. The views expressed in this article are solely the personal views of the author.
References
DIMIA (1999), New Agenda for Multicultural Australia, Canberra: DIMIA.
DIMIA (2003a), Report of the Review of Settlement Services for Migrants and Humanitarian Entrants, Canberra: DIMIA.
DIMIA (2003b), ‘Review of Settlement Services for Migrants and Humanitarian Entrants’, Migration Action, Vol XXV, No 2, 7-11.
Ecumenical Migration Centre (EMC) (2003), ‘Reviewing the Review of Settlement Services’, Migration Action, Vol XXV, No 2, 12- 19.
Galbally, F (chair) et al (1978), Report of the Committee on Post- Arrival Programs and Services for Migrants, Canberra: AGPS.
Pickering, S (2000), ‘The Hard Press of Asylum’, Forced Migration Review 8, 32-33.
Refugee Council of Australia (RCOA) (2002), Submission to the Minister for Citizenship and Multicultural Affairs in the Context of the Review of Settlement Services for Migrants and Humanitarian Program Entrants, Sydney.
Ruddock, P (13 October 1999), ‘Ruddock Announces Tough New Initiatives’, Media Release 143, DIMIA.
Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee Estimates, 18 February 2005,
UNHCR Evaluation and Policy Analysis Unit (EPAU) (2002), UNHCR’s Evaluation Policy. Geneva.
Urbis Keys Young (May 2003), Evaluation of the Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy (IHSS). Canberra.
VOL XXVII, NUMBER 1 2005 27
Our Changing Terrain:
Settlement, Somalis
and more