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The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: the Role of Contingency in Party-System Development
The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: The Role of Contingency in Party-System Development HENRY E. HALE ocial science has generated an enormous amount of literature on the origins S of political party systems. In explaining the particular constellation of parties present in a given country, almost all theoretical work stresses the importance of systemic, structural, or deeply-rooted historical factors.1 While the development of social science theory certainly benefits from the focus on such enduring influ- ences, a smaller set of literature indicates that we must not lose sight of the crit- ical role that chance plays in politics.2 The same is true for the origins of politi- cal party systems. This claim is illustrated by the case of the United Russia Party, which burst onto the political scene with a strong second-place showing in the late 1999 elec- tions to Russia’s parliament (Duma), and then won a stunning majority in the 2003 elections. Most accounts have treated United Russia as simply the next in a succession of Kremlin-based “parties of power,” including Russia’s Choice (1993) and Our Home is Russia (1995), both groomed from the start primarily to win large delegations that provide support for the president to pass legislation.3 The present analysis, focusing on United Russia’s origin as the Unity Bloc in 1999, casts the party in a somewhat different light. When we train our attention on the party’s beginnings rather than on what it wound up becoming, we find that Unity was a profoundly different animal from Our Home and Russia’s Choice. -
Comparing and Contrasting Vladimir Putin to Adolf Hitler, Domestically and Internationally, Through the Use of Mass Media by Roshan R
Comparing and Contrasting Vladimir Putin to Adolf Hitler, Domestically and Internationally, through the Use of Mass Media by Roshan R. Varghese, 2014 CTI Fellow David W. Butler High School This curriculum unit is recommended for: Grade 12: American History II-Honors and Standard Grade 11 & 12: United States History-Honors & Standard Keywords: American History, United States History, World History, European History, Vladimir Putin, Russia, Adolf Hitler, Germany Teaching Standards: See Appendix for Common Core Standards addressed in this unit. Synopsis: In this Curriculum Unit, the life and reign of Vladimir Putin of Russia will be compared and contrasted to Adolf Hitler of Germany, domestically and internationally, through the use of mass media. As the events involving Vladimir Putin have unfolded in 2014, many Americans and other Westerners may have harkened back to a time when the world witnessed constant territorial expansion and blatant disregard for the rights of a sovereign nation. In the periods between World War I and World War II (1919-1939), and often known as “the Interwar Era”, the world witnessed much changing of borders, not by popular choice or nationalistic fervor, but rather by will and expedience of a few powerful men. The world witnessed as Chancellor Adolf Hitler’s German troops marched into Austria and the subsequent appeasement of Hitler with the German-speaking Sudetenland of sovereign Czechoslovakia, prior to the Germans steamrolling over much of the European continent. Now today, one such individual is causing the world the same type of alarm and his desires and ambitions do not translate to that tension be reduced as the days pass. -
How Dangerous Is Vladimir Putin?
A SYMPOSIUM OF VIEWS THE MAGAZINE OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY 220 I Street, N.E., Suite 200 Washington, D.C. 20002 Phone: 202-861-0791 Fax: 202-861-0790 www.international-economy.com [email protected] How Dangerous Is Vladimir Putin? estern experts have offered various explanations for Russian President Vladimir Putin’s actions in recent years. Some sug- gest Putin has been merely reacting to NATO and EU enlarge- Wment. Others suggest the Russian leader has succumbed to a bout of irrationality, spawned by a desire to return to the “good old days” of the Soviet Union. After all, according to historian Stephen Kotkin, traditional Soviet geopolitical thinking always assumed that Western capitalism would eventually disintegrate. Princeton Professor Harold James suggests Putin’s actions are based on the rational assumption that in the wake of the global financial crisis and subsequent eurozone debt crisis, the West would lack the ability to take decisive action. This would provide Russia with a window to pursue a strategy of expanding its influence. Putin’s bet was that Western policymakers and politicians would stumble in the effort to repair their economic and financial sys- tems in the wake of the crisis. By deliberately exacerbating geo- political tensions, Putin reasoned, the preoccupied West would look even more indecisive and weak. Of course, the Russian leader’s actions have already risked a recession back home with the plummeting of the global price of oil, not to men- tion the economic bite of Western sanctions. On a scale of one to ten—with one suggesting Putin is merely a delirious fool and ten a serious threat—how dangerous is Vladimir Putin to the West? More than thirty noted observers offer their assessment on a scale of one to ten. -
Indo-Russian Strategic Relations Under Putin Introduction
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).05 DOI: 10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).05 Citation: Khan, S. (2020). Indo-Russian Strategic Relations under Putin. Global Political Review, V(I), 36-45. doi:10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).05 Vol. V, No. I (Winter 2020) Pages: 36 – 45 Indo-Russian Strategic Relations under Putin Surat Khan* p- ISSN: 2520-0348 e- ISSN: 2707-4587 Abstract Trust, mutual understanding and compatibility, and p- ISSN: 2520-0348 common interests in the international system remained the pillars of Indo-Russian relations for seventy years. It brought them closer to each other to cooperate in the areas of defense, trade and Headings technology. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, both New Delhi and Moscow experienced a low-level relation, but since the coming of Putin, • Abstract relations between the two have taken a new turn. Besides strategic • Key Words cooperation, the nations joined hands to make policies for better • Introduction diplomacy, multipolar world, countering insurgencies, climate change, • Methodology technology and defense cooperation and terrorism. Besides this strong • Literature Review partnership and common interests, Indo-Russia is facing multiple • Economic Cooperation and Trade challenges, particularly in the wake of changing dynamics in Asia politics. • Energy, and Technology This research intends to analyze the history of the indo-Russian strategic • Bibliography partnership with a specific focus on Putin's era. Key Words: Soviet Union, Diplomacy, Multipolar world, Terrorism Introduction Post-Independent India was tilted towards Communist bloc in the initial years. Nehru, who was the first Prime Minister of India, was deeply influenced by the 1917 Russian revolution and even planned to change its economic policies per socialist contours. -
Russia: Opposition Crackdown and U.S. Policy
INSIGHTi Russia: Opposition Crackdown and U.S. Policy February 9, 2021 Opposition Crackdown A crackdown on anti-corruption activist Alexey Navalny and protesters supporting him has drawn increased attention to human rights abuses in Russia under President Vladimir Putin. U.S. officials and Members of Congress have condemned an August 2020 nerve agent attack on Navalny, his January 2021 imprisonment, and the suppression of pro-Navalny demonstrations. The Biden Administration and international partners are expected to respond further to Russian human rights abuses and the apparent use of a chemical weapon. Recent developments indicate Russian authorities launched a campaign last year to silence Navalny, a one-time Moscow mayoral candidate. Navalny has demonstrated acumen in exposing government corruption and organizing anti-government actions, despite being barred from competing in elections since 2013. In August 2020, Navalny was poisoned and fell ill on a domestic flight to Moscow. His plane made an emergency landing, and Navalny was hospitalized; after public outcry, authorities allowed him to be evacuated to Germany for medical care. German officials later cited “unequivocal” evidence Navalny had been poisoned with an illicit nerve agent known as a Novichok. An investigation by independent researchers implicated several individuals linked to the Federal Security Service (FSB), Russia’s leading domestic security agency. Navalny, posing as a government official, later spoof-called an alleged operative who appeared to provide details of the attack. Rather than seek asylum after recovering, Navalny and his wife, Yulia Navalnaya, returned to Moscow, where Navalny was detained at the airport on January 17, 2021. Authorities ostensibly arrested Navalny for having missed parole check-ins, including during his hospitalization abroad. -
RUSSIA and CHINA and Central Asia Programme at ISPI
RUSSIA AND CHINA. ANATOMY OF A A PARTNERSHIP OF AND RUSSIA CHINA. ANATOMY Aldo Ferrari While the “decline of the West” is now almost taken is Head of the Russia, Caucasus for granted, China’s impressive economic performance RUSSIA AND CHINA and Central Asia Programme at ISPI. and the political influence of an assertive Russia in the international arena are combining to make Eurasia a key Founded in 1934, ISPI is Eleonora Tafuro Ambrosetti Anatomy of a Partnership hub of political and economic power. That, certainly, an independent think tank is a Research Fellow committed to the study of is the story which Beijing and Moscow have been telling at the Russia, Caucasus and international political and Central Asia Centre at ISPI. for years. edited by Aldo Ferrari and Eleonora Tafuro Ambrosetti economic dynamics. Are the times ripe for a “Eurasian world order”? What It is the only Italian Institute exactly does the supposed Sino-Russian challenge to introduction by Paolo Magri – and one of the very few in the liberal world entail? Are the two countries’ worsening Europe – to combine research clashes with the West drawing them closer together? activities with a significant This ISPI Report tackles every aspect of the apparently commitment to training, events, solidifying alliance between Moscow and Beijing, but also and global risk analysis for points out its growing asymmetries. It also recommends companies and institutions. some policies that could help the EU to deal with this ISPI favours an interdisciplinary “Eurasian shift”, a long-term and multi-faceted power and policy-oriented approach made possible by a research readjustment that may lead to the end of the world team of over 50 analysts and as we have known it. -
From the Ukraine–Russia War to the Navalny Case: How to Deal with the Kremlin?
From the Ukraine–Russia War to the Navalny Case: How to Deal with the Kremlin? Nona Mikhelidze No. 12. April 2021 This publication has been funded by the European Union under the Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. 769886. ABSTRACT April 2021 . 12 Seven years after the annexation of Crimea and amid an ongoing war in Ukraine, Russia has tried to move towards military escalation in the Donbass region making clear that the status quo emerged in 2014 as a “new normal” cannot last. The Minsk II Agreement negotiated between Ukraine, Russia, France and Germany in the framework of the Normandy Format in February 2015 remains unimplemented despite numerous rounds of mediation. Western economic sanctions against Moscow succeeded in limiting the Kremlin’s military EU-LISTCO Policy Paper Series. Paper EU-LISTCO Policy advance beyond Donbass and deterred it from making further territorial gains. However, these measures failed to impact on Russian decision-making regarding resolution of the conflict. Influencing Russia’s foreign policy is not an easy task, as the country’s conduct of international relations is shaped by domestic factors and the authoritarian nature of its governance. Still, the West needs a strategy in response to the international and domestic wrongdoings already committed by the Kremlin and as a preventative measure to deter Moscow’s future aggression. In order to face the Russian challenge, the West should first design clear rules for its own foreign-policy behaviour based on the primacy of human rights and democracy and then define how to defend universal values abroad, including in Russia. -
Putin's Last Term
January 2019 Putin’s last term Taking the long view By Ian Bond and Igor Yurgens Putin’s last term: Taking the long view By Ian Bond and Igor Yurgens Vladimir Putin has dominated the Russian political scene since 1999. But he is now in what should be his final term as president. He faces economic, social and foreign policy problems; and he has to decide what will happen at the end of his term of office. The performance of the Russian economy in recent years has been mixed. Inflation has fallen, foreign reserves have risen and the ruble’s exchange rate is relatively stable; but growth has been anaemic and real disposable incomes have fallen. Putin has set ambitious economic targets for his final term, but is unlikely to achieve them. Russia is not investing enough in education to enable it to modernise and diversify the economy. The oil and gas sector is too dominant. Structural reforms (such as moving investment from the defence sector to other, more productive areas) are not on the cards. Russia has suffered from demographic problems since the Soviet period. With a shrinking working- age population and an increasing number of unhealthy pensioners, Russia risks stagnation, while countries like China leap ahead. Putin has yet to give any hint of his thinking about his successor. He could find a trusted individual to take over as president; change the Russian Constitution to allow himself to run again; or create a new position from which he could still exercise power. But if he stays in power too long, Russia could become like the late Soviet Union – a system unable to renew itself. -
Xi Jinping Holds Talks with President Vladimir Putin of Russia the Two Heads of State Agree to Make Joint Efforts to Continuously Deepen Chin… 中 文
3/2/2018 Xi Jinping Holds Talks with President Vladimir Putin of Russia The Two Heads of State Agree to Make Joint Efforts to Continuously Deepen Chin… 中 文 Home About the Embassy China-U.S. Embassy Highlights Sections Consular Services Embassy Tour Enter Search. Search Home > China News Xi Jinping Holds Talks with President Vladimir Putin of Russia The Two Heads of State Agree to Make Joint Efforts to Continuously Deepen China-Russia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership of Coordination 2017/07/04 On July 4, 2017 local time, President Xi Jinping held talks with President Vladimir Putin of Russia at the Kremlin in Moscow. Speaking positively of China-Russia traditional friendship and outcomes of the development of bilateral relations, the two heads of state decided to make joint efforts to consolidate and develop bilateral comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination featuring equality, trust, mutual support, common prosperity and lasting friendship, so as to better benefit the two peoples and people of various countries. Xi Jinping pointed out that both China and Russia are good neighbors connecting by mountains and rivers, good friends offering mutual support and assistance, and good partners collaborating sincerely. Bilateral comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination is in the fundamental interests of the two countries and peoples, which boasts a strong vitality and huge development potential and will be able to withstand the test of international vicissitudes. A sustained, sound and steady development of China-Russia relations is conducive to maintaining the security and stability of the two countries, to their own development and revitalization, and to world peace, stability and prosperity as well. -
Political Parties
RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 102, 26 September 2011 2 Analysis United Russia and the 2011 Elections By Ora John Reuter, Miami, Ohio Abstract The December 2011 elections will be the third time that Russia’s current party of power, United Russia, has competed in a national election. United Russia has dominated elections over the past decade by ensuring cohesion among the regional elite, crafting an effective catch-all ideology, and capitalizing on Putin’s popu- larity. This election will be no different. The only remaining questions are 1) whether the Kremlin’s potent PR machine can revive United Russia’s popularity, which has lagged slightly over the past several months and 2) whether the inclusion of outsiders from the All-Russian People’s Front on United Russia’s party list will frustrate party loyalists enough to cause them to defect. All signs indicate that the party is prepared to manage these issues and that United Russia will win the December polls by a large margin. putin, Medvedev, and the party of power dev’s role has been more akin to that of Yeltsin in the United Russia’s most significant resource has always 1990s: a non-partisan president who, while implicitly been its association with Vladimir Putin. Putin identi- aligned with the party of power, fancies himself in the fied much more closely with the party than Yeltsin had role of an impartial arbiter. with any party of power in the 1990s. Prior to the 2007 Several scenarios exist for Medvedev’s future rela- Duma elections Putin announced that, while he would tions with the party. -
SECTION 2 Famous Explorers
SECTION 2 Famous Explorers 27 Listen to the dialogue. PRONUNCIATION FOCUS Complete the sentence. 29 Listen, repeat and remember. Liza and Roy are going to see ... • a) a comedy about the participants of the Christopher Columbus, Sir Francis festival. Drake, James Cook • b) a detective film about life in Central North America, Central America, America. Australia • India, New Zealand, Spain, France, c) an adventure film about Christopher England Columbus. • the Pacific Ocean, the Atlantic 28 Ocean, the Indian Ocean, the South- Read the three definitions ern Ocean of the word an ‘explorer’. Choose • the Hawaiian Islands and read the correct one. An explorer is a person who travels to ... a) unknown places to find out some facts about them. b) different places to find gold and silver there. c) various places to find new friends there. 30 Read the information from the EC website about famous explorers. Answer the questions from the text using the facts in the table. There have been many great explorers in the world. Do you know any of them? What were their names? What countries are they from? What did they do? This page of the website provides a list of names of some famous explorers. You can also find here information about their lives, including personal details, key events, some maps and pictures and other information about these great people. 150 SECTION 2 UNIT 4 Section 2 Names of explorers Their trips Marco Polo (1254—1324) reached China and made Italy (Venice) a detailed description of his travel Afanasy Nikitin (died in 1475) travelled from Russia to Russia India; described his trip in the book ‘The Journey Beyond Three Seas’ Christopher Columbus (1451—1506) discovered the New Italy World (Central America) Ferdinand Magellan (1480—1521) organised the first Portugal successful round-the- world trip (from Europe sailing East) James Cook (1728—1779) studied New Zealand England and Australia LOOK AND LEARN! 31 Do you know any other famous explorers? Say what they discovered. -
The Yardsticks by Which We Measure Rus
russian history 46 (2019) 213-224 brill.com/ruhi The Yardsticks by Which We Measure Rus Alexandra Vukovich British Academy Research Fellow, St Edmund Hall, University of Oxford, UK [email protected] Abstract The central question in the comparative history Rus has been its differential develop- ment vis-à-vis its western neighbours and the meaning and reasons for this difference. The recent publication by Donald Ostrowski, Europe, Byzantium, and the “Intellectual Silence” of Rus’ Culture, is a further contribution to this debate that revisits the reasons for a differential development between Rus and medieval Europe, focussing on the intellectual contributions of the Eastern Christian Church and Latin Church to their respective spheres of influence. Ostrowski’s book, along with other analogous studies, produces a regime of knowledge that shapes information about the intellectual history of Rus as diametrically opposed to that of medieval Europe. A postcolonial critique of the treatment of information about the emergence of Rus questions some of the ideas (or yardsticks) (re)produced here and suggests new critical ways to approach the study of early Rus. Keywords Rus – orientalism – postcolonialism – Byzantium – Europe – universality The recently published Europe, Byzantium, and the “Intellectual Silence” of Rus’ Culture further demonstrates the breadth of Don Ostrowski’s scholarly oeuvre, that stretches in space and time from the textology of early Rus chronicles to the political and cultural history of the Mongol and Muscovite periods. This contribution to the discussion of the reception of Byzantine culture, mainly religious culture, in early Rus follows a long and wide-ranging discussion of the sites of reception, acculturation, transfer, and contact between the Byzantine © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/18763316-04602008Downloaded from Brill.com10/03/2019 09:28:03AM via University of Oxford <UN> 214 Vukovich Empire and the emergent region of Rus, beginning in the tenth century.