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The Accord and Working-Class Consciousness: the Politics of Workers Under the Hawke and Keating Governments, 1983-1996

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The Accord and Working-Class Consciousness: the Politics of Workers Under the Hawke and Keating Governments, 1983-1996 ResearchOnline@JCU This file is part of the following reference: Strauss, Jonathan (2011) The Accord and working-class consciousness: the politics of workers under the Hawke and Keating governments, 1983-1996. PhD thesis, James Cook University. Access to this file is available from: http://eprints.jcu.edu.au/29816/ The author has certified to JCU that they have made a reasonable effort to gain permission and acknowledge the owner of any third party copyright material included in this document. If you believe that this is not the case, please contact [email protected] and quote http://eprints.jcu.edu.au/29816/ The Accord and Working-Class Consciousness The Politics of Workers under the Hawke and Keating Governments, 1983-1996 Thesis submitted by Jonathan STRAUSS BA(Hons) Monash in May 2011 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Arts & Social Sciences James Cook University Acknowledgements My principal supervisor in the School of Arts and Social Sciences at James Cook University, Dr Doug Hunt, has been generous in his understanding of the ambitions for, demanding what intellectual rigour might have been achieved in and guiding the production of this thesis. Dr Jan Wegner, my associate supervisor, has also made herself available to assist whenever needed. The thesis also gained greatly from its earlier supervision by Dr Steve Reglar and Dr Anthony Ashbolt, when I was first enrolled in the Arts Faculty at the University of Wollongong. Important support for the thesis’ research has been provided by librarians, in particular Bronwen Forster and others at JCU in Cairns, and archivists at the Noel Butlin Archives, the University of Melbourne Archives, the Mitchell Library and the Battye Library. Neville Spencer provided copies of hard-to-obtain issues missing from my own collection for the newspaper survey. Kylie Anderson, a fellow postgraduate student, made valuable suggestions about statistical approaches and Dr Yvette Everingham also provided statistical assistance. Jennifer Strauss provided extensive editorial comments on an early draft of each chapter. A number of people, including Tim Anderson, Sandra Cockfield, Ray Markey, John Percy and Sam Wainwright, offered valuable comments in informal discussions and other support. Correspondents and interviewees, whose names appear in the reference list, responded to the questions put to them with gusto. Finally, I appreciate both the sacrifices made by and patience of my partner Carla and my son Kell, who has only ever known me as a PhD candidate, and their occasional expressions of some impatience, which spurred me to bring the thesis to a conclusion. iii Abstract This thesis aims to develop the understanding of workers’ class political consciousness. In particular, the thesis addresses the ways and why workers unmade and remade the working class and, more specifically, their class political consciousness under the ALP federal governments from 1983 to 1996. The literature about the period largely fails to view the politics of workers as subject to workers’ agency. To approach the problem thus posed, the thesis’ inquiries range across workers’ activity in unions, social movements and the formation of new political parties. The thesis considers that the working class is formed as workers respond to their experience using elements of their consciousness. Moreover, a relatively small core of activists, who organise collective actions and generate social learning among workers, initiates workers’ class struggle. The operation of the core for organising collective action among workers outside the political mainstream is the thesis’ focus. The thesis’ research primarily involves qualitative analysis of documents and reports of events. Quantitive research includes a newspaper survey of protest events and new analyses of raw survey data. The thesis proposes a model of class analysis that recognises that, in the long Labor decade, a political trend that represented an alliance of some better-off workers with capital would inevitably exist, while the creation of an antagonistic and hegemonic working-class politics was uncertain. Because this model is controversial, the thesis first elaborates its theory about the better-off workers, or “labour aristocracy”. The theory is then validated in a new analysis of the Australian working class’ political history. This establishes that the ALP expresses opportunist politics among workers and that workers’ militancy rose in the 1970s. With regard to the period, the thesis first shows that union workplace organisation declined. It relates a series of agreements between the government and the ACTU that aimed to boost labour productivity, the Accord, to a reduced prevalence of the factors that motivated workers to be a delegate. Second, the thesis discusses three elements of opposition within the unions to the Accord. Shop committees questioned the approach adopted only when themselves under threat. Wage militancy remained largely confined to tactics that confronted employers. Among the union left, the opposition to the Accord as a social contract lacked the political perspective and organisation to unite. iv Third, the thesis suggests some social movements flourished. These might have provided opportunities for building the core for organising collective action among workers, but in each radicalisation was isolated or slow and partial. Finally, the thesis considers the falling intensity of ALP identification. Some workers engaged with new party projects. When the Greens formation as a national party came however, divisions and failures had exhausted much of the impetus for a new party. Thus, in the long Labor decade, there were new, principally electoral, mobilisations of workers. Meanwhile, in existing forms of workers’ mobilisation, many who would have comprised the core for organising collective action were instead alienated from it. The core for organising collective action declined. Also, among the core, those who might have practiced antagonistic and hegemonic workers’ politics were relatively inexperienced in that and usually did not agree with it. Many were workers who had been relatively privileged, but no longer were. The thesis concludes that the new party projects of the long Labor decade were a movement of workers towards a party that expressed their concerns, while the ALP has been and is a “bourgeois labour party”. Thus, social justice policy is important for the successes of the Greens, while the ALP exerts a pro-capitalist influence among workers. A more fundamental conclusion is that the core for organising collective action among workers is the material form of workers’ class political consciousness, whose strength depends on whether or not workers’ political parties and social movements constructively interact. The thesis provides a better understanding of the ALP and the new parties in terms of class. The thesis also grounds the notion that “class happens”. Although the core for organising collective action among workers is usually a small grouping of workers, it is a key to the formation of the working class. The thesis shows that much of politics of workers is about how will class happen. If that is ignored, changes in the structure of party politics will surprise the political analyst. v Contents List of Figures vii List of Tables viii Abbreviations ix Note on Names of Unions x Prologue 1 1 The Accord Misread 7 2 Workers’ Class Political Consciousness 29 3 What Is the Labour Aristocracy? 59 4 The Labour Aristocracy in Australian History 77 5 Union Workplace Organisation Declines 104 6 Shop Committee Struggles 137 7 Wage Militancy Suppressed by the Accord 150 8 Opposition to the Accord as a Social Contract 175 9 Social Movement Mobilisation and Demobilisation 204 10 The Electoral Reaction against Neo-liberalism 230 11 New Party Efforts in the 1980s 251 12 The Formation of the Greens 275 Conclusion 297 References 302 Appendices 351 vi List of figures Figure 5.1 Union density and industrial militancy, 1982-1995 118 compared with 1955-68 Figure 9.1 Social movement mobilisation, actions per year, by 211 issue, 1983-95 Figure 9.2 Social movement mobilisation, attendances per year, 212 by issue, 1983-95 Figure 9.3 Social movement mobilisation, attendances, by issue, 212 1983-95 Figure 9.4 Social movement mobilisation, attendances per year, 214 capital cities, 1983-1995 Figure 10.1 ALP identification among workers 235 vii List of tables Table 2.1 Criteria available for exclusion of respondents from 54 ‘worker’ group in surveys Table 5.1a Workplace membership saturation and strong 109 organisation of the union with most members in workplaces with union delegates, 1990 AWIRS delegate responses Table 5.1b Workplace membership saturation and strong 110 organisation of the union with most members in workplaces with union delegates, 1995 AWIRS delegate responses Table 5.2a Estimated number of delegates at workplaces of 112 twenty or more employees with delegates, 1990 AWIRS Table 5.2b Estimated number of delegates at workplaces of 113 twenty or more employees with delegates, 1995 AWIRS Table 5.3 Union density and industrial militancy, 1979-95 117 Table 7.1 Versions of the Accord, wage fixing principles and 151 wage pressure, 1983-1995 Table 10.1 Labour aristocracy criteria in social science surveys 234 Table 10.2 Participation in election campaign activities by ALP 238 identifiers Table 10.3 Party identification (support: 1986 CSA) of union and 240 social movement worker participants Table 10.4a Democrats support from
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