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short essays on the American sects. The manner Protestant Ethic in which Weber’s massive post-PE comparative STEPHEN KALBERG agenda relates directly to PE will be then briefly Boston University, USA addressed. Finally, the major positions articulated by his opponents and the impact of PE will be discussed. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism In the most general sense, PE aims to demon- (henceforth PE), Max Weber’s (1864–1920) clas- strate that the search of Puritan believers for sic study, was perhaps the most widely read and answers to the crucial question at the time – “am enduring book published in the social sciences in I among the saved?” – ultimately influenced their the twentieth century. It set off a vehement debate economic activity. It did so in an unexpected way: immediately upon its original appearance in two The faithful came to understand their capacity journal articles in 1904 and 1905. Remarkably, the to work methodically, to pursue profit, and to controversy continues even today. acquire wealth as evidence of their salvation, Atstakewasnothinglessthananexplanation Weber insists. His reconstruction of the religious for the rise of modern industrial capitalism in worldwithinwhichtheylived,andhenceoftheir the west. In dialogue mainly with Karl Marx subjective meaning,explainshowthesesincere and the economic historian Werner Sombart, believers arrived at their conclusion. Weber insisted that the familiar explanations they offered for the transformation from age-old and universal “political” and “adventure” capitalism to The Doctrine of Predestination modern capitalism would not suffice. Their focus and Revisions by the Puritan Divines upontheintroductionofinnovativebanking and finance techniques, the gradual expansion of The doctrine of predestination must be seen commerce and a class of entrepreneurs, the intro- as the point of departure for Weber’s analysis. duction into Europe of huge supplies of precious As formulated in the sixteenth century by the metals from the New World, the general advance Swiss theologian (1509–1564), it of technology, the growth of populations, and condemned the vast majority of believers for all “the greed of the bourgeoisie” omitted “the other time,byGod’sdecree;onlyatinyminoritywould side of the causal equation,” Weber held: beliefs, be saved. Not even extremely devout conduct values, and ideas. and perpetual charitable deeds would alter ’s In arguing in favor of the notion that beliefs, judgment. values, and ideas had considerable impact, Weber Now alone before their deity and without the called attention to the role of culture. An “eco- assistance of priests endowed with the capacity nomic ethic,” or the spirit of capitalism,playeda to forgive sins, Calvin’s followers fell into states significant part, he maintained, and its roots are of severe and unrelenting anxiety, all the more as to be discovered outside the realm of interest- a consequence of the adoption of the vengeful, oriented utilitarian action, namely in the ascetic angry, and wrathful God of the Old Testament Protestant – or “Puritan” – sects and churches of in Calvin’s theological thinking. Yet the faithful the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: Calvin- could not withdraw from the world’s activities, ists, Methodists, Baptists, Pietists, Quakers, and Calvin maintained, for to do so would nullify Mennonites. This is “the Weber thesis” as exam- their single purpose in this short life: to build ined here. The entry first sketches the contours of on earth God’s kingdom of affluence and justice. Weber’s position as presented in PE.Itthensum- Owing to its abundance and to the rule of God’s marizes the ways in which this volume’s analysis commandments, the community of the faithful is complemented by arguments offered in two would praise his majesty and glory. Thus labor

The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology.EditedbyGeorgeRitzer. © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2016 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. DOI: 10.1002/9781405165518.wbeos0826 Ritzer wbeos0826.tex V2 - 06/17/2016 4:01 P.M. Page 2

2PROTESTANT E THIC became required by God as a means to serve him work now moved to the center of the believer’s life (Weber, 2011 [1904–1905/1920]: 118, 122–123). andtestified(sich bewaehren)toastateofgrace. Furthermore, followers of Calvin in the sixteenth Weber contends that in this manner unusu- century argued that God also demanded a system- ally powerful psychological premiums came atic orientation to work: labor must be manifest to be placed directly upon systematic labor as a sincere calling that involves dedication to an and the acquisition of profit and riches. A occupation (Beruf). This posture toward work methodical–rational organization of life ori- on the one hand ameliorated the believer’s doubt ented to the fulfillment of these goals became and anxiety and, on the other hand, instilled in widespread among the faithful. An asceticism the devout a self-confidence regarding his or her capable of mastering problems and of compre- salvation (Weber, 2011 [1904–1905/1920]: 125). hensively directing activity arose, and believers In these ways work now directly acquired now led goal-oriented, disciplined, and planned a religious meaning, Weber emphasizes. Its lives. In other words, through methodical labor accustomed utilitarian orientation was lost and and concerted entrepreneurial activity, the methodical work now became sanctified as a devout could convince themselves of their own religious calling. Nonetheless, the direct link of salvation. Indeed the faithful could now cre- labor, profit, and wealth to the urgent quest of the ate their own redemption. With these revisions faithful for evidence of their favorable salvation in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, status was not yet immediate and powerful. Calvin’s bleak and depressed believers, now as Weber stresses that the revisions undertaken God’s “tools,” became engaged in world-mastery by Calvin’s seventeenth-century successors in activity (Weltbeherrschung). England, the “Puritan Divines,” placed additional ToWeber,theintroductionofthisprovidential “psychological premiums” upon methodical element clearly separated the activity of believers labor, profit, the acquisition of wealth, and a from all utilitarian striving for mundane polit- general organization of life in accord with his ical and economic goals. It also prompted the commandments. These ministers, theologians, intensification of human activity to a systematic and lay faithful also concluded that, even though level: Activity acquired the staying power that the devout could never be certain of their salva- rendereditcapableofuprootingtheage-oldand tion, signs of redemption coming from God could rigid “traditional economic ethic,” according to be identified. First, as a consequence of the extreme difficulty which labor was a necessary evil and avoided as of performing sustained and methodical work much as possible. Thus, carried by innumerable throughout the life course, as well as of adhering groups of people organized into churches and to his ethical injunctions, the Puritan Divines sects, this Protestant ethic banished what even arrivedatanimportantposition:thosesuccessful charismatic entrepreneurs could not banish. in these ways, they held, must have been given As Weber stresses, there followed a reversal of their unusual strength by an omnipotent and theage-oldderogatoryimageofthesuccessful omniscient deity. And the faithful knew that capitalist: He appeared now in a favorable light. this God surely would bestow his energy only Suspectedsinceantiquityofbeingmanipulative on the saved. Second, the Divines argued that a and disingenuous, he now acquired a reputation further sign of one’s positive salvation status was for fairness, reliability, and honesty (Weber, 2011 apparent: If business endeavors met with success [1904–1905/1920]: 164, 170, 173–174). and great wealth was acquired as a consequence Weber contends that, as a consequence of of labor in a calling, this outcome surely did not Calvin’s doctrine of predestination, of revisions happen by chance. Given God’s extreme powers during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and knowledge, nothing occurred randomly in andoftheimpactofPuritanchurchesandsects, his universe. Hence the devout could logically this-worldly asceticism crystallized and set in conclude that their “worldly success” must have motion a particular “push” toward a more orga- occurred with his blessing – and surely this deity nized and a more dynamic economy. This thrust woulddeemworthyofassistanceonlytheones became all the more intense as recog- chosen to be saved. Profit, wealth, and methodical nized that their worldly success could not be Ritzer wbeos0826.tex V2 - 06/17/2016 4:01 P.M. Page 3

P ROTESTANT E THIC 3 attributed to their efforts alone. Rather God’s all- The vast discussion of Weber’s thesis generally powerful hand had been at work – and clearly all concludesatthispoint.AsdeclaredinPE,Weber profits belonged to him. Profits must be invested, wished to ascertain “only whether, and to what the devout knew, according to his will, namely extent, religious influences co-participated in the into creating the abundant kingdom that served … formation and … expansionof[a]‘spirit’ to praise his glory and majesty. Hence successful [of capitalism] across the globe” (Weber, 2011 workers and entrepreneurs could never rest upon [1904–1905/1920]: 108). However, to view his their fortunes. Moreover, only a modest lifestyle analysis as having reached its endpoint with PE was allowed, for all ostentatious consumption omits too much. More specifically, pivotal pas- would surely distract believers from the exclusive sages from his two 1906 essays on the American allegiance to God required by asceticism. Protestant sects (Weber, 1946 [1906–1920] and 1985 [1906]; see Weber, 2005: 277–289) play a central part. Informal in tone and built around From the Protestant Ethic to the Spirit his perspicacious observations as he travels in the of Capitalism autumn of 1904 through the Midwest, the South, New England, and the Middle Atlantic states A Protestant ethic arose in this manner, Weber (see Kalberg, 2014; Scaff, 2011), these two pieces argues. However, although of course the energetic contribute an indispensable element to Weber’s and methodical economic activity that this ethic argument. elicited influenced particular regions, Weber per- ceives its impact as geographically limited. And, as secularization proceeded in the eighteenth and The Protestant Sects in America: nineteenth centuries and as the question of one’s “Breeding” Ethical Action personalsalvationbecamelessurgent,this“mod- ern” economic ethic tended to lose its providential Weber’s commentary on the economic culture of foundation. Nonetheless, Weber insists, far from the United States brings his audience up to date its simply fading into insignificance, there arose inasystematicmanneronthesubjectofthefate initswakeapowerfulsecularsuccessor:thespirit of the Protestant ethic 250 years after its origin. of capitalism. The source of its constellation of Through a depiction of major American customs, work-, profit-, and wealth-oriented values and conventions, and values, he seeks in the essays on of its capacity to organize life in a disciplined sects to provide an explanation for the entangle- and directed manner could not be located in anexpansionofcommerceandnewbanking ment of doctrinal-based ethical action in a social techniques, technological innovations, general dynamic – one that facilitated the wide influence evolutionary processes, and a mobilization of of work- and business-oriented ethical conduct. political interests by powerful groups: For Weber, Thus, the sects essays turn away from a dis- its origins were to be found, at least in part, in the cussion of the economic activity that ascetic religious realm. Protestant doctrine requires from the devout and Weber described this spirit – which he per- move toward an explanation of how this conduct ceived to be vividly manifest in Benjamin came to be cultivated, and even demanded, by a Franklin’s autobiography – as existing in an group of believers. In the sect,Weberargues,a “elective affinity” (Wahlverwandschaft) relation- particular social configuration had the effect of ship with the Protestant ethic (Weber, 2011 extensively “breeding” ethical qualities among [1904–1905/1920]: 77–78, 109). Importantly thefaithful.Hisconcernnowcentersonhowthe to him, it spread widely in the eighteenth and religiousbeliefsofthePuritansbecamesodeeply nineteenth centuries, particularly in the United anchored in the activities of the devout. In his States. Furthermore, its values penetrated signif- view, the sects fulfilled this task in a remarkably icantly into a variety of realms: families, schools, effective manner. Religious belief, ethical action, neighborhoods, the government, and the mili- and the Protestant ethic now permeated the tary,forexample.Notleast,thisspiritimbuedthe believer’s entire being even to a higher degree. workplace with discipline, dedication, and energy. How did this happen? Ritzer wbeos0826.tex V2 - 06/17/2016 4:01 P.M. Page 4

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Because membership in a sect occurred only Unqualified integrity, evidenced by, for example, after an investigation into the candidate’s moral asystemoffixedpricesinretailtrade,strong conduct and only after the voting procedures management of credit, avoidance of … every had yielded a favorable outcome, sect members kind of debauchery, in short, life-long sober became widely recognized throughout their com- diligence in one’s “calling” appears as the specific, munities as honest and respectable. Moreover, indeed, really the only form by which persons can to protect the sect’s prestige and reputation in demonstrate their qualifications as Christians. (Weber, 1985 [1906]: 8) its region, all members must practice ethical conduct. Hence, to prevent any weakening of the For all these reasons, among sect members ethical fiber, members’ behavior was monitored high standards of ethical conduct accompanied strictly and admonishment occurred frequently. methodical work and the search for wealth and Members must now testify to the sincerity of their profit. Rewards were apparent, as were punish- beliefs through upright activity “before God” and ments. A halo of respectability came to surround “before men.” However, such rigorous scrutiny the Puritan entrepreneur, and those in search brought clear benefits: Reputations for honesty of bank loans and financial opportunities were were maintained, thereby ensuring the sect’s viewed as creditworthy and honest. This aura social prestige and the likelihood that its mem- must be maintained, for customers otherwise bers would acquire customers. Once it became would abandon their preference to conduct widely known that all members upheld the rules business with sect members (see Weber, 2011 of fair play, residents far and wide preferred to [1904–1905/1920]: 211–212, 219, 228; 1968: engage in business with sect-owned enterprises. 1204–1206). Both the “fair play” reputations of Indeed, in Weber’s view the sect’s impact was to members and their social existence were at stake. intensifyactivityevenbeyondtherealmofbusi- Specifically American forms of social trust, ethi- ness. Within this encompassing and monitoring cal action, and respectability developed (Kalberg, social group, a necessity arose to demonstrate 2014). one’s moral character generally, or to “hold one’s Weber contends that these dynamics within the own.” Thus all sect members felt intense social Protestant sect intensified the Protestant ethic. pressure to abide by strict standards of good conduct; ethical action became indispensable, As members became goal-directed, they became for it alone testified to the believer’s deep faith. oriented to overarching tasks. In the process, the For this reason, as Weber contends, the sect sect assisted the introduction of patterns of action constitutes the strongest “breeding ground” that were to be the cornerstone of formal legal for ethical action. And, owing to the salvation equality, abstract norms, and bureaucratization, rewards placed by Puritan beliefs upon methodi- as well as of modern capitalism’s instrumental cal labor and business success, the achievements mode of utilizing persons: “this-worldly asceti- of sect members “proved” their state of grace. cism … and the specific discipline of the sects In turn, their enhanced wealth increased the bred the capitalist frame of mind and the rational sect’s prestige within the broader community; ‘professional’ [Berufsmensch] who was needed by andgreatersocialprestigeledtoanevengreater capitalism” (Weber, 1968: 1209–1210; see Weber, intensification of monitoring activity and more 2005: 286; 2011: 327 n34). social pressure upon members to behave strictly Hence the sects proved central in several ways in accordance with ethical standards. to Weber’s thesis. They conveyed a “modern” According to Weber, an array of social constel- economic ethic to the arena of labor and com- lationsuniquetoAmericansocietyflowedout merce more efficiently than either charismatic of this dynamic. “Survivals,” although largely in “adventure capitalists” or the sermons delivered secular manifestations, were visible to him even by Calvin, the Puritan Divines, or other ascetic in 1904. The sects proved effective at maintaining Protestant preachers could have done. Manifest and expanding “the bourgeois capitalist business in secular form in the eighteenth and nineteenth ethos among the broad strata of the middle centuries, this ethos expanded throughout com- classes” (Weber, 2005: 114). Moreover, munities, and new carrier groups –varietiesof Ritzer wbeos0826.tex V2 - 06/17/2016 4:01 P.M. Page 5

P ROTESTANT E THIC 5 organizations, social clubs, and civic associa- west. Although, as is now apparent, in his view tions–congealed.Theyextendedthevaluesof values may influence economic interests and the Protestant ethic’s direct successor – the spirit provide the “content” for “economic forms,” he of capitalism – across entire regions and through also stresses that the origins of modern capitalism generations. Weber’s thesis can be fully grasped will not be understood without the utilization only if the complementary character of PE and of a more complex methodology: A series of thesectessaysisacknowledged. wide-ranging multicausal and comparative stud- ies was needed. Any demonstration of the spirit of capitalism’s viable impact upon modern capi- Abandoning a “Single Formula” talism’s origin and development would require an examination of the extent to which this economic In these multiple ways, Weber (2011 [1904–1905/ ethic interacts with configurations of political, 1920]: 108) investigated whether “religious influ- economic, stratification, legal, and other fac- ences co-participated” in giving birth to this tors (Weber, 2011 [1904–1905/1920]: 178–179; spiritandinpushingitsexpansion.Ascaptured 390–391 n96). through religious sources and values, the subjec- Thus PE and the sect essays must be acknowl- tive meaning of devout believers remains pivotal edgedasconstitutingsimplythefirststepsin throughout his analysis – more so than social a massive project: to investigate the multiple structural factors, rational choices, economic causal origins of modern western capitalism. interests, domination and power, or “evolu- Weber’s Economic Ethics of the World tionary progress.” Weber held that the spirit of (henceforth EEWR)withitsvolumesonChina, capitalism provided a significant push to mod- ancient Judaism, and India (Weber, 1951, 1952, ern capitalism, albeit one unquantifiable in the 1958), his three-volume Economy and Society end. He leaves its “exact influence” open and (henceforth E&S; Weber, 1968), and his Gen- uncharted (Weber, 2011 [1904–1905/1920]: 271). eral Economic History (Weber, 1927) all offer As a “case study” of how the origins of this spirit rigorous analyses to this end. E&S provides the derived from the realm of , PE offers a conceptual tools and research procedures – the powerful analysis of the way in which noneco- theoretical framework – for the investigation of nomic forces may significantly alter economic this theme and EEWR provides indispensable activity.Itsmessageisclear:evenwhendirected comparative studies that assist in isolating mod- toward an understanding of putatively instru- ern western capitalism’s uniqueness. Unlike PE, mental activities, sociological research must not each of these volumes offers highly multicausal neglectactionorientedtowardvalues.However, analyses. Each study abjures a search for a sin- in PE’s concluding pages Weber also insists that gle, all-encompassing formula that promises to investigations must avoid an exclusive focus unlock history’s causal pathways. upon values. The search for a “single formula” Despite its unusually thorough research, PE must be abandoned; “both sides of the causal has been the subject of enduring criticism. Had equation” must be addressed. PE concludes with scholars paid heed to Weber’s larger project, just such a warning in a passage that forms a many common criticisms of PE would have been strong bridge to his broader agenda: “of course avoided. it cannot be the intention here to set a one-sided religion-oriented analysis of the causes of culture andhistoryinplaceofanequallyone-sided The Critical Commentary ‘materialistic’ analysis. Both are equally possible” (Weber, 2011 [1904–1905/1920]: 178–179). Generations of scholars have commented criti- cally upon PE.Unfortunately,thevastmajority have misunderstood both Weber’s goal and his The Broader Agenda mode of research, which was based on ideal types and the subjective meaning of actors. Only PE did not pursue another of Weber’s topics of several of the more common criticisms can be interest: the rise of modern capitalism in the addressed here (see Kalberg, 2011: 50–56). Ritzer wbeos0826.tex V2 - 06/17/2016 4:01 P.M. Page 6

6PROTESTANT E THIC

Many interpreters have failed to recognize Despite these and other criticisms, the Weber’s basic distinction between capitalism, fascination with PE has endured; the recep- which he sees as universal, and modern cap- tion of this work has expanded over the last italism, which he regards as specific to the thirty years throughout Asia, Latin America, modernizing west. These critics locate capitalism and Africa. An interest in testing its hypothesis in the Middle Ages and therefore dismiss Weber. remainsstrongtothisday,asdoesitscapacityto Other opponents have understood his goal in PE generate research across a series of themes and as one of explaining the rise of modern capitalism subfields. Its impact can now be addressed. rather than of evaluating the extent to which reli- gious factors played a role in calling forth a spirit of capitalism (Weber, 2011 [1904–1905/1920]: The Impact of PE 108–109, 177–179). Still other commentators have understood The distinguished study of seventeenth-century PE as an effort to derive modern capitalism, in Scotland by Gordon Marshall sought directly a monocausal manner, from Calvin’s writings; to evaluate Weber’s conclusion on the basis of hence they both misunderstood Weber’s goal and massive archival data. Presbyteries and Profits neglected the revisions undertaken by the Puritan (Marshall, 1980) first investigated the exhorta- Divines. As noted, all such alterations gave hope tions of Scottish “pastoral theologians.” They to the devout that signs of their predestined status advocated a mode of organizing activity that could be discovered. placed this-worldly asceticism, a monitoring of Onlyaveryfewcriticshaveunderstood one’s use of time, and systematic work in a calling that the Protestant ethic crucially introduced at the center of life, Marshall discovered. He then a methodical–rational organization of life. This examined the “economic practices and beliefs” development assumed a pivotal place in Weber’s of a variety of capitalists in Scotland. An ethos argument: rooted in values rather than in the “of at least sections of the Scottish business com- utilitarianactionofcharismatic“adventure” munity” identical to Weber’s spirit of capitalism and “political” capitalists, this mode of life was apparent (Marshall, 1980: 221). Marshall alone proved capable of shattering the age-old concluded: “we have demonstrated an ‘elective traditional economic ethic. Other interpreters affinity’ between the ethic of Scottish proclaimed that “asceticism” could be found in the and that of Scottish capitalist enterprise during medieval period, thereby ignoring Weber’spivotal [the seventeenth century]” (1980: 222). Three distinction between “other-worldly” asceticism recent empirical studies by Henretta (1993), ( in monasteries in the medieval era) Knowles (1997), and Jacob and Kadane (2003) and “this-worldly” asceticism (ascetic Protestant also confirm Weber’s thesis. believers who sought to act in the world). PE has been widely influential in yet another More Marxist-inclined opponents discovered a manner: it has stimulated a broad range of inves- “capitalist spirit” in the Middle Ages and traced tigations across the social sciences throughout its origins exclusively to the expansion of trade the twentieth century. According to Chalcraft and commerce engineered by the bourgeoisie. (2001: 2), “every year sees new contributions in Whereas these commentators dismissed the various fields.” PE’s impact upon the sociology Puritan’s quest for salvation as exclusively the of development, religion, and work, for example, successful imposition by a dominant class of its canscarcelybeunderestimated.Avastarray ideology, Weber maintained that its sources could of studies have identified Catholic–Protestant betracedtoasignificantextentbacktodevel- distinctions, including ones on voting behavior, opments inside the domain of religion. Finally, levels of education, rates of occupational mobility, very few critics have been aware either of the and advances in modern science. The predom- relationship of Weber’s EEWR comparisons to inantly Protestant backgrounds of American PE or of his focus upon the creation of subjective entrepreneurs has often been addressed. meaning by the faithful. Repeatedly, Weber’s In recent decades comparative research in complex arguments have been simplified. a Weberian vein has moved forcefully in the Ritzer wbeos0826.tex V2 - 06/17/2016 4:01 P.M. Page 7

P ROTESTANT E THIC 7 direction of multicausal and conjunctural–causal Weber, M. (1968) Economy and Society,ed.G.Rothand case studies – albeit ones that often place cultural C. Wittich, University of California Press, Berkeley, forces, including economic ethics, at the fore- CA. front. All weathervanes point to the continuation, Weber, M. (1985 [1906]) “Churches” and “sects” in as is now undertaken by researchers across the NorthAmerica,trans.C.Loader.Sociological Theory, 3, 7–10. globe, of this PE-inspired research. Weber, M. (2005) MaxWeber:ReadingsandCommen- tary on Modernity, ed. S. Kalberg, Wiley Blackwell, SEE ALSO: Capitalism;Culture,Economyand; Malden, MA. Economic Development; Industrialization; Mod- Weber, M. (2011 [1904–1905/1920]) The Protestant ernization; Religion, Sociology of; Theory; Ver- Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism,trans.andintrod. stehen;Weber,Max S. Kalberg, Oxford University Press, New York.

References Further Readings

Chalcraft, D.J. (2001) Introduction, in The Protestant Baehr, P.(ed.) (2005) Journal of Classical Sociology,spe- Ethic Debate (ed. D.J. Chalcraft and H. Harrington), cial issue, 5 (1). Liverpool University Press, Liverpool, pp. 1–20. Eisenstadt, S.N. (ed.) (1968) The Protestant Ethic and Henretta, J.A. (1993) The Protestant ethic and the reality Modernization,BasicBooks,NewYork. of capitalism in colonial America, in Weber’s Protes- Kalberg, S. (2017) The Social Thought of Max Weber, tant Ethic (ed. H. Lehmann and G. Roth), Cambridge SAGE, Los Angeles, CA. University Press, New York, pp. 327–346. Landes, D.S. (1999) The Wealth and Poverty of Nations, Jacob, M.C. and Kadane, M. (2003) Missing, now found Norton, New York. in the eighteenth century: Weber’s Protestant capital- Lehmann, H. and Roth, R. (1993) Weber’s Protestant ist. American Historical Review, 102, 20–49. Ethic,CambridgeUniversityPress,NewYork. Kalberg, S. (2011) Introduction, in M. Weber, The Marshall, G (1982) In Search of the Spirit of Capitalism, ProtestantEthicandtheSpiritofCapitalism,trans.S. Hutchinson, London. Kalberg, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 8–63. Nelson, B. (1973) Weber’s Protestant ethic: its origins, Kalberg, S. (2014) Searching for the Spirit of Ameri- wanderings, and foreseeable futures, in Beyond the can Democracy: Max Weber’s Analysis of a Unique Classics? (ed. C. Glock and P. Hammond), Harper & Political Culture, Past, Present, and Future,Routledge, Row, New York, pp. 71–130. London. Nelson, B. (1974) Max Weber’s “Author’s introduction” Knowles, A.K. (1997) Calvinists Incorporated: Welsh (1920): a master clue to his main aims. Sociological Immigrants on Ohio’s Industrial Frontier,University Inquiry, 44, 269–277. of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL. Swatos, W.H.and Kaelber, L. (eds) (2005) The Protestant Marshall, G. (1980) Presbyteries and Profits: Calvin- Ethic Turns 100,ParadigmPublishers,Boulder,CO. ism and the Development of Capitalism in Scotland, Troeltsch, E. (1960 [1911]) The Social Teachings of the 1560–1707, Clarendon, Oxford. Christian Churches,2vols,trans.O.Wyon,Harper Scaff, L.A. (2011) Max Weber in America,Princeton Torchbooks, New York. University Press, Princeton, NJ. Weber, M. (2009) The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit Weber, M. (1927) General Economic History,trans.F.H. of Capitalism with Other Writings on the Rise of the Knight, Transaction, New Brunswick, NJ. West,trans.andintrod.S.Kalberg,OxfordUniversity Weber, M. (1946 [1906/1920]) The Protestant sects and Press, New York. the spirit of capitalism, in From Max Weber,trans., Weber, M. (2014 [1904–1905/1920]) Die protestantis- ed., and introd. H.H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, che Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus (Gesamts- Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 302–322. ausgabe 1,9), ed. W. Schluchter, Mohr Siebeck, Weber, M. (1951) The Religion of China,trans.anded. Tübingen. H.H. Gerth, Free Press, New York. Yinger, M. (1957) Religion, Society, and the Individual, Weber, M. (1952) Ancient Judaism,trans.anded.H.H. Macmillan, New York. Gerth and D. Martindale, Free Press, New York. Weber, M. (1958) The Religion of India,trans.anded. H.H. Gerth and D. Martindale, Free Press, New York.