Breanna KUBAT

CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling Tensions in Canadian Identity Narratives Volume 6, Number 1, Spring 2020. Managing Editor Dr. Anne Trépanier Desktop publishing Sarah Pledge Dickson Editorial Board Nathaniel Bruni, Martha Attridge Bufton, Miranda Leibel, Ryan Lux, Jack Mallon, Melissa Pole, Daria Sleiman, Dr. Anne Trépanier, Lindy Van Vliet Revision Claire Dignard Copyright Notice Breanna Kubat© 2020. All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy, or transmission of this publication, or part thereof in excess of one paragraph (other than as a PDF file at the discretion of School of Indigenous and Canadian Studies at Carleton University) may be made without the written permission of the author. To quote this article refer to: Breanna Kubat, " Identity by Commemoration: Banal Nationalism and the Commemoration of Canada’s Involvement in United Nations Peacekeeping 1990 - 2006", Tackling Tensions in Canadian Identity Narratives, Capstone Seminar Series Volume 6, number 1, Spring 2020, page number and date of accession to this website: http://capstoneseminarseries.wordpress.com

2 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

Identity by Commemoration: Banal Nationalism and the Commemoration of Canada’s Involvement in United Nations Peacekeeping 1990 - 2006

Abstract: Canadians are inundated with carefully constructed government initiatives that integrate symbols and official narratives mundanely into their lives. This article examines the utility of government sanctioned commemorations in establishing narratives of a unified national identity for Canadians despite possible rhetorical distortions surrounding the subject of commemoration. To assess this utility, the case study of government sanctioned commemorations of Canada’s involvement in and personnel contributions to United Nations Peacekeeping Missions between 1990-2006 is employed. This article argues that government sanctioned acts of commemoration are useful in establishing narratives of a unified national identity as they are an effective mode of banal nationalism which allows official narratives to be mundanely integrated into the everyday life of Canadians and passively accepted as reality. To present this argument, Michael Billig’s theory of banal nationalism is used as a grounding theoretical framework, with the concept of collective memory being employed as a supporting framework. In addition to contributing to conversations in academia, this article demonstrates the necessity for Canadians to be observant and critical in their everyday interactions.

Keywords: Banal Nationalism, Government Sanctioned Commemoration, Peacekeeping, Canadian National Identity, Collective Memory, Rhetorical Distortions

3 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

Have you ever given thought to the meaning behind the symbols displayed on Canadian currency and stamps, or why specific monuments exist? Canadians are inundated with carefully constructed marketing campaigns and “fake news” media seeking to establish an emotional connection in order to have their proposed messages “bought into” and accepted. While society widely has become more critical in its engagement with commercial brand messages and news outlets, often the extremely calculated government initiatives that integrate symbols and official narratives mundanely into the lives of Canadians are overlooked. In an increasingly digital and globalized world, it is paramount that Canadians are able to identify and think critically about official narratives, the modes by which they are reinforced, and possible rhetorical distortions. One of these primary modes is government sanctioned acts of commemoration such as postage stamps, currency, and national monuments that are often passively integrated into city landscapes. This article seeks to understand the utility that government sanctioned commemorations have in establishing narratives of a unified national identity for Canadians; despite possible rhetorical distortions surrounding the subject of commemoration. To conduct this research, the case study of government sanctioned commemorations of Canada’s involvement in and personnel contributions to United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions between 1990-2006 will be used. Peacekeeping has been selected to be the case study as it has been proposed to be a source of national identity for Canadians in academic literature and, as this article demonstrates, by the federal government (Abram, 2012, p. 194). Furthermore, despite a decline in Canadian personnel contributions between 1990-2006, government sanctioned acts of commemoration towards Canada’s involvement in UN Peacekeeping Missions increased, many with the mandate to reflect Canadian identity and values. Ultimately, this article argues that government sanctioned acts of commemoration are useful in establishing narratives of a unified national identity as they are an effective mode of banal nationalism which allows official narratives to be mundanely integrated into the everyday life of Canadians and passively accepted as reality. To begin, an overview of the methodology and theoretical frameworks will be provided along with key definitions pertinent to this article. Subsequently, a discussion on the creation of narratives of a unified national identity for Canadians will take place with the concept of collective memory being employed. Following this, the case study of Canada’s involvement in UN peacekeeping missions from 1990-2006 will be introduced with five acts of government sanctioned commemoration being critically analysed. Finally, Michael Billig’s theory of banal nationalism will be applied to the case study with new critical findings being offered.

Evaluating Utility: Methodologies & Theoretical Framework

Deconstructive Case Study Analysis To complete this research, a critical deconstructive analysis will be conducted of five acts of government sanctioned commemorations relating to Canada’s involvement in UN peacekeeping missions. The five acts of commemoration selected are: “Reconciliation” the 4 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

Peacekeeping Monument; the 1995 in-circulation one-dollar coin depicting “Reconciliation”; the 1995 domestic postage stamp commemorating the 50th anniversary of the UN; the 2000 Millennium Collection domestic postage stamp; and a ten-dollar bill in circulation from 2001-2006 as part of the Canada Journey Series. In addition to being sanctioned by the Government of Canada, these acts of commemoration are linked through their accessibility to the general public as well as the frequency in which they are engaged with, even if it is passive engagement. As such, these five acts of government sanctioned commemoration are intrinsically linked socially and are strong examples of what Michael Billig defines as banal nationalism. Despite these links, the five acts of commemoration will be discussed individually to allow for a more in-depth discussion on rhetorical distortions and individual importance.

Banal Nationalism Billig’s banal nationalism is the grounding theoretical framework for this research and puts forth that nationalism does not only exist in times of revolution nor does it require flag waving, but rather exists in everyday mundane symbols and remembrance of times of flag waving such as national holidays (Billig, 1995, pp. 43-45). While there is existing research that applies banal nationalism to forms of commemoration, little has been conducted on the utility of banal nationalism in overcoming rhetoric reality gaps associated with the sites of commemoration. This article seeks to fill this gap in academia and initiate new scholarly conversations regarding the intersection of government sanctioned commemorations in creating narratives of national identity.

Definitions Central to the construction of this article are several key definitions that help to establish a scope as well as a foundation for critical analysis to occur. In order to discuss the utility of commemorations in creating the feeling of a unified community, the concept of collective memory is employed as a supporting framework. For the purpose of this article, government sanctioned acts of commemoration refer to products of events sanctioned by the Government of Canada in which the mandate is to honour or bring attention to an event, person(s), or symbol (National Capital Commission, 2006, p. 5). Furthermore, this article is strictly concerned with publicly accessible acts of commemoration. This definition draws upon the National Capital Commission’s (NCC) 2006 report entitled “Canada’s Capital Commemoration Strategic Plan” as it provides significant insight into the purpose of commemorations according to the Government. Furthermore, the official narratives produced by these acts of commemoration are understood as the account or story put forth by the Canadian Government. Through the production of two graphs (Figure 1 & Figure 2), the existence of rhetorical distortions between the official narratives created by government sanctioned acts of commemoration and the reality of Canada’s personnel contributions to UN peacekeeping missions is made evident. This article understands these distortions as a rhetoric-reality gap which describes the disconnect between proposed narratives which exist through speeches 5 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

and other public campaigns and the reality of the situation (Nimijean, 2018, pp. 130-131). For example, the Prime Minister championing Canada as being a country dedicated to participating in UN peacekeeping missions in 2019, when in reality Canada was ranked 74th in its personnel contributions with only 48 personnel deployed (United Nations, 2019).

Graphs The two graphs produced within this article provide an important visual narration and offers significant quantitative and qualitative points of analysis. Furthermore, the juxtaposition of Canada’s personnel contributions between 1990-2006 and acts of government sanctioned commemoration, in itself, offers an important contribution to academia. When examining the graphs, it should be noted that peacekeeping personnel includes military observers, police, and troops as defined and recorded by the UN (United Nations, n.d.).1 In addition, UN peacekeeping missions refer to any mission authorized by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) under its mandate to be responsible “for the maintenance of international peace and security” (United Nations Charter, 1945, Art. 24).

Creating a Unified National Identity for Canadians

Since Confederation, politicians, academics, and elites have sought to establish a common national identity that would unite Canadians from coast to coast (Thomsen & Hynek, 2006, pp. 847-848). However, due to the vast geography and regional diversity of Canada, finding a common symbol that unites the country and makes residents proud to be Canadian, rather than identify with a specific region, has proven difficult. Benedict Anderson's theory of "imagined communities" has been proposed within academia to help explain the logic of how common symbols can help establish a national identity and unite diverse populations of Canadians. Anderson’s theory states that by establishing common symbols and national ideas, such as peacekeeping, someone in Vancouver and someone in Halifax, although they have never met feel a sense of community (Anderson, 1991, pp. 5-7). Furthermore, someone in Vancouver may feel more connected to the person in Halifax than to someone in Seattle; although they share similar geographic landscapes with Seattle, the idea of a community linked through shared values and symbols is absent (Anderson, 1991, pp. 5-7).

Need for a new approach In July 1985, the Canadian Government released the “Report of the Task Force on Canadian Symbols” which examined the state of Canada’s national identity. The Report concluded that symbols commonly associated with Canada such as the , beaver, coat of arms and national motto “lack sufficient power to transcent the multitude divisions in Canadian society” (Government of Canada, 1985, p. 8). In response, the Task Force

1 Statistics relating to Canada’s rank and personnel contributions to UN peacekeeping missions are taken from the last recorded date of the year by the UN. For every year, except 1990, this is December 31. For 1990 it is November 30. 6 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

proposed that Canadian heroes and achievements be commemorated as a way of raising awareness and creating new unifying symbols of Canada (Government of Canada, 1985, pp. 11, 13). This Report is significant as it demonstrates a shift in how national identities are created and provides context to the 1990-2006 time period which this article examines. In addition, it provides valuable insight into the government’s mentality and priorities at the time as well as into the planning of acts of commemoration such as “Reconciliation”, the national Peacekeeping Monument.

Collective Memory Government sanctioned acts of commemoration are of particular significance as they help to propagate and reinforce a collective memory (Murray, 2013, p. 4). Collective memories are inherently political and socially constructed, as choices are made about the admission and omission of specific details and elements of history in order to establish official narratives and a national conscience (Murray, 2013, pp. 4-5, 11; Gillis, 1994, p. 7). Similar to Anderson’s theory of “imagined communities”, collective memories have the ability to foster a sense of community among diverse populations of Canadians as a common history exists (Gillis, 1994, p. 7). What is imperative to remember, however, is that common history is inherently political due to its socially constructed nature. This very idea that national identities are created, rather than simply existing and evolving naturally, provides important insight into the creation of official narratives which this article asserts are products of government sanctioned commemorations. Àngel Castiñeira argues “every national story includes a certain interpretation, selection, adaption, and manipulation of the historical memory, as well as the integration or assimilation of new cultural traits in the present” (Castiñeira, 2011, p. 59). As the utility of government sanctioned commemorations in establishing narratives of a unified national identity for Canadians is assessed, it is of the utmost importance that the political nature be understood. Embedded in all official narratives and acts of commemoration employed to further entrench them are political decisions regarding what to include and exclude, what to remember or forget, as well as careful calculations regarding when, where, and for whom it will be accessible. Significantly, this demonstrates the necessity for Canadians to engage critically with acts of government sanctioned commemoration and official narratives. Furthermore, it exemplifies the need for Canadians to understand that government sanctioned acts of commemoration are not simply statues and speeches but are also embedded into one’s everyday life through objects such as currency and postage stamps.

Commemoration as a Tool to Create a National Identity In addition to helping to build an “imagined community”, collective memory is particularly relevant to discussions of Canada’s national identity, because, as John R. Gillis argues, memory and identity are intrinsically linked (Gillis, 1994, p. 3). Furthermore, Gillis puts forth that national identities are not stagnant, but rather constantly reconstructed with the collective memory being reshaped through evolving acts of commemoration (Gillis, 1994, p. 4). This reshaping may occur due to political, social, or economic reasons and 7 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

reflects the current state of affairs in the country or region. Furthermore, as Thomas Hylland Eriksen asserts “history is not a product of the past but a response to requirements of the present” (Aronoff, 1998, p. 76). This is significant as it provides insight into the motivations for acts of commemoration as not simply an expression of remembrance, but as well in situating history as a tool that can be used to respond to contemporary struggles. In addition, it demonstrates that just as collective memory and official narratives are products of carefully calculated inclusions and exclusions, what is commemorated is also intrinsically linked to politics and decisions about what is worthy of commemoration and when. For example, what events are commemorated every year versus every one hundred years versus not commemorated at all?

Possible Political Motivations In discussing the rhetoric-reality gap that exists between Canada’s peacekeeping personnel contributions and the federal government’s commemoration of Canada’s involvement in peacekeeping, the possible political motivations need to be acknowledged. For example, Canada’s historic relationship and reputation as peacekeeper allows the country to be viewed as a moral middle power which can be beneficial on the international stage. As such, it is possible that politicians have a desire to exaggerate the idea of Canadians as peacekeepers in shaping the collective Canadian memory and official narratives. While this is important to acknowledge, this article is not concerned with the accuracy of official narratives, but rather it is concerned with the utility of government sanctioned acts of commemoration to overcome possible rhetoric-reality gaps when having official narratives accepted by Canadians.

Case Study: Canada’s Involvement in and Personnel Contributions to UN Peacekeeping Missions and Government Sanctioned Commemorations

Peacekeeping has become a pillar in what is commonly thought of as Canada’s national identity, and by extension, how Canada projects itself to the rest of the world. This is not without reason, as Canadian Lester B. Pearson is often credited with being the “creator” of UN peacekeeping as he proposed it in 1956 as a response to the Suez Crisis (Abram, 2012, p. 194). Pearson, who later became Canada’s Prime Minister, was awarded a Nobel Peace Prize for the success of the mission and his leadership in the evolution of peacekeeping (Veterans Affairs Canada, 2019a). Furthermore, Canada has historically been a major contributor to UN peacekeeping, participating in every mission until the 1990s (Thomsen & Hynek, 2006, p. 845). Notably, this also marks the start of increased acts of government sanctioned commemoration of Canada’s involvement in UN peacekeeping missions as illustrated in Figure 1. As will be demonstrated, many of the acts of commemoration had mandates connected to Canadian identity and were not merely reflective in nature. To conduct this case study, five sites of commemoration will be examined. First, is the 1992 unveiling of “Reconciliation” the Peacekeeping Monument in . Second, the 8 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

introduction of the one-dollar coin featuring “Reconciliation” which was placed in circulation in 1995. Third, is a collection of domestic postage stamps from 1995 which commemorated the 50th anniversary of the UN and featured a timeline of key Canadian moments with the UN. Fourth, is a domestic postage stamp from the 2000 Millennium Collection under the category of “Humanitarians and Peacekeepers”. Fifth, is a ten-dollar bill which featured UN peacekeeping as part of the Canada Journey Series which was in circulation from 2001-2006. While there are other acts of government sanctioned commemoration of Canada’s involvement in UN peacekeeping missions, these five have been selected as they are all publicly accessible and acknowledged.

Figure 1: The red line depicts Canada’s personnel contributions to United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions from 1990-2006. Five data points exhibit acts of government sanctioned commemoration of Canada’s involvement in UN peacekeeping missions. In chronological order, the events are: 1992 unveiling of “Reconciliation” Peacekeeping Monument; 1995 domestic postage stamp featuring the UN and a timeline of key moments of Canada’s involvement with the UN; 1995 in-circulation one-dollar coin featuring the Peacekeeping Monument; 2000 Millennium Collection domestic postage stamp; 2001-2006 in-circulation ten-dollar bill as part of the Canada Journey Series.2

2 Images on the graph have been borrowed from the following sources: “Reconciliation” Peacekeeping Monument (Government of Canada, 2017); 1995 domestic peacekeeping monument (Government of Canada, 1995); 1995 in-circulation one-dollar coin (, 1995); 2000 Millennium Collection domestic postage stamp (Canadian Stamp News, 2019); 2001-2006 in-circulation ten-dollar bill (, n.d.). 9 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

Figure 2: Canada’s international ranking for personnel contributions to UN peacekeeping missions annually from 1990-2006.

1992 Reconciliation Peacekeeping Monument On October 8, 1992, National Peacekeeping Day, “Reconciliation”, the national Peacekeeping Monument was unveiled in downtown Ottawa along Confederation Boulevard (Government of Canada, 1992). Veterans Affairs Canada states that the purpose of the monument is to commemorate “Canada’s role in international peacekeeping and the soldiers both living and dead who have participated or are currently participating in peacekeeping missions” (Veterans Affairs Canada, 2019a). The monument features three peacekeepers, two males and one female perched on top of two sharp edged stone walls (Veterans Affairs Canada, 2019a; Government of Canada, 1992). Between these two walls is evidence of war, with the monument as a whole symbolising the resolution of conflict (Veterans Affairs Canada, 2019a; Government of Canada, 1992). In addition to the dedication and name of the monument, all peacekeeping missions in which Canada has been involved are listed and updated annually; as well, the phrase “In the Service of Peace - Au Service de la Paix” is inscribed (Government of Canada, 1992; Veterans Affairs Canada, 2019a). Additionally, a quote by Lester B. Pearson which reads: “We need action not only to end the fighting but to make the peace… my own government would be glad to recommend Canadian participation in such a United Nations force, a truly international peace and police force” is engraved (Government of Canada, 1992). The area between the two walls is modeled after the green line buffer zone in Nicosia, Cyprus, where Canadians served as part of the “United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus” which has been active since 1964 (Veterans Affairs Canada, 2019b). Over 10 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

25,000 members of the were deployed as part of this mission and it is considered to be a recognizable and successful mission among Canadians (Veterans Affairs Canada, 2019b). The decision to draw inspiration from Cyprus in the creation of the Peacekeeping Monument is significant as it helps to create the narrative and emotional response surrounding the Monument and Canada’s reputation as peacekeepers in general. It is significant to note that this Monument is not specific to UN peacekeeping missions, but rather all international peacekeeping operations. This article however, specifically examines UN peacekeeping missions, since much of the basis for Canada’s identity as peacekeeper is linked to its historic contributions to UN peacekeeping which is exemplified in other acts of government sanctioned commemoration. This trend of UN peacekeeping acting as an all-encompassing “black box” for peacekeeping as a whole, is evident throughout further discussions on acts of commemoration. For instance, the blue beret worn by UN peacekeepers is often used as a generic and identifiable symbol for peacekeeping, as exemplified on the ten-dollar bill. The physical location of the Peacekeeping Monument along Confederation Boulevard in downtown Ottawa is significant as it is Canada’s “ceremonial route, linking many of the national attractions and symbols” (National Capital Commission, 2006, p. 3). Not only does this provide a level of prestige to the monument but it also is seen by foreign dignitaries who travel along this route. Consequently, this further projects the narrative of Canadians as peacekeepers at the international level and embeds the narrative into Canada’s international reputation and the way in which Canada is considered globally. Furthermore, due to its prominent location, Canadians may be more likely to mundanely accept the narratives put forth by this monument as they assume that an authority would only put the most important attractions on this route; this idea will further be explored in the following section and the discussion on banal nationalism.

1995 One-Dollar Coin In 1995, the Royal Canadian Mint released a commemorative one-dollar coin featuring “Reconciliation”, the Peacekeeping Monument that was unveiled three years prior (Royal Canadian Mint, 1995) These coins were placed in circulation with nearly 45,000 produced (Royal Canadian Mint, 1995). When releasing the coin, the Royal Canadian Mint stated that it chose to feature the Peacekeeping Monument as it is “a symbol of national pride and a timeless reminder of Canada’s commitment to world peace” (McCullough, 2016, pp. 188-189). Notably, at the time of the commemorative ’s release, Canada had 1,163 personnel deployed to UN Peacekeeping Missions, ranking sixth in the world (United Nations, n.d.). While this is a substantive contribution, Canada’s ranking had still dropped from 1990 levels of first (United Nations, n.d.). Furthermore, the commemorative loonie remained in circulation long after 1995, when Canada’s personnel contributions and ranking dropped significantly (see Figure 1). In addition, this coin was released following the aftermath of Canada’s 1993 UN peacekeeping mission to Somalia, where nine Canadian soldiers tortured and killed a Somalian teenager (Farnsworth, 1994). The trial which took place in November 1994 11 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

shocked Canadians and drastically influenced Canada’s relationship with UN peacekeeping (Farnsworth, 1994; McCullough, 2016, pp. 179-180). Whereas before, full brigades were deployed on UN missions, from 1998-2005 only select individuals were chosen for peacekeeping missions, which could help to explain the decline of personnel contributions (McCullough, 2016, p. 180). When examining these acts of commemoration, it is paramount that situational context be applied, as commemorations and collective memory can be a tool to respond to contemporary requirements, such as rebuilding Canadians’ positive association with UN peacekeeping.

1995 United Nations Postage Stamp In 1995, Canada Post released a sheet of stamps to commemorate the fifty-year anniversary of the UN. On the top of the sheet is a timeline featuring some key moments of Canada’s involvement with the UN; out of the seven moments, two relate to peacekeeping (Government of Canada, 1995). These are, recognizing Lester B. Pearson’s proposed response to the Suez Crisis in 1956 and Canada sending peacekeeping troops to Cyprus in 1964 (Government of Canada, 1995). Prior to 1995, Canadians had participated in dozens of UN peacekeeping missions; as such, the singling out of Cyprus is significant and raises questions about the admissions and omissions of this timeline created narrative. As mentioned during the analysis of “Reconciliation”, Cyprus was used as a model for the Monument. Furthermore, in 2014, the Royal Canadian Mint released a special collectors silver coin commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of Canada’s deployment to Cyprus; something that has not been done for any other mission. (Royal Canadian Mint, 2014). This is significant, as it demonstrates how Cyprus, a relatively successful and positively viewed UN peacekeeping mission is used as a generalization and celebration of Canada’s involvement in UN peacekeeping (Veterans Affairs Canada, 2019b). As such, it allows attention to be detracted from criticisms of peacekeeping and dark spots, such as Somalia, on Canada’s peacekeeping record and to be focused on the positive contributions. This tactic is significant and demonstrates the necessity for critical analysis to be applied, not only to what is included, but, more importantly, to what is missing and to the manipulations made in official narratives.

2000 Millennium Collection Postage Stamp In commemoration of the new millennium, Canada Post released 68 specially designed stamps in partnership with historians that had the mandate to reflect the “place, people, themes that have left an indelible mark on our country” (Elton, 1999). Under the category of “Humanitarians and Peacekeepers”, one stamp featured Lester B. Pearson, who, as mentioned previously, is considered to be the “creator” of UN peacekeeping (Elton, 1999). The stamp features a silhouette of Pearson along with a maple leaf, dove, and logo of the UN. (McKay & Swift, 2012, p. 106). While there is a historical element associated to these stamps, as they were designed in partnership with historians in a reflective nature, the inclusion of the Pearson stamp in the collection is still very much relevant to discussions of government-produced narratives and 12 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

commemoration. As was established earlier, the formation of a collective memory is dependent on decisions on what to include and to exclude in official narratives. The fact that a stamp representing Canada’s contributions to UN peacekeeping was selected to represent Canada at the turn of the millennium is significant as it reflects not only mentalities of the past but is also a projection into the new era. Furthermore, the category of “Humanitarians and Peacekeepers” in itself is relevant as it exemplifies the colloquial nature of the term “peacekeepers” and how it can be used to represent not just a group of people or an act but a wider set of values and ideas.

2001-2006 Ten-Dollar Bill In 2001, the Bank of Canada released the Canada Journey Series banknotes which were in circulation from 2001-2006 and had the mandate to “celebrate [Canadian] culture, history, and achievements” (Bank of Canada, n.d.). Five themes were chosen to be included in this series, the first, “Children at Play” which featured hockey and other winter sports on the five-dollar bill (Bank of Canada, n.d.). Second, “Arts and Culture” which depicted Haida art and literary excerpts on the twenty-dollar bill (Bank of Canada, n.d.). Third, “Nation Building - Shaping the Political, Legal and Social Structures for Democracy and Equality” illustrating a scale of justice and who fought for women’s suffrage in the 1920s on the fifty-dollar bill (Bank of Canada, n.d.). Fourth, “Exploration and Innovation” which included Samuel de Champlain’s 1632 map of Canada and a satellite image of Canada on the one-hundred-dollar bill (Bank of Canada, n.d.). Most significant, is the ten-dollar bill which has the theme “Remembrance and Peacekeeping” and depicts a veteran and a young child attending a Remembrance Day ceremony, poppies, a globe, doves, John McCrae’s poem and most prominently in the centre a member of the Armed Forces serving as part of a UN peacekeeping mission, wearing the recognizable blue beret (Bank of Canada, n.d.). Recognizing the other themes and depictions of the Canada Journey Series is significant in contextualizing the ten-dollar bill “Remembrance and Peacekeeping” as it provides insight into what the government then considered the most important elements to highlight. This is connected to previous discussions as these banknotes help to promote a collective memory, thus reinforcing official narratives. Furthermore, significance can be drawn from the currency value of the banknote. While “Remembrance and Peacekeeping” is featured on the ten-dollar bill, the second lowest value, it could be argued that this theme is not as important and lacks the prestige of the higher-value bills. This article argues, however, that the lower-value bills have an increased importance as Canadians more commonly engage with a ten-dollar bill than a one hundred-dollar bill for example, thus expanding the reach of this official narrative. It is significant to note that in 2001, when the Canada Journey Series was released, Canada had 295 personnel deployed to UN peacekeeping missions, ranking thirty-second in the world for personnel contributions (United Nations, n.d.). This is in contrast to the 568 personnel deployed at the same time in 2000, ranking Canada at twenty-fifth internationally (United Nations, n.d.). While the intentions behind the choice to feature “Peacekeeping and 13 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

Remembrance” on the ten-dollar bill cannot be certain, it is important to understand the context in which it was released as even in 2000, when the designing of the bill was taking place, Canada’s ranking as a contributor to UN peacekeeping missions was low compared to 1990 levels. Furthermore, the bill was released on January 17, 2001, prior to 9/11 and Canada deploying to Afghanistan (Bank of Canada, n.d.).

Banal Nationalism and Critical Findings

Through analysis of the five acts of government sanctioned commemoration of Canada’s involvement in UN peacekeeping missions, some of the rhetoric-reality gaps associated with Canada’s commemoration of UN peacekeeping versus its involvement have been exposed. Furthermore, the significance of these acts of commemoration as modes in which collective memory and official narratives are manufactured and reinforced has been exemplified. This article argues that due to the fact that government sanctioned acts of commemoration are modes of banal nationalism, any rhetoric-reality gap that surrounds the subject of commemoration is ignored as the act of commemoration itself is often mundanely integrated into societal landscapes. Thus, this demonstrates that government sanctioned acts of commemoration are useful in establishing narratives of a unified national identity for Canadians despite possible rhetorical distortions. This argument will be discussed further with explicit reference to Billig’s banal nationalism and other relevant scholarly work. In his book Banal Nationalism, Billig questions common associations between nationalism and times of revolution and change, asking if nationalism is intrinsically linked to revolution then how is it possible for stable and established countries such as the United States to remember their nationality (Billig, 1995, pp. 2-5). Through proposing the concepts of “hot” and “banal” nationalism, or waved and unwaved flags, Billig argues that different types of nationalism exist and therefore revolution or a push for change is not necessarily a requirement for nationalism (Billig, 1995, p. 43). The type of nationalism that this article is concerned with is banal nationalism which Billig argues does not require flag waving or revolution, but rather exists in everyday mundane symbols and remembrance of times of flag waving such as national holidays (Billig, 1995, pp. 43-45). This article argues that the five acts of government sanctioned commemoration discussed in the case study are all effective modes of banal nationalism as they are able to be passively integrated into the everyday lives and interactions of Canadians. It is important to note that banal nationalism does not mean that the modes are hidden, but rather, that they are integrated into everyday life in such a way that they become unnoticed (Billig, 1995, p. 174). Furthermore, Billig asserts that once one starts to look for symbols and modes of banal nationalism, one will discover that they are everywhere (Billig, 1995, p. 175). This is significant and speaks to the utility of this article as a whole as it demonstrates the ways in which modes of banal nationalism, such as government sanctioned commemorations, reinforce official narratives and demands that Canadians become more critical in their day- to-day interactions. 14 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

Postage Stamps and Official Narratives In their article “Visualizing Finland: Postage Stamps as Political Messengers” Paulina Raento and Stanley D. Brunn argue that stamps are an exemplary tool of banal nationalism (Raento & Brunn, 2005, p. 145). They assert that “[p]ostage stamps are a very political, territorially grounded and yet overlooked part of visual culture”, an argument which this article reinforces (Raento & Brunn, 2005, p. 145). As discussed previously, both the 1995 United Nations postage stamp and 2000 Millennium Collection stamp reinforce political narratives through their inclusions and exclusions, as well as the time and context in which they were released. Furthermore, as Brunn argues, “[p]ostage stamps contain many overt and subtle messages about what the state - that is the people in power - deem important for its residents and others to see and identify with” (Brunn, 2011, p. 20). This is significant in relation to previous discussions on collective memory and the political nature of official narratives and the acts of commemoration used to reinforce them.

Currency and Collective Memory Currency is also widely considered to be essential to nation building, with Emily Gilbert arguing that depictions on currency can provide important insights into the socio- political environment of the country at the time (Gilbert, 2007, p. 148). Furthermore, Gilbert asserts that practices surrounding currency, in particular the exchanging of it, are essential to the creation of an “imagined community” and collective memory as it allows for geographical and temporal links to be forged (Gilbert, 1999, p. 42). Both the 1995 one-dollar coin and 2001-2006 ten-dollar bill exemplify this nation building as the mandates are related to commemorating key moments and values associated with Canadians in hopes of promoting narratives of a unified national identity for Canadians. Furthermore, currency acts as an effective mode of banal nationalism due to the frequency of use by Canadians, especially during the period of 1995 and 2001 when coins and bank notes were used more generally compared to current day use. However, despite the wide use of currency, rarely are the depictions questioned or, for some, examined at all.

National Monuments, Authority, and Acceptance National monuments, such as “Reconciliation” are also effective modes of banal nationalism as they are often integrated into city landscapes and daily commutes with little attention paid to what is being commemorated and why. Furthermore, the general public may be overly accepting of acts of government sanctioned commemoration as they assume that authority figures have a more complex understanding of the topic, decided the commemoration was appropriate and therefore it must be true. Billig’s banal nationalism helps to encapsulate these sentiments as through the passive and mundane integration of symbols, often the general public does not question possible rhetorical distortions. In addition to contributing to the academic conversation on banal nationalism and government sanctioned commemoration, this article hopes to educate the general public on the need to be critical in everyday engagements. 15 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

Conclusion

This article has established that, embedded into official narratives, such as that of a unified national identity for Canadians, are rhetorical distortions which are achieved through the manipulation of events as well as the inclusion and exclusion of details. Furthermore, through the employment of the case study of Canada’s involvement in UN peacekeeping missions, government-sanctioned acts of commemoration have proven to be an effective mode of reinforcing official narratives. Billig’s theory of banal nationalism has been used to explain how these official narratives are able to be widely accepted despite rhetorical distortions. While this article has offered new critical findings to academia, additional research on the topic of government sanctioned acts of commemoration and the creation of narratives of a unified national identity for Canadians is required. For instance, one could further examine the implications that the existence of rhetoric-reality gaps associated with the subjects of commemoration has on Canada’s national identity. Furthermore, the framework and arguments presented could be expanded to other modes of government sanctioned commemorations and new case studies. In addition to demonstrating the utility of government sanctioned commemorations in establishing narratives of a unified national identity for Canadians, despite rhetorical distortions, this article exemplified how official narratives can be manipulated. It is the hope of this article, that through examining how official narratives can be reproduced in mundane ways that Canadians, in general, will become more observant in their day-to-day life and increasingly analytical in their thinking. If this does occur, as Billig argues, modes and symbols of banal nationalism will become increasingly clear in everyday interactions (Billig, 1995, p. 175).

16 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES Tackling tensions in Canadian Identity narratives Breanna KUBAT

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