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Coalition Politics and Inter‐ Zentrum für Demokratieforschung und Institut für Politikwissenschaft Fakultät Kulturwissenschaften POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND POLITICAL ELITES IN CHANGING LIBERAL-DEMOCRACIES Michelangelo Vercesi Manuscript submitted for a kumulative Habilitation in Political Science October 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction: The Study of Political Institutions and Elites in Contemporary Democracies PART I: CABINET GOVERNMENT AND EXECUTIVE DECISION-MAKING 2. The Cabinet: A Viable Definition and its Composition in View of a Comparative Analysis (published in Government and Opposition 48:4, 2013, pp. 526-547 – with Cristina Barbieri). 3. Cabinet Decision-Making in Parliamentary Systems (published in The Oxford Handbook of Political Executives, edited by Rudy B. Andeweg, Robert Elgie, Ludger Helms, Juliet Kaarbo, and Ferdinand Müller-Rommel. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020, forthcoming). 4. Coalition Politics and Inter-Party Conflict Management: A Theoretical Framework (published in Politics & Policy 44:2, 2016, pp. 168-219). 5. The Government and Its Hard Decisions: How Conflict Is Managed within the Coalition (published in The Challenge of Coalition Government: The Italian Case, edited by Nicolò Conti and Francesco Marangoni. Abingdon: Routledge, 2015, pp. 17-35 – with Francesco Marangoni). PART II: PARLIAMENTS AND ELITE-DRIVEN REFORMS 6. What Kind of Veto Player Is the Italian Senate? A Comparative Analysis of European Second Chambers (published in Journal of Modern Italian Studies 22:5, 2017, pp. 604- 623). 7. Democratic Stress and Political Institutions: Drives of Reforms of Bicameralism in Times of Crisis (published in Representation. Journal of Representative Democracy, 2019, doi: 10.1080/00344893.2019.1635195). PART III: ELITE REPRESENTATION AND PATHS TO POWER 8. Approaches and Lessons in Political Career Research: Babel or Pieces of Patchwork? (published in Revista Española de Ciencia Política 48, 2018, pp. 183-206). 9. Prime Ministerial Careers in the European Union: Does Gender Make a Difference? (published in European Politics and Society 18:2, 2017, pp. 245-262 – with Ferdinand Müller-Rommel). 10. Party Gate-Keeping and Women’s Appointment to Parliamentary Committees: Evidence from the Italian Case (published in Parliamentary Affairs 70:1, 2017, pp. 62- 83 – with Pamela Pansardi). 11. Political Careers in Multi-Level Systems: Regional Chief Executives in Italy, 1970-2015 (published in Regional & Federal Studies 28:2, 2018, pp. 125-149 – with Selena Grimaldi). 12. Conclusion: Lessons Learned and Future Outlooks 1. Introduction THE STUDY OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND ELITES IN CONTEMPORARY DEMOCRACIES 1. Why Does Democratic Change Matter for Political Institutions and Elites? This Habilitation investigates the linkage between political institutions and political elites in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. In particular, it emphasizes the interconnection between party democracy’s change and the shape that this linkage takes. The attention is payed (but not limited) to the period over the passage from the 20th to the 21st century. The joint study of political institutions and political elites provides insights about the actual functioning of political systems. This especially applies to liberal-democracies: here the power of institutional settings to circumscribe rulers’ room of maneuver is higher than in other regimes, where political leaders enjoy more discretion vis-à-vis citizens (Müller- Rommel and Vercesi 2020). Moreover, the way in which democratic institutions work and structure the relationship between political elites and voters has significantly changed over time. In this context, we are urged to ask ourselves what are the consequences for elites and the role of political parties as connectors between state and society. The eventual outcome will be a better understanding of the democratic ‘delegation-accountability’ chain (Müller 2000; Strøm et al. 2003). One of the most large-scale analyses of democratic change in the late 20th and early 21st century is probably Peter Mair’s (e.g. Mair 2013). The essential thesis of Mair’s contribution is that a detachment of parties from their once loyal electorates has been taking place in (Western) democracies since the end of 1970s/beginning of 1980s. Mass- party organizations have entered a crisis and turned to be cartelized within state institutions (Katz and Mair 2018), with governing as the primary goal rather than representing citizens’ interests and preferences. The consequent void of representation has been gradually (re)filled (or, at least, there have been drives to) by populist parties and new political challengers. Three conflicting conceptions of democracy would be now at stake: traditional party democracy (based on responsible party government); constitutional democracy THE STUDY OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND ELITES IN CONTEMPORARY DEMOCRACIES (technocratic and output-oriented); and populist democracy (responsive and input- oriented) (Mair 2002, 2013). Caramani (2017) has also stressed that these three notions imply three different forms of representation: respectively, party mandate; trusteeship; and a disguised form of mandate, based on a stricter symbolic symbiosis between voters (‘the people’) and elites. Moreover, the crisis of mass parties has been paired by political personalization and the strengthening of political leaders at the expense of collective organizations (Poguntke and Webb 2005; Rahat and Kenig 2018). All these phenomena can have an effect on elites’ profiles and strategies (e.g. Blondel and Thiébault 2010). Against this background, this Habilitation aims to assess the functioning of political institutions, parties’ responses, and elites’ paths to power in times of change and consequent adaptation. I will focus on two institutional loci: political executives and parliaments. The choice is justified by the fact that these two arenas constitute – together – the institutional core of parliamentary (and semi-presidential) democracies, which ambitious politicians usually aim at (Blondel and Thiébault 1991; Kousser and MacKenzie 2014; Müller-Rommel et al. 2020). Although the focus is mainly on the national level of government, attention will be paid also to the sub-national level, which has more recently gained political prestige and effectiveness for policy-making (Stolz 2003; Edinger and Jahr 2015). For my purpose, I adopt a very broad definition of political elites, as ‘defined by their influence on strategic (political) decisions that shape the living conditions in a society’ (Hoffmann-Lange 2007: 910. See also Borchert 2003). I will try to answer the following questions: (1) what are the structural opportunities and constraints that political elites meet in the exercise of political power?; (2) how do opportunity structures change in times of party decline and political personalization?; (3) how do parties and politicians react to change?; (4) have criteria for successful political careers changed over time? The investigation is essentially comparative. Reasons behind case selection and time periods are outlined chapter by chapter for relevant analyses. It is worth noting that the limitation to parliamentary and semi-presidential forms of government allows keeping the variability of some crucial institutional features relatively fixed, thus broadening the space for generalizations. In both systems, we are indeed confronted with a collective government made up of cabinet ministers (who can share their executive tasks with an elected president in semi-presidentialism), whose ‘life’ is dependent on the confidence of an elected parliament. 2 THE STUDY OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND ELITES IN CONTEMPORARY DEMOCRACIES In this introduction, I will first provide a short overview of the challenges that political elites face in contemporary democracies as well as the possible strategies to cope with them. Subsequently, I will shortly discuss the theoretical bases of the Habilitation, which are encompassed in the notion of ‘neo institutionalism’. Finally, I will present the three main research themes the Habilitation deals with, stressing the contribution of each chapter to the overarching framework. 2. Political Institutions and Elites in the Face of Democratic Change According to Best and Vogel (2014), elite structures evolve from social structures. Political elites and societies coexist in a relationship of mutual influence. Political institutions shape and – at the same time – mirror this relationship (Acemoğlu and Robinson 2012). In democracies, political elites compete to be selected by (and accountable to) the society through elections (Best and Higley 2010), while parties function as transmission belts for candidacies and replacements (Blondel and Cotta 2000). Under these premises, socio- political changes can turn into challenges for the status quo of established elites. In this regard, Vogel et al. (2019: 4-5) have argued that challenges to elites’ status can be either internal or external and might hit both elite autonomy (scope and political criteria of decision-making) and security (stability and political criteria for recruitment and selection). These challenges would arise when existing institutional arrangements cease to satisfy society’s expectations and preferences. Established elites, in response, can decide either to stabilize institutional patterns to hinder counter-elites confrontationally or to reshape former strategies and alliances to absorb the challenges through cooperation. Conceptually, internal challenges
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