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Atlantis Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & Social Justice Études critiques sur le genre, la culture, et la justice

Modernity and Progress: The Transnational Politics of Suffrage in British Columbia (1910-1916) Lara Campbell

Volume 41, Number 1, 2020 Article abstract Canadian historians have underplayed the extent to which theproject of URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1074021ar suffrage and first wave feminism was transnational in scope. The suffrage DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1074021ar movement in British Columbia provides a good example of the global interconnections of the movement. While BC suffragists were relatively See table of contents uninterested in pan-Canadian campaigns they explicitly situated provincial suffrage within three transnational relationships: the ‘frontier’ myth of the Western United States, radical direct action by suffragettes in the United Publisher(s) Kingdom, and the rise of modern China. By the second decade of the 20thcentury, increasingly confident women’s suffrage societies hosted Mount Saint Vincent University international visits and contributed to global print culture, both of which consolidated a sense of being part of a modern, international and unstoppable ISSN movement. BC suffragists were attuned to American suffrage campaigns in California, 1715-0698 (digital) Oregon and Washington, which granted female suffrage after referenda and situated political rights for settler women in the context of Western progress Explore this journal narratives. The emphasis on progress and modernity intersected with growing connections to non-Western countries, complicating racialized arguments for settler women’s rights to vote. BC suffragists were particularly impressed by Cite this article the role of feminism in Chinese political reform and came to understand Chinese women as symbolizing modernity, progress, and equality. Finally, the Campbell, L. (2020). Modernity and Progress: The Transnational Politics of militant direct action in the British suffrage movement played a critical role in Suffrage in British Columbia (1910-1916). Atlantis, 41(1), 90–104. how BC suffragists imagined the role of tactical political violence. They were in https://doi.org/10.7202/1074021ar close contact with the militant WSPU, hosted debates on the meaning of direct action, and argued that suffragettes were heroes fighting for a just cause. They pragmatically used media fascination with suffragette violence for political purposes by reserving the possibility that unmet demands for political equality might lead to Canadian conflict in the future.

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This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ Special Section: Transnational Feminism Research Modernity and Progress: e Transnational Politics of Suffrage in British Columbia (1910­1916)

Lara Campbell is a Professor in the Department of ical role in how BC suffragists imagined the role of tac­ Gender, Sexuality, and Women’s Studies at Simon tical political violence. ey were in close contact with Fraser University in Vancouver, British Columbia. She the militant WSPU, hosted debates on the meaning of is the author of Respectable Citizens: Gender, Family, direct action, and argued that suffragettes were heroes and Unemployment in Ontario’s Great Depression (UTP, fighting for a just cause. ey pragmatically used media 2009) and A Great Revolutionary Wave: Women and fascination with suffragette violence for political pur­ the Vote in British Columbia (UBC Press, 2020). Her poses by reserving the possibility that unmet demands current research is on the history of Vietnam War and for political equality might lead to Canadian conflict in the transnational and gendered politics of the draft the future. resistance and antiwar movements in North America. Keywords: first­wave feminism, suffrage Abstract: Canadian historians have underplayed the extent to which the project of suffrage and first­wave feminism was transnational in scope. e suffrage movement in British Columbia provides a good ex­ ample of the global interconnections of the move­ ment. While BC suffragists were relatively uninterested in pan­Canadian campaigns they expli­ citly situated provincial suffrage within three transna­ tional relationships: the ‘frontier’ myth of the Western United States, radical direct action by suffragettes in the United Kingdom, and the rise of modern China. By the second decade of the 20th century, increasingly confident women’s suffrage societies hosted interna­ tional visits and contributed to global print culture, both of which consolidated a sense of being part of a modern, international, and unstoppable movement. BC suffragists were attuned to American suffrage campaigns in California, Oregon, and Washington, which granted female suffrage after referenda and situ­ ated political rights for settler women in the context of Western progress narratives. e emphasis on pro­ gress and modernity intersected with growing connec­ tions to non­Western countries, complicating racialized arguments for settler women’s rights to vote. BC suffragists were particularly impressed by the role of feminism in Chinese political reform and came to understand Chinese women as symbolizing modern­ ity, progress, and equality. Finally, the militant direct action in the British suffrage movement played a crit­

Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 90 uring the first two decades of the twentieth cen­ mons. Suffrage columns were penned by labour sym­ Dtury, suffrage victory in British Columbia pathizer Susie Lane Clark in the Vancouver Daily World seemed to be within sight as New Zealand, Australia, (VDW), Helena Gutteridge in the BC Federationist Norway, and several neighbouring American states (BCF), and social gospeller Florence Hall in the West­ granted female enfranchisement. Feminist historians ern Methodist Recorder. e province’s only suffrage have documented the promise and limitations of mod­ periodical, e Champion (1912­1914; CH), was pub­ ern global suffrage organizing and traced the compli­ lished in Victoria by the BC PEL, and co­edited by cated connections of imperialism and colonialism with Methodist reformer Maria Grant and British­born national suffrage movements (Baillargeon 2019; Dorothy Davis. Print sources were shaped by the per­ Brookfield 2018; Forestell and Moynagh 2018; Sang­ spectives of the most active and literate settler women ster 2018). Historian Nancy Forestell argues that as in the movement, and framed by the limitations of much as local suffragists were immersed in local and male­dominated media outlets. But by reading media provincial contexts, it is important to understand how coverage and participating in local suffrage cultures, the movement was situated within a transnational suffragists understood local activism within a larger framework (2005). Since most suffragists in British global context even if they never left their province. Columbia could not afford international travel, they learned about the global movement at lectures given Suffragists demanded political equality through differ­ by touring suffragists or by reading mainstream or spe­ ing languages of maternalism, socialism, and liberal cialist print culture. humanism, but most shared an underlying value sys­ tem rooted in progressive modernity. Suffragists identi­ Suffragists in British Columbia had advocated for the fied as members of a global movement which vote in reform, women’s, and political organizations understood the universe as a living organism gradually beginning in the 1880s (Gough 1988; Kealey 1998; advancing towards equality and justice. Enfranchise­ Newton 1995; Strong­Boag 2015; Whelan 1980). But ment was imagined as a contest with nations around after 1910, newly independent suffrage leagues attrac­ the world engaged in a competitive race towards ted thousands of women across the province to meet­ achieving full modernity (Dalziel 2000; NWSPC ings, debates, plays, and lectures. e BC Political 1917). is emphasis on progress and modernity inter­ Equality League (PEL) was formed in the provincial sected with settler­colonialism and anti­immigrant capital of Victoria in December 1910, and by 1912 xenophobia in the North American “frontier” west, numerous affiliates had formed across the Lower and complex sentiments of British superiority in the Mainland and interior. By 1913, Vancouver suffragists context of global empire and international suffrage had formed an autonomous Pioneer Political Equality successes (Bonakdarian 2000; Devereux 2005; Fores­ League (PPEL) and Vancouver labour organizer tell and Moynagh 2018; Grimshaw 2000; Henderson Helena Gutteridge established the BC Women’s 2003; Lake 2019; Mawani 2009; Perry 2001; Valverde Suffrage League, Canada’s only suffrage group specific­ 1992). is article takes two transnational sets of ideas ally for working­class women. As leagues flourished, —the frontier myth of an egalitarian, modern, and the public could attend events on provincial family transcontinental North American West and the fram­ law, labour rights, the women’s movement in China, ing of the Chinese women’s movement as symbolic of and British suffragette militancy (Campbell 2020; modernity and progress—and examines how Cramer 1980; Hale 1977; Howard 1992; Ihmels autonomous suffrage organizations developed a con­ 2008; Strong­Boag 2018; Weppler 1971). sciousness of being part of a modern and global move­ ment. Exploring these “transnational linkages” defies Print culture was critical to building the movement. simplistic frameworks of sisterhood but helps histori­ Mainstream newspapers and religious, labour, socialist, ans parse how suffragists in British Columbia came to and suffrage periodicals reprinted stories of local and see their local movement through a global lens, and global suffrage battles, and covered debates in the Le­ part of an unstoppable movement of modern progress gislative Assembly and the British House of Com­ (Daley and Nolan 1994; Fletcher, Levine and Mayhall 2000, xiii; Forestell and Moynagh 2011). Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 91 Suffrage Modernity many women had held political power, and prohib­ ited First Nations women from voting in band elec­ Drawing on arguments circulating in history, science, tions until 1951 (Barker 2006; Green 2017; Simpson and political theory, suffragists in British Columbia 2013). e result was a suffrage movement that chal­ embraced the idea that the “evolution” of humanity lenged gendered British cultural values preventing was one of inevitable progress toward a modern and women from being treated the “same” as settler men, civilized world characterized by justice and equality. but otherwise left racial restrictions on the vote in e movement or the “cause” was understood as the place. Settler colonialism allowed suffragists to assert march of enlightened reason away from “barbarism” or that Canada was a “young” country that was largely the “dark ages,” where women were subordinated to free from old prejudices—a “blank sheet” upon which men (VDW, 2 July 1913, 7). To suffragists, advanced progressive peoples could write a new history of nation states embraced women’s political participation, equality and justice (Grant 1913; VDW, 22 June while those that refused to grant suffrage were back­ 1909, 11; 12 July 1909, 1; 22 May 1909, 5). ward and old­fashioned—deeply out of step with the modern world. is rhetoric borrowed from multiple But suffragists did not have a completely linear idea of philosophical traditions, including utopian socialist progress. e belief that British civilization was the Charles Fourier’s assertion that the status of a nation as most advanced in the world was complicated by his­ “civilized” should be judged by the extent of women’s torical evidence that women in previous generations emancipation. is idea was taken up by multiple had held power and influence (Colonist, 28 May strains of feminist thought. But the idea of progress 1895, 4, 7; CH, August 1912, 19). Suffragists and civilization could not have existed without inter­ struggled to explain why family law in “advanced” pretations of Darwin’s theories of natural selection and British societies subordinated women and children to evolutionary adaptation, which included the notion the patriarchal authority of husbands and fathers. that societies evolved from simple and primitive to One of the PEL’s first publications was an educational complex and civilized. is perspective also influenced pamphlet by novelist Alice Ashworth Townley which socialists, who understood history as propelled “for­ outlined the legal power held by men over the bodies, ward” by economic modes of production from primit­ property, and lives of women and children. ese in­ ive social orders, through to capitalism, and ultimately, equalities—especially laws that restricted mothers’ to socialism (Angus 2009; Beecher 1990; Campbell guardianship rights—were difficult to accept for those 2000; Jones 2009; Rendall, 1994; Taylor 1993; Taylor who believed that British law was the highest achieve­ 2003; Towns 2009). ment of civilization. Townley resolved this contradic­ tion by arguing that while British law was generally Most suffragists mapped the idea of progressive evolu­ the “best and fairest” in the world, provincial family tion on to both race and culture, arguing that British law had not properly evolved in a modern “age of civilization was the most advanced and that all “inferi­ progress” (Townley 1911). Anti­suffragists had or” non­British and non­Christian cultures needed hindered British Columbia’s progress, and suffragists improvement. Within North American settler coloni­ like Townley urged the government to reject “stone alism, the belief in progress and British superiority was age” assumptions of the past and build a legal and instrumental in the attempt to frame British Columbia political framework that would usher in a modern na­ as a “white man’s province” (Edmonds 2010; Harris tion. Suffragists imagined the modernization of a fun­ 2003; Mawani 2009; Perry 2001; Roy 1989). e damentally British system, and it was Indigenous modern political body of British Columbia was built women themelves, not settler women, who critiqued on policies that restricted Asian immigration, dispos­ the race­based laws that regulated the families, intim­ sessed Indigenous men and women, and excluded Asi­ ate lives, and bodies of racialized and Indigenous an and First Nations people from formal political men, women, and children (Robertson 2012). citizenship until the late 1940s. e federal Indian Act marginalized Indigenous governance structures, where e growth of an international suffrage movement,

Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 92 however, somewhat complicated the easy rhetoric of wins… e victory is bound to be on our side” (VDW, the British Empire as the pinnacle of modern civiliza­ 21 January 1913, 13). is belief in the power of the tion. International news revealed that women outside universe drew together a range of suffragists: social of the British Empire desired political equality, and gospel Christians, eosophists, and socialists shared a that “uncivilized” nations had given political rights to profound belief in the “perfectibility” of both the hu­ women. Sometimes the response to this information man individual and the collective social and economic was used to racially shame anti­suffragists, who were order (Allen 1971; Marks 2017; Taylor 2016; Taylor seen as standing in the way of a modernizing society. and Knott 2005). While Christian suffragists like Addressing the Men’s Society at St. James’ Anglican Florence Hall understood the universe as propelled by Church in Vancouver, for example, suffragist Rev. God, others embraced non­traditional belief systems Henry Edwards argued that women in British that drew on the idea of a universal movement toward Columbia “have not half the power held by the negro justice and equality (CH, September 1913, 14­15). women of darkest Africa,” while socialist lawyer R.B. Lynne Marks notes that eosophy was a well­known Kerr informed a Kelowna audience that “even in alternative faith that viewed the universe as alive and China” women enjoyed political representation at the divine, and emphasized global “interconnectedness” provincial assembly (CH, October 1912, 11; VDW, 29 and human equality (2017, 198­200). It had few offi­ September 1913, 11). is information surprised cial adherents but eosophists were popular lecturers, some suffragists, but they were forced to address it. e and the Vancouver PEL even held its founding meet­ Champion published a “Women of Other Lands” ing in the eosophical Hall (Province, 14 January column which treated non­Western women as exotic 1911, 1). others, but also incorporated awareness of women’s global progress, arguing that British Columbia was e faith attracted a number of leading suffragists in­ falling behind the Middle East, China, and some parts cluding Gutteridge, who was involved prior to leaving of the United States. Writers drew on Orientalist England, and socialist Bertha Merrill Burns, who was tropes of victimized Middle Eastern women in agnostic but influenced by eosophical thought (WC, “harems” awakening to their oppression. But they also 26 June 1903, 3; Ibid., 24 July 1903, 3). In her later highlighted how Egyptian men and women used the years, Maria Grant left Methodism for the Unity/New Qur’an to argue that gender equality was an Islamic ought Church, which embraced “positive thinking” value, and how reformers in China understood the as a way to improve the self and perfect the world. centrality of women’s equality to political transforma­ Grant’s philosophy influenced the tenor of the Cham­ tion (August 1912, 19). Columnists followed news in pion, defining women’s enfranchisement as “the out­ Mexico, South America, Japan, and Eastern Europe, come of an internal process of unfoldment and informing readers about countries unfamiliar to most development in harmony with the law of Life. is women in the province. Some suffragists developed a growth experiences itself in the demand for liberty and theory of patriarchy: the belief that women had a equality.” Grant believed that equality was a transform­ shared experience of male domination that “meant the ative awakening in which women realized their poten­ serfdom of woman, no matter what class she belonged tial through the “annihilation of all that hinders the to” (Bonakdarian 2000, 163; VDW, 18 August 1913, upward and onward winging of their way” (CH, 8). December 1912, 20). ose who were “asleep” were not attuned to the divine mechanisms of the universe Beliefs about the progressive nature of modernity were and were unable to develop, while those who were articulated with spiritual language that understood the “awake” were moving forward towards greater justice universe to be a living being with an inherent—and and equality. perhaps divine—force that propelled it toward greater justice and liberty. As British suffragette Barbara Wylie ese beliefs mark the earliest use of the feminist told a Vancouver audience, suffrage was a “fight of “wave” metaphor, evoking the power of oceanic waves spiritual against physical force and spiritual always and the gravitational pull of the planets. Suffrage was a

Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 93 “tide” that “could not be stayed”; it was a universal and homestead rights in the states of Wyoming and Idaho powerful “great revolutionary wave” that would drown reflected the belief that white women’s bodies would every person and institution in its way as it “swept” all “settle” the West through migration, marriage, and re­ nations into a better future (Colonist, 27 and 28 production (Lewis 2013; Lewis 2011; Mead 2004). March, 1875, 4; Ibid., 15 December 1910, 21; VDW, Adele Perry argues that similar concerns existed about 6 May 1911, 5; BCF, 12 December 1913, 7; CH, attracting permanent white settlement to the colony November 1913, 3­4). is confidence gave suffragists (and later province) of British Columbia (Perry 2015; a rhetorical power and sense of moral certainty that in­ Perry 2001; Perry 1995). ese concerns were en­ flected their speeches and writing. But this certainty meshed with gender and racial demographics: when was shaken by anti­suffrage politicians, such as Con­ British Columbia entered Confederation in 1871, for servative premier Richard McBride and Attorney­Gen­ example, the majority of the population was Indigen­ eral William Bowser, who helped defeat seven suffrage ous and white women were a small minority (Barman bills between 1903 and 1916. e fallout from 1906 2007, 429). Efforts to increase permanent white settle­ legislation, which inadvertently expanded the muni­ ment through racially restrictive immigration legisla­ cipal vote to a wider range of non­propertied women tion and ongoing colonization led to a demographic but was rescinded in 1908, led Victoria’s Cecilia shift. In the decade after 1901, the population of Brit­ Spofford to wonder if she was wrong to believe “that ish Columbia grew by 119 percent and by 1911, al­ the present is an age of most wonderful progres­ most 68 percent of the population was British in sion” (Cramer, 1980, 83). ese failures led to the origin (Barman 2007, 429; McDonald forthcoming; formation of independent suffrage leagues in 1910, Census of Canada 1911). e discourse of a land sit­ and to increasingly vocal condemnations of provincial ting “unformed” until “hard­working” men and wo­ politicians. men transformed it explained rapid British settlement as affirmation of settler partnership and hard work, e Progressive West? and allowed reformers and suffragists to proclaim that men and women with the “broadest vision” of gender e modernity imagined as animating the world took equality settled and lived in the West (Western Call, 24 on a particular framework in British Columbia, where March 1911, 8). suffragists employed a discourse of North American Western “progressivism” to argue for settler women’s As in the American West, suffragists in British equality. Settlers in the Canadian and American west Columbia argued that that “frontier” spirit created a were separated by a national border but shared a special kind of woman, whose work ethic set her apart powerful belief that white women and families were from women of other regions and proved she deserved key to “taming,” “civilizing,” and modernizing the enfranchisement (Carter 2016; Carter 2006; Kulba frontier. e promotion of an egalitarian and econom­ and Lamont 2006). Vancouver suffragist Blanche Mur­ ically vibrant western region resonated politically in ison linked the “ambitious” modern Vancouver wo­ British Columbia. Rapid economic development and man with the “tireless efforts of these indomitable white settler population growth seemed evidence of women workers of the west, with their broad­gauged what Patricia Roy calls the “boundless optimism” em­ judgement.” Such women were part of the “progress bodied by Premier McBride (Dawson 2005; Kulba that made the story of their Last Great West such won­ and Lamont 2006; Roy 2012). derful reading” (1911, 188­90), valued for their inde­ pendence, hard work, and pragmatism. e Prince e celebratory frontier partnership between hard­ Rupert Journal characterized the settler woman of the working white settler men and women harnessed wo­ “Pacific Slope” as uniquely progressive in comparison men’s political citizenship to the demographic and to her “slower, eastern sisters,” describing her as a fem­ geographical expansion of the nation. e American inine and wise housewife who was simultaneously West was deeply shaped by this value system and early “strong, sweet and lovable” and full of the “western legislative changes to white women’s voting and spirit” (2 May 1911, 2).

Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 94 e argument that settler women had built the mod­ share of building,” Davis wrote to the Colonist in ern west was reflected by the increasingly xenophobic 1912. “We are told to wait outside while we ask pret­ suffrage language as the federal government brought tily through the windows for their permission to state eastern, central, and southern European immigrants to our views” (18 September 1912). Her position was farm prairie land and work in the expanding industrial shared by Ontario­born Janet Kemp, who was elected and resource sectors (Avery 1995; Avery 1979). Anti­ British Columbia’s PEL president in 1913. Kemp and Asian racism was deeply encoded in provincial law and Davis shaped the language of the 1913 suffrage peti­ Japanese, Chinese, and South Asian men were disen­ tion, which promised that women’s enfranchisement franchised at all three levels of government by 1906. would increase the “British­born Electorate” and While non­British and non­English speaking counter the “rapid influx” of European male immig­ European men were “non­preferred” immigrants, they rants. When Kemp met the premier, she informed him were enfranchised after meeting residency require­ that “Anglo­Saxon” women with the vote would “safe­ ments (Dua 2007; Gouto 2007; McDonald 1996; guard the best interests of this province and its people,” Price 2007­8; Roy 2003; Stanley 2011). Western new and would temper the votes of male “aliens” (Kemp, women made political citizenship claims by emphasiz­ 1913). e argument that settler women of British ing the unfairness of withholding enfranchisement descent were unfairly denied rights given to foreign from educated, literate, and respectable women while men persisted until suffrage campaigns ended in allowing “foreign­born” men—oppositionally posi­ 1916. tioned as uneducated, illiterate, and intemperate—to vote (Avery 1995; Valverde 2008; Valverde 2000). e “Pacific Slope” woman who deserved enfranchise­ Alice Ashworth Townley argued that it was unjust to ment was not dissimilar to the new women forged in deny the vote to settler women of British background white settler societies in North America and the British who had “stood by” their men to build homes in “a Empire (Dalziel, 2000; Grimshaw, 2000; Lake, 2019; new land” while enfranchising those she described as Lake, 1994). But suffragists in British Columbia kept a “fresh­coming, ignorant foreigners” (Townley 1911). particularly close eye on suffrage campaigns in nearby Although British Columbia did not rely as heavily on American states. After a series of referendums de­ European immigration as did the prairies, European livered suffrage wins in Washington (1910), California men’s increasing visibility sparked fears that the (1911), and Oregon (1912), Susie Lane Clark re­ province was undermining its cultural superiority by marked that most of the Pacific Coast had achieved allowing them permanent settlement and voting “political equality” and wondered if “the men of Brit­ rights. ish Columbia [were] going to be less just[?]…we wo­ men…think not, and look forward to very soon ese resentments were central to Dorothy Davis’s getting the vote” (VDW, 16 June 1913, 5). e border 1912 tour of the BC interior, where European immig­ between British Columbia and Washington state was ration was more visible. e British­born Davis, who fluid, with suffragists, politicians, and labour organ­ promoted unmarried women’s immigration from izers often travelling across it to deliver public talks or Great Britain through the Colonial Intelligence attend rallies. When the Political Equality League was League, claimed it was unjust to delay women’s en­ formed in Victoria in 1910, for example, it was sup­ franchisement while giving it to “any European im­ ported by a financial donation from a group of an­ migrant…however far removed his traditions and onymous American suffragists, likely from Washington ideals of life, social and political, from Canadian state (Colonist, 15 December 1910, 21). standards, who has happened to be born a male” (KR, 26 September 1912, 2). As capable and hard­working If new women were forged on the Pacific coast, then so settlers, such women deserved the benefits of full too were new men. Suffragists flattered male support­ political citizenship: “We are not content to see these ers in British Columbia and the United States as vis­ foreigners being welcomed in at the front door of the ionary westerners who were “broad­minded enough to house which the women of this island have borne their grant women political equality” (Colonist, 6 March

Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 95 1914, 11). Seattle publisher and lawyer Adela Parker with a 10,000 name suffrage petition and urged travelled regularly to Victoria and Vancouver, accom­ McBride to live up to the masculine “Western spirit panied delegations to the legislature, and encouraged of progression,” and prove he was the “strongest man” suffragists to believe that local men would follow the of all the Canadian premiers (Davis, 1913). After lead of “pioneer men” in the American West (CH, their appeals failed, Vancouver’s United Suffrage Soci­ September 1913, 9; VDW, 24 June 1913, 13). Parker eties (USS) sent a delegation to warn McBride that gave a series of talks in the Lower Mainland, telling the province was falling behind other world regions. audiences that women’s voting rights in Washington After McBride insisted that women’s political equality had emerged from western men’s unique respect for was not “in the public interest,” the deputation chal­ settler women: “e men of the West have a particular lenged him in the language of modernity, calling him regard for women and their work. is not only in­ fossilized and out of place with the “progressive west” cludes the man who has been born here, but the man and other politicians in the “advancing” world” (BCF, who has been here long enough to become imbued 12 Dec 1913, 1; CH, March 1913, 5­6). Suffragists with the great spirit of the West” (VDW, 2 July 1913, never abandoned attempts at legislative reform, but 7). Leagues showcased allies like Seattle city councillor they were tired of asking for democracy and increas­ Max Wardell, described as “a splendid type of the ‘new ingly willing to demand it. man’ who today is espousing woman’s case by securing for her equal justice” (CH, December 1912, 11). e Transpacific Connections: British Colum­ PEL’s first convention featured Vancouver Mayor L.D. bia, China, and Suffrage Taylor, under whose direction Vancouver City Council had recently given property­owning married women While British Columbia suffragists drew on transcon­ the municipal vote, and Seattle Democratic Senator tinental and imperial connections to inspire local act­ George F. Cotterill, who had sponsored Washington ivism, after 1910 they also turned their attention to state suffrage legislation in 1910 (VDW, 6 May 1911, the women’s movement in China. British Columbia’s 5). demographic and economic ties to Asia created in­ terest in Chinese political movements, and suffragists Instead of understanding the language of frontier paid close attention to the Chinese women’s move­ equality as descriptive of actual practices relating to ment, which fought for political citizenship and ac­ settler women’s political rights, it is best understood as cess to the professions and higher education. While a rhetorical device that served suffrage purposes and most suffragists supported racial restrictions on im­ shaped claims to political citizenship. Sarah Carter migration and voting, they simultaneously admired (2016) shows that land and political power in the west Chinese women’s political leadership and by the remained in the hands of western settler men, and al­ second decade of the twentieth century, celebrated though women’s suffrage arrived first in the prairies, China as emblematic of political modernity. the majority of provinces had followed by 1919. But discourses of western modernity gave suffragists a With ongoing political upheaval in China, Chinese powerful rhetorical frame to make demands of the reformers and revolutionaries travelled to North state. Praising equality­minded “new men,” for ex­ America to win support from the diaspora and the ample, was designed to both flatter and shame politi­ larger public. With a significant Chinese diasporic cians. When the PEL pressed Vancouver Mayor community in British Columbia, the province was an Truman Smith Baxter to state his position on suffrage, important destination on this travel circuit (Barman his refusal led them to wonder if “the suffragists’ trust­ 2007; Liu 2002; Stanley 2011; Stanley 2007­8). One ing faith in the generosity of ‘our big Western men’ is of the earliest North American diasporic associations somewhat misplaced and that perhaps the vote will was established in Victoria in 1899 by Guangdong re­ not come by crying for it” (VDW, 2 July 1913, 7). former Kang Youwei. e Chinese Empire Reform After multiple private members’ bills failed to pass in Association (CERA) (Baohuanghui) was transnation­ the legislature, the PEL presented the government al, growing to over 160 branches on multiple contin­

Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 96 ents (Chen, 2014; Leung Larson 2014; Leung Larson, bordered by textual evocations of women’s political re­ 2012). Kang Youwei made numerous trips to North sponsibilities in an evolving nation. Images of America and his speeches to “large public” groups in Chinese­Canadian women were placed alongside de­ Vancouver, Victoria, and New Westminster received scriptions of “great women heroes” who had sacrificed extensive local press coverage (Owen and Wolf, 2008). their lives to challenge authoritarianism and achieve CERA advocated for modern liberal reform in China, equality. e text celebrated the martyr Joan of Arc, and its call for North American governments to re­ who had courageously “sacrificed” her life for her move immigration and head tax restrictions and create country and had, by the twentieth century, been adop­ work mobility for Chinese labourers resonated with ted by many suffragists as a powerful heroine symbol­ the merchant elites who provided local leadership. izing courage and righteousness (Mayhall, 2003). She was listed alongside militant women such as Sophia Kang Youwei and his fellow reformers imagined wo­ Perovskaia, who had assassinated Tsar Alexander II and men’s political citizenship as central to the develop­ “wiped out the tyrant,” and Feng Liao, a Chinese dip­ ment of a modern Chinese nation, and advocated for lomatic envoy (Su, Ying, and Larson 2014). women’s financial independence, education, and en­ franchisement. His feminist principles were reflected Because only wealthy men could afford to bring their in the commitments of his second daughter, Kang families to Canada under the head tax, many Chinese Tongbi (1881­1960), and her elder sister Kang Tong­ women living in British Columbia were of elite class wei (who published the women’s newspaper Nü Xue status. Fragments of surviving evidence suggest that a Bao), both of whom were active in the Chinese wo­ small group of such women were involved in reform men’s movement. Tongbi began as her father’s inter­ politics, including Mrs. Chan Sing Kai (Kate Chan), preter and launched her own tour in 1903 with a wife of Cantonese missionary and Methodist minister two­week stay in Victoria and a series of public lec­ Chan Sing Kai, who founded Vancouver’s first Chinese tures about women in Chinese reform (Colonist, 23 Methodist Church in 1888. After moving to Portland May 1903, 5). To parallel the male­led CERA organ­ Oregon in 1901, Chan and her daughters became act­ ized by her father, Tongbi founded the Chinese Em­ ive in the local suffrage movement (OR, 12 April pire Ladies Reform Association (CELRA), which had 1912, 16). Kate Chan’s extended family in British chapters in Victoria, Vancouver, New Westminster, Columbia remained committed to her vision of broad­ and numerous American cities (Chen 2014; Lee 2003; er enfranchisement; her adopted daughter Eva Chan Woon 2007­8). Members of CELRA were the wives married Won Alexander Cumyow, an early leader for and daughters of merchants in Vancouver and Victor­ Chinese­Canadian political enfranchisement, and Eva ia, and they made up the small numbers of first gener­ and Won Alexander’s son Gordon Cumyow played a ation female Asian settlers. central role organizing against racial restrictions on the vote in the 1940s (Nicol, 2016; Roy, 2007; Stanley, ere are two remaining CELRA posters in Canada, 2007­8). Although there is no record of whether commemorating the Vancouver and Victoria branches CELRA members discussed suffrage at meetings or (CELRA/BHH, 1903). ey are visual and textual po­ with their husbands, Vancouver CERA members were etic celebrations of the important role women were ex­ interested in the question and debated women’s pected to play in the political life of China and North suffrage “with considerable animation” in a 1905 America, and were designed to link local women to meeting. ey ultimately decided that Chinese­Cana­ the larger Chinese women’s movement and to global dian women were not “ready” for suffrage because they and modern political reform (Campbell, 2020). A had not developed “sufficient knowledge of the public photograph of the reformist Guangxu emperor is fea­ questions,” a position that reflected arguments made tured at the top of the poster; below him are photo­ by anti­suffrage men across the province and country graphs of reformers Kang Youwei and Liang Qi Chao. (Colonist, 5 December 1905, 5). Positioned below the two men are images of Kang Tongbi and local CELRA members. e images are Newspapers in British Columbia covered modern

Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 97 politics in China and the travels of female reformers example, spoke paternalistically of how “even China” and journalists on the Pacific coast lecture circuit. e was granting political rights to women. But this atti­ Colonist, for example, covered San Francisco lectures tude was accompanied by increasing respect and ac­ by “new woman” Sieh King, and the visits to Victoria knowledgement that Chinese feminists did not need by Kang Tongbi and Mai Zhouyi (editor of the Ling­ Western women’s help to lobby for gender equality. By nan Women’s Journal) in 1903, and of Li Sum Sing, focusing their admiration on the activism of women in editor of the Chinese Mail, in 1908 (Colonist, 7 China rather than Chinese women who lived in Brit­ November 1902, 5, 10 June 1903, 5; 5 November ish Columbia, however, suffragists were able to admire 1908, 8). Press reports often ignored women’s long­ the Chinese women’s movement—and China itself as a standing activity in Chinese reform movements and modern nation—while simultaneously maintaining ra­ assumed that every Chinese woman was speaking for cial boundaries between settlers and racial restrictions the “first time” in public. e Colonist, for example, on political citizenship (Mawani 2009; Perry 2009). described Kang Tongbi’s lectures in typically Oriental­ ist terms, declaring it the “first occasion on which any Suffragists were attuned to women’s political progress Chinese woman has been known to speak in public,” in China where, as in Canada, enfranchisement took an assessment which ignored her extensive record of place on the national and provincial level. Suffragists global public speaking (23 May, 1903, 5). But Chinese were particularly interested in Guangdong during “new women” were also intriguing to audiences be­ 1911­1912, where the government removed gender, cause they spoke in the language of progress and mod­ property, or education restrictions from the vote, and ernity familiar to North American suffragists. ey created a quota for women’s representation in the pro­ shared the belief that women should play a central role vincial assembly. ough these rights were removed by in modern nation building projects, and the right to the National Parliament during the revolution, this economic independence and higher education (Chap­ initial success inspired both admiration and envy as man, 2016; Chapman, 2014). Chinese women re­ well a sense that China was in the forefront of the formers drew on discourses of modernization to justify competitive race towards modernity (Edwards, 2008; women’s political citizenship, and to further the polit­ Edwards, 2002; Edwards, 2000; Yung, 1995). “Even ical reforms they believed were necessary for a strong China is ahead of us,” wrote the Champion, because it nation state, including democratic and responsible has “openly recognized the equity and advisability of government. e text of one of the CELRA posters calling upon her women as well as her men to take echoed the global suffrage value that women were their share in the direction of national affairs, and central to modern political progress: “In the rise of the China will therefore rise, not sink, in the scale of na­ country or its fall, men and women share equal re­ tions” (CH, September 1913, 9). is celebration of sponsibility.” “advanced” nations was an important rhetorical device that took visual form in images, maps, and the icono­ As with politicians and labour leaders, members of the graphy of public events. In 1913, the Victoria PEL mainstream provincial suffrage movement constructed entered a float rich with visual symbols of modernity, Chinese immigration as a threat to the wages of white progress, victory, and justice into the Citizen’s Carni­ male breadwinners and to racialized boundaries within val. e float was pulled by a team of horses, on which the province. But by the second decade of the twenti­ sat women dressed in militant British suffragette col­ eth century, suffragists were coming to understand ours of purple, white, and green. Beside the float Chinese women as an example of national modernity marched male supporters, evoking the “new men” who and global progress. is shift retained what historian supported women’s rights. And on top of the float Mansour Bonakdarian calls the “cultural arrogance” of stood a tableau representing the most “advanced” na­ British suffrage leadership, which was sustained even tions in the world. Six young women, each dressed in as the movement developed more complex under­ robes of suffrage white and victory crowns of laurel, standings of women’s global activism (2000, 157; posed in front of the door of her national “home,” Mukherjee, 2018). Suffragists in British Columbia, for which was labelled with the names of the world’s lead­

Atlantis Journal Issue 41.1 / 2020 98 ing nations where women could vote: Australia, New References Zealand, Finland, Norway, Sweden, and Canton (Guangdong), China (CH, September 1913, 4). All Allen, Richard. 1971. e Social Passion: Religion and the models were white settler women, however, and it Social Reform in Canada, 1914­1928. Toronto: is unlikely that organizers reached out to the Chinese­ University of Toronto Press. Canadian women living in Victoria. e practices of the mainstream suffrage movement remained racially Angus, Ian. 2009. “Marx and Engels…And Darwin? segregated throughout the first decades of the twenti­ e Essential Connection between Historical eth century. Materialism and Natural Selection.” International Socialist Review 65 (May 2009): https://isreview.org/ While most suffrage organizations across the country issue/65/marx­and­engelsand­darwin. imagined themselves as part of a global movement, transnational politics took a unique shape in Canada’s Avery, Donald H. 1995. Reluctant Host: Canada’s western­most province. British Columbia suffragists Response to Immigrants Workers, 1896­1994. Toronto: connected with suffragists in the Western United McClelland and Stewart. States to argue for political equality on the supposedly progressive and egalitarian Western “frontier,” and in­ _____. 1979. ‘Dangerous Foreigners’: European terpreted the Chinese women’s movement as an ex­ Immigrant Workers and Labour Radicalism in Canada, ample of modern and progressive national reform. 1896­1932. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Suffragists understood the development of women’s rights within the global implications of modernity BC Federationist (BCF) and were confident that white settler population growth and economic development would help Brit­ Baillargeon, Denyse. 2019. To Be Equals in our Own ish Columbia progress into a modern, egalitarian, and Country: Women and the Vote in Quebec. Vancouver: prosperous future. e suffrage movement in British UBC Press. Columbia was steeped in the cultural and ideological values of race, modern nation state formation, and Barker, Joanne. 2006. “Gender, Sovereignty, and the settler colonialism even as it challenged others related Discourse of Rights in Native women’s Activism.” to settler women’s capacity and right to political cit­ Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism 7, no. 1: izenship. 127­61.

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