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Practising Justice in Argentina: Social Condemnation, Legal Punishment, and the Local Articulations of Genocide
JOURNAL FÜR ENTWICKLUNGSPOLITIK herausgegeben vom Mattersburger Kreis für Entwicklungspolitik an den österreichischen Universitäten vol. XXVII 3–2011 Beyond Transitional Justice Schwerpunktredaktion: Stefan Khittel Inhaltsverzeichnis 4 Stefan Khittel, Jan Pospisil Beyond Transitional Justice? 21 Sandra Rubli Knowing the Truth – What For? The Contested Politics of Transitional Justice in Burundi 43 Susanne Schmeidl The Quest for Transitional Justice in Afghanistan: Exploring the Untapped Potential of Customary Justice 64 Katja Seidel Practising Justice in Argentina: Social Condemnation, Legal Punishment, and the Local Articulations of Genocide 88 Christian Wlaschütz Transitional Justice in Colombia: Does it Contribute to Reconciliation? 109 Book Review 111 Editor of the Special Issue and Authors 114 Impressum Journal für Entwicklungspolitik XXVII 3-2011, S. 64-87 KATJA SEIDEL Practising Justice in Argentina: Social Condemnation, Legal Punishment, and the Local Articulations of Genocide1 The auditorium of the Federal Court of Buenos Aires is filled with people attending the ESMA trial of the perpetrators of the 1976–1983 military dicta- torship. Today we will hear the testimony of Ricardo. His parents were disap- peared and killed in 1977 and, aged just 14 months, he too was kidnapped and given to a military family. Alongside of me are approximately 40 of Ricar- do’s friends, the majority of whom are the children of disappeared and activ- ists in the association H.I.J.O.S. – Children for Identity and Justice, against Oblivion and Silence. During Ricardo’s moving testimony various people in the audience burst into tears, and an atmosphere of grief and companionship fills the room. Towards the end of his testimony, after more or less two hours, Ricardo becomes increasingly forceful. -
El Caso Timerman, El Establishment Y La Prensa Israelí Titulo Rein, Raanan
El caso Timerman, el establishment y la prensa israelí Titulo Rein, Raanan - Autor/a; Davidi, Efraim - Autor/a; Autor(es) En: Revista CICLOS en la historia, la economía y la sociedad vol. XIX, no. 38. En: (diciembre 2011). Buenos Aires : FIHES, 2011. Buenos Aires Lugar FIHES Editorial/Editor 2011 Fecha Colección Relaciones exteriores; Dictadura militar 1976-1983; Judíos; Antisemitismo; Argentina; Temas Israel; Artículo Tipo de documento "http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar/Argentina/iihes-uba/20141123111744/v19n38a11.pdf" URL Reconocimiento-No Comercial CC BY-NC Licencia http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/deed.es Segui buscando en la Red de Bibliotecas Virtuales de CLACSO http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO) Conselho Latino-americano de Ciências Sociais (CLACSO) Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO) www.clacso.edu.ar NOTAS Y COMUNICACIONES El caso Timerman, el establishment y la prensa israelí Raanan Rein y Efraim Davidi* * Universidad de Tel Aviv. Los autores agradecen al Centro Goldstein-Goren para el Estudio de las Diásporas y al Instituto Sverdlin de Historia y Cultura de América Latina, ambos de la Universidad de Tel Aviv, por su beca para la investigación que hizo posible la elaboración de este artículo, así como al Instituto de Estudios Avanzados de la Universidad Hebrea de Jerusalén y al Fox Center for Humanistic Inquiry de la Universidad de Emory (Atlanta, EE.UU.), donde hemos podido concluir la redacción de este artículo. El 25 de mayo de 1977, día en que la Argentina festejaba la formación de su primer gobierno patrio, la dictadura milita gobernante resolvió nombrar a un general como interventor de uno de los periódicos más influyentes del país, La Opinión. -
Genocide, and Its Definition As the "Partial Elimination of a National Group"
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 8 Issue 1 Article 5 November 2013 Genocide, and its Definition as the "Partial Elimination of a National Group" Marcelo Ferreira School of Philosophy and Literature, and School of Law, University of Buenos Aires, Argentina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Ferreira, Marcelo (2013) "Genocide, and its Definition as the "Partial Elimination of a National Group"," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 8: Iss. 1: Article 5. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.8.1.3 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol8/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Genocide, and its Definition as the “Partial Elimination of a National Group” Marcelo Ferreira School of Philosophy and Literature, and School of Law, University of Buenos Aires, Argentina Summary: This paper is primarily about the crimes committed by Argentina’s last military dictatorship and whether these deserve the legal qualification of crimes against humanity or “genocide.” This question has consequences which go beyond the field of law and affect society and collective psychology through the reconstruction of historical memory. From this perspective, this paper argues that the definition of Genocide set forth in international law is directly applicable in Argentine national law. It also examines the different problems with the use of this term. -
“Mano Dura”: Authoritarian Legacies and Policing in Brazil and the Southern Cone
The Persistence of the “Mano Dura”: Authoritarian Legacies and Policing in Brazil and the Southern Cone Anthony Pereira Department of Political Science Tulane University Mark Ungar Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars LASA Congress Las Vegas, October 2004 Abstract Democratic transitions in Brazil and the southern cone have had relatively little impact on patterns of policing. Close military-police ties, militarized training and doctrine, high rates of violence, a lack of effective court oversight, and continuity of organizational forms and personnel are all characteristics of the police in contemporary Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay. Why has there been so little change in policing in these new democracies? Some scholars argue that these patterns are a legacy of recent military rule, but we argue that they are a legacy of an authoritarian state rather than just of specific authoritarian regimes. Other scholars attribute variation in new democracies to different modes of transition, but we assert that civil society support and political interests are more important than the initial transition in the enactment of police reforms (or the lack of them). Finally, we explain that the degree of police centralization powerfully influences reform efforts in these Latin American democracies. Introduction In Latin America, violence by the police – and its support by the law, courts, and state agencies – was an integral part of authoritarianism. But the transitions to democracy did not have the impact on police forces that they did on more prominent actors such as political parties and military high commands. “Police” here refers to state security forces responsible for domestic “law and order,” which includes military and intelligence agencies as well as police forces. -
Americas Overview
AMERICAS OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments The October 1998 arrest in London of Chile=s former military ruler, Augusto Pinochet, rekindled hopes for victims of human rights abuses around the world. The case marked a significant step forward in the struggle to achieve justice for egregious human rights violations, spawning the development of similar efforts to pursue former dictators enjoying retirement in the comfort of impunity. Accustomed to seeing impunity as the norm, human rights activists worldwide were encouraged by Pinochet=s detention. In Latin America, in particular, impunity for major violations continued to be one of the principle obstacles to human rights protection. Although democracies in the region remained stable for the most part, human rights violations took place throughout, nowhere more brutally than in Colombia. And even as the Pinochet precedent broke new ground, fresh challenges to international human rights mechanisms arose. Significantly, Chile did not face political instability as a consequence of the legal action taken against the general in Spain and the United Kingdom. Opponents of the Spanish prosecution had predicted dire political consequences if it moved forward, in part as a means to pressure the two European countries into ensuring that Pinochet was returned to Chile without facing charges in Spain. Yet by the end of October 1999, Chile was preparing without turmoil for a presidential election in December in which Pinochet was not a major issue. Meanwhile, judges detained and charged numerous former officers of his government for grave human rights abuses. Moreover, a majority of Chileans, according to public opinion polls, believed that Pinochet should be brought to account for the human rights violations that accompanied his coup. -
Executive Leadership and the Continuing Quest for Justice in Argentina
Executive Leadership and the Continuing Quest for Justice in Argentina Terence Roehrig Human Rights Quarterly, Volume 31, Number 3, August 2009, pp. 721-747 (Article) Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: 10.1353/hrq.0.0097 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/hrq/summary/v031/31.3.roehrig.html Access Provided by Stetson University at 01/17/11 6:18PM GMT HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY Executive Leadership and the Continuing Quest for Justice in Argentina Terence Roehrig* ABSTRACT After Argentina transitioned from military rule to democracy, the new civilian government attempted to prosecute members of the former military regime for human rights abuses. However, military rebellions, pardons, and amnesty laws prevented all but a few from being held accountable for past crimes. In 2003, President Néstor Kirchner along with the Argentine legislature and Supreme Court opened the door for further prosecution. Though many contributed to the revival of these efforts to prosecute military personnel and police, it was the actions of President Kirchner that were most crucial in removing the obstacles necessary to resume judicial proceedings. * Terence Roehrig is an Associate Professor in the National Security Decision Making Depart- ment at the U.S. Naval War College. He is a co-author of a forthcoming book entitled South Korea since 1980: Democratization, Economic Struggle, and Nuclear Crisis (Cambridge University Press, 2010) with Uk Heo. In addition, he is the author of two books, From De- terrence to Engagement: The U.S. Defense Commitment to South Korea (Lexington Books, 2006) and The Prosecution of Former Military Leaders in Newly Democratic Nations: The Cases of Argentina, Greece, and South Korea (McFarland Press, 2002), and coeditor of Ko- rean Security in a Changing East Asia (Praeger, 2007). -
Dirty War," and Democracy in Latin America Spring 2018
History 350L/ LAS 366 Dictatorship, "Dirty War," and Democracy in Latin America Spring 2018 Instructor: Seth Garfield [email protected] Parlin 302 T/Th 3:30-5:00 Unique #39035/ 40095 Office Hours: Thursday, 1:00-3:00, Garrison 2.120, or by appointment Course Description: This course explores the breakdown of democratic governments in South America in the 1960s and 1970s and the emergence of bureaucratic authoritarian regimes committed to economic restructuring, political demobilization, and the abrogation of civil liberties. It examines the use of torture, disappearances, and other counterinsurgency methods by Latin American military officials, as well as various forms of resistance, including guerrilla warfare. Finally, it looks at the transition to democratic rule, efforts to reconstruct civil society and forge political reconciliation, and the struggle for justice among the victims and families of victims of human rights abuses. The course focuses on the histories of the nations of the Southern Cone (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay) and seeks to address a number of questions. Why did some of the most "developed" nations in Latin America succumb to such repressive governments? How did authoritarian regimes legitimize their rule? How do historians make sense of the atrocities committed? In what ways did citizens resist or acquiesce in the policies of military governments? What role did the United States play in offering economic, political, and military assistance to military dictatorships? Which factors spurred the military -
PATTI: MANUAL DEL Buen TORTURADOR
PATTI: MANUAL DEL buen TORTURADOR DOSSIER del CENTRO de DOCUMENTACIÓN CELS – Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales MANUAL DEL buen TORTURADOR Nombre: Luis Abelardo Patti Profesión: policía, asesino, torturador, experto en picana, intendente y candidato a gobernador bonaerense Fecha de nacimiento: 26/11/52 Lugar de nacimiento: Baigorrita, partido de general Viamonte, provincia de Buenos Aires. DNI: 10.635.503 Padres: Leonardo y Manuela Pressi Estado civil: casado el 7 de marzo de 1975 con Beatriz Isabelina Malagrida y con tres hijos: Luis, Mario y Maximiliano. Legajo policial: 11.541 Legajo Conadep: 2530 Estudios cursados: hasta sexto grado Hobby: volar aviones ultralivianos, torturar, escuchar folclore. INTRODUCCIÓN “Tengo la impresión de que memorizar los nombres de los torturadores tiene un sentido y sabe por qué, porque la tortura es una responsabilidad individual, la obediencia a una orden superior no es tolerable, demasiada gente se ha escondido tras esa miserable justificación, haciéndose un escudo legal de ella Antonio Tabucchi La cabeza perdida de Damasceno Monteiro LUIS ABELARDO PATTI PRESTÓ LOS SIGUIENTES SERVICIOS EN LA INSTITUCIÓN POLICIAL Legajo 11541 Cadete de la Escuela “J.Vucetich”, alta 1º de Marzo de 1970 • El 30 de diciembre de 1971 asciende a oficial subayudante segundo en Escobar • El 30 de diciembre de 1975 asciende a oficial subinspector segundo • El 30 de Marzo de 1977 pasa a la Brigada de Tigre • El 30 de agosto de 1977 pasa a la Brigada de San Martín • El 30 de Mayo de 1978 pasa a la División Delitos Económicos -
THE “NORMALIZATION” of ARGENTINE POLITICS Steven Levitsky
Levitsky.new created from email by SL on 1-27 (6185 words). Levitsky.txt created by ME on 2/ 1 (5878 words). PRE created from TXT by SL on 2/2. Chart created in PRE by SL on 2/4. MP edits entered by ME on 2/4 (5879 words). AA’s entered by ME on 2/7 (5910 words). Further AA’s entered on 2/23 (5914 words). PRE revised with TXT by SL on 2/23. PGS created from PRE by SL on 2/23. THE “NORMALIZATION” OF ARGENTINE POLITICS Steven Levitsky Steven Levitsky, assistant professor of government at Harvard University, is the author (with David Collier) of “Democracy with Adjectives: Conceptual Innovation in Comparative Research,” published in April 1997 in World Politics. His essay “Fujimori and Post-Party Politics in Peru” appeared in the July 1999 issue of the Journal of Democracy. On 24 October 1999, Fernando de la Rua of the opposition Alliance for Jobs, Justice, and Education was elected president of Argentina, defeating Eduardo Duhalde of the incumbent Justicialista (or Peronist) Party (PJ) by a margin of 49 percent to 38 percent. Former economics minister Domingo Cavallo, running on the center-right Action for the Republic party ticket, finished third with 10 percent. The election was unprecedented in several respects. De la Rua’s assumption of the presidency marked the first time that Argentine democracy had survived two consecutive transfers of power from one party to another, as well as the first time that a Peronist had been removed from national office by democratic means. -
Genocide As Social Practice Genocide, Political Violence, Human Rights Series
Genocide as Social Practice Genocide, Political Violence, Human Rights Series Edited by Alexander Laban Hinton, Stephen Eric Bronner, and Nela Navarro Alan W. Clarke, Rendition to Torture Lawrence Davidson, Cultural Genocide Daniel Feierstein, Genocide as Social Practice: Reorganizing Society under the Nazis and Argentina’s Military Juntas Alexander Laban Hinton, ed., Transitional Justice: Global Mechanisms and Local Realities after Genocide and Mass Violence Alexander Laban Hinton, Thomas La Pointe, and Douglas Irvin-Erickson, eds., Hidden Genocides: Power, Knowledge, Memory Irina Silber, Everyday Revolutionaries: Gender, Violence, and Disillusionment in Postwar El Salvador Samuel Totten and Rafiki Ubaldo, eds., We Cannot Forget: Interviews with Survivors of the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda Ronnie Yimsut, Facing the Khmer Rouge: A Cambodian Journey Genocide as Social Practice Reorganizing Society under the Nazis and Argentina’s Military Juntas DANIEL FEIERSTEIN Translated by Douglas Andrew Town RUTGERS UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW BRUNSWICK, NEW JERSEY, AND LONDON LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Feierstein, Daniel, 1967– [Genocidio como práctica social. English] Genocide as social practice : reorganizing society under the Nazis and Argentinás military juntas / Daniel Feierstein ; translated Douglas Andrew Town. pages cm. — (Genocide, political violence, human rights series) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978–0–8135–6318–3 (hardcover : alk. paper) — ISBN 978–0–8135–6317–6 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 978–0–8135–6319–0 (e-book) 1. Genocide. 2. Holocaust, Jewish (1939–1945) 3. Genocide—Argentina. I. Title. HV6322.7.F4213 2014 304.6Ј630943—dc23 2013033862 A British Cataloging-in-Publication record for this book is available from the British Library. First published in Spanish as El genocidio como práctica social: Entre el nazismo y la experiencia argentina (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2007). -
Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America
Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Loxton, James Ivor. 2014. Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13070023 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America A dissertation presented by James Ivor Loxton to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, MA July 2014 © 2014 James Loxton All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Steven Levitsky James Ivor Loxton Dissertation Advisor: Professor Jorge I. Domínguez Authoritarian Inheritance and Conservative Party-Building in Latin America Abstract Beginning in the late 1970s, with the onset of the third wave of democratization, a host of new conservative parties emerged in Latin America. The trajectories of these parties varied tremendously. While some went on to enjoy long-term electoral success, others failed to take root. The most successful new conservative parties all shared a surprising characteristic: they had deep roots in former dictatorships. They were “authoritarian successor parties,” or parties founded by high-level incumbents of authoritarian regimes that continue to operate after a transition to democracy. -
Attacks Justice
ATTACKS ON JUSTICE The Harassment and Persecution of Judges and Lawyers June 1990 - May 1991 Edited by Reed Brody CENTRE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF JUDGES AND LAWYERS of the INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION OF JURISTS THE CENTRE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF JUDGES AND LAWYERS (CIJL) The Centre for the Independence of Judges and Lawyers was created by the International Commis sion of Jurists in 1978 to counter serious inroads into the independence of the judiciary and the legal profession by: - promoting world-wide the basic need for an independent judiciary and legal profession; - organising support for judges and lawyers who are being harassed or persecuted. In pursuing these goals, the CIJL: - intervenes with governments in particular cases of harassment or persecution and, in some in stances, solicits the aid of a network of jurists and lawyers' organisations throughout the world to do likewise; - works with the United Nations ~n setting standards for the independence of judges and lawyers and the impartial administration of justice. The CIJL was instrumental in the formulation of the UN Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary adopted at the Seventh Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders in 1985 and endorsed by the UN General Assembly. lt is now working with the UN on similar principles on the role of lawyers; - organises conferences and seminars on the independence of the judiciary and the legal profession. Regional seminars have been held in Central America, South America, South Asia, South-East Asia, East Africa, West Africa and the Caribbean. Several national seminars have also been organised.