A Tale of Two Countries: Media and Messages of the French and American Presidential Campaigns of 1988

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Tale of Two Countries: Media and Messages of the French and American Presidential Campaigns of 1988 DOCUMENT RESUME ED 312 711 CS 506 889 AUTHOR Heiman, Franklyn S. TITLE A Tale of Two Countries: Media and Messages of the French and American Presidential Campaigns of 1988. INSTITUTION Northwestern Univ., Evanston, IL. Inst. for Modern Communications. PUB DATE 89 NOTE 47p.; Project also supported by the Law and Social Science Program, Northwestern University. PUB TYPE Reports - Research/Technical (143) EDRS PRICE MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Communication Research; Comparative Analysis; Cultural Context; Foreign Countries; *Mass Media Role; Media Research; Persuasive Discourse; *Political Campaigns; *Presidential Campaigns (United States) IDENTIFIERS *France; *Political Communication ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the similarities and differences between the French and American presidential election campaigns of 1988, focusing in particular on the processes of political communication. After discussing the framework of law, tradition, and climate of opinion within which political campaigns take place in these two countries, the paper compares and contrasts the media use and messages of the two campaigns, analyzing in turn each of the following elements: (1) affiches (posters of various sizes and colors plastered on walls, the most omnipresent medium of communication in a French election campaign); (2) meetings and rallies; (3) print media; (4) mail; (5) radio;(6) television--direct access; (7) television--indirect access; (8) new media technologies; and (9) political satire. Having examined the similarities and difference's in the media of communication of the two presidential campaigns, the paper compares the messages communicated on the following topics: the Soviet Union and national defense; the economy; crime and punishment; images of leadership; and "playing both ends along with the middle." Lastly, the paper discusses the final results and draws conclusions. Fifty-six notes are included: (SR) ****************************************************************A****** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. ************************************************************* ***** ***** ..1.11."Lm Northwestern University 1881 Sheridan Road Fivi-inston,1111n()is 60208 1340 A TALE OF TWOCOUNTRIES: MEDIA AND MESSAGESOF THE FRENCH AND AMERICAN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNSOF 1988 By Franklyn S. Haiman tr U.fs. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION and improvement "PERMISSION TO REPRODUCETHIS Office of EdualtIOnillRIMIWCh BY EDUCATIONAL RESOURCESINFORMATION MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED CEN.ER (ERIC) 0 This document hasWen reproduced as frankli hS1-tai man wised from the person ororganization originating it Minor changes have bunmuJ. lo imposts reproduction Moldy statod in this doctr Points of mew or opinions mint do not neassarilyrepresnl official TO THE EDUCATIONALRESOURCES OERI position or policy INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)" BEST COPYAVAILABLE A TALE OF TWO COUNTRIES: MEDIA AND MESSAGES OF THE FRENCH AND AMERICAN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS OF 1988 By Franklyn S. Haiman Franklyn S. Haiman is John Evans Professor of Communication Studies at Northwestern University. He is indebted to the Institute for Modern Communications and the Law and Social Science Program, both of Northwestern University, for their support of this project. 2 In 1987, Americans celebrated the Bicentennial of the adoption of A Constitution for the United States. In 1989, the people of France are celebrating the Bicentennial ofa revolution which started them on the road to democracy.During the year in between, both nations engaged in what my be the most visible exerciseof citizenship in a modern democrative society-- the election of a president. France.end the United States are no strangers to parallel historical events and bonds of mutual influence. Both were born in revolution and shared the politicalphilosophies that shaped structures'cf government. French military assistance was critical to the firm establishment of Americanindependence in the 18th century, and American military powerwas twice crucial to the rescue of French freedom in the 20th century. French intellectual and artistic influences have pervaded thedevelopment of American culture, and modern American cultural influences,for better or worse, now permeate French society. From the days of Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson in Paristo those of Alexis de Tocqueville in theUnited States, our two societies have continually learned from one anotherabout the art and science of politics.It was the premise of this study thata careful analysis of the similarities and differences betweenthe French and American presidential election campaigns of1988 might also yield useful learning, on both sides of the Atlantic,about the processes of political communication. To accomplish this purpose itwas, of course, necessary to 4 3 observe both campaigns at first hand.I, therefore, went to France at the end of March, 1988, and remained for the six weeks that preceded the final round of presidential voting on May 8,as well as for the rest of May and June, when the fall-out from that election led to additional rounds of voting fora new parliament. I followed the story of the presidential campaignas it was told in the major daily Paris newspapers and in the leading French weekly news magazines;' listened regularly to daily televisionnews broadcasts;2 watched most ofthe televised interview programs with the candidates,; as well as all the official free-time campaign emissions,' visited the campaignheadquarters of the five major contenders and attended press conference at one of them;5 gathered the political literature handed out atour neighborhood street market;6 took pictures of the campaignsigns posted around Paris; went to a political meeting for Raymond Barreon a press bus; 8 and attended the last, massive Paris-area Mitterand rally.9 I returned to the United States in time to follow the American campaign from the Republican convention in August until the election on November 8. I read the story of that campaign as it was reported daily in the news columns and opinion pages of the Mk York Timesand Chicago Tribune; watchedexcerpts fromthe candidates' day-to-day stump speeches carried with regularityon public television's MacNeil-Lehrer News Hour; viewed the presidential candidates' convention acceptance speeches19 and the presidential and vice-presidential debates;" monitoreda broad range of televisedcampaignnewsandcommentary, political 5 4 advertisements, and interviews with the candidates;12and attended a Chlzago-area Dukakis rally.13 In order to compare and contrast, ina meaningful way, the communication processes of the French andAmerican political campaigns, one must first understandthe most relevant aspects of the framework of law and custom within which theytake place. First and foremost, instead of the Americansystem of a long season of primaries, followed by party conventions anda three- month general election campaign, the French fieldof candidates (nine of them in 1988), each put forwardby a political party, is narrowed by two rounds of voting just two weeksapart, with the two top vote-getters in the first round competingfor a majority in the second round." Furthermore, the "official" campaign period is l'mited by law to the three weeks precedingthe first round of voting plus the two weeks betweenrounds. Nevertheless, much unofficial campaigning takes placemany weeks before that time period, albeit of a different naturefrom that which is legally permittedduring the official campaign. For example, the "affiches" (wall posters and billboards)which are a staple of French political campaigns, are unregulated andappear in profusion prior to official campaign periods,but are restricted in size and limited to official bulletin boardsthereafter. Paid political advertising is permitted in the print mediaprior to the official campaign period and prohibitedthereafter, but is not allowed at any time on radio and television."Publication of public opinion polls about voter intentions,even more ubiquitous (if that is 6 5 possible) in France than in the U.S., is prohibitedfor one week prior to each round of voting.16 Attempts to reform and regulate campaign financing inthe interest of greater equality of opportunity for candidatesand greater public awareness of theirsources of support have been undertaken in somewhat similar ways in the two countries, withthe major piece of French legislationon the matter adopted only a few weeks before the 1988 campaign.17 The laws of both nations now require disclosure of contributions to candidates,provide some public financing for presidential campaigns,and place limits on total campaign expenditures.18 But in theU.S., because cf a First Amendment decision of the Supreme Court,"the spending limits apply only to the campaign committees of the candidatesthemselves, and only if they have accepted public funding, leavinga loophole for the increasingly enormous separate expendituresby the political parties or by anybody else who "independently"campaigns for a candidate. Although total expenditures above the, prescribed ceiling are presumably not permitted bythe French law, it appears that at least one of the candidates in the1988 campaign vastly exceeded those limits.20 The most significant differencesbetween the French and American rules governing political campaigncommunication are those having to do with candidateaccess to radio and television. Televised political"commercials" are the most extensive and expensive form of campaign communicationin the United States;
Recommended publications
  • Ifo DICE Report 4/2017
    04 2017 Winter Vol. 15 REFORM MODEL FORUM How Bracket Creep Creates Hidden Tax Increases: Determinants Evidence from Germany Florian Dorn, Clemens Fuest, Björn Kauder, Luisa Lorenz, of Populist Voting Martin Mosler and Niklas Potrafke Sascha O. Becker, Thiemo Fetzer, Dennis Novy, Manuel Funke, Christoph Trebesch, Lewis Davis, Sumit S. Deole, Carl C. Berning, RESEARCH REPORT Alkis Henri Otto, Max Friedrich Steinhardt, Andreas Steinmayr, Anthony Edo, Jonathan Öztunc, Panu Poutvaara Does Populism Influence Economic Policy Making? Insights from Economic Experts Around the World Dorine Boumans DATABASE How Evidence-based is Regulatory Policy? A Comparison Across OECD Governments Development Aid – Between Illusion and Reality Debt Crisis in the EU Member States and Fiscal Rules NEWS New at DICE Database, Conferences, Books ifo DICE Report ISSN 2511-7815 (print version) ISSN 2511-7823 (electronic version) A quarterly journal for institutional comparisons Publisher and distributor: ifo Institute Poschingerstr. 5, 81679 Munich, Germany Telephone +49 89 9224-0, Telefax +49 89 9224-1462, email [email protected] Annual subscription rate: €50.00 Editors: Marcus Drometer, Yvonne Giesing, Christa Hainz, Till Nikolka Editor of this issue: Marcus Drometer ([email protected]) Copy editing: Lisa Giani Contini, Carla Rhode Reproduction permitted only if source is stated and copy is sent to the ifo Institute. DICE Database: www.cesifo-group.org/DICE VOLUME 15, NUMBER 4, WINTER 2017 FORUM Determinants of Populist Voting Who Voted for Brexit? Sascha O. Becker, Thiemo Fetzer and Dennis Novy 3 Financial Crises and the Populist Right Manuel Funke and Christoph Trebesch 6 Immigration and the Rise of Far-right Parties in Europe Lewis Davis and Sumit S.
    [Show full text]
  • PCF and Front De Gauche: Exploiting a Communist Nostalgia in France? Twentieth Century Communism: a Journal of International History, 11(11), 115-129
    Raymond, G. G. (2016). PCF and Front de Gauche: exploiting a communist nostalgia in France? Twentieth Century Communism: A Journal of International History, 11(11), 115-129. https://doi.org/10.3898/175864316819698521 Peer reviewed version Link to published version (if available): 10.3898/175864316819698521 Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document This is the author accepted manuscript (AAM). The final published version (version of record) is available online via Lawrence and Wishart at http://www.ingentaconnect.com/contentone/lwish/tcc/2016/00000011/00000011/art00008. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/red/research-policy/pure/user-guides/ebr-terms/ PCF and Front de Gauche: exploiting a communist nostalgia in France? Gino Raymond, University of Bristol Introduction: nostalgic beginnings One could argue that nostalgia was stamped into the identity of the post-war Parti Communiste Français (PCF) from the moment the provisional government in waiting stepped into the political vacuum after the collapse of the Vichy government in the summer of 1944. It was a period of instant nostalgia as, across the political spectrum, there was an endeavour to resurrect and reconfigure the past in a way that could offer a unifying sense of identity to a nation whose sense of self and purpose had endured the trauma of defeat and occupation. When, on 26 August 1944, de Gaulle marked his triumphant return with the historic walk down the Champs Elysées to receive the acclamation of the people of Paris, he was met at the Hotel de Ville by the National Council of the Resistance, led by Georges Bidault.
    [Show full text]
  • Page 32 H-France Review Vol. 7 (February 2007), No. 8 Gino G
    H-France Review Volume 7 (2007) Page 32 H-France Review Vol. 7 (February 2007), No. 8 Gino G. Raymond, The French Communist Party During the Fifth Republic: A Crisis of Leadership and Ideology. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. x + 233 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $80.00 U.S. (cl). ISBN 1-4039-9612-1. Review by W. Brian Newsome, Alfred University. Gino G. Raymond, Reader in French at the University of Bristol, England, traces the evolution of the Parti communiste français (PCF) from its origins to the present. His central objective is to place the history of the party in a wide social context, especially during the Fifth Republic. Raymond claims thereby to diverge from “the now familiar evocations of the PCF’s recent history as a catalogue of missed opportunities and self-inflicted wounds” (p. 2). Trained as both a historian and a political scientist, Raymond blends the two disciplines to establish an interpretive framework that is useful for understanding the decline of the PCF’s fortunes in recent years. Raymond begins with a standard history of the PCF during the Third and Fourth Republics. He moves quickly, however, to describe the party in a novel way, as an ethno-class: “a people marked by those traits conferred by their economic situation (‘class’) and those traits which express their membership of a community habitus (‘ethno’)” (p. 26). This particular combination, argues Raymond, gave the PCF its unity. That cohesion and the PCF’s stance and an “anti-system party”--that is, a party opposed to the constitutional regime--helped it appeal to voters under the Third and Fourth Republics, regimes in which the “general political climate [was] notable for its inability to favor consensus” (p.
    [Show full text]
  • The 2007 French Presidential Election
    The 2007 French Presidential Election BERTRAND LEMENNICIER University of Paris II HORORINE LESCIEUX-KATIR University of Paris II BERNARD GROFMAN University of California, Irvine 1. Introduction In his classic essay on democracy, Anthony Downs ~1957! wrote that “the basic determinant of how a nation’s political life develops is the distri- bution of voters along the political scale.” Adapting the spatial approach of Harold Hotelling ~1929!, Downs’s basic model posits single-peaked voter’s preferences along a unidimensional left–right continuum. The best known part of Downs’s work deals with two-party plurality-based com- petition. Here, the median voter plays a key role in determining the win- ner and in shaping the incentives for the structure of party competition by creating centripetal pressures for parties and candidates to modify their platforms to better match the views of the median voter. This unidimen- sional model can, however, be readily extended to the multiparty case, as Acknowledgments: This paper is an extension of an earlier conference paper ~2007! by the first two authors, Bertrand Lemennicier and Honorine Lescieux-Katir: “Peut-on prédire le résultat des élections présidentielles d’avril 2007 à partir de la distribution des intentions de votes le long d’un axe politique gauche–droite?” The Institut de Recherches sur la Gouvernance et l’Économie des Institutions ~IRGEI! paper was presented to a mini-symposium on forecasting the French presidential election held in May at the University of Paris II between the two rounds. Grofman’s participation in this project is partially supported by the Jack W.
    [Show full text]
  • The Decline of the French Communist Party: the Party Education System As a Brake to Change 1945-90 Thesis Submitted to Universit
    The Decline of the French Communist Party: the Party Education System as a brake to change 1945-90 Thesis submitted to University of Portsmouth for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Maija Sinikka Kivisaari July 2000 THE DECLINE OF THE FRENCH COMMUNIST PARTY: THE PARTY EDUCATION SYSTEM AS A BRAKE TO CHANGE 1945-90 Marja Kivisaari The decline of the French Communist Party (PCF) was a key feature in French politics in the 1980s, one which was analysed in a number of scholarly studies. These focused on the four established contributory causes, i.e. the transformation of socio-economic structures in France since the late 1960s; institutional factors (presidentialism and bipolarisation); the rise of the French Socialist Party since 1974; and the sharp deterioration of the Soviet image in French public opinion. Although these studies were also in unanimous agreement that, to a large extent, the party leadership with its orthodox regime and intransigent practices must bear responsibility for the Party’s failure to adapt, they failed to offer any explanation and analysis of the reasons or mechanisms behind the leadership’s motives and behaviour and therefore gave an incomplete picture of tire decline. The novelty of the approach adopted in this study is that, whilst not denying the importance of the other contributory factors, it focuses primarily on elements which enabled the party leadership to sustain its immobilism in the face of changes which were taking place in the Party’s social, institutional, political and international environment. Thus, by focusing on the internal dynamics of the PCF, this investigation shows how, by the skilful utilisation of the Party s organisational principle of democratic centralism, and by the methodical use of its political training system, the leadership ensured the availability of ideologically sound cadres who would perpetuate the conservative outlook of their superiors.
    [Show full text]
  • Immigration and Electoral Support for the Far-Left and the Far-Right Anthony Edo, Yvonne Giesing, Jonathan Öztunc, Panu Poutvaara Headed By
    24 EconPol 2019 April WORKING PAPER Vol. 3 Immigration and electoral support for the far-left and the far-right Anthony Edo, Yvonne Giesing, Jonathan Öztunc, Panu Poutvaara headed by EconPol WORKING PAPER A publication of EconPol Europe European Network of Economic and Fiscal Policy Research Publisher and distributor: ifo Institute Poschingerstr. 5, 81679 Munich, Germany Telephone +49 89 9224-0, Telefax +49 89 9224-1462, Email [email protected] Editors: Mathias Dolls, Clemens Fuest Reproduction permitted only if source is stated and copy is sent to the ifo Institute. EconPol Europe: www.econpol.eu Immigration and Electoral Support for the Far-Left and the Far-RightI Forthcoming: European Economic Review Anthony Edoa, Yvonne Giesingb,c,d, Jonathan Öztuncc, Panu Poutvaarab,c,d,e,f,∗ aCEPII, 20 avenue de Ségur, TSA 10726, 75334 Paris, France bifo Institute - Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich, Poschingerstr. 5, 81679 Munich, Germany cLMU Munich, Germany dCESifo, Munich, Germany eCReAM, London, UK fIZA, Bonn, Germany Abstract Immigration is one of the most divisive political issues in the United States, the United Kingdom, France and several other Western countries. We estimate the impact of immigration on voting for far-left and far-right candidates in France, using panel data on presidential elections from 1988 to 2017. To derive causal estimates, we instrument more recent immigration flows by settlement patterns in 1968. We find that immigration increases support for far-right candidates. This is driven by low-educated immigrants from non-Western countries. We also find that immigration has a weak negative effect on support for far-left candidates, which could be explained by a reduced support for redistribution.
    [Show full text]
  • Fonds Pierre Vandevoorde (1912-2020)
    FONDS PIERRE VANDEVOORDE (1912-2020) 27375_7S1-49 Mai 2021 1 Table des matières Introduction ................................................................................................................................................... 3 Présentation du fonds ............................................................................................................................... 3 Sources complémentaires ......................................................................................................................... 4 Inventaire ...................................................................................................................................................... 5 Famille Vandevoorde................................................................................................................................. 5 Louviers ..................................................................................................................................................... 5 Politique .................................................................................................................................................... 6 Combats militants ..................................................................................................................................... 8 Personnalités ............................................................................................................................................. 9 Affiches ...................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Download Econpol Working Paper 24
    24 EconPol 2019 April WORKING PAPER Vol. 3 Immigration and electoral support for the far-left and the far-right Anthony Edo, Yvonne Giesing, Jonathan Öztunc, Panu Poutvaara headed by EconPol WORKING PAPER A publication of EconPol Europe European Network of Economic and Fiscal Policy Research Publisher and distributor: ifo Institute Poschingerstr. 5, 81679 Munich, Germany Telephone +49 89 9224-0, Telefax +49 89 9224-1462, Email [email protected] Editors: Mathias Dolls, Clemens Fuest Reproduction permitted only if source is stated and copy is sent to the ifo Institute. EconPol Europe: www.econpol.eu Immigration and Electoral Support for the Far-Left and the Far-RightI Forthcoming: European Economic Review Anthony Edoa, Yvonne Giesingb,c,d, Jonathan Öztuncc, Panu Poutvaarab,c,d,e,f,∗ aCEPII, 20 avenue de Ségur, TSA 10726, 75334 Paris, France bifo Institute - Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich, Poschingerstr. 5, 81679 Munich, Germany cLMU Munich, Germany dCESifo, Munich, Germany eCReAM, London, UK fIZA, Bonn, Germany Abstract Immigration is one of the most divisive political issues in the United States, the United Kingdom, France and several other Western countries. We estimate the impact of immigration on voting for far-left and far-right candidates in France, using panel data on presidential elections from 1988 to 2017. To derive causal estimates, we instrument more recent immigration flows by settlement patterns in 1968. We find that immigration increases support for far-right candidates. This is driven by low-educated immigrants from non-Western countries. We also find that immigration has a weak negative effect on support for far-left candidates, which could be explained by a reduced support for redistribution.
    [Show full text]
  • Does France's Two-Ballot Presidential
    Adams, James, Samuel Merrill and Bernard Grofman. 2005. “Does France’s Two-Ballot Presidential Election System Alter Candidates’ Policy Strategies: A Spatial Analysis of Office-Seeking Candidates in the 1988 Presidential Election.” French Politics 3(2):98- 123. Does France’s Two-Ballot Presidential Election System Alter Candidates’ Policy Strategies? A Spatial Analysis of Office- Seeking Candidates in the 1988 Presidential Election James Adams Department of Political Science University of California, Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, CA 93106-9420 [email protected] Samuel Merrill, III Department of Mathematics and Computer Science Wilkes University Wilkes-Barre, PA 18766 [email protected] Bernard Grofman School of Social Sciences University of California, Irvine 3151 Social Science Plaza Irvine CA 92697-5100 [email protected] A previous version of this paper was presented at the Conference on Pluralitarian and Ma- joritarian Systems, in Missilac France, June 20-23, 2004. 2 1. Introduction With rare exceptions, spatial models of candidate strategies under the plurality vot- ing system have analyzed single-stage plurality elections, i.e. elections in which the win- ning candidate is the one who receives the most votes in a single round of voting.1 Among advanced industrial societies, France is a notable example of a country that features a two- stage plurality process for selecting representatives to its national legislature (The National Assembly) as well as to the presidency.2 In this paper we explore the following question, in the context of the 1988 French Presidential election: Does the two-stage process for electing the French president change the policy strategies that competitive, office-seeking candidates would plausibly pursue, compared with the strategies they would pursue if the winning candidate were selected in a single-stage plurality process? In this paper, we argue that the surprising answer to the above question is no.
    [Show full text]
  • Does France's Two-Ballot Presidential Election System Alter Candidates
    French Politics, 2005, 3, (98–123) r 2005 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd 1476-3419/05 $30.00 www.palgrave-journals.com/fp Articles Does France’s Two-Ballot Presidential Election System Alter Candidates’ Policy Strategies? A Spatial Analysis of Office-Seeking Candidates in the 1988 Presidential Election1 James Adamsa, Samuel Merrill IIIb and Bernard Grofmanc aDepartment of Political Science, University of California, Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA 93106-9420, USA; bDepartment of Mathematics and Computer Science, Wilkes University, Wilkes-Barre, PA 18766, USA; cSchool of Social Sciences, University of California, Irvine, 3151 Social Science Plaza, Irvine, CA 92697-5100, USA. E-mail: [email protected] With rare exceptions, spatial models of candidate strategies under plurality rule have analyzed single-stage plurality elections. In this paper, we explore whether the two-stage French presidential election system plausibly changes the major candidates’ policy incentives, compared to what their incentives would be in a single-stage plurality contest. We report the results of counterfactual simulations on survey data from the 1988 presidential election, which suggest that the office- seeking candidates’ strategies would be similar under two-stage and single-stage plurality rules. French Politics (2005) 3, 98–123. doi:10.1057/palgrave.fp.8200074 Keywords: spatial modeling; Nash equilibrium; presidential elections; behavioral research; French politics Introduction With rare exceptions, spatial models of candidate strategies under the plurality voting
    [Show full text]
  • The French Communist Party After the End of Communism
    After the Deluge: The French Communist Party after the End of Communism Frank L. Wilson g Department of Political Science Purdue University Abstract Although economic problems and political developments in the late 1970s and early 1980s had already started to sap its political import and erode its electoral support, since the fall of state socialism in 1989 the French Communist Party (PCF) has found itself in an even more severe identity crisis. Much of its decline can be traced to its inability to effectively define itself ideologically and its corresponding inability to formulate an attractive and relevant set of policy positions. This article presents an overview of the historical evolution of the PCF from its zenith of political relevance to its recent delicine, paying special attention to the PCF’s attempt in the face of political oblivion to delineate distinctive and effective political strategies and political programs. Communist political parties have faced unusual difficulties in estab- lishing identities and distinctive political programs and agendas in the af- termath of communism’s collapse in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Even before this great revolution, economic problems and political devel- opments had discredited the Marxist-Leninist ideology. It was that ideology that gave focus and distinction to Communist parties whether they exercised power in countries that they dominated or sought it in competitive western democracies and unstable developing countries (Wilson, 1993). Commu- nism no longer appeared as a sustainable option to capitalism; Leninism and Stalinism could not compete as attractive or viable alternatives to western- style democracy (Rose et al, 1998).
    [Show full text]