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Introduction Notes Introduction 1 . The Era , 22 January 1863. 2 . Standard , 5 September 1840. 3 . Samuel Alberti (ed.), The Afterlives of Animals (University of Virginia Press: Charlottesville, 2011); Guide to the Gardens of the Zoological Society (London: Richard Taylor, 1829), p.25; John Simons, Rossetti’s Wombat: Pre-Raphaelites and Australian Animals in Victorian London (London: Middlesex University Press, 2008). 4 . John MacKenzie, The Empire of Nature: Hunting, Conservation and British Imperialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988), p.41. 5 . Catherine Hall and Sonya Rose, At Home with the Empire: Metropolitan Culture and the Imperial World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p.21. 6 . John MacKenzie (ed.), Imperialism and Popular Culture (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1986). 7 . Felix Driver, Geography Militant: Cultures of Exploration and Empire (Oxford: Blackwell, 2001). 8 . Edward Ziter, The Orient on the Victorian Stage (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p.3. 9 . Roberto Aguirre, Informal Empire: Mexico and Central America in Victorian Culture (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005); Nadja Durbach, Spectacle of Deformity: Freak Shows and Modern British Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010); Sadiah Qureshi, Peoples on Parade: Exhibitions, Empire and Anthropology in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011). 10 . Ziter, The Orient , p.3. 11 . See ‘Exotic Captives’ in Harriet Ritvo, The Animal Estate: The English and Other Creatures in the Victorian Age (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987), pp.205–242; and Kurt Koenigsberger, The Novel and the Menagerie: Totality, Englishness and Empire (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2007), p.38. Koenigsberger argues that the menagerie ‘represented the empire as a compa- rable whole, in which every element rendered testimony both to the power of the collection of which it was a part and to the wonder of the wider impe- rial world toward which the collection gestured’. 12 . Glasgow Herald , 13 February 1885. 13 . Bernard Porter has argued that the British Empire occupied a surprisingly small role in the consciousness of most Britons, certainly before 1880, and a very superficial place in working-class culture. See Bernard Porter, The Absent- Minded Imperialists (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 14 . Aileen Fyfe and Bernard Lightman, Science in the Marketplace (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007). 15 . Joe Kember, John Plunkett and Jill Sullivan (eds), Popular Exhibitions, Science and Showmanship , 1840–1910 (London: Pickering and Chatto 2012). 213 214 Notes 16 . James Walvin, Leisure and Society 1830–1950 (London: Longman, 1978), pp.4–5. 17 . FML Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Victorian Britain, 1830–1900 (London: Fontana Press, 1988). 18 . For a discussion of this darker side to the Victorian psyche, see Rosalind Crone, Violent Victorians: Popular Entertainment in Nineteenth-Century London (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2012); Brenda Assael, Circus and Victorian Society (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2005). 19 . See Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England 1500–1800 (London: Penguin, 1983); James Turner, Reckoning with the Beast: Animals, Pain and Humanity in the Victorian Mind (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1980); ‘A Measure of Compassion’ in Harriet Ritvo, The Animal Estate , pp.125–166. 20 . MacKenzie, Empire of Nature , pp.26–27. 21 . Diana Donald, Picturing Animals in Britain (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007). For the discussion of horses, see ‘Prosperity and Adversity, the Life of the Horse’, pp.199–232. 22 . On the moral ambiguities raised by pet-keeping, see Teresa Mangum, ‘Animal angst: Victorians memorialise their pets’ in Deborah Denenholz Morse and Martin Danahay (eds), Victorian Animal Dreams (Farnham: Ashgate, 2007), pp.15–34. 23 . On the link between vision and cruelty, see Jonathan Burt, ‘The Illumination of the Animal Kingdom: The Role of Light and Electricity in Animal Representation’, Society and Animals 9.3 (2001), pp.203–228. 24 . Liverpool Mercury , 28 January 1867. 25 . The Times , 29 October 1835. 26 . Belfast-News-Letter , 21 October 1871. 27 . Nottinghamshire Guardian , 1 October 1878; Freeman’s Journal , 20 April 1864. 28 . See ‘Catching Animals’ in Nigel Rothfels, Savages and Beasts: The Birth of the Modern Zoo (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2002), pp.44–80. 29 . Bernard Lightman, Victorian Popularisers of Science: Designing Nature for New Audiences (Chicago, 2007), pp.1–37. 30 . Fyfe and Lightman, Science in the Marketplace , pp.1–19. 31 . Manchester Examiner , cited in Lancaster Gazette , 6 April 1872. 1 The Lions of London 1 . Morning Chronicle , 9 September 1823. 2 . Fyfe and Lightman, Science in the Marketplace , pp.6–7. 3 . Edward Bennett, The Tower Menagerie (London: Robert Jennings, 1829), p.xiv. 4 . Examiner , 4 August 1822. 5 . Secret Comment: The Diaries of Gertrude Savile, 1721–1757 (Devon: Kingsbridge History Society, 1997), p.129. 6 . Examiner , 11 October 1829. 7 . The first newspaper advertisement I’ve found appears in February 1789. See World , 5 February 1789. 8 . Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser , 12 November 1790. Notes 215 9 . Morning Chronicle , 16 January 1793; Morning Chronicle , 11 March 1831. 10 . Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, 12 November 1790; Morning Herald, 29 June 1793. 11 . Morning Post , 20 September 1833; The Times , 2 March 1826. 12 . Morning Chronicle , 16 January 1793; The Times , 9 February 1818. 13 . Edward Cross, Companion to the Royal Menagerie, Exeter ’Change (London: Tyer and Honeyman, 1820), preface. 14 . The Fancy (date unknown), p.678, Issue XXVII. 15 . Morning Post , 9 August 1798. 16 . Morning Post , 19 February 1779. 17 . Morning Chronicle , 7 September 1807; ‘Kendrick’s Menagerie, 42 Piccadilly’, in John Fillinham, A Collection of Cuttings from Newspapers, Advertisements, Playbills, etc. VI–VIII Trained Animals, Menageries, etc. (1860) (British Library General Reference Collection 1889.b1016). 18 . Christopher Plumb describes the trade in animals in eighteenth-century London, situating this within a wider consumer culture. See ‘Animal Commodities’ in Christopher Plumb, Exotic Animals in Eighteenth-Century Britain , PhD Dissertation (University of Manchester, 2010), pp.36–102. 19 . William Bullock, A Companion to the London Museum (London: Whittingham, 1816), p.iii. 20 . Ibid., p.iv. 21 . William Bullock, A Concise and Easy Method of Preserving Objects of Natural History (London, 1818), p.35. For a more detailed account on Bullock’s display techniques see Susan Pearce, ‘William Bullock: Collections and Exhibitions at the Egyptian Hall, London, 1816–25’, Journal of the History of Collections 21:1 (2008), pp.17–35. 22 . Jacques-Bernardin-Henri de Saint Pierre, Mémoire sur la nécessité de joindre une ménagerie au Jardin National des Plantes de Paris (Paris: Didot le Jeune, 1792). The animals from Versailles were initially going to be killed and stuffed. Saint-Pierre persuaded the Convention to grant them a reprieve with his passionate statement of the benefits of a menagerie and his touching descrip- tions of the surviving beasts. 23 . For more on the French context, see ‘Vive la liberté’ in Louise Robbins, Elephant Slaves and Pampered Parrots: Exotic Animals in Eighteenth-Century Paris (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2002), pp.206–230. 24 . James Rennie, The Menageries; Quadrupeds Described and Drawn from Living Subjects (Boston: Lilly and Wait, 1832), Vol. II, pp.21–22. 25 . For a detailed discussion of the aims, membership and divisions within the Zoological Society in the 1820s, see Adrian Desmond, ‘The Making of Institutional Zoology in London, Part II’, History of Science 23:3 (1985), pp.153–185. 26 . ‘Loss of the Ship Fame’, The Gentleman’s Magazine , January to June 1822, Vol. XCIV (London: Nichols and Son, 1822), p.171. According to Raffles, ‘There was scarcely an unknown animal, bird, breast or fish or an interesting plant which we had not on board. A living tapir, a new species of tiger, splendid pheasants etc. all domesticated for the voyage’. 27 . Thomas Allen, A Guide to the Zoological Gardens and Museum (London: Cowie and Strange, 1829), pp.3–4. 216 Notes 28 . Report of the Council and Auditors of the Zoological Gardens of London (London: Taylor and Francis, 1843), p.6. 29 . Ibid., 1840, p.16. 30 . J.G. Children, An Address Delivered at the Anniversary Meeting of the Zoological Club of the Linnaean Society (London: Richard Taylor, 1827), pp.13–14. 31 . Report of the Council , 1844, pp.14–15. 32 . Examiner , 27 November 1831. 33 . Report of the Council , 1833, p.7. 34 . Children, Address , p.11. 35 . This fact was acknowledged by a French visitors’ guide from 1860, which remarked that ‘The zoological collection of London owes nothing to the government, like the Jardin des Plantes of Paris: it is the result entirely of individual initiative’. See Guide du Voyageur à Londres et aux environs (Paris: Reclus, 1860), p.347. 36 . Report of the Council , 1848, p.14. 37 . Ibid., 1859, p.22. 38 . Ibid., 1834, p.8. 39 . Ibid., 1848, p.10. 40 . Ibid., 1852, p.11. 41 . Adrian Desmond, ‘The Making of Institutional Zoology’, p.225. 42 . Report of the Council , 1840, p.26. 43 . Ibid., 1858, p.13; Essex Standard , 2 February 1859. 44 . Ibid., 1857, pp.11–12. 45 . Adrian Desmond, ‘The Making of Institutional Zoology’, pp.227–229. 46 . A Picturesque
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