Opere Et Veritate Делом И Истиной

OPERE ET VERITATE Sammelband von wissenschaftlichen Werken, gewidmet dem 10-jährigen Jubiläum der Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Historikern von weißrussischen Universitäten und der Universität Tübingen

Wissenschaftliche Redaktion: Prof. Dr. Olga Keller

ДЕЛОМ И ИСТИНОЙ Сборник научных трудов, посвященный 10-летнему юбилею сотрудничества между историками университетов Беларуси и Тюбингенского университета

Под научной редакцией доктора исторических наук, профессора О. Б. Келлер

Минск РИВШ 2019 УДК 94(430+476)“04/18”(082) ББК 63.3(4Гем+4Беи)4/5я43 Д29 Р е к о м е н д о в а н о Советом исторического факультета Белорусского государственного университета (протокол № 9 от 25 июня 2019 г.)

Р е ц е н з е н т ы : профессор кафедры всеобщей истории и методики преподавания истории Белорусского государственного педагогического университета имени Максима Танка, доктор исторических наук, профессор И. В. Варивончик; заведующий кафедрой таможенного дела факультета международных отношений Белорусского государственного университета, доктор исторических наук, доцент В. А. Острога

Publikation wird mit EU-Fördermittel gefördert. Издано при поддержке Европейской Комиссии (г. Брюссель).

Делом и истиной : сборник научных трудов, посвященный Д29 10-летнему юбилею сотрудничества между историками университетов Беларуси и Тюбингенского университета = Opere et Veritate : Sammelband von wissenschaftlichen Werken, gewidmet dem 10-jährigen Jubiläum der Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Historikern von weißrussischen Universitäten und der Universität Tübingen / под науч. ред. докт. ист. наук, проф. О. Б. Келлер. – Минск : РИВШ, 2019. – 356 с. ISBN 978-985-586-274-2.

Der Sammelband besteht aus den wissenschaftlichen Vorträgen der weißrussischen und deutschen HistorikerInnen, die eine Förderung durch EU-Programm Erasmus Plus erhalten haben, und stellt ein Dokumentationsbericht der 10-jährigen Kooperation zwischen weißrussischen und deutschen Historikern dar. Bei den Texten dieses Sammelbandes handelt es sich um äußerst komplexe Gebiete der Geschichtswissenschaft, die auch einem ständigen Wandel durch Änderungen im Forschungspraxis unterliegen. Das Wissenschaftliche Ausgabezentrum übernimmt daher keinerlei Verantwortung für den Inhalt des Sammelbandes. Сборник базируется на материалах научных докладов учёных, получивших финансовую поддержку европейской Программы «Эразмус Плюс», и представляет собой отчётную документацию по 10-летней кооперации между белорусскими и немецкими историками. Содержание статей настоящего сборника отражает сложные проблемы исторической науки, которые подлежат пересмотру в актуальной исследовательской практике. За содержание и авторскую точку зрения издательский центр ответственности не несёт.

УДК 94(430+476)“04/18”(082) ББК 63.3(4Гем+4Беи)4/5я43

ISBN 978-985-586-274-2 © Оформление. ГУО «Республиканский институт высшей школы», 2019 INHALT DES SAMMELBANDES / СОДЕРЖАНИЕ СБОРНИКА

I. Eröffnungswort ...... 6 Вступительное слово ...... 9

II. Aufsätze über die Geschichte Deutschlands, Weißrusslands und anderen Ländern im Mittelalter und in der Neuzeit / Статьи по истории Германии, Беларуси и других стран в Средние века и Новое время .... 12 1. Alena Dubrouka Cultural situation on Belarusian territories in the 9th–13th centuries (the text of the lectures presented on November, 12th and 13th, 2018 at the University of Tübingen, as part of the Erasmus+ program) / Елена Дубровко Культурная ситуация на территории Беларуси в 9–13 веках (текст лекций, представленных 12 и 13 ноября 2018 года в Университете г. Тюбинген в рамках программы Erasmus+) ...... 12 2. Siarhei Pivavarchyk Belarusian Panyamonne in the early Middle Ages (10th–13th centuries) / Сергей Пивоварчик Белорусское Понеманье в раннем средневековье (X–XIII вв.) ...... 27 3. Stanislau Czaropka Die Spaltung in der Metropolien von Kiew und der ganzen Rus / Станислав Черепко Раскол митрополии Киевской и Всея Руси ...... 45 4. Siarhei Hardzeichuk Klassifizierung der mittelalterlichen Städte in den deutschen Ländern des Heiligen Römischen Reiches: Freie, Reichs- und Territorialstädte (Landstädte) / Сергей Гордейчук Классификация средневековых городов на немецких землях Священной Римской империи: вольные, имперские и территориальные (земские) города ...... 54 5. Natalya Kosheleva The roots of Islamic Universalism / Наталья Кошелева Истоки исламского универсализма ...... 62 6. Sergej Veremeev The role of the mission of Cyril and Methodius in the spread of Christianity in Central, Southeast and Eastern Europe / Сергей Веремеев Роль миссии Кирилла и Мефодия в распространении христианства в Центральной, Юго-Восточной и Восточной Европе ...... 72 7. Evgeniy Gurinov «The blessed city»: Edessa and the Abgar legend in the age of the Crusades / Евгений Гуринов «Благословенный город»: Эдесса и легенда об Авгаре в эпоху крестовых походов ...... 84 8. Sviatlana Marozava Establishment of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (mid XIII – third quarter of XIV centuries): a view from Belarus / Светлана Морозова Образование Великого Княжества Литовского (середина ХІІІ – третья четверть XIV века): взгляд из Беларуси ...... 114

3 9. Janina Ryer The ruler and the society in Medieval Eastern Europe in 10th–14th cc.: about the mechanisms of power legitimization and sacralization / Янина Риер Правитель и общество в средневековой Восточной Европе в 10–14 вв.: о механизмах легитимизации и сакрализации власти ...... 125 10. Mikhail Spet Emergence and development of the Emirate of Aydin in the first third of the XIV century /Михаил Шпет Возникновение и развитие Эмирата Айдын в первой трети XIV века ...... 136 11. Jurij Bochan Die Spezifik von Urbanisierungsprozessen auf weißrussischen Territorien im 14–16. Jh. und die Voraussetzungen für die Verbreitung der Stadtverwaltung / Юрий Бохан Специфика урбанизационных процессов на белорусских территориях 14–16 вв. и предпосылки для распространения городского самоуправления ...... 145 12. Olga Keller Selbstverwaltung in den weißrussischen Städten und Ortschaften mit dem Magdeburger Recht / Ольга Келлер Самоуправление в белорусских городах и местечках с Магдебургским правом ...... 162 13. Olga Keller Das deutsche Recht in Weißrussland im Mittelalter und in der Neuzeit: Urkunden, Akten, Quellen und konkrete Beispiele aus der Rechtspraxis / Ольга Келлер Немецкое право на Беларуси в Средние века и Новое время: документы, акты, источники и конкретные примеры из правовой практики ...... 198 14. Konstantin Nikontschik The German reception in the stone architecture of Belarus in XIV–XVIII centuries / Константин Никончик «Немецкое влияние в каменной архитектуре Беларуси XIV–XVIII вв.» ...... 226 15. Igor Marzaljuk Von der ethnischen Gemeinschaft zur Nation: Die Ursprünge und die Entstehung der weißrussischen (belarussischen) nationalen Identität / Игорь Марзалюк От этнической общности к нации: истоки и генезис белорусской генетической идентичности ...... 233 16. Anton Schindling Primus Truber/Primož Trubar, ein slawischer Reformator in Württemberg / Антон Шиндлинг Примус Трубер – славянский реформатор в Вюртемберге...... 250 17. Anton Schindling Primus Truber-Gedenkorte in Süddeutschland / Антон Шиндлинг Памятные места Южной Германии, посвящённые Примусу Труберу...... 258 18. Aliaksandr Kakhanouski Modernization processes in Belarus in the second half of the XIX – the beginning of the XX cent.: general trends and national features / Александр Кохановский Модернизационные процессы в Беларуси во второй половине XIX – начале XX вв.: общие тенденции и национальные особенности ...... 271

4 III. Aufsätze über neueste Geschichte Deutschlands, Weißrusslands und anderen Ländern / Статьи по Новейшей истории Германии, Беларуси и других стран ...... 284 19. Dmitry Lavrinovich The struggle over the changes in the system of elections to the State Duma and the State Council in the western provinces of the Russian Empire (1906–1911) / Дмитрий Лавринович Борьба за изменение системы выборов Государственной Думы и Государственного Совета в западных губерниях Российской Империи (1906–1911 гг.) ...... 284 20. Alena Dubrouka Belarusians in the reflection of English-language journalistic materials of the Paris Peace Conference / Елена Дубровко Белорусы в отражении англоязычной публицистики периода Парижской мирной конференции ...... 299 21. Mikalai Miazga Rapallo-Politik in den Bedingungen der Vorbereitung des Garantiepaktes / Николай Мезга Политика Рапалло в условиях подготовки Гарантийного пакта ...... 308 22. Viachaslau Menkouski Stalinism: past or future for Belarus and Russia? / Вячеслав Меньковский Сталинизм: прошлое или будущее для Беларуси и России?...... 315 23. Viktoriya Andreeva Die Erforschung der Sowjetkultur in Westdeutschland (1949–1990) / Виктория Андреева Изучение советской культуры в Западной Германии (1949–1990 гг.) ...... 323 24. Eugenia Loseva Cooperation of France and Germany within the Erasmus program / Евгения Лосева Сотрудничество Франции и ФРГ в рамках программы Эразмус ...... 331 25. Alesja Korsak Erinnerungskultur als Faktor der nationalen Sicherheit der Republik Belarus / Алеся Корсак Культура памяти как фактор национальной безопасности Республики Беларусь ...... 338 26. Vladimir Koshelev Ideology and practice of the Islamic state / Владимир Кошелев Идеология и практика Исламского государства ...... 342

5 25. Smolik, J. Slowianska liturgia w Czechach (Komunikat) // Cyryl i Metody apostolowie i nauczyciele slowian. Studia i dokumenty. Czesc 1. Lublin, Redakcija wydawnictw KUL, 1991. – С. 85-88.

Candidate of Science (History), Project Сoordinator, “ANIV” Foundation for Development and Support of Armenian Studies [email protected]

Evgeniy Gurinov

«THE BLESSED CITY»: EDESSA AND THE ABGAR LEGEND IN THE AGE OF THE CRUSADES

«БЛАГОСЛОВЕННЫЙ ГОРОД»: ЭДЕССА И ЛЕГЕНДА ОБ АВГАРЕ В ЭПОХУ КРЕСТОВЫХ ПОХОДОВ

Summary: The Abgar legend is included in the corpus of the New Testament apocryphal legends. Its core episodes are the letter exchange between King Abgar of Edessa and Jesus Christ, the healing of Abgar and the conversion of the city of Edessa to Christianity. Having grown up in the third century, the legend widely spread throughout the Near East. Jesus’ promise to King Abgar to protect Edessa against enemies had become the main motif of the legend, as reflected in the use of Abgar’s and Jesus’ letters as apotropaic amulets. On the eve of the First Crusade, the Abgar legend was widely known in Western Europe despite the fact that it was considered apocryphal and, therefore, condemned by the Roman Catholic Church. It seems that the first crusaders arrived to Edessa were familiar with Abgar legend. Already at the beginning of the twelfth century the Edessan Franks adapted and actualized the legend. The Christians who lived in the County of Edessa believed that its capital was under divine protection. The protection was ensuring, in their vision, through the pact established between the citizens of Edessa and God. This was forging the common identity of the Franks and their Oriental Christian subjects, mainly the Armenians and the Syrians, as a “chosen people”. Furthermore, by drawing parallels between themselves and the legendary King Abgar, ruler of the first Christian state, the Frankish counts of Edessa could claim that the county was a unique and independent lordship created before the other Crusader states. Key words: Abgar legend; Crusades; Crusader states; county of Edessa; Edessa; identity; apotropaic text; Apocrypha; relics; Mandylion; Saints; Cristianization; pact with God.

The Middle Ages can rightfully be called the age of legends. Legend usually contains a core in the form of the historicized narrative. Some of medieval legends describe the crucial points in the history of society, like founding the state or the city, conversion of the peoples to Christianity, struggle against enemy invasions, while others deal with local events, like the history of a separate family, knightly

84 adventures or the amour courtois, searching for holy objects, and so on [11, p. 7–9]. Medieval legends were often aimed at legitimizing the ruler’s power and emphasizing its sacral nature as well as the fact that the ruler had been chosen by God. Such an example is the legend, according to which, at the baptism of Clovis, the Holy Spirit in the form of a dove flew down from heaven bringing an ampulla with the balsam, with which the Bishop of Rheims consecrated the king [68, p. 20–21]. Yet another example of a different kind concerns the Plantagenets, who used the legend about their descent from a female demon for his own political purposes, while Phillip II Augustus in his turn attempted to use the same legend against John Lackland [21, p. 37–38; 68, p. 33]. As legends played an important role in medieval society, they were consciously recounted, rewritten and modified. The vast majority of medieval people believed in legends and used them for perception and interpretation of the world. Being mixed with historical facts and Christianized, legends were often included in works of medieval scholars. This paper is aimed at studying Christian perceptions of the city of Edessa through the Abgar legend and focuses primarily on the period when the County of Edessa existed, i.e. from the end of the eleventh to the middle of the twelfth century. As far as I know, the development of the Abgar legend in Frankish Edessa has still not been the subject of special studies, and therefore one can find only general references to the legend in works dealing with the first Crusader state [18, p. 41; 55, p. 40; 60, p. 171, 172; 84, p. 52–53]. It was only Gerard Dédéyan who has considered in more of less detail some episodes in the history of the Abgar legend during the time of the Crusades [35, p. 785, 996–999, 1027– 1028]. Some preliminary results of my own research on the Abgar legend in the age of the Crusades have also been previously published in Russian [1; 2, p. 33, 34–35; 4, p. 73–74, 273–274]. The objective of the article is threefold. First, to consider the origins of the Abgar legend and its development in the literatures of the Byzantine cultural circle in order to identify the main motives of the legend. Second, to study the spread and development of the legend in the Latin West during the period before the Crusades. This will help to clarify the cultural background of the first crusaders and to understand to what extent they were familiar with the legend. Third, to examine the development of the legend in Edessa under the Frankish rule from both the Frankish and Oriental Christian perspectives. I will try to determine the questions whether the Abgar tradition became a basis for forming the common identity of the Franks and local Christians, especially the Armenians and the Syrians, and whether the Frankish settlers used the legend for their own ideological purposes. The established objective has determined a three-part structure of the paper.

85 The origin, main episodes and development of the Abgar legend in the literatures of the Byzantine cultural circle In Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, one of the most popular New Testament Apocrypha was the Abgar legend originated in the early third century at Edessa, capital of the Kingdom of Osrhoëne (132 B.C. – 244 A.D.). According to the legend, the king of Edessa, Abgar V Ukkama bar Ma‛nu (4 B.C. – 7 A.D., 13 A.D. – 50 A.D.), being afflicted with an incurable sickness,1 learned of the power and miraculous healings made by Jesus Christ and invited him by the letter to Edessa that he heal the king and find refuge from the persecutions of the Jews. In his response, Jesus replied that he could not come to Edessa, because he had to fulfill his mission and then would be taken up to his heavenly Father. However, he praised Abgar as blessed, for the latter believed in him without seeing, and promised to send to Abgar one of his disciples after his death and ascension. After the Ascension, Judas Thomas, one of the Twelve Apostles, sent to Edessa the apostle Thaddeus, one of the Seventy Apostles, who healed Abgar and converted citizens of Edessa to Christianity.2 Some scholars link the process of the Christianization of Edessa with the reign of the king Abgar VIII the Great bar Ma‛nu (177–212) and, therefore, consider Edessa to be the first state that adopted Christianity as an official religion [6; 7, p. 6, 30; 9, p. 26–35; 41, p. 96–97; 58, p. 157–158; 59, p. 9–10; 90, p. 239; 92, p. 109–112, 155]. In that case, the legend linking the evangelization of the city to the name of Jesus Christ himself would have aimed at enhancing the status of the new religion and thereby speeding up its adoption by the citizens. Others state that there is no solid reason to believe that Edessa officially3 adopted Christianity by the end of the fourth century. According to them, the Abgar legend arose among the Edessan Orthodox minority in the late third century as an Orthodox propaganda against such doctrines as Manichaeism, Marcionism or Bardaisanism [23, p. 13; 39, p. 494–497; 89, p. 127–136]. In either case, the exact date when Christianity was officially established in Edessa (at the beginning or by the end of the third century) is not a matter for discussion in this paper.4 As the initial version of the Abgar legend written in Syriac has not survived, the starting point of our chronology is the earliest extant description of the legend, which is contained in Eusebius of Caesarea’s Historia Ecclesiastica, written before 325. Eusebius mentions the core episodes of the legend: Abgar’s sickness, his letter exchange with Jesus, the mission of

1 The surname of Abgar V, Ukkama, relates to Syriac ’wkm’, which means ‘black’ or ‘blind’. The king may have suffered from so-called black leprosy or blindness. According to another version, leprosy made his skin white, and therefore the surname Ukkama is an euphemism [9, p. 205, note 8; 56, p. 312, note 76]. 2 It is impossible within the confines of the article to provide an adequate survey of the historiography of the Abgar legend; the most that can be done is to indicate the most important works on the issue: [9; 38; 58; 59; 105]. 3 In that case, the word ‘officially’ means that one of the Abgarid kings — especially Abgar VIII the Great — converted to Christianity. 4 For the historiographical review of these two positions, see [25, p. 221; 31, p. 564–565].

86 the apostle Thaddeus, the miraculous healing of Abgar and the conversion of the city to Christianity [45, vol. II/1, p. 82–96, 104–106].1 He cites both the letters [45, vol. II/1, p. 86–88] and claims that he has translated them from Syriac to Greek in the archives of Edessa. It is noteworthy that Eusebius’ narration ends with the following sentence: “From that day to this the whole city of the Edessenes has been dedicated to the name of Christ, thus displaying no common proof of the beneficence of our Saviour toward them” [46, vol. I, p. 107] (εἰς ἔτι τε νῦν ἐξ ἐκείνου ἡ πᾶσα τῶν Ἐδεσσηνῶν πόλις τῇ Χριστοῦ προσανάκειται προσηγορία, οὐ τὸ τυχὸν ἐπιφερομένη δεῖγμα τῆς τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν καὶ εἰς αὐτοὺς εὐεργεσίας [45, vol. II/1, p. 106]). The next stage of the development of the Abgar legend is reflected in the Doctrina Addai, composed in the late fourth–early fifth century [7, p. 75–133; 9, p. 118–213; 96; consult: 9, p. 37–55]. It is the most complete version of the legend in Syriac and, in comparison with Eusebius’ chronicle, contains a number of new details. In particular, Jesus makes his reply to King Abgar not in writing but orally (because, according to the New Testament tradition, Jesus did not write any letters or books), and the court archivist Hannan (Ananias) writes out the reply word by word. Jesus concludes his reply with the promise: “Thy city shall be blessed, and no enemy shall again become master of it for ever.” [7, p. 79; 9, p. 186; 96, p. 5]. As Elena Meshcherskaya assumes, the motif of the city under divine protection may have arisen in Edessa between 363 and 415, when Osrhoëne and its capital were living in peace due to the Roman-Persian treaty of 363 [9, p. 41–42]. Jesus’ portrait painted for the king by Hannan is also mentioned in the Doctrina Addai. During the period from the fifth to the seventh century, the Abgar legend spread, through the Greek language, far more widely in the Christian Near East and was translated into many languages [9, p. 69–87, 88–111; 57; 59, p. 34–35, 56–57, 59–60, 69–70, 189–191 et passim]. In that period, the letter exchange between Jesus Christ and King Abgar had become the most popular episode of the legend. The text of the correspondence, especially of Jesus’ reply, written on papyrus or inscribed in stone was widely used as apotropaic. There are at least five Greek inscriptions in stone dated to the fourth and fifth centuries and numerous copies written in Greek or Coptic on papyrus, parchment or potsherds and dated to the sixth and seventh centuries. The former ones were used to protect an object, such as a tomb, a house or even a city; and the later ones as individual apotropaic amulets. All those texts end with Jesus’ promise to protect the city of Edessa against enemies [9, p. 56–68; 34, p. 153–155; 48, p. 143–147; 80; 91, p. 75; 109].2 A few words should be said about the use of the letters to protect cities. The example of particular interest is two marble plates found in 1914 in Phillipi, Macedonia, near the so-called Neapolis Gate. The plates are usually dated to the beginning of the fifth century. One plate bears the letter of Abgar to Jesus, and

1 For the detailed analysis of Eusebius’ account, see [9, p. 14–25; 25; 31; 105, p. 87–100]. 2 The main Greek texts of the incriptions and letters have been published, with parallel Russian translations, by Elena Meshcherskaya [9, p. 217–226].

87 another the response of Jesus to the king. The plates were fixed on the city gates, on the outer side, and served as protection of the city against enemies [9, p. 61, 224–225; 49, p. 185–189, pl. LI–LII; 85]. It is undoubtedly that by the end of the fourth century this tradition had already been established in Edessa, wherefrom it then was transmitted to other regions and cities. According to Egeria, a pilgrim to Jerusalem, who visited Edessa in the 380s, King Abgar was able to ward off the Persian army from Edessa by standing on the city gates and raising the reply of Jesus above his head [93, p. 21–22; 43, p. 78–79]. The author of the Chronicle of Pseudo-Joshua the Stylite, written in the early sixth century, says that Persians were unable to capture the city of Edessa “since the promise of Christ given to the believing king Abgar could not be annulled” [95, p. 6]. According to Pseudo- Joshua’s account of the Persian siege of Edessa in 503, the city was miraculously saved by “the blessing of Christ” [95, p. 77–80]. When describing the siege of Edessa by the Shahanshah Khosrow I in 540, Procopius of Caesarea (ca. 500–ca. 560) says that although the final portion of the letter of Jesus with his promise to protect the city against “the barbarians” was unknown to the contemporary historians, “the men of Edessa say that they found it with the letter, so that they have even caused the letter to be inscribed in this form on the gates of the city instead of any other defence” (Ἐδεσσηνοὶ δὲ αὐτὸ ξὺν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ εὑρέσθαι φασίν, ὥστε ἀμέλει καὶ ἀνάγραπτον οὕτω τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀντ᾿ ἄλλου του φυλακτηρίου ἐν ταῖς τῆς πόλεως πεποίηνται πύλαις) [87, vol. I, p. 368–371]. The information provided by Procopius is very valuable because it confirms that the Edessenes used the letter of Jesus to Abgar for protecting their city. Since the early fifth century, when it appeared in the Doctrina Addai, the episode with the portrait of Jesus painted by the court archivist and artist Hannan was gradually developed into the tradition of the Image of Edessa, the so-called Mandylion. The Mandylion was believed to be the image of Christ not made by human hands but miraculously transferred onto a cloth, with which Jesus wiped his face. This portrait of Christ became, like the letter of Jesus, the palladium of Edessa protecting the city against enemies [58; 59]. The first author to describe the protective properties of the Mandylion was Evagrius Scholasticus (536/7–after 594). In his Historia Ecclesiastica, written in the late sixth century, Evagrius describes under the year 544 how the Edessenes could destroy the Persian siege mound with the miraculous help of “the divinely wrought image, which the hands of men did not form, but Christ our God sent to Agbarus [Abgarus] on his desiring to see Him” [42, p. 218–221, esp. p. 220] (τὴν θεότευκτον εἰκόνα ἣν ἀνθρώπων μὲν χεῖρες οὐκ εἰργάσαντο, Ἀγβάρῳ δὲ Χριστὸς ὁ θεός, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν ἰδεῖν ἐπόθει, πέπομφε [98, p. 174–176, esp. p. 175]). As time went on, we find as many as three different copies of the Mandylion in Edessa by the middle of the tenth century [102, p. 46–47]. According to Judah Segal, those holy images belonged to the Chalcedonian, Jacobite, and Nestorian communities living in Edessa, and each of them claimed that only their Mandylion was genuine [91, p. 77–78].

88 Until the seventh century, Edessa lived in the atmosphere of frequent wars that Rome and, subsequently, Byzantium fought against the Persians. During that period, the Abgar legend played an important role in maintaining the Edessenes’ belief in divine protection of their city. The Muslim capture of Edessa in 639 did not interrupt the legendary tradition: the letters of Abgar and Jesus as well as the Mandylion were kept in the city, whose Christian inhabitants continued to worship the relics and to believe in their authenticity and miraculous properties. In 943, Edessa was besieged by the Byzantine troops under the general John Kourkuas, who demanded that the Muslim ruler of Edessa should hand over the Mandylion. He promised to lift the siege, pay the amount of 12,000 silver coins and return 200 Muslim prisoners in exchange for the Mandylion. After lengthy negotiations the Mandylion of Edessa was transferred to the Byzantines despite the unrest among the Edessan Christians, who were loath to give it up, and solemnly delivered to Constantinople on 15 August 944 [5, p. 392–396; 102, p. 44 ff; 104, p. 432]. According to the anonymous Narratio de imagine Edessena, written under the auspice of the Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (913–59) shortly after the Mandylion’s arrival in the capital, the citizens of Edessa handed over the Image of Christ together with the letter of Christ to the Greeks [102, p. 44–51, 54–59]. It seems, however, that either the information about the provision of the letter of Jesus to the Greeks was included in the text of the Narratio in the result of interpolation or mistake [5, p. 396–398], or the letter itself was not the original but only a copy of the letter being kept in Edessa and believed to be the original response of Jesus [90, p. 249]. In any case, surviving sources testify that the letters of Abgar and Jesus were again taken from Edessa and sent to the Byzantine Emperor after the reconquest of Edessa by George Maniakes in 1032 [5, p. 72–73; 54, vol. II, p. 501]. The Abgar tradition in the West before the Crusades Already in Late Antiquity, the Abgar legend spread across the Latin West through contacts with the Near East and especially through pilgrimages to the Holy Places in Syria and Palestine. The earliest known western source that mentions the letter exchange between Abgar and Jesus is the so-called Itinerarium Egeriae. Historians have still not reached consensus towards the questions of what title the original manuscript bore, who the author was, and when she made her pilgrimage [37, p. 45–46; 43, p. 1–7; 58, p. 146–148; 81, p. VI–IX; 91, p. 66]. In this paper, the author of the Itinerarium is identified with the name “Egeria” while the making of the pilgrimage is dated to the 380s. Egeria not only mentions about the letter exchange between Abgar and Jesus, but also describes some objects connected with the legend and located in Edessa: the church and the shrine of St. Thomas,1 the palace of King Abgar,

1 Veneration of Thomas the Apostle in Edessa goes back to the third century reflecting, in general, the connections of Osrhoëne with India. According to the tradition emerged at Edessa, after the death of Thomas in India his relics were brought to the city and then, in 394, deposited in the sar-

89 where the marble statue of the king was placed, the tomb of King Abgar, and the gates “through which the messenger Ananias entered with the letter [of Jesus] (per quam ingressus est Ananias cursos cum illa epistola)”. She also knows, as I have mentioned above, about the protective properties of Jesus’ letter by which Abgar saved Edessa from the Persian siege [43, p. 76, 77–81; 93, p. 19, 20–23]. Egeria’s account of her three-day staying in Edessa ends with the words: “And this was especially gratifying to me, that I received from the saintly bishop copies of the letters which he had read to us, both Abgar’s letter to the Lord and the Lord’s letter to Abgar. Although I had copies of them at home, I was clearly very pleased to accept them from him, in case the copy which had reached us at home happened to be incomplete; for the copy which I received was certainly more extensive” [43, p. 81] (Illud etiam satis mihi grato fuit, ut epistolas ipsae Aggari ad Dominum siue Domini ad Aggarum, quas nobis ibi legerat sanctus episcopus, acciperem michi ab ipso sancto. Et licet in patria exemplaria ipsarum haberem, tamen gratius mihi uisum est, ut et ibi eas de ipso acciperem, ne quid forsitan minus ad nos in patria peruenisset; nam uere amplius est, quod hic accepi. Unde si Deus noster Iesus iusserit et uenero in patria, legitis uos, dominae animae meae [93, p. 23]). The Itinerarium Egeriae contains the earliest survived mention of circulation of the letters of Abgar and Jesus in Western Europe. In the early fifth century, Rufinus of Aquileia ca.( 345–411) translated into Latin, reworked and extended Eusebius’ Historia Ecclesiastica. The Latin translation of Eusebius, which contains the account of miraculous healing and conversion of King Abgar as well as the texts of the letters [45, vol. II/1, p. 83–97, 105–107], made the Abgar tradition accessible to wide audience in the medieval West. It should be noted that the Roman Catholic Church condemned the Abgar legend as apocryphal and did not acknowledge the authenticity of the letter exchange between King Abgar and Jesus Christ. The authenticity of the legend is denied, for instance, in the Decretum Pseudo-Gelasianum (between the fourth to the sixth centuries) [32, p. 13], the Capitulare de imaginibus (794) [76, p. 511], and by Hugh of Saint-Victor (ca. 1096–1141) [62, col. 788]. This fact, however, had not prevented the widest spread of the Abgar legend in Western Europe. The Jesus’ reply to Abgar, the so-called Epistola Salvatoris, became the most popular episode of the legend. People, including clerics, believed in the authenticity and miraculous properties of the letter and considered the text it contained to be the true words of Christ himself able to protect against enemies or the devil. Hence, it is no surprise that Christ’s letter to Abgar was translated into Latin and copied. The earliest Latin translation of the Epistola Salvatoris is a letter found in an Anglo-Saxon prayer book from Mercia (British Library, Royal MS cophagus in the splendid church dedicated to the apostle. As Elena Meshcherskaya notes, the veneration of Thomas, one of the Twelve Apostles, was new and more authoritative tradition as compared with that of Thaddeus/Addai, one of the seventy (or seventy-two) disciples. In short, two traditions circulated in Edessa in that period: one of the traditions linked the Christianization of the city to Thaddeus/Addai and another to Thomas, and the latter gradually became more and more popular [8, p. 48–51; 9, p. 31–32; 12, p. 22, 186]. 90 2.A.xx) dated to the second half of the eighth – the first quarter of the ninth century [26, p. 168–169]. The letter follows in the manuscript immediately after the Pater noster and the Credo and contains Jesus’ promise to protect King Abgar “whether in your home or in your city or in any place” (Siue in domu tua siue in ciuitate tua siue in omni loco) from “the treacheries of the devil” (insidias diabuli), “the curses of your enemies” (carmina inimicorum tuorum) and all the trials or troubles. Undoubtedly, the letter was used as a personal apotropaic amulet, as evidenced by its last words: “Whoever has this letter with him will go about safely in peace. Amen” (Si quis hanc epistolam secum habuerit secures ambulet in pace. Amen) [26, p. 176–177]. As Christopher Cain points out, Jesus’ letter found in the Royal MS 2.A.xx substantially differs from that in Rufinus, especially in the section containing Jesus’ promise of protection and help, and could be a version of the letter brought to England by Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury (668–90) [26, p. 177 ff].1 Another Anglo-Saxon prayer book containing the Epistola Salvatoris (British Library, Cotton Galba, MS A.xiv) probably originates from Winchester and is dated to the first half of the eleventh century [26, p. 175; 94, p. 101]. Therefore, we can discern two parallel routes of transmission and dissemination of the Abgar legend in medieval Europe: (1) through the Latin translation of Eusebius’ Historia Ecclesiastica by Rufinus and (2) through the direct contacts between the Western and Oriental Christian worlds. Moreover, many medieval authors, mainly clerics, mention King Abgar and the legend connected with him in their works. Some of them only provide brief references to the Abgar legend. For instance, in his De temporum ratione, Bede the Venerable (672/73–735) only mentions under the year 4171 A.M. that “the holy man Abgar ruled Edessa, as Africanus would have it” (Abgarus vir sanctus regnavit Edessae, ut vult Africanus) [24, col. 551].2 According to Christian Drutmar, a Benedictine monk of Corbey, who lived in the ninth century, “the Lord himself suffered much evil and disgrace from his [people], while Abgar wanted to share the realm with him” (Ipse Dominus a suis multa mala perpessus et opprobria, Abgarus cum illo regnum partiri voluit) [27, col. 1378]. Paulo Alvaro (d. ca.861), a Christian layman and poet living in Muslim Cordoba, briefly references to the legend in one of his letters [79, col. 418]. Some authors provide more detailed accounts. In the chronicle of Bishop Freculf of Lisieux (d. 851/2) is told, with the reference to the book 1 of the Latin translation of Eusebius’ chronicle, that Thomas the Apostle sent Thaddeus, one of the seventy disciples, to Edessa. Thaddeus brought “the second Lord’s precept” (secundum Domini praeceptum) to Abgar, healed him and introduced the whole city of Edessa to the true faith “in such a way that until today that city, because it merited to receive the writings of our Lord and Savior himself, seems

1 On Archbishop Theodore, see [66, p. 93–121]. 2 This passage has been interpolated into Bede’s text from Jerome’s Latin translation of Eu- sebius of Caesarea’s Chronicon. Cf. [36, vol. I, p. 214]. On the figure of Julius Africanus ca( .160– ca.240), an early Christian historian, see [9, p. 15–18; 64].

91 to have been dedicated to Christ by some special devotion” (ita ut in hodiernum civitas illa, quippe ipsius Domini et Salvatoris nostri meruit scripta suscipere, velut speciali quadam Christo devotione dicata sit) [51, col. 1123]. The Old English treaty On King Abgar, composed ca.1000 by Ælfric the Grammarian (ca.955–1020), describes the letter exchange between Jesus Christ and King Abgar, the latter’s healing by Thaddeus, the Christianization of Edessa and contains the texts of the letters of Abgar (in Old English) and Christ (in Latin and Old English) taken from the chronicle of Eusebius-Rufinus [33]. In this section, I have examined only selected examples of the wide dissemination of the Abgar legend in Western Europe during the period before the Crusades.1 Nevertheless, even these examples clearly show that despite the fact that the legend was considered apocryphal by the Roman Catholic Church and, therefore, was condemned, it became widely known in the Catholic World. Jesus Christ’s letter to King Abgar was believed to have miraculous and protective properties and was much more widely used by medieval people. In their minds, the city of Edessa was connected with the names of Jesus Christ, King Abgar and the apostles Thomas and Thaddeus. Primary sources unequivocally refer to Edessa as the city dedicated to God. The development of the Abgar legend in the County of Edessa in the age of the Crusades The First Crusade, which began in 1096 and culminated in the capture of Jerusalem in 1099, involved the mass of people of all social classes and of many nations from the West to the East. In autumn of 1097, Baldwin of Boulogne, a second-rank Crusader leader and Godfrey of Bouillon’s brother, detached himself from the main army and marched, with a small band, farther east toward the Euphrates River, where he seized some settlements, including the city of Tell Bashir and the castle of Rawandan. At the very end of 1097, he was summoned to Edessa by an embassy from the city ruler, curopalate T‘oros; the latter was a Chalcedonian Armenian ruling over mainly the non-Chalcedonian Christian population of the city. After his arrival in Edessa, Baldwin was adopted by childless T‘oros and became his co-ruler and heir. Soon afterward the complot was composed against T‘oros by the local nobles, who involved Baldwin in it. After the murder of T‘oros in a riot of the citizens inspired by the nobles, Baldwin was installed as ruler of Edessa. It was the beginning of the County of Edessa, the first of the Crusader states founded in the East.2 In this connection, a question arises, of great interest and importance. Did the first crusaders departing to Edessa know the Abgar legend? The affirmative answer would provide us with a new angle from which to look at their motivations. For a number of reasons, I believe that it is not a mistake to assume that the crusaders were acquainted with the legend of Abgar. First, by the end of

1 For more information and main bibliography, see [94, p. 98–104]. 2 For Baldwin’s installation in Edessa, see [14; 35, p. 1026–1044; 55; 67; 70, p. 35–36, 79–80]. For creation of the County of Edessa, see [3].

92 the eleventh century the Abgar legend was widely known in medieval Europe. Second, there were many clerics in the ranks of the First Crusade who would have been familiar with the legend at least through the chronicle of Eusebius-Rufinus [84, p. 52–53]. We should not forget that Baldwin of Boulogne himself, the youngest of three sons of Eustace II, count of Boulogne, initially became a cleric and only later left the church and became a knight [107, p. 453; see 55, p. 7–8; 75, p. 25–25]. Moreover, on the expedition to Edessa Baldwin was followed by his chaplain Fulcher of Charters, a well-educated man who later wrote a history of the First Crusade and the Latin East down to 1127.1 And third, the crusaders would initially hear the details of the Abgar legend from the local Christians in Asia Minor or in Euphratensis. Thus, there is a high degree of probability that the status of Edessa as the first Christian state attracted the crusaders no less that its wealth or strategic location. Even if the legend was not familiar to the crusaders – though that seems unlikely – they could know and accept it after their arrival in Edessa. The situation was more than favorable: in the first half of the twelfth century, the Abgar legend continued to live among Syrian and Armenian Christians, who constituted the majority of the city’s population. It is extremely noteworthy that Jacobite Patriarch Michael the Great (1126–1199) calls Edessa “the city of Abgar, the friend of Christ” [103, p. 665]. In his chronicle, Michael cites Abgar and Jesus’ letters and mentions the mission of Addai (Thaddeus) in Edessa, the miraculous healing and the baptism of Abgar [103, p. 106–107].2 He also mentions “the image of Christ” or “the precious kerchief” transferred to the Byzantine Emperor by the citizens of Edessa [103, p. 487, 585]. The Armenian chronicler Matthew of Edessa, who lived in the city under Frankish rule, similarly makes constant references to the Abgar legend and calls Edessa տունն Աբգարու [110, p. 258, 290, 344, 356], which means “the house of Abgar” or “the people of Abgar” [35, p. 997, 999]. Another Armenian author, Nersēs Shnorhali,3 refers to the legend in his poem the Lament on Edessa by putting the following words in the mouth of the city of Edessa: “By King Abgar was I built for these same kings, / And was in the region of the Apostle Thaddaeus” [106, p. 53–54] (Ի յաբգարու՝ թագաւորէ, նոցունց շինեալ՝ ես լինէի։ / Նա և նըման՝ զոլ վիճակի, առաքելոյն՝ Թադէոսի [44, p. 8]). In addition, traces of the Abgar legend also existed in the quotidian life of twelfth-century Edessa. In the city, there were the Church of St. Savior that was believed to be built by Thaddeus the Apostle [110, p. 290], the church of Saint Thomas the Apostle [19, p. 100; 99, p. 290], the monastery of Abgar [19, p. 105;

1 Fulcher used Rufinus’ Latin translations of the two works by Flavius Josephus, the Bellum Iudaicum and the Antiquitates Iudaicae, in compiling his chronicle [52, p. 44; 53, p. 69]. It is quite possible that he was also familiar with other Rufinus’ translations, including that of Eusebius’ His- toria Ecclesiastica. 2 See also the account interpolated into Michael the Great’s chronicle from an Armenian source [103, p. 772]. 3 The future Catholicos Nersēs IV the Gracious (1166–1173).

93 99, p. 294],1 the spring of Abgar where, according to local tradition, the king was healed from leprosy by Thaddeus the Apostle [19, p. 101; 82, p. 363; 99, p. 290], and the so-called the Lepers’ Well that was believed to obtain healing properties after throwing the Mandylion into it [99, p. 101–102]. Despite the transfer of the Mandylion and the letters, the citizens of Edessa believed that their city did not lose the divine protection. In return, they had to keep God’s commandments and to lead righteous lives. This is specifically reflected in the description of the fall of Edessa in 1144 written by Gregory the Priest, the continuator of Matthew of Edessa: “…For a long time none of the very great and eminent [men] had been able to forcibly get control of this city blessed by the Lord, who ordered by [his] truthful lips during his sojourn on earth and wrote in his letter to King Abgar: ‘Famine and sword will not entry your city, if [its inhabitants] observe my commandments.’ However, after a while they forgot the injunction of the Creator, like the Israelites who, despite great gratitude they received from God, promptly forgot the heaven-sent and effortless gifts, but yet remembered the Egyptian onion and garlic, and the bitter service until they provoked the anger of God, whose patience is unfailing, and he did not allow them to see the promised land. In this same way the citizens [of Edessa], having forgotten their promise to God, committed unlawful deeds against the will of merciful Christ and thus received the recompense of their senseless behavior” (English translation is cited from [20, p. 244] with corrections) (…ի բազում ժամանակաց ոչ ոք ի մեծամեծաց եւ ի վեհագունից կարող եղեւ տիրել բռնութեամբ քաղաքին օրհնելոյ ի Տեառնէ, զոր անսուտ բերանովն հրամայեաց ի մարդեղութեանն իւրում՝ զոր գրեաց ի թղթին իւրում առ Աբգար թագաւորն. թէ «Սով եւ սուր ոչ մտցէ ի քաղաքս քո, եթէ կայցեն ի հրաման պատուիրանի իմոյ». զոր եւ մոռացեալ նոցա յետ ժամանակաց զպատուէր Արարչին՝ նմանեալ Իսրայէլացւոցն, յետ բազում երախտեացն, զորս ընդունէին յԱստուծոյ, դարձեալ մոռանային փութանակի զաստուածատուր եւ զանջան բարիսն, զսոխն եւ զսխտորն Եգիպտոսի եւ զգառն ծառայութիւնն յոգւոց հանելով յիշէին, մինչեւ զանբարկանալին Աստուած ի ցասումն սրտմտութեան բորբոքէին՝ ոչ տալ տեսանել նոցա զերկիրն խոստացեալ. նոյնպէս եւ քաղաքացիքս այս մոռացեալ զխոստումն Աստուծոյ գործէին զանարժանս հակառակ կամաց ողորմածին Քրիստոսի, որ եւ զփոխարէնն առին եստ անիմաստ մտաց իւրեանց [110, p. 410–412]). Gregory the Priest compares the citizens of Edessa, who were deprived of divine support and lost their city for forgetting the injunctions of God, with the Israelites, who were punished for complaining and grumbling God.2 This comparison is based on the well-known interpretation of the relationship between God and mankind in the Judeo-Christian tradition. According to the tradition, God establishes a covenant with His people and gives them His perfect law. He provides His people with His blessing and support in exchange 1 The monastery may have been dedicated to St. Abraham [71, p. 379]. 2 Cf. Num. 11.5, 14.22–23.

94 for observing His law or punishes them for putting it aside [13, p. 93–95]. Moreover, as Stanislav Minin has demonstrated, the participants of the First Crusade considered their expedition to the Holy Land in much the same manner. The crusaders believed that they had made the pact with God based on the do-ut-des principle and become God’s vassals. If they kept ritual purity and observed His commandments, God supported them on their way to Jerusalem by providing counsels, sending sacred relics, participating in battles. However, He deprived them of His help if their moral behavior did not comply with the conditions of the established pact [10]. Thus, in the period under consideration, there were all preconditions for actualizing the Abgar legend by the Frankish settlers in Edessa: (1) extremely possible wide knowledge of the legend among the crusaders, (2) particularly favorable environment for preserving and further development of the legend in Edessa, and (3) existence of the mechanism of adaptation and actualization of the legend by the first crusaders. Numerous mentions and references to the Abgar legend in the Latin twelfth- century primary sources attest to the wide dissemination of the legend in Outremer as well as in Western Europe during the period under consideration. Almost all such descriptions tend to emphasize the impregnability of Edessa against the enemy attacks or the fact that the city had never been under the domination of the infidels since its conversion to Christianity. For instance, Orderic Vitalis, an Anglo-Norman monk of Saint-Evroult in Normandy who was a contemporary of the First Crusaders and included the vast amount of the material for the history of the First Crusade and the Latin East in his Historia Ecclesiastica, describes the translation of Thomas the Apostle’s relics from India to Edessa: “The king of that city [Edessa] was Abgar the Toparch who had the honor to receive the letter written by the Savior’s hand, which is read by a newly baptized child, standing over the gates of the city, if any barbarous tribe advances to attack the city. The very same day the letter is read, the barbarous either make peace, or retreat in terror both of the Savior’s writings and of the prayers of Saint Thomas the Apostle, or Didymus, who having touched the Lord’s side cried out, Lord, thou art my God” (English translation is cited from [97, vol. I, p. 263] with minor corrections) (Abgarus toparcha ejusdem urbis rex fuit, qui epistolam manu Salvatoris scriptam accipere meruit; quam infans baptizatus stans super portam civitatis legit, si quando barbara gens contra civitatem venerit. Eadem die qua lecta fuerit, aut placantur barbari, aut fugantur eminati tam Salvatoris scriptis, quam orationibus sancti Thomae apostoli, sive Didymi, qui latus Domini contignes dixit: Tu es, Domine, Deus meus [77, vol. I, p. 319]). Orderic also refers to the legend when describing Baldwin of Boulogne’s arrival to Edessa [77, vol. III, p. 564–565; 97, vol. III, p. 144]. A reference to the Abgar legend is found in the Latin poem Historia vie Hierosolimitane. The poem is the work of two authors, and the second one, the so-called Charleville Poet, has written book 6, where the expedition to Edessa is described. He tells that King Abgar received the letter from Jesus Christ, which

95 remained in the city and preserved it from the enemies. He next tells the episode of reading the letter by a baptized child, probably interpolated from Orderic’s chronicle, and resumes his narrations with the following words: “After this city had once given itself over to the love of Christ, it never allowed its religious fervor to grow cold, neither did it allow itself to give way to heretics for an instant, but held fast to the wholeness of Catholic governance. For this reason it suffered many evils from the heathen regime and the wild attacks of ungodly heretics” (Haec semel in Christi postquam direxit amorem, / Numquam sustinuit frigescere religionem / Sed neque scismaticis patiens concedere ad horam / Catholici tenuit moderaminis integritatem, / Vnde et gentilis mala plurima conditionis / Et tulit heretice feritates impietatis) [101, p. 134–135]. Short reference to the Abgar legend, related to the capture of Edessa by Zangi, can also be found under the year 1145 in the chronicle by Richard of Poitiers (d. ca. 1174): “Therefore Edessa is being adorned with blood of the new martyrs after capture by the heathen for the first time since it was dedicated to Christ by King Abgar. Severe pain and great desolation” (Purpuratur itaque Edessa novorum sanguine martirum, modo primum a gentilibus possessa, ex quo ab Abgaro rege Christo est dedicata. Dolor ingens et desolatio multa) [47, p. 82]. Other authors only mention Edessa’s impregnability and primordial freedom from the infidel rule without any reference to the Abgar legend. It seems, however, that they were also under influence of the Abgar tradition, but avoided directly mentioning the king whose letter to Christ and the letter he received in response were condemned by the Church as apocryphal ones. The anonymous Praemonstratensian continuator of Sigebert of Gembloux points out under the year 1145 that “Edessa, a city in Mesopotamia in which the bodies of the apostles Thomas and Thaddeus were [kept] and which has never been polluted with the filth of idolatry and has been converted to Christianity from the very beginning, is being captured after the Turkish siege” (Edessa Mesopotamiae civitas, in qua erant corpora apostolorum Thome et Thaddei, et quae idolatriae sordibus nunquam fuerat polluta, ex quo primitus ad christianismum est conversa, a Turcis obsessa capitur) [30, p. 452]. Similar tale can be found in the mid-twelfth-century redaction (manuscript G, Paris, BnF, MS Lat. 55131) of the Historia Ierosolimitana by Baldric of Bourgueil (1046–1130). When Baldwin of Boulogne’s vanguard arrived in the vicinity of Edessa, the Franks believing that the city was possessed by the Turks captured prisoners and a large number of cattle. However, “a Greek who was not ignorant in the Frankish language and was living together with the Armenians in this city came to the scouts and related that the city was holy and the Turks had never ruled over it, but Christians always possessed it from the time of Christ” (Quidam uero Graecus lingue Francorum non ignarus, qui cum Armeniis illa in urbe manebat, ad cursores uenit, ciuitatemque sanctam esse et nunquam Turcis illi dominasse et semper Christianos a tempore Christi eam tenuisse nuntiauit) [100, p. 86, note f]. 1 For the version of the chronicle contained in manuscript G, see [78]. 96 In his bull Quantum praedecessores, issued on 1 December 1145 and reissued on 1 March 1146, Pope Eugenius III called to the Second Crusade and explained the reasons of the fall of Edessa: “…Because our sins and those of its people demanded it, there has occurred what we cannot make known without great sadness and lamentation. The city of Edessa, in our tongue known as Rohais, which also, it is said, alone under Christian rule had respect for the power of God at that time when all the land in the East was held by the pagans, has been taken by the enemies of the cross of Christ, who have also occupied many Christian castles” [83, p. 180] (Nunc autem nostris et ipsius populi peccatis exigentibus, quod sine magno dolore et gemitu proferre non possumus, Edissa civitas, quae nostra lingua Rohais dicitur, quae etiam, ut fertur, cum quondam in Oriente tota terra a paganis detineretur, ipsa sola sub christianorum potestate Domino serviebat, ab inimicis crucis Christi capta est, et multa christianorum castella ab ipsis occupata [74, p. 41–42]). William of Newburgh, whose chronicle was compiled in the 1190s, points out that Edessa, “being dedicated to the Christian faith from the days of Constantine the Great and famed for the relics of the blessed Thomas the Apostle transferred from India” (a diebus Constantini magni Christianae religionis clutui dedita, et beatissimi Thomae apostoli allatis ex India reliquiis inclyta), was “a single city” (sola haec civitas) that remained unconquered from the early Islamic conquests “even to the time of the first expedition to Jerusalem” (usque ad tempus expeditionis Ierosolymitanae prioris), when its citizens “entreated assistance from our army” (auxilium a nostro exercitu petierunt) [61, vol. I, p. 49–50]. A passage of great interest can be found in the anonymous treaty De civitatibus Persarum, composed between March 1146 and May 1147 and calling a crusade to the Holy Land [2]. According to the treaty, even after the capture of Edessa “the impious ones themselves do not date to dwell in this city at night, for it was holy and beloved of God until it had been surrendered by a Syrian and his daughter due to the sins committed by our and its people. The idolatry is currently professed there” (Eandem ciuitatem ipsi profaninon non audent nocte inhabitare, quia sancta fuit et Deo dilecta, usque nostris et ipsius populi peccatis exigentibus est per Syrium quendam et ejus filiam prodita, modo ibi ydolorum cultura exercetur) [88, p. 299]. The motif of the place where infidels do not dare to live is also found in accounts written by pilgrims to the Holy Land and describing the Church of Saint Mary (or the Holy Nativity) in Bethlehem as well as the monasteries of Our Lady at Saidnaya (about 15 miles north of Damascus) and of Saint Catherine on Mount Sinai.1 According to Michele Bacci, it was the 1 In the 1240s, Alberic of Trois-Fontaines listed these three places, which “miraculously de- fend themselves” (miraculose se defendunt) [17, p. 936]. Master Thietmar (1217/18) tells about the monastery at Saidnaya that “a Saracen guardsman stays in the town, where the image of Our Lady is stored, but he does not presume to spend the night [there], because after the land had been surrendered, the Saracens decided to occupy and fortify it, but could not live there even a year” (quod in oppido hoc, ubi habetur ycona domine nostre, Sarracenus stacionarius esse, vel pernoctare non presumit, quia, cum terra fuit perdita, Sarraceni decreverunt illum occupare et munire, sed ad annum ibi vivere non potuerunt) [73, p. 19]. When describing the monastery at Bethlehem, he again

97 image of Virgin Mary kept in the monastery “that epytomized Saydnaya’s status as an extraordinary and independent holy place” [22, p. 381]. The same can be said about the other two places. The relics of Saint Catherine were kept in the monastery on Mont Sinai, and, at the foot of the mount, there was the place where, according to the tradition, the Burning Bush was standing. A number of relics, like the body of Joseph of Arimathea, relics of the Holy Innocents, a nail and a hammer of the Crucifixion, were also kept in Bethlehem.1 As regards the city of Edessa, it had the same status in the minds of contemporaries not only due to the relics kept in the city but also due to God’s promise of protection made in the letter to King Abgar. Finally, William of Tyre (ca.1130–1186), the most famous chronicler of the Crusades and the Crusader states, refers to the Abgar legend twice in his narrative. As William’s Chronicon is of great importance, I cite both the quotations below. The first passage: “Edessa is the famous metropolis of Mesopotamia, called by the second name of Rages. […] Immediately after the Passion of the Lord, its citizens had received the saving doctrine of Christ through the Apostle Thaddeus, being found worth in everything by the preaching of the apostle and by the letter of the Savior that he sent in reply to their King Abgar, as may be read in the first chapter of the Ecclesiastical History which Eusebius of Caesarea wrote” (English translation is cited from [108, vol. I, p. 189] with corrections) (Est autem Edessa nobilis Mesopotamie metropolis, que alio nomine Rages appellatur […] Huius cives statim post domini passionem per Tadeum apostolum salutarem Christi susceperunt doctrinam, digni inventi per omnia et tanti predicatione apostoli et epistola Salvatoris, quam ad Abgarum regem eorum rescribens misit, sicut in primo Ecclesiastice Historie, quam Eusebius Cesariensis scripsit, reperitur [107, p. 234–235]). And the second passage: “Thus, while the prince of Antioch [Raymond of Poitiers (1136–1149)], overcome by foolish hatred, put off rendering the aid, he owed to his brethren, and the count [Joscelin II of Edessa (1131–1150)] was waiting for help from strangers, the ancient city, devoted to the Christian name since the times of the apostles and rescued from the superstitions of the infidels by the word and preaching of the apostle Thaddeus, suffered the yoke of undeserved servitude. It is said that the body of the blessed Apostle Thomas, together with the bodies of the aforesaid apostle and blessed King Abgar, was buried in this city. This is that Abgar, the illustrious toparch, whose letter, as Eusebius of Caesarea claims in his History, was sent to the Lord Jesus Christ, and who was deemed worthy to receive the Lord’s reply, as he tells giving the letters of each one and adding at the end, In the public archives of the city of Edessa over which aforesaid Abgar ruled, we found these [letters] so transcribed in the mentions that Saracen guardsmen cannot stay within its confines [73, p. 28]. The Franciscan friar Philip of Buxieres (1283) reports that if a Saracen presumes to live in Saidnaya, he dies during the year [50, p. 250]. He is echoed by the anonymous pilgrim (ca.1290) [15, p. 141] and another Francis- can friar Nicholas of Poggibonsi (ca.1350) [69, p. 19]. 1 For those three sacred places, see [86, vol. I, p. 137–156, vol. II, p. 50–64, 219–221].

98 documents which contained [the records] of the deeds of King Abgar, preserved from ancient times” (English translation is cited from [108, vol. II, p. 143–144] with corrections) (Sic igitur dum princeps Antiochenus, odio victus indiscreto, differ fratribus debitum auxilium ministrare dumque comes aliena prestolatur suffragia, urbs antiquissima et nomini christiano a temporibus apostolorum devota, verbo et predicatione apostolic Thadei ab infidelium supersticionibus eruta, indebite iugum passa est servitutis. Dicitur in eadem urbe et corpus beati Thome apostolic una cum predicti apostoli et beati Abgari regis corporibus esse sepultum. Hic est Abgarus toparcha illustris, cuius epistolam ad dominum Iesum Christum missam Eusebius Cesariensis in Historia sua, quam Ecclesiasticam nominat, asserit, quem et domini dignum rescripto docet, utriusque ponens epistolam et in fine ita subiungens: Hec in archivis publicis Edessane urbis, in qua tunc supradictus Abgarus regnavit, ita descripta reperimus in his cartis, que gesta regis Abgari servata antiquitus continebant [107, p. 721]). It is extremely significant that William of Tyre mentions the legend when describing the two most important points in the history of Crusader Edessa: the beginning (Baldwin of Boulogne’s arrival to Edessa in 1098) and the end (the capture of the city by Atabek Zangi in 1144). Although he had not emphasized the motif of “the blessed city”, there is no doubt that he kept that in mind and really believed in the divine protection of Edessa. Such a belief is implicit, for instance, in his description of the situation in Edessa before the arrival of the first crusaders: “Preserving the purity of this faith, just as they had received from the beginning and from the time of the apostles, [the citizens of Edessa] were submitted to the yoke of the infidels to this extent, that they were obliged to pay an annual tributes and taxes to them. They were also forced to redeem their vineyards, fields and whatever estates placed outside [the city] by almost continual exactions. Yet none except the faithful dared to live within the city: among all the cities of that district this alone retained its original freedom, unsullied by the heathen, who had long ago seized all the surrounding regions, and had not been subjugated, nor had it suffered anyone of an alien faith to dwell in it” (English translation is cited from [108, vol. I, p. 189] with corrections) (In qua, sicut ab initio et a temporibus apostolorum susceperant, fidei sinceritate perserverantes, infidelium iugum eatenus patiebantur, quod eis tributa et vectigalia annuatim cogebantur exsolvere, vineas quoque, agros et quelibet predia exterius posita pene continuis exactionibus compellebantur redimere. Infra urbem tamen nemo nisi fidelis habitare presumebat: hec enim sola inter omnes illus regionis urbes in sua manens ingenuitate illibata, ab infidelibus, qui circumpositas iam pridem occupaverant provincias, nec subiugata fuerat nec alterius professionis quempiam pertulerat habitatorem [107, p. 234–235]). As we can see, the motif of the Christian city under divine protection is greatly exaggerated in the Latin accounts and transformed to the motif of the city that has never been captured by the infidels since it had been Christianized. The influence of the Abgar legend, with its crucial motif of “the blessed city”, is the only way to explain such an assertion in the chronicles of William of Tyre and of

99 other authors since, in fact, Muslims kept possession of Edessa for a long period of time.1 The legend undoubtedly strengthened morale of the Edessan Christians (both the Latin and the Oriental Christians) during Muslim attacks or sieges. A relatively long period of time over which the city was successfully resisting the Muslim expansion (more than 40 years) just strengthened the Edessenes’ belief in the divine protection. However, the more this belief growth, the more shock and confusion among the citizens of Edessa was at the capture of the city in 1144. From their point of view, it was a punishment from God for their sins. Jacobite Bishop Basil of Edessa even had to compose the refutation of “those who claimed that our Lord’s blessing of King Abgar had been invalidated” [103, p. 674]. Already under the first Count of Edessa Baldwin of Boulogne (1098–1100) the Franks began searching for the relics of King Abgar and Apostle Thaddeus, which were eventually discovered by Benedict, the first Latin Archbishop of Edessa, who, according to Michael the Great, saw them in a dream. The relics were put in a silver gilded coffin in the church of St. John, the Latin cathedral of the city [82, p. 363; 103, p. 624]. Between 1122 and 1123, Archbishop Huge of Edessa sent the relics of “Saint Thaddeus the Apostle and Saint King and Confessor Abgar” (reliquias de sacnto Thaddaeo apostolo et sancto Abagaro rege et confessore) to Archbishop Ralf of Rheims. In his cover letter Archbishop Huge calls the relics “the most precious treasure” (thesaurum pretiosissimum), and this clearly shows his attitude toward both the relics and the legend itself [63]. At the capture of Edessa by ‘Imad al-Din Zangi in 1144, “the coffin was stolen and the bones [of Thaddeus and Abgar] scattered; but believers collected them… and put them in an urn in the church of the Syrians called St. Theodore” [19, p. 100; 99, p. 290].

1 During the period before the Crusades, the Arabs and the Turks possessed Edessa in 639–1032 and in 1086–1094 respectively [91, p. 192 ff]. In this connection, William of Tyre’s account can be compared with Orderic Vitalis’ description. The latter describes the riot of the Edessenes against the Armenian ruler of the city, T‘oros, in implausible and distorted manner: for instance, he calls T‘oros dux Turcorum and profanus who betrayed the crusaders, tried to kill them and therefore provoke an outrage of the citizens. Nevertheless, Orderic’s description of the situation in Edessa before the arrival of the First Crusade contains some believable information referring to the time of the Seljuk domination during the period from 1086 to 1094: “The community of this place [Edessa] was composed of Greeks, Armenians, and Syrians living together and serving the King of heaven from the foundation of Christianity to the present day. But for their sins God had lately chastised them with the discipline of his rod, and caused the offences of the Christians to be punished by the fury of Gentiles; so that the city, with the surrounding country was under the dominion of the Turks” [97, vol. III, p. 144] (Hic nimirum Graeci et Armenii et Syri pariter commorantur, et a primordio Chris- tianitatis coelorum regi usque hodie famulantur. Verum, peccatis exigentibus, nuper disciplinae suae virgam Deus exeruit, et gentilium debacchatione Christianorum commissa castigari permisit. Unde praefata civitas dominationi Turcorum, veluti circumjacens regio sabjacuit) [77, vol. III, p. 565]. If one considers this account from the formal point of view, one has to recognize that the Norman monk Orderic Vitalis, who had never been in Levant, was acquainted with the history of Edessa better than Archbishop William of Tyre, who was born in Outremer, well knew the current political situation and spent many time studying the history of the Frankish states. It is, of course, not the case. Although both the chroniclers knew the Abgar legend, William has aligned his account with the legendary tradition while Orderic has not done so.

100 The case of the Edessan relics connected with the Abgar legend can be compared with that of the Holy Cross of Varag, which was venerated not only by the Armenians of Edessa, but also by the Franks and was used as a common military symbol.1 After the “discovery” of the bones of Thaddeus the Apostle and King Abgar, the relics were kept by the Latin clergy and in the Latin cathedral, but venerated by all the Christian communities of Edessa. It is certain that common veneration of the relics created a common identity of the Franks and their Oriental Christian subjects (mainly the Armenians and the Syrians) as the one people who have made a pact with God. As the letters of Abgar and Christ had previously been taken from the city by the Byzantines, only the main characters of the Abgar legendary narrative, like King Abgar himself and the apostle Thaddeus (or more precisely their relics), could became the visible personification of such a pact. In addition to them, Thomas the Apostle, whose relics were already being kept in Edessa when the crusaders arrived to the city, could also be considered as one of the saint patrons of Edessa.2 It would be extremely interesting to trace the further development of this phenomenon, but, unfortunately, the Muslim conquest of the County of Edessa interrupted the process. In the so-called Petite chronique du règne de Baudouin Ier, a political biography of the first Count of Edessa, compiled in Outremer in the first half of the twelfth century, one can find the extremely important evidence of using the Abgar legend by the Franks for their own ideological purposes. The anonymous author of the chronicle describes Baldwin’s power in Edessa in the following words: “Oh, how delighted the County of Boulogne, which has yielded such a great and distinguished man, future lord of Edessa on the throne of King Abgar, to whom Christ in his time, after sending a letter, sent through Thaddeus the Apostle his own full-figure image on cloth and thus confirmed his scepter and diadem. When he had been cleaned from leprosy in the holy spring, this worshipper of the Church was consecrated to Christ by Thaddeus. The abovementioned spring is in Edessa, which illuminated in the faith through the apostle and the king. After death of the apostle and the king, they were buried in Edessa, but, under the reign of Baldwin, were solemnly taken out of the tomb by venerable Benedict, the first metropolitan of that city, and were put into silver coffins” (O, in quantum fortunata Bolonia civitas, quae tantum ac talem edidit virum, Edesse futurum dominatorem in throno regis Abgaron, cui Christus tempore suo per Thadeum apostolum ipsius epistola premissa suam in manutergio figuratam misit imaginem, sceptrum eius confirmans et diadema. Quem Thadeus in sacro fonte mundatum a lepra Christo consecravit cultorem aecclesiae. Est quidem predictus fons Edesse, qui per apostolum et per regem 1 According to Christopher MacEvitt, the cross became “the new symbol for Frankish power in northern Syria, thus linking Baldwin[ of Bourcq]’s authority and Armenian piety to combined military strength” [72, p. 91]. For the Holy Cross of Varag, see also [4, p. 272–279]. 2 In addition to the primary sources cited above, the presence of the relics of Thomas the Apostle in Edessa is mentioned in the De civitatibus Persarum [88, p. 297] and the Chronicle of Melrose [28, p. 72–73]. The account from the Chronicle of Melrose was probably interpolated by Roger of Howden into his chronicle [cf. 29, vol. I, p. 209]. 101 claruit in fide. In Edessa defunctis apostolo et rege sepulti sunt et a venerabili Benedicto eiusdem urbis primo metropolitano, Balduino patriciante, sollemniter exsepulti in mausoleis argenteis repositi sunt) [82, p. 263]. In this quotation, Baldwin of Boulogne is called the ruler of Edessa “on the throne of King Abgar”: the continuity of power, therefore, should mean the continuity of the pact re-established with the Franks by God. The anonymous chronicler uses the motifs of the legend to draw parallels between King Abgar and Count Baldwin: the former received the Image of Christ as a confirmation of his rule (“his scepter and diadem”) over the city, while the later discovered the relics of Abgar and Thaddeus, which is similarly a confirmation of his power from above. The throne of Edessa is also mentioned in the Historia Ierosolimitana by Albert of Aachen (first quarter of the twelfth century), who describes the beginning of Baldwin of Bourcq’s rule in Edessa in the following words: “he was established on the throne and in authority over the state of Edessa” (in throno et maiestate ciuitatis Rohas collocato) [16, p. 530–531]. This phrase is quite unusual because in other passages from Albert’s chronicle throne is only an attribute of such powerful rulers as Byzantine Emperor Alexios I Komnenos, the first Latin ruler of Jerusalem Godfrey of Bouillon and the latter’s brother, King of Jerusalem Baldwin of Boulogne [16, p. 84–85, 452–453, 522–523, 528–529, 540–541, 550–551]. As for the maiestas, this term refers, among others, to the sovereignty as one of the main attributes of the medieval ruler [40, vol. V, p. 179–180; 65, passim]. In the light of these, the phrase “on the throne” of Edessa should be taken literally: as the reference to the throne that the Franks apparently “miraculously” discovered in Edessa and that they believed formerly was the throne of King Abgar. The question, however, naturally arises: what was the reason for Frankish attempts to build continuity between legendary King Abgar and Baldwin of Boulogne, Count of Edessa? Among the crucial motifs of the legend was that according to which Abgar acknowledged Jesus Christ as Son of God and Edessa adopted Christianity before and even counter to Jerusalem: when the Jews were persecuting Jesus, Abgar invited him to Edessa and wanted to share rule over the city with him [9, p. 20, 186, 214–215]. In that context, the representation of the count of Edessa’s power as that going back to Abgar, the legendary king and confessor, played an important role in the relations of the county with the other Crusader states and especially with the Principality of Antioch and the Kingdom of Jerusalem, each claiming, in one form or another, suzerainty over Edessa.1 This justified the county’s status as a unique and independent lordship created before all the other Crusader states. The quotation from the Chronicle by Michael the Great confirms that contemporaries saw the matter in the same light: “When Theodore, son of Hetum who ruled al-Ruha [Edessa] … heard that the Franks had besieged Antioch, he promised to hand over Edessa to Duke Godfrey. The Franks rejoiced saying that as Edessa believed in Christ before Jerusalem, so did 1 For the feudal ties between the County of Edessa, on the one hand, and the Kingdom of Jeru- salem and the Principality of Antioch, on the other hand, see [4, p. 19–45].

102 the Lord Christ hand it to us before Jerusalem. Godfrey sent his brother Baldwin to rule Edessa” [103, p. 618]. Conclusions This study has shown that the Abgar legend is a very interesting case that helps to better understand some issues of cross-cultural contacts between the East and the West in the Middle Ages. The Abgar legend grew up from the rivalry between religious doctrines in Edessa in the third century. Its main motives were fixed in written form by the early fifth century; the tale about the Mandylion was added to them in the sixth century. During the period from the fifth to the seventh century the Abgar legend widely spread throughout the Near East. The motif of the city under divine protection became a core of the Abgar tradition as evidenced by wide use of Abgar’s and Jesus’ letters as apotropaic amulets. This tradition undoubtedly originated from Edessa, whose citizens believed that their city was protected by the sacred objects kept within its walls: the “originals” of Abgar’s and Jesus’ letters and the Mandylion. Besides Byzantium and the Near East, the Abgar legend also spread through cultural contacts, travels and pilgrimages to Western Europe, where it was mentioned in Latin sources at least from the fourth century. Through the Latin translation of Eusebius’ chronicle by Rufinus of Aquileia, the legend became more widely known among medieval scholars. The fact that the Roman Catholic Church condemned the legend as apocryphal did not seriously prevent its widespread in European medieval society. Certain motives of the legend as well as general references to it are found in works of many medieval authors, including clerics. In the West, the letters of Abgar and Jesus were used as apotropaic texts in a similar manner as in the East. It seems that the first crusaders who arrived to Edessa were familiar with the Abgar legend and, therefore, the city attracted them not only by strategic location or wealth but also by its unique status as the oldest Christian state adopted Christianity from Jesus himself. The period of the Frankish domination in Edessa was marked by the new stage in the development of the Abgar tradition. Although the letters and the Mandylion had been transferred from Edessa, its citizens believed that the city did not lose divine protection. In their perception, the previous mechanism for ensuring the protection (in the form of possessing sacred objects) just had been modified into implementing a pact established with God (in the form of biblical covenant). It should be noted that such concepts also existed in the mentality of the crusaders, who considered their expedition to Jerusalem as implementing a feudal contract with God. It undoubtedly facilitated the adaptation and actualization of the Abgar legend by the crusaders arrived to Edessa through imposing one perceptual scheme on another. Soon after they had established themselves in Edessa, the Franks “found” the relics of King Abgar and Thaddeus the Apostles in the city. This clearly shows what great attention was paid by the Franks to the legend. In the twelfth century, under the influence of the Abgar legend the Frankish perception of

103 Edessa was transforming: previously being considered as a city under God’s protection, Edessa became a city that had never been submitted to the Muslim rule. The legend was forging the common identity of the Franks and their Oriental Christian subjects, mainly the Armenians and the Syrians, as the one people who have made a pact with God and are under His protection. The legend also rose and maintained morale of the Christian living in Edessa – and probably in the whole county – in frequent wars against Muslims. Finally, the Frankish rulers of Edessa could use the Abgar legend for their own ideological purposes: by drawing parallels between themselves and the legendary King Abgar, they claimed that the County of Edessa was a lordship created before all the other Crusader states and hence independent of them.

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113 Acta of the Congress Held at Hernen Castle in May 1997 / ed. K. Ciggaar, H. Teule. Leuven, 1999. P. 29–105. 107. Willemi Tyrensis Archiepiscopi Chronicon / ed. R. B. C. Huygens. Turnhout , 1986. 1171 p. 108. William of Tyre. A History of Deeds Done beyond the Sea: in 2 vols. / trans., annot. E. A. Babcock, A. C. Krey. New York, 1943. 109. Youtie H. C. A Gothenburg Papyrus and the Letter to Abgar // The Harvard Theological Review. 1930. Vol. XXIII. № 4. P. 299–302. 110. Matt‘eos Uṙhayetsi. Zhamanakagrut‘iwn / grabar bnagirə M. Melik‘- Adamyani ev N. Ter-Mik‘ayelyani, ashkh. t‘argm. ev neratz. H. Bart‘ikyani. Yerevan, 1991. 540 ēǰ: [Matthew of Edessa. The Chronography / ed. M. Melik‘-Adamyan, N. Ter-Mik‘ayelyan, trans. in modern Armenian and annot. H. Bart‘ikyan. Yerevan, 1991. 540 p.].

Doctor of Science (History), professor, Yanka Kupala State University of Grodno, Faculty of History, Communication and Tourism, Professor of the Department of the History of Belarus, Archeology and Special Historical Sciences phone: +375 29 589 09 49

Sviatlana Marozava

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GRAND DUCHY OF LITHUANIA (MID XIII – THIRD QUARTER OF XIV CENTURIES): A VIEW FROM BELARUS

ОБРАЗОВАНИЕ ВЕЛИКОГО КНЯЖЕСТВА ЛИТОВСКОГО (СЕРЕДИНА ХІІІ – ТРЕТЬЯ ЧЕТВЕРТЬ XIV ВЕКА): ВЗГЛЯД ИЗ БЕЛАРУСИ

Summary. The change of the conceptual approaches of the East Slavic historiography of the ХХ century to the problem of the establishment of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the role of this state in the fate of the Belarusian people and the current state of this problem are shown in the article. The prerequisites, internal and external causes of the formation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania are considered. It is traced the activity of the first great princes Mindaug, Voishelk, Vyten to create and strengthen a new state, its growth in the geographical and political space of Europe under Gedymin and Algierd and the value of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the history of Belarus. Key words: the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, formation, basic concepts, reasons of formation, growth, importance, Belarus.

Basic concepts of establishment of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania is a large and strong European state, that was established in the middle XIII – third quarter of the XIV centuries as a union of

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