Charterville and the Chartist Land Company
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Charterville and the Chartist Land Company By KATE TILLER SUMMARY Charteroille lies in the parish of Minster Lovell, OxJordshire. A settlemenl of 78 coUages on small-holdings, with a school-house and meeting-room, il was built in 1847-IJ as the Ihird offtve Chartist umd Plan eslales. This account describes the cTtation oj Charlemille and ils subsequent history. The significance of the Land Plan in unifying or fragmenting late Chartism is discussed, as is the theorelical and practical basis of the scheme and the nature of ils widespread aUraclion for working people. The experience of the Chartisl allouees at Charleroille is examined. Although their presence was very short-lived, the opportunilies subsequenlly afforded to local agricullural workers by the Charttroille allotments art found to have made a lasting and distinctivt mark on Minrltr Lovell and su"ounding areas of West Oxfordshire. ' ... the system of large-scale production in industry was advancing at a rapid ratc. The workers were separated from capital, and depended on their wages alone. Out of this separation grew all those new institutions in urban life, the trade union, the friendly society, and the co-operative store. These movements, however, were not allowed to develop without opposition, and on these occasions the urban workers turned longing eyes to what they regarded as the ideal conditions ofself-supponing independence on the soil. One of these aberrations resulted in the Charterville colony of small holdings at Minster Lovell'. A. W. Ashby: Allolmenls and Small Holdings in Oxfordshire (1917), p. 110 'One of these abberations', then, is the verdict of a not unsympathetic observer, A. W. Ashby, on the Chartist Land Plan settlement which lies three miles from the market-town of Witney in West Oxfordshire. Reflecting on the whole saga of the Chartist Land Company between 1845 and 1851 , of which Chartervilie was part, David Jones in Chartism and lhe Charlisls (1973) comments 'a tragic end to a splendid experiment', whilst Dorothy Thompson, the most recent generaJ historian of the Chartists, concludes that, 'As a practical venture, the Land Plan failed . .. its history did not in the end bring much credit on the Chartist movement. ... 'I 'Aberration', 'tragic" 'cxperiment', 'failure'- how then does [he Land Plan fit into the story of Chartism as a whole? How did such a scheme generate such elllhusiasm and practical support throughout the country? What docs the specific example of Chartervilie tell us about later Charlism, a period of the movement's development which has perhaps been relatively neglected by historians? One cannot ta lk about the Chartist Land Plan without concentrating on Feargus O'Connor; acccordingly, this account will consider the remarkable effect this individual leader had upon the many thousands of Chartists who joined the Land Plan, and upon the creation of Charterville. I Dorothy Thompson, The Cluzrtistr (1984), 303-4. TABLE I Population levels in six Windrush Valiey parishes 1801 - 1901 TAYNTON FULBROOK SWINBROOK WIDFORD A,THALL MINSTER TOTAL LOVELL % % % % % % CHA NGE CHANCE CHANGE CHA1<GE CHANGE CHAI"GE +/- +/- +/- +/- +/- +/- 283 1394 > IBOI 315 320 132 40 304 '" - 4.2 252 -10.9 1387 1811 305 - 3. 14 333 + ·1.06 167 +26.4 39 - 2.5 29 1 326 +29.6 1625 '"-' 182 1 324 + 6.2 351 + 5.-12 208 +2-1-.0 51 +30.07 365 +25.1 - 3.56 355 + 8.8 1722 r 1831 37 1 + 14.5 36 1 + 2.85 222 + 6.73 51 0.0 352 r + 10.79 3 16 -10.9 1717 1811 38 1 + 2.69 368 + 2.2 1 218 - 1.8 45 -11.7 389 - 4.4 - 1.5 450 +42.4 1856 '" 1851 379 - 0.52 406 +10.32 195 -24.5 43 383 '" 424 + 10.7 586 +28.0 1967 186 1 311 - 10.0 392 -3.1 19 1 - 2.05 38 -23.2 -10.01 561 - 4.26 1857 187 1 335 - 1. 71 332 - 15.3 201 + 5.29 47 + ·12.4 381 - 0.52 511 - 8.91 1741 1881 290 - 13.4 349 + 5.1 168 - 16.1 49 + 4.2 377 35 1 - 6.9 143 - 15.2 162·1 1891 260 -10.3 302 -13.4 216 +27.3 82 + 6. 1 + 2.0 459 + 3.42 1518 1901 184 -29.2 296 - 1.5 191 -1 1.1 30 -42.3 35H TABLE 2 () :t Houses a nd household size III SIX Wind rush Va lley parishes III 1841- 190 1 ,. ..., '" T AYNTON FU LBROOK SWINBR OOK WIDFO RD ASTIiALL MINST ER LOVELL '" I SIIAII UN IN RUl LO- 1'1 11 118 U/IlI'l HU Il .I>. INllAH UN IN RUlLO- IN Il AIl lINtN !:IU II .1l INII AR UNI "! BUILO· INII AH UNI "I In 11.1)· r'" lIot''iL'I flAR INC IIOUSES IIA8 INC lIousrs IIAII INC II OUSES IIA8 INC IIOllSt.... 11 .. 8 INC IIOUM';S liAR INC r IIOUSES IIOUSt;.,., 1I0USF,:) 1I 0llS.:S IIOUt:.E.'; H OUSES 164 1 78 87 8 40 I 8 80 10 59 2 '";,- 7- 185 1 80 3 95 5 43 8 83 'I 104 38 1861 83 I 91 7 42 7 2 89 138 4 3 ".., 187 1 80 2 85 19 42 10 87 12 135 13 :t 188 1 66 4 87 17 4 1 I 10 82 15 120 29 1891 58 6 87 7 47 '"() 5 10 80 8 11 9 22 :t 1901 55 8 79 6 45 7 8 83 7 11 8 17 ;,-.., NO. OF PERSONS PER HOUSE '" 1841 4.88 1. 24 5.20 5.60 4.86 5.35 ~ 185 1 4.73 4.27 4.53 5.36 4.62 4.32 >;: 186 1 4.10 4.30 U4 4.90 4.76 4.2' 187 1 4. 18 3.90 4.79 '.70 4.37 4. 15 " 1881 4.40 4.00 4.10 '.90 4.60 4. 17 "() 0 1891 4.48 3.47 4.60 5.20 4.38 3.72 ::: 1901 3.34 3.74 4.25 3.75 4.47 3.90 ,.... Z AVERAGE NO. OF PERSONS PER HOUSE FO R SI X PARI SIiES - 4.41 -< 254 KATE TILLER The Chartist Land Plan settlements represent a remarkable phenomenon: pieces of raw social and economic engineering set down in randomly-chosen areas of rural England. What was that experience like? What actually happened to the 250 allottees in the Land Company ballots who uprooted themselves, mainly from urban and industrial areas, to live in a cottage with two, three, or four acres of land? And why did they do it? For Charterville is part of the complex strand of emotion and theory, of yearning for a return to the land, of an interplay between town and country which appears time and again in the labour movement and in middle-class thinking up to the present day. Finally, it is important to consider what it was like for the ' hose community, the rural backwater of Minster Lovell, to have a famous, not to say notorious, MP (Fcargus O 'Connor), and some eighty outsiders (in many senses of the word) descending upon them. This needs to be a two-way picture, for we should not confine ourselves to the tragic end of the Chartist Land Company in 1851. Most of the Charterville cottages sti ll remain; Lhey have made a lasting impact on the area, and it is interesting to apply that perspective to our judgements of the success and failure of the Land Plan. This study arose out of just such a local perspective. A comparison of the fortunes of six parishes in the Windrush Valley during the 19th century soon demonstrated that the 'Charterville effect' made Minster Lovell a special case. 2 Notably, its population leapt at a lime when that of the neighbouring parishes had peaked (usually having attained maximum growth in the second decade of the century), and was entering a period of stagnation, ifnot actual decline (Table I). Further, the housing stock of the parish almost doubled, a very radical development in any small community. In 1851 (a time when the fate of the original Chartist allottees was still uncertain) there were no fewer than 38 uninhabited houses (Table 2). Yet in the long term Charterville survived. Outside it, the numbers of uninhabited houses in this and other parishes illustrate the effects of the dramatic depression in rural areas from the 1870s: depopulation, coupled with declining housing stand ards for those who stayed. By contrast, the evidence is that the Charterville cottages remained almost fully occupied throughout the period. InJune 1847 O'Connor bought nearly 300 acres ofland in Minster Lovell.' It cost him £10,378 (£36.37 an acre) - some said expensive.' By September the layout of the estatc had been made (Fig. I), and between then and February 1848 78 single-storey collages and a school-house were constructed from local stone.~ Here was a 'Victorian' settlement with no church and no chapel. The cottages were solidly built (some said too solidly and LOO expensively), with blue slate roofs. The site was above lhe valley, on high and rather exposed downland, so water was not easy to obtain. There were three wells for the whole settlement, but each cottage had a system of iron gutters diverting rain-water into an indoor tank sunk below floor level: just as the Chartists believed in access to the land as a God-given right, so their water-supply appropriately came direct from heaven. The cottages take a form familiar in other Land Plan settlements. The front door, in a central bay with characteristic decorated gable, opens into a kitchen/living room with kitchen range, a store-cupboard and a dresser fitted as standard.