A New Keynesian Model with Wealth in the Utility Function
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REP21 December 1974
World Bank Reprint Series: Number Twenty-one REP21 December 1974 Public Disclosure Authorized V.V. Bhatt Some Aspects of Financial Policies and Central Banking in Developing Countries Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Reprinted from World Development 2 (October-December 1974) World Development Vol.2, No.10-12, October-Deceinber 1974, pp. 59-67 59 Some Aspects of Financial Policies and Central Banking in Developing Countries V. V. BHATT Economic Development Institute of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development mechanism and agency as provided by the existence of a Central Bank. What needs special emphasis at an international level is the rationale and urgency of evolving a sound financial structure through the efficient performance of the twin interrelated functions-as promoters and as regulators of the financial system-by Central Banks. 1. SOME ASPECTS OF FINANCIAL POLICIES .. ~~~The main object of this Section is to show the Economic development is not only facilitated but its . pace is quickened by the appropriate development of the significance of saving and flow-of-funds analysis as an financial system--structure of financial institutions, indicator of a set of financial policies-policies relating instruments and interest rates.1 to the structure of financial institutions, instruments and Instrumentsand interest rates.r interest rates-essential for resource mobilization and In any strategy of development, therefore, it is allocation consistent with a country's development essential to emphasize the evolution of a sound and . 6 c well-integrated financial system from the point of view objectives. In a large number of developing countries, the only both of resource mobilization and efficient allocation.2 reliable data available for understanding the trends in the In Section I of this paper, an attempt is made to economy and for policy purposes relate to monetary delineate the broad contours of a set of financial policies flows and the balance of payments. -
Saving in a Financial Institution
SAVING IN A FINANCIAL INSTITUTION i Silverback Consultants Ltd acknowledges the contributions of: Somkwe John-Nwosu Chinyere Agwu Nene Williams Temiloluwa Bamigbola The Consumer Protection Department of The Central Bank of Nigeria. Hajiya Khadijah Kasim Edited by Hajiya Umma Dutse Copyright © 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other non-commercial uses permitted by copyright law. ISBN This material was produced by the Consumer Protection Department of the Central Bank of Nigeria in Collaboration with Silverback Consultants Ltd. 1 01 Introduction 02 Importance of Saving 03 Where to Save Saving at Home (Advantages and Disadvantages) Saving in a Bank and Other Financial Institutions Types of Banks and Other Financial Institutions 04 How to Save What to Consider in Choosing a Bank or Other Financial Institutions Types of Accounts Operating Bank Accounts Electronic Payment Channels 05 Managing Accounts Reconciling Account Complaints Protecting Banking Instruments Protecting Electronic Transactions Rights and Responsibilities of a Bank Customer 06 Conclusion 07 Frequently Used Banking Terms 2 01. Introduction Almost everyone has an idea of what is saving and must have saved in one form or another. This could be towards buying something needed or towards a future project such as building a house, paying school fees, marriage, hospital bills, repay loans or simply for a rainy day. People set aside certain amounts or engage in contributions (esusu, adashe). -
Deflation: a Business Perspective
Deflation: a business perspective Prepared by the Corporate Economists Advisory Group Introduction Early in 2003, ICC's Corporate Economists Advisory Group discussed the risk of deflation in some of the world's major economies, and possible consequences for business. The fear was that historically low levels of inflation and faltering economic growth could lead to deflation - a persistent decline in the general level of prices - which in turn could trigger economic depression, with widespread company and bank failures, a collapse in world trade, mass unemployment and years of shrinking economic activity. While the risk of deflation is now remote in most countries - given the increasingly unambiguous signs of global economic recovery - its potential costs are very high and would directly affect companies. This issues paper was developed to help companies better understand the phenomenon of deflation, and to give them practical guidance on possible measures to take if and when the threat of deflation turns into reality on a future occasion. What is deflation? Deflation is defined as a sustained fall in an aggregate measure of prices (such as the consumer price index). By this definition, changes in prices in one economic sector or falling prices over short periods (e.g., one or two quarters) do not qualify as deflation. Dec lining prices can be driven by an increase in supply due to technological innovation and rapid productivity gains. These supply-induced shocks are usually not problematic and can even be accompanied by robust growth, as experienced by China. A fall in prices led by a drop in demand - due to a severe economic cycle, tight economic policies or a demand-side shock - or by persistent excess capacity can be much more harmful, and is more likely to lead to persistent deflation. -
Unemployment Insurance and Macroeconomic Stabilization
153 Unemployment Insurance and Macroeconomic Stabilization Gabriel Chodorow-Reich, Harvard University and the National Bureau of Economic Research John Coglianese, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System Abstract Unemployment insurance (UI) provides an important cushion for workers who lose their jobs. In addition, UI may act as a macroeconomic stabilizer during recessions. This chapter examines UI’s macroeconomic stabilization role, considering both the regular UI program which provides benefits to short-term unemployed workers as well as automatic and emergency extensions of benefits that cover long-term unemployed workers. We make a number of analytic points concerning the macroeconomic stabilization role of UI. First, recipiency rates in the regular UI program are quite low. Second, the automatic component of benefit extensions, Extended Benefits (EB), has played almost no role historically in providing timely, countercyclical stimulus while emergency programs are subject to implementation lags. Additionally, except during an exceptionally high and sustained period of unemployment, large UI extensions have limited scope to act as macroeconomic stabilizers even if they were made automatic because relatively few individuals reach long-term unemployment. Finally, the output effects from increasing the benefit amount for short-term unemployed are constrained by estimated consumption responses of below 1. We propose five changes to the UI system that would increase UI benefits during recessions and improve the macroeconomic stabilization role: (I) Expand eligibility and encourage take-up of regular UI benefits. (II) Make EB fully federally financed. (III) Remove look-back provisions from EB triggers that make automatic extensions turn off during periods of prolonged unemployment. (IV) Add additional automatic extensions to increase benefits during periods of extremely high unemployment. -
Carbonomics Innovation, Deflation and Affordable De-Carbonization
EQUITY RESEARCH | October 13, 2020 | 9:24PM BST Carbonomics Innovation, Deflation and Affordable De-carbonization Net zero is becoming more affordable as technological and financial innovation, supported by policy, are flattening the de-carbonization cost curve. We update our 2019 Carbonomics cost curve to reflect innovation across c.100 different technologies to de- carbonize power, mobility, buildings, agriculture and industry, and draw three key conclusions: 1) low-cost de-carbonization technologies (mostly renewable power) continue to improve consistently through scale, reducing the lower half of the cost curve by 20% on average vs. our 2019 cost curve; 2) clean hydrogen emerges as the breakthrough technology in the upper half of the cost curve, lowering the cost of de-carbonizing emissions in more difficult sectors (industry, heating, heavy transport) by 30% and increasing the proportion of abatable emissions from 75% to 85% of total emissions; and 3) financial innovation and a lower cost of capital for low-carbon activities have driven around one-third of renewables cost deflation since 2010, highlighting the importance of shareholder engagement in climate change, monetary stimulus and stable regulatory frameworks. The result of these developments is very encouraging, shaving US$1 tn pa from the cost of the path towards net zero and creating a broader connected ecosystem for de- carbonization that includes renewables, clean hydrogen (both blue and green), batteries and carbon capture. Michele Della Vigna, CFA Zoe Stavrinou Alberto Gandolfi +44 20 7552-9383 +44 20 7051-2816 +44 20 7552-2539 [email protected] [email protected] alberto.gandolfi@gs.com Goldman Sachs International Goldman Sachs International Goldman Sachs International Goldman Sachs does and seeks to do business with companies covered in its research reports. -
The Neoclassical Economics of Consumer Contracts
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2007 The Neoclassical Economics of Consumer Contracts Richard A. Epstein Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard A. Epstein, "The Neoclassical Economics of Consumer Contracts," 92 Minnesota Law Review 803 (2007). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Exchange The Neoclassical Economics of Consumer Contracts Richard A. Epsteint There is little doubt that the major new theoretical ap- proach to law and economics in the past two decades does not come from either of these two fields. Instead it comes from the adjacent discipline of cognitive psychology, which has now morphed into behavioral economics. Starting with the path- breaking work of Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman in the 1970s, the field has asked one question in a thousand guises: do ordinary people obey the principles of rational choice in making their decisions?' The usual answer given in the field is that in at least some domains they do not.2 The new law and economics literature uses these behavioral findings, especially in the study of cognitive bias, to open a new chapter in the long- standing debate over the extent to which market failures pave t The James Parker Hall Distinguished Service Professor of Law, The University of Chicago, and the Peter and Kirsten Bedford Senior Fellow, The Hoover Institution. -
Supply and Demand Is Not a Neoclassical Concern
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Supply and Demand Is Not a Neoclassical Concern Lima, Gerson P. Macroambiente 3 March 2015 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/63135/ MPRA Paper No. 63135, posted 21 Mar 2015 13:54 UTC Supply and Demand Is Not a Neoclassical Concern Gerson P. Lima1 The present treatise is an attempt to present a modern version of old doctrines with the aid of the new work, and with reference to the new problems, of our own age (Marshall, 1890, Preface to the First Edition). 1. Introduction Many people are convinced that the contemporaneous mainstream economics is not qualified to explaining what is going on, to tame financial markets, to avoid crises and to provide a concrete solution to the poor and deteriorating situation of a large portion of the world population. Many economists, students, newspapers and informed people are asking for and expecting a new economics, a real world economic science. “The Keynes- inspired building-blocks are there. But it is admittedly a long way to go before the whole construction is in place. But the sooner we are intellectually honest and ready to admit that modern neoclassical macroeconomics and its microfoundationalist programme has come to way’s end – the sooner we can redirect our aspirations to more fruitful endeavours” (Syll, 2014, p. 28). Accordingly, this paper demonstrates that current mainstream monetarist economics cannot be science and proposes new approaches to economic theory and econometric method that after replication and enhancement may be a starting point for the creation of the real world economic theory. -
Some Unpleasant Monetarist Arithmetic Thomas Sargent, ,, ^ Neil Wallace (P
Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Quarterly Review Some Unpleasant Monetarist Arithmetic Thomas Sargent, ,, ^ Neil Wallace (p. 1) District Conditions (p.18) Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Quarterly Review vol. 5, no 3 This publication primarily presents economic research aimed at improving policymaking by the Federal Reserve System and other governmental authorities. Produced in the Research Department. Edited by Arthur J. Rolnick, Richard M. Todd, Kathleen S. Rolfe, and Alan Struthers, Jr. Graphic design and charts drawn by Phil Swenson, Graphic Services Department. Address requests for additional copies to the Research Department. Federal Reserve Bank, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55480. Articles may be reprinted if the source is credited and the Research Department is provided with copies of reprints. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis or the Federal Reserve System. Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Quarterly Review/Fall 1981 Some Unpleasant Monetarist Arithmetic Thomas J. Sargent Neil Wallace Advisers Research Department Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis and Professors of Economics University of Minnesota In his presidential address to the American Economic in at least two ways. (For simplicity, we will refer to Association (AEA), Milton Friedman (1968) warned publicly held interest-bearing government debt as govern- not to expect too much from monetary policy. In ment bonds.) One way the public's demand for bonds particular, Friedman argued that monetary policy could constrains the government is by setting an upper limit on not permanently influence the levels of real output, the real stock of government bonds relative to the size of unemployment, or real rates of return on securities. -
The Keynesian Model in the General Theory: a Tutorial
The Keynesian Model in the General Theory: A Tutorial Raúl Rojas Freie Universität Berlin January 2012 This small overview of the General Theory is the kind of summary I would have liked to have read, before embarking in a comprehensive study of the General Theory at the time I was a student. As shown here, the main ideas are quite simple and easy to visualize. Unfortunately, numerous introductions to Keynesian theory are not actually based on Keynes opus magnum, but in obscure neo‐classical reinterpretations. This is completely pointless since Keynes’ book is so readable. Introduction John Maynard Keynes (1883‐1946) completed the General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money [1] in December of 1935, right in the middle of the Great Depression. At that point, millions of workers in the US and Europe had been unemployed for years, and economic orthodoxy could not account for this “anomalous” situation. Keynes’ General Theory tries to tackle exactly this problem. Keynes rejected classical theories based on the idea that production creates its own demand, that is, that the economy always recovers to full employment after a shock. Therefore, Keynes called his treatise the General Theory because he conceived classical doctrine as only a special case of a more complete approach: “The classical theorists resemble Euclidean geometers in a non‐Euclidean world who, discovering that in experience straight lines apparently parallel often meet, rebuke the lines for not keeping straight (...) Yet, in truth, there is no remedy except to throw over the axiom of parallels and to work out a non‐Euclidean geometry. -
A Primer on Modern Monetary Theory
2021 A Primer on Modern Monetary Theory Steven Globerman fraserinstitute.org Contents Executive Summary / i 1. Introducing Modern Monetary Theory / 1 2. Implementing MMT / 4 3. Has Canada Adopted MMT? / 10 4. Proposed Economic and Social Justifications for MMT / 17 5. MMT and Inflation / 23 Concluding Comments / 27 References / 29 About the author / 33 Acknowledgments / 33 Publishing information / 34 Supporting the Fraser Institute / 35 Purpose, funding, and independence / 35 About the Fraser Institute / 36 Editorial Advisory Board / 37 fraserinstitute.org fraserinstitute.org Executive Summary Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) is a policy model for funding govern- ment spending. While MMT is not new, it has recently received wide- spread attention, particularly as government spending has increased dramatically in response to the ongoing COVID-19 crisis and concerns grow about how to pay for this increased spending. The essential message of MMT is that there is no financial constraint on government spending as long as a country is a sovereign issuer of cur- rency and does not tie the value of its currency to another currency. Both Canada and the US are examples of countries that are sovereign issuers of currency. In principle, being a sovereign issuer of currency endows the government with the ability to borrow money from the country’s cen- tral bank. The central bank can effectively credit the government’s bank account at the central bank for an unlimited amount of money without either charging the government interest or, indeed, demanding repayment of the government bonds the central bank has acquired. In 2020, the cen- tral banks in both Canada and the US bought a disproportionately large share of government bonds compared to previous years, which has led some observers to argue that the governments of Canada and the United States are practicing MMT. -
The Impact of Inflation on Social Security Benefits
RETIREMENT RESEARCH August 2021, Number 21-14 THE IMPACT OF INFLATION ON SOCIAL SECURITY BENEFITS By Alicia H. Munnell and Patrick Hubbard* Introduction This fall, the U.S. Social Security Administration is The third section explores how inflation affects the likely to announce that benefits will be increased by taxation of benefits. The final section concludes that, around 6 percent beginning January 1, 2022. This while the inflation adjustment in Social Security is ex- cost-of-living-adjustment (COLA), which would be tremely valuable, the rise in Medicare premiums and the largest in 40 years, is an important reminder that the extension of taxation under the personal income keeping pace with inflation is one of the attributes tax limits the ability of beneficiaries to fully maintain that makes Social Security benefits such a unique their purchasing power. source of retirement income. A spurt in inflation, however, affects two other factors that determine the net amount that retirees Social Security’s COLA receive from Social Security. The first is the Medicare premiums for Part B, which are deducted automati- Social Security benefits are subject each year to a 1 cally from Social Security benefits. To the extent that COLA. This adjustment, based on the change in the premiums rise faster than the COLA, the net benefit Consumer Price Index for Urban Wage Earners and will not keep pace with inflation. The second issue Clerical Workers (CPI-W) over the last year, protects pertains to taxation under the personal income tax. beneficiaries against the effects of inflation. Without Because taxes are levied on Social Security benefits such automatic adjustments, the government would only for households with income above certain have to make frequent changes to benefits to prevent 2 thresholds ($25,000 for single taxpayers and $32,000 retirees’ standard of living from eroding as they age. -
Modern Monetary Theory: a Marxist Critique
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 7 Issue 1 Article 1 2019 Modern Monetary Theory: A Marxist Critique Michael Roberts [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Economics Commons Recommended Citation Roberts, Michael (2019) "Modern Monetary Theory: A Marxist Critique," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 7 : Iss. 1 , Article 1. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.7.1.008316 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol7/iss1/1 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Modern Monetary Theory: A Marxist Critique Abstract Compiled from a series of blog posts which can be found at "The Next Recession." Modern monetary theory (MMT) has become flavor of the time among many leftist economic views in recent years. MMT has some traction in the left as it appears to offer theoretical support for policies of fiscal spending funded yb central bank money and running up budget deficits and public debt without earf of crises – and thus backing policies of government spending on infrastructure projects, job creation and industry in direct contrast to neoliberal mainstream policies of austerity and minimal government intervention. Here I will offer my view on the worth of MMT and its policy implications for the labor movement. First, I’ll try and give broad outline to bring out the similarities and difference with Marx’s monetary theory.