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Migration of Eretz Yisrael Arabs Between December 1, 1947 and June 1, 1948
[Intelligence Service (Arab Section)] June 30, 1948 Migration of Eretz Yisrael Arabs between December 1, 1947 and June 1, 1948 Contents 1. General introduction. 2. Basic figures on Arab migration 3. National phases of evacuation and migration 4. Causes of Arab migration 5. Arab migration trajectories and absorption issues Annexes 1. Regional reviews analyzing migration issues in each area [Missing from document] 2. Charts of villages evacuated by area, noting the causes for migration and migration trajectories for every village General introduction The purpose of this overview is to attempt to evaluate the intensity of the migration and its various development phases, elucidate the different factors that impacted population movement directly and assess the main migration trajectories. Of course, given the nature of statistical figures in Eretz Yisrael in general, which are, in themselves, deficient, it would be difficult to determine with certainty absolute numbers regarding the migration movement, but it appears that the figures provided herein, even if not certain, are close to the truth. Hence, a margin of error of ten to fifteen percent needs to be taken into account. The figures on the population in the area that lies outside the State of Israel are less accurate, and the margin of error is greater. This review summarizes the situation up until June 1st, 1948 (only in one case – the evacuation of Jenin, does it include a later occurrence). Basic figures on Arab population movement in Eretz Yisrael a. At the time of the UN declaration [resolution] regarding the division of Eretz Yisrael, the following figures applied within the borders of the Hebrew state: 1. -
Privatizing Religion: the Transformation of Israel's
Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious- Zionist community BY Yair ETTINGER The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. This paper is part of a series on Imagining Israel’s Future, made possible by support from the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund. The views expressed in this report are those of its author and do not represent the views of the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund, their officers, or employees. Copyright © 2017 Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu Table of Contents 1 The Author 2 Acknowlegements 3 Introduction 4 The Religious Zionist tribe 5 Bennett, the Jewish Home, and religious privatization 7 New disputes 10 Implications 12 Conclusion: The Bennett era 14 The Center for Middle East Policy 1 | Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious-Zionist community The Author air Ettinger has served as a journalist with Haaretz since 1997. His work primarily fo- cuses on the internal dynamics and process- Yes within Haredi communities. Previously, he cov- ered issues relating to Palestinian citizens of Israel and was a foreign affairs correspondent in Paris. Et- tinger studied Middle Eastern affairs at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and is currently writing a book on Jewish Modern Orthodoxy. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2
H-Nationalism Nationalism and Religion -- Take 2 Blog Post published by Yoav Peled on Monday, May 24, 2021 In this post Yoav Peled, Tel Aviv University, discusses the relations between nationalism and religion among Muslims and Jews in Israel. In March 2021 Israel held its fourth general election in two years, which resulted in the same deadlock between Benjamin Netanyahu’s populist supporters and his opponents as the previous three campaigns. (This is not an issue of left and right, as the anti-Netanyahu bloc includes several right- wing parties.) Right before the elections, the United Arab List (UAL), an Islamist political party which represents one of two affiliates of the Muslim Brotherhood in Israel (the other affiliate has been outlawed), split from the United List, a coalition of four Arab political parties espousing different shades of Palestinian nationalism. Upon leaving the United List, UAL’s leader, Mansour Abbas, a dentist by profession, declared that his party would be open to negotiate with either side of the political map, including Netanyahu’s bloc, the most nationalist, i.e., anti-Palestinian, political formation in Israel’s history. As it turned out, after the elections Netanyahu and his bloc were short two Knesset seats (out of 120) to form a governing coalition, and the UAL had four seats, which could have carried Netanyahu over the top. However, Religious Zionism, the most right-wing party in Netanyahu’s bloc, which gained six seats, refused to participate in a coalition that would depend on an Arab party, even if that party’s support will be only in the form of abstaining in the crucial vote in the Knesset.1 Religious Zionism Religious Zionism is a tendency within the Zionist movement, established in 1902. -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons 2004 - 2005
Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons 2004 - 2005 BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency & Refugee Rights i BADIL is a member of the Global Palestine Right of Return Coalition Preface The Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons is published annually by BADIL Resource Center. The Survey provides an overview of one of the largest and longest-standing unresolved refugee and displaced populations in the world today. It is estimated that two out of every five of today’s refugees are Palestinian. The Survey has several objectives: (1) It aims to provide basic information about Palestinian displacement – i.e., the circumstances of displacement, the size and characteristics of the refugee and displaced population, as well as the living conditions of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons; (2) It aims to clarify the framework governing protection and assistance for this displaced population; and (3) It sets out the basic principles for crafting durable solutions for Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons, consistent with international law, relevant United Nations Resolutions and best practice. In short, the Survey endeavors to address the lack of information or misinformation about Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons, and to counter political arguments that suggest that the issue of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons can be resolved outside the realm of international law and practice applicable to all other refugee and displaced populations. The Survey examines the status of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons on a thematic basis. Chapter One provides a short historical background to the root causes of Palestinian mass displacement. -
Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage Gap
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Adnan, Wifag; Miaari, Sami H. Working Paper Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage Gap IZA Discussion Papers, No. 11261 Provided in Cooperation with: IZA – Institute of Labor Economics Suggested Citation: Adnan, Wifag; Miaari, Sami H. (2018) : Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage Gap, IZA Discussion Papers, No. 11261, Institute of Labor Economics (IZA), Bonn This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/177065 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 11261 Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage Gap Wifag Adnan Sami H. Miaari JANUARY 2018 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 11261 Voting Patterns and the Gender Wage Gap Wifag Adnan New York University Abu Dhabi and IZA Sami H. -
From Deficits and Dependence to Balanced Budgets and Independence
From Deficits and Dependence to Balanced Budgets and Independence The Arab Local Authorities’ Revenue Sources Michal Belikoff and Safa Agbaria Edited by Shirley Racah Jerusalem – Haifa – Nazareth April 2014 From Deficits and Dependence to Balanced Budgets and Independence The Arab Local Authorities’ Revenue Sources Michal Belikoff and Safa Agbaria Edited by Shirley Racah Jerusalem – Haifa – Nazareth April 2014 From Deficits and Dependence to Balanced Budgets and Independence The Arab Local Authorities’ Revenue Sources Research and writing: Michal Belikoff and Safa Ali Agbaria Editing: Shirley Racah Steering committee: Samah Elkhatib-Ayoub, Ron Gerlitz, Azar Dakwar, Mohammed Khaliliye, Abed Kanaaneh, Jabir Asaqla, Ghaida Rinawie Zoabi, and Shirley Racah Critical review and assistance with research and writing: Ron Gerlitz and Shirley Racah Academic advisor: Dr. Nahum Ben-Elia Co-directors of Sikkuy’s Equality Policy Department: Abed Kanaaneh and Shirley Racah Project director for Injaz: Mohammed Khaliliye Hebrew language editing: Naomi Glick-Ozrad Production: Michal Belikoff English: IBRT Jerusalem Graphic design: Michal Schreiber Printed by: Defus Tira This pamphlet has also been published in Arabic and Hebrew and is available online at www.sikkuy.org.il and http://injaz.org.il Published with the generous assistance of: The European Union This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of Sikkuy and Injaz and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. The Moriah Fund UJA-Federation of New York The Jewish Federations of North America Social Venture Fund for Jewish-Arab Equality and Shared Society The Alan B. -
Israel Elections 2019 Update
Israel Elections 2019 Update September 10, 2019 With no party succeeding in forming a government following the elections that took place in Israel in April, 2019, a brand new election will now take place next week, on September 17. JFNA is pleased to present the following backgrounder summarizing what has occurred, and what may happen in the coming weeks and months. JFNA has also prepared a background briefing on why a second round of elections are taking place – which can be seen here, as well as a paper on how Israeli elections work. Elections: Round Two Perhaps the most crucial take away from the backgrounder papers (linked above) is that in practice, Israeli elections have two “stages.” The first - the actual elections - occurs when the population elects the 120-members of Israel’s parliament, the Knesset. Those are the national elections, but once the results of these elections are known, we don’t always have a clear picture of who will lead the country. This only occurs during what we can call a “second stage” when a potential prime minister seeks to form a governing majority coalition of at least 61, from among those 120 newly elected MKs (represented through their parties). September 2019’s theme: Mergers In the months that have passed since second elections were called, there has been little, if any, debate about policy or major issues of substance; or even discussions about personality. Instead, the focus has been on tactics, strategy and coalition building. So, in many ways, the September 2019 look like a redo of the elections that took place in April. -
What Is the Yisrael Beiteinu Party? What Is Avigdor
Factsheet: The Challenge of Avigdor Lieberman and Yisrael Beiteinu Factsheet Series No. 57, Created March., 2009, Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East The February 2009 general elections saw Yisrael Beitenu receive 15 seats in the Israeli Parliament (Knesset), amounting to roughly 11% of the popular vote. As a result of coalition bargaining, Avigdor Lieberman, leader of the party, will likely assume the role of Foreign Minister of Israel. His appointment will present a dilemma for Canadian policy makers who may be encouraged by their political duties or constituencies to interact with him. Elected leaders and public servants, however, are bound by Canadian laws and treaty obligations and required to temper their relations with representatives of other states accordingly. Yisrael Beiteinu’s ideological commitments are beyond the pale of the Canadian political spectrum. Not only does Mr. Lieberman pose a grave threat to the Israeli/Palestinian peace process and to the rights of Arab citizens of Israel, but his views are anathema to the very nature of the Canadian project of a bi-national, inclusive, multi-cultural, and rights-based society. What is the Yisrael Beiteinu Party? Founded in 1999 by Avigdor Lieberman, Yisrael Beiteinu (hereafter Beiteinu) is translated as Israel is our Home. When said in Hebrew, the emphasis is placed on the ‘our’ - the connotation of which is understood in negative relation to ethnic Arab citizens of Israel. The party’s base is predominantly comprised of immigrants from Russia and ex-Soviet states; roughly one million of which immigrated to Israel in the early 1990s. Beiteinu’s platform, “to actualize the Zionist vision of a Jewish State for the Jewish People” is one of ultra- right wing ethnic nationalism,1 whose tenets relating to citizenship, military service and land allocation can accurately be described as fascist. -
The Increasingly Polarised and Fragmented Party System in Israel Will Make It Difficult for a Stable Government to Emerge from This Month’S Elections
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2013/01/14/israel-elections-2013-israeli-party-system/ The increasingly polarised and fragmented party system in Israel will make it difficult for a stable government to emerge from this month’s elections. Blog Admin Israel’s next parliamentary elections are due to be held on 22 January. As part of EUROPP’s coverage of the European neighbourhood, André Krouwel and Daniel Rajmil give an overview of the country’s highly fragmented party system, noting that the results are likely to be significantly different from those in the last election in 2009. New parties have emerged in the last four years, while the largest party in the current parliament, Kadima, could well lose all of its seats. Of all established democracies, Israel has the highest electoral change per election over the post-war period. Only new democracies in Eastern Europe are more electorally volatile. On average almost a quarter of the Israeli electorate shif ts party allegiance per election. One of the main reasons f or this exceptional electoral volatility is that Israeli elections are held under a system of proportional representation (PR). This means that many political parties will enter the f ray, as it is relatively easy to enter parliament compared to majoritarian electoral systems. Parties will gain a number of seats equal to the proportion of the vote they gained in the election, albeit that Israel has introduced a 2 per cent threshold to avoid too much parliamentary f ragmentation. Nevertheless, over the last decade between 12 and 15 parties entered the Knesset in each election. -
Food Aid Mapping
Mapping of Arab Food Aid Organizations in Israel Khaled Abu-Asbah Bruce Rosen Amira Karakra-Ibrahim Adar Shatz Massar Institute for Research, Myers-JDC-Brookdale Institute Planning and Social Consultation Smokler Center for Health Policy Research The study was funded with the assistance of the Forum to Address Food Insecurity and Poverty in Israel, the Abraham and Sonia Rochlin Foundation, and the Klarman Family Foundation RR-542-09 Mapping of Arab Food Aid Organizations in Israel Khaled Abu-Asbah Bruce Rosen Amira Karakra-Ibrahim Adar Shatz Massar Institute for Research, Planning and Myers-JDC-Brookdale Institute Social Consultation Smokler Center for Health Policy Research The study was funded with the assistance of the Forum to Address Food Insecurity and Poverty in Israel, the Abraham and Sonia Rochlin Foundation, and the Klarman Family Foundation Jerusalem August 2009 Myers-JDC-Brookdale Institute Smokler Center for Health Policy Research P.O.B. 3886 Jerusalem 91037, Israel Tel: (02) 655-7400 Fax: (02) 561-2391 Web site: www.jdc.org.il/brookdale Massar- Institute for Research, Planning & Social Consultation P.O.B. 1270 Jatt, 30091 Tel: (04) 6383998 Fax: (04) 6280015 Website:www.massar-jatt.com E-mail: [email protected] Related Myers-JDC-Brookdale Institute Publications Cohen-Navot, M.; Abu-Asbah, K. 2005, Utilizing Research to Promote Opportunities for Arab Children and Youth in Israel. M-58-05 (Hebrew). Nirel, N.; Erez, S. 2005. Food Aid Organization Models in Israel. RR-462-05 (Hebrew). Nirel, N.; Rosen, B.; Erez, S.; Ben-Harush, A.; Berg-Warman, A.; Brodsky, J.; Nitzan-Kaluski, D.; Haviv-Messika, A.; and Goldsmith, R.