When Protests Work
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Labour and the Struggle for Socialism
Labour and the Struggle for Socialism An ON THE BRINK Publication WIN Publications Summer 2020 On the Brink Editor: Roger Silverman, [email protected] Published by Workers International Network (WIN), contact: [email protected] Front cover photo: Phil Maxwell Labour and the Struggle for Socialism By Roger Silverman From THE RED FLAG (still the Labour Party’s official anthem) The people’s flag is deepest red, It shrouded oft our martyred dead, And ere their limbs grew stiff and cold, Their hearts’ blood dyed its every fold. CHORUS: Then raise the scarlet standard high. Beneath its shade we’ll live and die, Though cowards flinch and traitors sneer, We’ll keep the red flag flying here. With heads uncovered swear we all To bear it onward till we fall. Come dungeons dark or gallows grim, This song shall be our parting hymn. A Turning Point The recently leaked report of the antics of a clique of unaccountable bureaucrats ensconced in Labour headquarters has sent shock waves throughout the movement. Shock – but little surprise, because these creatures had always been in effect “hiding in plain sight”: ostensibly running the party machine, but actually hardly bothering to conceal their sabotage. All that was new was the revelation of the depths of their venom; their treachery; their racist bigotry; the vulgarity with which they bragged about their disloyalty; their contempt for the aspirations of the hundreds of thousands who had surged into the party behind its most popular leader ever, Jeremy Corbyn. They had betrayed the party that employed them and wilfully sabotaged the election prospects of a Labour government. -
Swivel-Eyed Loons Had Found Their Cheerleader at Last: Like Nobody Else, Boris Could Put a Jolly Gloss on Their Ugly Tale of Brexit As Cultural Class- War
DOWNLOAD CSS Notes, Books, MCQs, Magazines www.thecsspoint.com Download CSS Notes Download CSS Books Download CSS Magazines Download CSS MCQs Download CSS Past Papers The CSS Point, Pakistan’s The Best Online FREE Web source for All CSS Aspirants. Email: [email protected] BUY CSS / PMS / NTS & GENERAL KNOWLEDGE BOOKS ONLINE CASH ON DELIVERY ALL OVER PAKISTAN Visit Now: WWW.CSSBOOKS.NET For Oder & Inquiry Call/SMS/WhatsApp 0333 6042057 – 0726 540141 FPSC Model Papers 50th Edition (Latest & Updated) By Imtiaz Shahid Advanced Publishers For Order Call/WhatsApp 03336042057 - 0726540141 CSS Solved Compulsory MCQs From 2000 to 2020 Latest & Updated Order Now Call/SMS 03336042057 - 0726540141 Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power & Peace By Hans Morgenthau FURTHER PRAISE FOR JAMES HAWES ‘Engaging… I suspect I shall remember it for a lifetime’ The Oldie on The Shortest History of Germany ‘Here is Germany as you’ve never known it: a bold thesis; an authoritative sweep and an exhilarating read. Agree or disagree, this is a must for anyone interested in how Germany has come to be the way it is today.’ Professor Karen Leeder, University of Oxford ‘The Shortest History of Germany, a new, must-read book by the writer James Hawes, [recounts] how the so-called limes separating Roman Germany from non-Roman Germany has remained a formative distinction throughout the post-ancient history of the German people.’ Economist.com ‘A daring attempt to remedy the ignorance of the centuries in little over 200 pages... not just an entertaining canter -
Introduction
How did Britain Democratize? Views from the Sovereign Bond Market Aditya Dasgupta1 Daniel Ziblatt2 Abstract To assess competing theories of democratization, we analyze British sovereign bond market responses to the 1832, 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts, and to two failed Chartist agitations. Analyses of high-frequency 3% consol yield data and historical financial press suggest three conclusions. First, democratic reform episodes were preceded by increases in perceived political risk, comparable to democratizing episodes in other countries. Second, both democratic reform and repression were followed by yield de- clines. Third, the source of political risk in Britain was both social unrest and political deadlock. Together, the findings challenge the \Whig" characterization of British de- mocratization as exceptionally risk-free. Introduction The process of democratization in Britain { the franchise expansions legislated in the 1832, 1867, and 1884 Reform Acts in particular { has attracted a great deal of scholarly argument over how democracy emerged. One long-standing view, rooted in a classical \Whig" interpre- tation of history (see critique by Herbert Butterfield (1965)), is that Britain was distinctive in requiring little social and political conflict to democratize. Others argue that, whether driven by destabilizing constitutional crises or even the threat of mass revolution (Acemoglu and Robinson, 2005), the process of democratization in Britain was deeply conflictual. A key empirical issue at stake in this debate is this: what was the level of perceived political risk during each of Britain's major episodes of suffrage expansion? Scholars on both sides of 1PhD Candidate, Department of Government, Harvard University. Email: [email protected] 2Professor, Department of Government, Harvard University. -
S Revolution! the Battleplan Against the NWO! by Thomas Eidsaa Last Edited 13.04.2020 a Compilation of Articles, Read Alongside Internet
1 2 The People`s Army`s Revolution! The battleplan against the NWO! By Thomas Eidsaa last edited 13.04.2020 A compilation of articles, read alongside internet. Exposing and defeating the black magic NWO! I wish you a happy revolution! Be careful! We are not fighting an armed conflict but an infowar. ¨Peace love anarchy!¨ PS! My Christian book series are national-conservative and religious conservative. This book is more liberal, dedicated to why we need a revolution and the few ways of actually achieving revolution. Cover and all writing by Thomas Eidsaa copyright 2019. No part in this publication may be used or transmitted in any way without the expressed written consent of the publisher, except for short excerpts for the use in reviews. 3 Other books by Thomas Eidsaa: The GRRRRR book-series, or The Great Romantic Revivalist`s Reformation Revolution Renaissance series, is a an eye-opening Christian series which detail all my research into Christianity, neo- charismatic theology, apologetics, ontological arguments, the problem of evil, eschatology, and conspiracy theories of great importance every Christian needs to understand. It is a work aimed at waking you up and expose the evil you never thought existed. What you don`t know can still kill you. It is a guide, and compendium of important topics relating to the radical, Christian faith in the dangerous, unpredictable 21st century death of Europe. I take the reader on an amazing journey – uniting 1st century Nazarene knowledge with 21st century science, theology and societal problems. I personally believe the knowledge therein will create peace on Earth. -
“FRESHER by FAR” PRODUCE Ple of Peace with Israel and .Ac Son of West Hartfrod
.r • 'V*- r \ .. ^ \ V I • P A G E F O R T Y WEDNESDAY, 'JUNE 24, 1970 ittanrliratpr lEaatttng H^araUt A :\ Jfosf Manchester Stores Open Until 9 O^Clock Members of Scandla Lodge, About Town Vasa Order of America, will at Some Downtown Shoppers Average Daily Net Prem Run r h , Parents Without Partners, tend Vasa Field Day on Sun The Weather Manchester Chapter, will hold day starting at 9:80 a.m. at AN EXOmm PARTY IDGAI For The Week Kkided Vasa Park, South Meriden. To Receive Lucky Bucks June 99, 1970 Fair, unsenaonably oqdI an Informal coffee and conver CiMfemar flefc-Up nigtit; low about SS. Ttamorroav sation, at the home of Mrs. Ed There will be entertainment, games and dancing. Dinners sunny, low humkUity; Mgh na Geer, 80 W'etherell St. to “ Lucky Buck" cards will be tion was the Mystery Shopper. Hem* D«1lv«r*d liH M * of Swedish meatballs and sill distributed to shoppers in the 70a. Saturday’s ouUook-«taudy, night at 8. The meeting is open Next month, the promotion 15,770 herring wlU be served. Hoidogs Downtown business area tomor chance o< alwwrara. to interested persons. Hostess wilt focus on the mid-July Side in tmd hamburgers will alsO' be row through Saturday, entitling walk Sales. In August, actual- Mancheater— A City of Village Charm asks, to be notified by those available. the card holders to $6 worth of size antique cars will be dis planning to attend. retail merchandising. played in the Downtown busi i move VOL. LXXXIX, NO. -
Communities of Resistance Unite! a Radical History of the Edinburgh Unemployed Workers Centre
Communities of Resistance Unite! A Radical History of the Edinburgh Unemployed Workers Centre Demonstration against the termination of the lease and the eviction threat in 19941. This paper looks into the history of the Edinburgh Unemployed Workers Centre (EUWC) and the struggles of anti-authoritarian revolutionary groups in Edinburgh during the 1980s and early 1990s2. Grassroots and direct action oriented groups started to organise together in the early 1980s against the various attacks on the 1 Scottish Radical Library, Drawer: ACE/ECAP/Edinburgh Claimants, Folder: cling film with several photos [hereafter SRL, D: label, F: label (further description)], Photo by Norman Watkins, 1994. 2 You can contact the author through [email protected] . 1 working class. They were often based in the EUWC and developed highly sophisticated forms of community resistance which culminated in their crucial role in the Poll Tax rebellion. This paper reveals forms of bottom up revolutionary organising to add important parts to the local radical history of Edinburgh. It furthermore developed as a contribution to current debates on how the radical left can organise collectively against capital, state and any form of oppression today. The references made in text aim to collect some of the most inspiring sources on the topic. As traces they invite for further research. Cover picture from the 2015 booklet "Up Against the State: The Battle for Broughton St Unemployed Workers Centre"3. The booklet was produced by the Autonomous Centre of Edinburgh (ACE) and tells the story of the centre. The first section gives a small introduction into the political climate of the time and looks not only at Thatcher's roll back of socialism but also at reactionary politics of the Labour party. -
How Did Britain Democratize?1 Views from the Sovereign Bond Market
How did Britain Democratize?1 Views from the Sovereign Bond Market Aditya Dasgupta2 and Daniel Ziblatt3 1 Acknowledgements: We thank Jim Alt, Ann Carlos, Jeff Frieden, Noam Gidron, Alexander Kuo, James Robinson, Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, three anonymous reviewers and seminar participants at Harvard, the Juan March Institute, UCLA, and Yale for comments and Robert Brown and Stephen Easton for sharing data. All errors are our own. 2 PhD Candidate, Department of Government, Harvard University. 1737 Cambridge Street, Cambridge, MA, 02139. Email: [email protected]. 3 Professor of Government, Department of Government, Harvard University. 1737 Cambridge Street, Cambridge, MA, 02139. Email: [email protected]. 1 How Did Britain Democratize? Views from the Sovereign Bond Market Abstract To assess competing theories of democratization, we analyze British sovereign bond market responses to the 1832, 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts, and to two failed Chartist agitations for reform. Analyses of high-frequency 3% consol yield data and historical financial press suggest three conclusions. First, democratic reform episodes were preceded by increases in perceived political risk, comparable to democratizing episodes in other countries. Second, both democratic reform and repression were followed by yield declines. Third, the source of political risk in Britain was both social unrest and political deadlock. Together, the findings challenge the “Whig” characterization of British democratization as exceptionally risk-free. Introduction The process of democratization in Britain – in particular the franchise expansions legislated in the 1832, 1867, and 1884 Reform Acts– has attracted intensive scholarly attention.4 One long-standing 4 In this paper we follow the dominant strand in the social scientific literature that refers to “democratization” as the process of introducing democratic political institutions that began in Europe largely in the nineteenth century, with some precursors earlier, along three main dimensions: 1) the expansion and equalization of the right to vote (e.g. -
Radio Script
Radio Script Derek Montana – reporter Professor J Gardener – university of Chicago Professor Will Harris – university of London Derek Montana Hello and welcome to another episode of History time with me Derek Montana. We could say today’s subject isn’t very well remembered in history. Yes we are talking about the peasants revolt. Now today’s big question is how historically significant is the peasants revolt? Now today we have two very special guests. Ladies and gentleman please put your hands together for Professor J Gardener from the University of Chicago and Professor Will Harris from the University of London. So first we will go to Professor J Gardener would you say the peasants revolt is well remembered? Professor Jacob Well to be honest I don’t think it is very well remembered. Because the peasants didn’t get what they wanted. Professor Will Actually the word remembered means quite a lot in the peasants revolt because king Richard II said that he didn’t want the revolt to be remembered in case it lead to another revolt. Professor Jacob What professor Will means that when the peasants got home they would of obviously said what they had done so king Richard II lied sending 50000\60000 home (5/6) because they thought he had given them what they wanted. Professor Will The 10000 left didn’t think they had got what they wanted. And the kings army slowly killed them off. Professor Jacob In fact in 1930 in a place called Sudbury a mass grave was found. All these people were probably executed on the spot. -
Proquest Dissertations
THE IMPACT OF ILE ROYALE ON NEW ENGLAND 1713 - 1763 by Donald F. Chard LtMAA.Ci A thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Ph.D. in History UNIVERSITY OF OTTAWA OTTAWA, CANADA, 1976 Chard, Ottawa, Canada, 1977 UMI Number: DC54008 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI® UMI Microform DC54008 Copyright 2011 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE CHAPTER TABLE OF CONTENTS i TABLES AND MAPS ii ABBREVIATIONS iii NOTE ON DATES iv INTRODUCTION vi I. CANSO, 1710-1721: FOCAL POINT OF NEW ENGLAND- ILE ROYALE RIVALRY 1 II. PATTERNS OF TRADE, 1720-1744 34 III. THE LOUISBOURG EXPEDITION OF 1745 67 IV. VICTORY AT LOUISBOURG: ECONOMIC EXPECTATIONS AND REALIZATIONS, 1745-1748 103 V. THE BITTER FRUITS OF VICTORY: MILITARY AND SOCIAL REPERCUSSIONS OF THE 1745 ASSAULT ON LOUISBOURG 139 VI. IMPERIAL SUBSIDIES AND CURRENCY ADJUTSMENTS.. 168 VII. NEW ENGLAND'S ROLE IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF HALIFAX AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF NOVA SCOTIA 1749-1755 188 VIII. -
Taxation a Poll Tax, Or Head Tax, Is a Tax of a Uniform, Fixed Amount Per
Taxation Types of Tax Ad valorem tax · Consumption tax Corporate tax · Excise Gift tax · Income tax Inheritance tax · Land value tax Luxury tax · Poll tax Property tax · Sales tax Tariff · Value added tax Tax incidence Flat tax · Progressive tax Regressive tax · Tax haven Tax rate A poll tax, or head tax, is a tax of a uniform, fixed amount per individual (as opposed to a percentage of income). Raised thus per capita, it is sometimes called a "capitation tax." When a corvée is commuted for cash payment, in effect it becomes a poll tax (and vice versa, if a poll tax obligation can be worked off). Such taxes were important sources of revenue for many governments from ancient times into the nineteenth century, but this is no longer the case. There are several famous cases of poll taxes in history, notably a tax formerly required for voting in parts of the United States that was often designed to disfranchise poor people, including African-Americans, Native Americans, and whites of non-British descent. In the United Kingdom, such taxes were levied by John of Gaunt and Margaret Thatcher in the fourteenth and twentieth centuries respectively, both with disastrous results. Poll taxes are regressive, since they take the same amount of money (and hence, a higher proportion of income) from poor individuals as for rich individuals. The introduction of poll taxes has, therefore, been unpopular with the general populace. Historically, such taxes were levied for specific purposes, usually wars, although governments often failed to revoke them when the war was over. Although an equal tax such as the poll tax is attractive, apparently simple to collect and difficult to cheat, the feelings generated make it not viable in contemporary Source URL: http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Poll_tax Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/courses/econ305 Attributed to [New World Encyclopedia] Saylor.org Page 1 of 8 society. -
The Home Office and Public Disturbance, C.1800-1832
The Home Office and Public Disturbance, c.1800-1832 Nathan Ashley Bend Submitted to the University of Hertfordshire in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of PhD. May 2018 ii Abstract This thesis examines the role of the Home Office in the machinery of order from c.1800-1832. It combines institutional enquiry with the study of popular protest by examining protest from the viewpoint of the Home Office. It looks at how the growth of the Home Office was stagnated due to efforts to economise, and how it transformed its systems to make them more efficient in response to peaks of administrative work caused by popular tumult. The different roles that each person performed in the Home Office is outlined, and by doing so the pivotal role of the permanent under- secretary of state, who remains underrepresented in histories of protest, is exposed. It also looks at what powers the home secretary had at his disposal, and how they were used to repress food riots, the Luddite disturbances, the movement for parliamentary reform, the Swing riots, political agitation leading to the Great Reform Act, and trade unions. It compares the different approaches of home secretaries and argues that although the use of powers was generally guided by established precedent, others such as domestic espionage were more divisive, and were influenced by the personality and experience of the home secretary. The thesis also examines the relationships between the Home Office hierarchy and government departments with authorities in the provinces. This thesis brings together all the available records which relate to the Home Office as an institution and those which relate to public disturbance. -
World Report 2017
RELIGIOUS FREEDOM WORLD REPORT 2017 Public Affairs and Religious Liberty 12501 Old Columbia Pike Silver Spring, MD 20904 USA RELIGIOUS FREEDOM WORLD REPORT 2017 © 2018 Public Affairs and Religious Liberty 12501 Old Columbia Pike Silver Spring, MD 20904 USA RELIGIOUS FREEDOM WORLD REPORT 2017 4 4 | RELIGIOUS FREEDOM WORLD REPORT 2017 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 6 COUNTRIES 9 SOURCES 337 THE SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST CHURCH & RELIGIOUS FREEDOM 339 THANK YOU 340 CONTACT INFORMATION 341 RELIGIOUS FREEDOM WORLD REPORT 2017 5 RELIGIOUS FREEDOM WORLD REPORT 2017 | 5 INTRODUCTION “Once a self-evident truth, religious freedom is now subject to the deepest deconstructionist suspicion.”1 As a point of contention, this issue goes beyond academic debates, as is evident in a recent report of the United States Civil Rights Commission in which “religious exemptions” are positioned over against civil rights. It states: “Religious exemptions to the protections of civil rights based upon classifications such as race, color, national origin, sex, disability status, sexual orientation, and gender identity, when they are permissible, significantly infringe upon these civil rights.” The chairman of the Commission, in a separate statement, further argued that: “The phrases ‘religious liberty’ and ‘religious freedom’ will stand for nothing except hypocrisy so long as they remain code words for discrimination, intolerance, racism, sexism, homophobia, Islamophobia, Christian supremacy or any form of intolerance.” The framing of religious liberty or assimilation of its content with the above evils is deeply reductionist and troubling. Should “religious liberty” be caught in a crossfire of proxy wars on morality between radical secularists and religiously driven persons? Religious liberty deserves a broader and more legitimate platform.