Uncovering Extremist Violence in Morocco

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Uncovering Extremist Violence in Morocco JULY 2008 . VOL 1 . ISSUE 8 Uncovering Extremist The Emergence of Militancy from Morocco’s Cold War alliances that This new wave of militancy has not placed it in the pro-Western camp of Violence in Morocco materialized from thin air and has been conservative monarchies. This meant brewing within the kingdom for many that it not only gave its blessing to By Alison Pargeter years. Indeed, in spite of the general those volunteers who wanted to go to assumption that the Moroccan state fight jihad in Afghanistan, Bosnia and long hailed as a bastion of stability only woke up to the domestic threat other battlefields, but more importantly in a region prone to radicalism, today after the Casablanca bombings of May it permitted them to return. Although Morocco is struggling hard to deal with 2003, in fact the realization that it due primarily to the limited number of the problem of Islamist militancy. The had a problem came after 9/11. This Moroccans who went to Afghanistan in newspapers are filled with stories of realization coincided with the new king the 1980s, these volunteers were not arrests of terrorist suspects and of court coming to power in 1999, a development able to form a group that could seriously cases in which sentences are being that heralded a major security review challenge the monarchy. These veterans handed out to those accused of recruiting within the kingdom. It was then that were, however, able to spread their for Iraq, plotting to launch attacks in Morocco began wondering about the ideology and influence within the Morocco and abroad, or of being part various Islamist currents active in its kingdom with relative ease. Indeed, it of militant currents such as “Salafiyah- midst. was only after the attacks of 9/11 that Jihadiya.” In June 2008, for example, 29 the Moroccan state began to seek out individuals from the “Tetouan cell” were Yet, in spite of this recognition, the such individuals. convicted of belonging to a terrorist regime appears to be in a state of denial group and of recruiting for Iraq, and in about the nature of this radicalism. Furthermore, the Moroccan regime has July 2008 35 people were arrested in a Not only is it keen to hype links with always relied upon and taken refuge number of cities accused of recruiting international terrorism, blaming al- in Islam as a means of countering its for al-Qa`ida groups in Algeria and Qa`ida for the Casablanca bombings and opponents. The ruling elite, for example, Iraq. As such, Morocco would appear to the emergence of other militant cells, bolstered the Islamist movement during be a hotbed of militancy and terrorism. it is still insisting that this new breed the 1970s and 1980s to try to weaken of radicalism has been imported from the leftists. It encouraged the Islamists For a kingdom that has long prided abroad and is alien to the country’s long to dominate university campuses and itself on the success of its containment tradition of tolerance and moderation. abolished a number of university strategy toward its Islamist opposition, Much of the blame is being pinned on courses in the humanities, such as not to mention the fact that the king’s Saudi Arabia and more specifically on philosophy, that were deemed to be the special role as “Emir al-Mumineen” Wahhabism. The former Moroccan bastion of the left-wing, replacing them (Commander of the Faithful) has minister of habous (religious affairs), Dr. with courses in Islamic studies. Such inferred an almost unquestionable Abdelkebir Alaoui M’daghri, recently actions may have served to weaken religious legitimacy upon the monarchy, asserted that the former Interior the left, but they also helped foster a the extent of the militancy that is now Ministry chief, Driss Basri, who was society in which religion came to play being uncovered has come as a real ousted shortly after King Mohammed an increasingly important role in the shock and has left the regime grappling came to the throne, had sponsored the public space. for solutions. It is responding with a Wahhabist movement multipronged strategy, on the one hand The monarchy has also played one trying to bolster Morocco’s traditional for specific geopolitical reasons… Islamist current off against another, Maliki school of Islam and the various and also for personal reasons thereby strengthening the king’s position Sufi tariqas that have been part of the connected to the intimate relations as “Commander of the Faithful.” During country’s complex Islamic identity for that existed between [Moroccan the 1980s and 1990s, for example, it generations, while on the other hand and Saudi] officials. This is the employed a strategy of countering its employing a zero tolerance strategy reason why Wahhabism was indigenous Islamist opposition, such of preemptive arrests to the extent sponsored in our country in every as the banned but highly popular al- that, according to one high-ranking part of the state.2 Adl wal-Ihsan movement, by promoting Moroccan official, around 4,500 the Wahhabist trend. It encouraged militants have been arrested since the It is true that the militancy evident Moroccan imams to study at Saudi 1 Casablanca attacks of 2003 alone. Yet, today has been inspired by a range of universities and gave them pride of this approach looks unlikely to stem outside influences that are far removed place when they returned to the country. the appetite for radical rejectionist from the Maliki school. Yet, while Traditional religious scholars who had ideologies within the kingdom, and these external factors are important, been trained at the Dar al-Hadith al- all the indications are that militancy one cannot discount the role that the Hassania, the main school in Morocco will continue to be a problem for the Moroccan state has played in fostering for graduating imams in the Maliki foreseeable future. the local conditions in which such tradition, were often passed over when ideologies have been able to flourish. it came to appointing teachers in Islamic These conditions have arisen in part studies in favor of those who had been trained in Saudi Arabia. Some of these 1 Personal interview, senior Moroccan official, Rabat, 2 Abdelkebir Alaoui M’daghri, Al-Houkuma al-Multahiya Saudi trained individuals, such as the April 2008. (Rabat: Dar al-Amman, 2006). radical preachers Mohamed Fizazi or JULY 2008 . VOL 1 . ISSUE 8 Hassan Kettani, were ultimately to have public mosques.4 Raydi exploding himself in a cyber café, a strong influence in fostering support to Hicham Doukali blowing himself up for a rejectionist ideology that dared These bands of young militants with a gas cylinder in Meknes in 2007 to challenge the king’s religious and generally follow a similar pattern. They and only managing to injure himself. political legitimacy. As such, Morocco have tended to come from the same Indeed, none of these suicide bombers cannot argue that this new militancy has neighborhood, were often childhood left notes or videos, reflecting perhaps simply been imported from the outside. friends and in many cases comprised their limited capacity and how they siblings or members of the same family. appear to be acting out of desperation The Militants Their education levels have for the most as much as anything else. Morocco has also fostered certain socio- part been low, and they have tended to economic conditions that have proven drift from job to job as street hawkers or Solutions? ripe for radicalism. Although one cannot petty traders hardly scratching a living. In their bid to eliminate this militancy, make the direct link between poverty It is through militant Islam that these the Moroccan authorities have adopted and radicalization, these ideologies have individuals seem to have discovered a a strategy of conducting mass arrests by certainly been able to thrive in Morocco’s form of salvation and self-esteem. picking up anyone who appears to have slums and shantytowns that were left to Salafist tendencies. Many of the families fester for years without any attention It was just such a group that carried of those who have been convicted have from the authorities. According to out the Casablanca bombings in May complained that their loved ones were figures published in 2007, 4.5 million 2003. Similarly, the cell that appeared not involved with any militant group Moroccans live in indecent housing and in the spring of 2007, which included but were simply religiously “committed” there are more than 1,000 shantytowns 23-year-old Abdelfattah Raydi, who and were arrested because of those in 70 cities, as well as more than 1,250 blew himself up in a cyber café in convictions.6 One young Salafist from “arbitrary neighborhoods.”3 These Casablanca to avoid being captured by Tangiers, for example, was reportedly slums are generally home to Moroccans the police, had a similar profile. Raydi taken from outside his home and spent who migrated from impoverished rural lived with his mother and six siblings 40 days in secret detention where he areas into the margins of the cities. It in a tiny dilapidated room in the Dour underwent extreme forms of torture would seem that unlike the rural areas Sekila shantytown. He and his brother, as the authorities had considered themselves, where the population is still who was also part of the cell, both sold him suspicious because he traveled steeped in local traditions of Islam that orange juice for a living. Raydi had twice a week between Tangiers and are locked into old patronage systems, Mohamedia.7 He was later released with these shantytowns have provided a an apology.
Recommended publications
  • El Sistema Político Marroquí: El Factor Islamista (I)
    EL SISTEMA POLÍTICO MARROQUÍ: EL FACTOR ISLAMISTA (I) José Ramón de la Torre del Campo Licenciado en Ciencias Políticas y Sociología DEA en Seguridad y Defensa por eI Instituto Universitario «General Gutiérrez Mellado» Introducción Comenzaremos esta introducción explicando el porqué y el cómo de los dos elementos que conforman el objeto del presente trabajo: Marruecos y el islamismo. Si realizáramos un recorrido por la historia política del siglo XX español resultaría sorprendente, casi abrumador, el peso que Marruecos ha tenido en los avatares políticos que fueron jalo- nando el siglo pasado (1), unas veces de manera directa y otras como el elemento cata- lizador de situaciones preexistentes. Monarquía, república, dictadura, deben algo en su instauración o caída a los acontecimientos que se desarrollaron al otro lado del Estrecho. Alguien afirmó que la Historia es una sucesión de hechos destinados a no repetirse; de ser cierto, cuando de Marruecos y España se trata, la Historia parece dispuesta a trans- gredir sus normas. Separados y unidos por algo más que una decena de kilómetros, en el futuro inmediato de nuestras relaciones aparecen verdaderos retos políticos que recuerdan que también en este siglo, Marruecos llegó para quedarse. En la agenda polí- tica (2) de nuestras relaciones bilaterales se encuentran problemas de una enorme com- plejidad: la fuerte presión migratoria con origen en territorio marroquí (3), con el terrible (1) Véase: MORALES LEZCANO, Víctor: Africanismo y orientalismo español en el siglo. XIX, Universidad Nacio- nal de Educación a Distancia (UNED), Madrid, 1989. MORALES LEZCANO, Víctor: España y el norte de Áfri- ca: El Protectorado en Marruecos (1912-1956), Madrid, UNED, 1986.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
    HOW AN ISLAMIC SOLUTION BECAME AN ISLAMIST PROBLEM: EDUCATION, AUTHORITARIANISM AND THE POLITICS OF OPPOSITION IN MOROCCO By ANN MARIE WAINSCOTT A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013 1 © 2013 Ann Marie Wainscott 2 To Tom and Mary Wainscott 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It is hubris to try to acknowledge everyone who contributed to a project of this magnitude; I’m going to try anyway. But first, another sort of acknowledgement is necessary. The parsimonious theories and neat typologies I was taught in graduate school in no way prepared me to understand the tremendous sacrifices and risks of physical and psychological violence that individuals take in authoritarian contexts to participate as members of the political opposition; that is something one learns in the field. I’d like to begin the dissertation by acknowledging my deep respect for those activists, regardless of political persuasion, whose phone calls are recorded and monitored, who are followed every time they leave their homes, who risk their lives and the lives of those they love on behalf of their ideals. For those who have “disappeared,” for those who have endured torture, sometimes for years or decades, for those who are presently in detention, for those whose bodies are dissolved in acid, buried at sea or in mass graves, I acknowledge your sacrifice. I know some of your stories. Although most of my colleagues, interlocutors and friends in Morocco must go unnamed, they ought not go unacknowledged.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuaderno De Documentacion
    SECRETARIA DE ESTADO DE ECONOMÍA, MINISTERIO SECRETARÍA GENERAL DE POLÍTICA ECONÓMICA DE ECONOMÍA Y ECONOMÍA INTERNACIONAL Y HACIENDA SUBDIRECCIÓN GENERAL DE ECONOMÍA INTERNACIONAL CUADERNO DE DOCUMENTACION Número 94 ANEXO IV Alvaro Espina Vocal Asesor 12 Julio de 2011 ENTRE EL 1 Y EL 30 DE ABRIL DE 2011 (En sentido inverso) 1 Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood selects hawkish leaders Noha El-Hennawy Sat, 30/04/2011 - 18:47 Photographed by Mohamed Abdel Ghany Prev Next Pause Play In its first meeting since 1995, the Muslim Brotherhood’s Shura Council on Saturday announced the leaders of its would-be political party and pledged not to run for more than half the parliamentary seats in Egypt’s upcoming parliamentary elections. The Muslim Brotherhood’s legislative body appointed Mohamed Morsy as president of the Freedom and Justice Party, Essam al-Erian as vice president and Saad al-Katatny as secretary general. Speaking to reporters in the backyard of the group’s new six-story headquarters on the hill of Moqattam, the appointees affirmed the independence of their political party from the mother organization - a plea constantly reiterated by observers and the group’s reformist voices. To prove the party’s autonomy, the Shura Council required the three leaders to relinquish their positions in the Guidance Bureau, the Muslim Brotherhood’s executive structure, according to a statement given out to journalists. The same document uses a vague language to envisage possible “coordination” between the party and the Muslim Brotherhood in a way that achieves “national interests.” 2 “Any party that ignores the coordination with the Muslim Brotherhood, given its historical role and geographical expansion, threatens its own chances,” Erian told reporters at a news conference after the Shura Council had adjourned its two-day meeting.
    [Show full text]
  • Morocco and the Netherlands Fritschy, W.; Bos, P
    VU Research Portal Morocco and the Netherlands Fritschy, W.; Bos, P. 2006 document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication in VU Research Portal citation for published version (APA) Fritschy, W., & Bos, P. (2006). Morocco and the Netherlands. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. E-mail address: [email protected] Download date: 02. Oct. 2021 opm marokko 3 20-06-2006 15:14 Pagina 1 MOROCCO AND THE NETHERLANDS opm marokko 3 20-06-2006 15:14 Pagina 2 opm marokko 3 20-06-2006 15:14 Pagina 3 Morocco and the Netherlands Society, Economy, Culture Petra Bos and Wantje Fritschy (eds.) VU University Press, Amsterdam opm marokko 3 20-06-2006 15:14 Pagina 4 © 2006 The authors and VU University Press,Amsterdam VU University Press is an imprint of VU Boekhandel/Uitgeverij bv De Boelelaan 1105 1081 HV Amsterdam The Netherlands www.vu-uitgeverij.nl e-mail: [email protected] ISBN 90 5383 9801 NUR 697 Photo cover: Koen Verheijden/Hollandse Hoogte Cover design and type setting: Marius Brouwer, Haarlem All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • READ Middle East Brief
    Judith and Sidney Swartz Director and Professor of Politics Morocco’s Salafi Ex-Jihadis: Co-optation, Shai Feldman Associate Director Engagement, and the Limits of Inclusion Kristina Cherniahivsky Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor Mohammed Masbah of Middle East History and Associate Director for Research Naghmeh Sohrabi n the wake of the political protests that erupted in Morocco Myra and Robert Kraft Professor of Arab Politics Iin 2011, King Mohammed VI issued royal pardons in March Eva Bellin 2011 and February 2012 to a group of prominent Salafi ex- Henry J. Leir Professor of the Jihadis, that is – Salafi Jihadis who had renounced violence. Economics of the Middle East Nader Habibi He offered to release them from prison on the condition Renée and Lester Crown Professor that they either remain apolitical or participate in the legal of Modern Middle East Studies political process. The offer was part of the monarchy’s broader Pascal Menoret effort to battle and defeat extremism. As a consequence of Senior Fellows Abdel Monem Said Aly, PhD the pardon, several Salafi ex-Jihadi sheikhs chose to join Kanan Makiya political parties and stood as candidates for the first time Goldman Senior Fellow in the Moroccan parliamentary elections in October 2016. Khalil Shikaki, PhD Taken together, these moves reflect a major turning point in Research Fellow David Siddhartha Patel, PhD the trajectory of Moroccan Salafi Jihadism from their total rejection of the existing political system to their limited Marilyn and Terry Diamond Junior Research Fellow acceptance of working within it. This significant shift toward Mohammed Masbah, PhD taking part in mainstream politics has been attributed by Neubauer Junior Research Fellow seasoned observers to the regime’s inclusiveness, and it Serra Hakyemez, PhD allowed Salafi ex-Jihadis to enjoy the benefits associated with Junior Research Fellows Jean-Louis Romanet Perroux, PhD becoming legal political actors.
    [Show full text]
  • CTC Sentinel 1(8)
    JULY 2008 . VOL 1 . ISSUE 8 COMBATING TERRORISM CENTER AT WEST POINT CTC Sentinel OBJECTIVE . RELEVANT . RIGOROUS Contents Why Terrorists Quit: Gaining FEATURE ARTICLE From Al-Qa`ida’s Losses 1 Why Terrorists Quit: By Michael Jacobson Gaining From Al-Qa`ida’s Losses By Michael Jacobson REPORTS 4 An Ideological and Operational Threat: Abu `Amr/Shaykh `Isa By Erich Marquardt & Abdul Hameed Bakier 8 Indonesia’s Approach to Jihadist Deradicalization By Kirsten E. Schulze 10 The High Stakes Battle for the Future of Musa Qala By David C. Isby 13 Al-Qa`ida Seeking to Recruit African- American Muslims By Cadets Benjamin Haas & Daniel McGrory 15 Propaganda and Peace Deals: The Taliban’s Information War in Pakistan By Arthur Keller 18 Uncovering Extremist Violence in Morocco Jordanians protest the 2005 Amman hotel bombings, an operation that created divisions among al-Qa`ida’s supporters. By Alison Pargeter 21 After Action Report: Nuanced n recent months, there has been the radical group Hizb al-Tahrir3 (also Diplomacy in Zerok, Afghanistan a spate of seemingly good news spelled Hizb-ut-Tahrir) established the By Captain John G. Gibson, U.S. Army in the counter-terrorism arena, Quilliam Foundation, which describes as former terrorist leaders and itself as “Britain’s first Muslim counter- 23 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity Iclerics have renounced their previous extremism think tank.”4 28 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts beliefs. Former Egyptian Islamic Jihad head Sayyid Imam al-Sharif (also known While these are clearly positive as Dr. Fadl),
    [Show full text]
  • Working Paper 13
    İSTANBUL BİLGİ UNIVERSITY EUROPEAN INSTITUTE JEAN MONNET CENTRE OF EXCELLENCE Escape from Insignificance: How Moroccan youths radicalize in Europe Lalla Amina Drhimeur WORKING PAPER No: 13 EU/08/2021 EUROPEAN INSTITUTE JEAN MONNET CENTRE OF EXCELLENCE Escape from Insignificance: How Moroccan youths radicalize in Europe Lalla Amina Drhimeur ERC PRIME Youth Project Researcher, European Institute, İstanbul Bilgi University, and Ph.D. Candidate in Political Science at Sciences Po, Lyon Working Paper No: 13 August 2021 DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.5216587 The research for this Working Paper was undertaken as part of a Horizon 2020 research and innovation project called ISLAM-OPHOB-ISM under Grant Agreement ERC AdG 785934. İstanbul Bilgi University, European Institute, Santral Campus, Kazım Karabekir Cad. No: 2/13 34060 Eyüpsultan / İstanbul, Turkey Phone: +90 212 311 52 60 E-mail: [email protected] • http://eu.bilgi.edu.tr PREFACE In this Working Paper, Lalla Amina Drhimeur, a member of the Prime Youth ERC Research undertaken by the European Institute of Istanbul Bilgi University, elaborates on the ways in which Moroccan-origin youth in Europe radicalize over the last few decades. The author has compiled a very nuanced and detailed body of existing literature on the radicalization processes of self-identified Muslims in Europe with a specific focus on the Moroccan-origin youth residing in European cities. She successfully reveals socio-economic, ideological, and psychological drivers of radicalization as well as the role of migrant-sending states (i.e., Morocco in this case) and migrant-receiving states. This paper derives from the ongoing EU-funded research for the “PRIME Youth” project conducted under the supervision of the Principal Investigator, Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • The Internet and Politics in Morocco the Political Use of the Internet by Islam-Oriented Political Movements Dissertation Zur Er
    The Internet and Politics in Morocco The political Use of the Internet by Islam-oriented political movements Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades der Doktorin bzw. des Doktors der Philosophie Im Fachbereich Sozialwissenschaften der Universität Hamburg Vorgelegt von Mohammed Ibahrine aus Ben Slimane, Marokko Hamburg 2005 Contents List of Tables ........................................................................................................................5 List of Screen Shots..............................................................................................................6 Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................................7 Introduction..........................................................................................................................8 1. Theoretical debate: Overview.......................................................................................31 1.1.1 Reinvigorate democracy....................................................................................33 1.1.2 Universal access ................................................................................................34 1.1.3 Availability of information................................................................................35 1.1.4 Horizontal communication ................................................................................36 1.1.5 Virtual community.............................................................................................38
    [Show full text]
  • Islamische Akteure in Nordafrika
    Islamisten und der „Arabische Frühling” in Marokko: Der Kontinuität verschrieben? Ferdinand Eibl und Dörthe Engelcke Zusammenfassung Akteurskonfigurationen und Machtverhältnisse im politischen Feld weisen in Marokko trotz des „Arabischen Frühlings” eine große Konti- nuität auf. Seit ihrem Wahlsieg im November 2011 hat die islamisti- sche Partei für Gerechtigkeit und Entwicklung (PJD) die Vormacht- stellung der Monarchie ein weiteres Mal anerkannt und verfolgt, ihrem Wahlkampfmotto getreu, eine „Moralisierung von Politik”. Be- kräftigt durch den Wahlsieg der Islamisten bildeten sich lokale Komi- tees, welche die von der Partei propagierte moralisch-konservative Werteordnung umzusetzen versuchen. Andererseits modifiziert sich seit dem Wahlsieg des PJD die Parteistruktur. Zum einen wächst die Mitgliederzahl, zum anderen ändert sich die Klientel. Neben innerpar- teilichen Veränderungen im PJD zeichnet sich seit dem „Arabischen Frühling” eine Fragmentierung des breiten islamistischen Spektrums in Marokko ab, eine Entwicklung die vom König unterstützt wird. Seit 2011 wurden beispielsweise salafistische Prediger von König Moha- med begnadigt und aus der Haft entlassen. Es wird seit 2012 ver- stärkt über eine salafistische Parteigründung spekuliert. Allerdings sind die Salafisten zersplittert und spielen deshalb politisch eine un- tergeordnete Rolle. Der gewaltbereite, jihadistische Salafismus stellt trotz wiederkehrender Anschlagsdrohungen keine akute Bedrohung dar. Die islamistische Vereinigung Gerechtigkeit und Wohlfahrt, Jama‘at al-adl wal-ihsan, ist nach wie vor nicht legalisiert. Die Orga- nisation schließt eine Partizipation am politischen Leben zwar nicht kategorisch aus, sie weigert sich jedoch konstant, die religiöse Legiti- mität der marokkanischen Monarchie anzuerkennen; sie ist somit, abgesehen von radikal-salafistischen Gruppen, die einzige weitver- zweigte und gut strukturierte Organisation, die in Opposition zum Regime steht. Aufgrund ihrer politischen Isolation wird sie jedoch auch in Zukunft die Monarchie nicht ernsthaft gefährden können.
    [Show full text]
  • La Modernizacion Politica En El Nuevo Marruecos: Entre Los Atentados De Casablanca Y La Primavera Rifeña
    LA MODERNIZACION POLITICA EN EL NUEVO MARRUECOS: ENTRE LOS ATENTADOS DE CASABLANCA Y LA PRIMAVERA RIFEÑA. 1999-2017 Abdellatif Echtioui ADVERTIMENT. L'accés als continguts d'aquesta tesi doctoral i la seva utilització ha de respectar els drets de la persona autora. Pot ser utilitzada per a consulta o estudi personal, així com en activitats o materials d'investigació i docència en els termes establerts a l'art. 32 del Text Refós de la Llei de Propietat Intel·lectual (RDL 1/1996). Per altres utilitzacions es requereix l'autorització prèvia i expressa de la persona autora. En qualsevol cas, en la utilització dels seus continguts caldrà indicar de forma clara el nom i cognoms de la persona autora i el títol de la tesi doctoral. No s'autoritza la seva reproducció o altres formes d'explotació efectuades amb finalitats de lucre ni la seva comunicació pública des d'un lloc aliè al servei TDX. Tampoc s'autoritza la presentació del seu contingut en una finestra o marc aliè a TDX (framing). Aquesta reserva de drets afecta tant als continguts de la tesi com als seus resums i índexs. ADVERTENCIA. El acceso a los contenidos de esta tesis doctoral y su utilización debe respetar los derechos de la persona autora. Puede ser utilizada para consulta o estudio personal, así como en actividades o materiales de investigación y docencia en los términos establecidos en el art. 32 del Texto Refundido de la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual (RDL 1/1996). Para otros usos se requiere la autorización previa y expresa de la persona autora.
    [Show full text]
  • LE MAROC En 100 Questions Du Même Auteur
    LE MAROC en 100 questions DU MÊME AUTEUR Déni français. Notre histoire secrète des liaisons franco-arabes, Albin Michel, 2019. La France qui déclasse, Tallandier, 2019. Dissidents du Maghreb, depuis les indépendances, en collab. avec Khadija Mohsen-Finan, Belin, 2018. Histoire du Moyen-Orient de l’Empire ottoman à nos jours. Au-delà de la question d’Orient, en collab. avec Olivier Bouquet et Philippe Pétriat, Publications de la Sorbonne, 2016. La France en terre d’islam. Empire colonial et religions (XIXe-XXe siècles), Belin, 2016 ; « Texto », 2020. Le Choc des décolonisations. De la guerre d’Algérie aux printemps arabes, Odile Jacob, 2015. Idées reçues sur le monde arabe (dir.), Le Cavalier bleu, 2012. Misère de l’historiographie du « Maghreb » postcolonial (1962-2012), Publications de la Sorbonne, 2012. Idées reçues sur le Maghreb, Le Cavalier bleu, 2010. Le Maroc de Mohammed VI. La transition inachevée, La Découverte, 2009 ; « La Découverte Poche », 2011. Idées reçues sur le Maroc, Le Cavalier bleu, 2007 (rééd. 2010). Maghreb. La démocratie impossible ?, Fayard, 2004 ; « Pluriel », avec postface, Maghreb. Les origines de la révolution démocra- tique, 2011. Histoire du Maroc depuis l’indépendance, La Découverte, « Repères », 2002 (rééd. 2006, 2010, 2016). Édition en arabe au Maroc. La Formation des élites au Maroc et en Tunisie. Des nationalistes aux islamistes (1920-2000), La Découverte, 2002. Édité au Maroc sous le titre École, élite et pouvoir au Maroc et en Tunisie au XXe siècle, Alizés, 2002. Le Maroc en transition, La Découverte, 2001 ; « La Découverte Poche », 2002. Traduit en arabe, Tarik Éditions ; et en espa- gnol, Almed. Pierre Vermeren LE MAROC en 100 questions Un royaume de paradoxes TALLANDIER Cartes : © Éditions Tallandier/Karim Chaïbi, 2020 © Éditions Tallandier, 2020 48, rue du Faubourg-Montmartre – 75009 Paris www.tallandier.com ISBN : 979-10-210-3700-7 À mes trois enfants Introduction Le Maroc se voit et se rêve en pays d’exception.
    [Show full text]
  • FIDH Mission
    n°379/2 July 2004 International Federation for Human Rights Report International mission of investigation Morocco Human Rights abuses in the fight against terrorism I. Introduction. 3 1. Membership and work of the FIDH mission . 3 2. The context . 3 II. The FIDH mission. 5 1. Analysis of the legislation applicable to the fight against terrorism. 5 2. Police violations . 7 3. The judicial phase . 15 4. Detention . 18 III. Conclusion and recommendations . 21 Morocco - Human Rights abuses in the fight against terrorism I. Introduction 1. Membership and work of the FIDH 2. The context mission 2. 1. The terrorist attacks on 16 May 2003 and During the summer of 2003, the International Federation for their consequences Human Rights (FIDH) sent two investigations to Morocco to study the human rights situation, particularly in the context of On 16 May 2003, five terrorist attacks occured in Casablanca. the fight against terrorism. 42 persons died, counting 11 suicide bombers, and more than a hundred were wounded. Among the victims were seven The first mission was there from 13 to 19 July 2003. The foreigners. A hotel, two restaurants, the headquarters of the members were: Mrs. Souhayr Belhassen, vice-president of the Israeli alliance and a Jewish cemetery were targeted. These Tunisian League of Human Rights, Mr. Patrick Baudouin, criminal attacks were unanimously condemned by national President of Honor of FIDH and Mr. Olivier Guérin, prosecutor and international public opinion1. The authorities and many of at the Court of Cassation in Paris. the national media immediately attributed them to local groups connected with Al Quaeda.
    [Show full text]