Race, Racism, and Discrimination: Bridging Problems, Methods, and Theory in Social Psychological Research Author(S): Lawrence D

Race, Racism, and Discrimination: Bridging Problems, Methods, and Theory in Social Psychological Research Author(s): Lawrence D. Bobo and Cybelle Fox Reviewed work(s): Source: Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 66, No. 4, Special Issue: Race, Racism, and Discrimination (Dec., 2003), pp. 319-332 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1519832 . Accessed: 25/02/2013 14:52

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This content downloaded on Mon, 25 Feb 2013 14:52:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Social PsychologyQuarterly 2003,Vol. 66, No. 4,319-332 Race, Racism,and Discrimination:Bridging Problems, Methods,and Theory in Social PsychologicalResearch* LAWRENCE D. BOBO CYBELLE FOX HarvardUniversity

Scholarsspanning the social sciences and They immediatelyentail the labeling and humanitieswrestle with the complex and social learningof groupcategories, identity, oftencontested meanings of race, racism, and feelings,beliefs, and relatedcognitive struc- discrimination.In all of thisenterprise, soci- tures.These factors,in turn,are expressedin ologistsrightly retain a specialclaim to illu- lines of interactionand behaviorthat flow minating processes of group boundary from,reinforce and reconstitute,or come to maintenance,systems of racial inequality and transformthose social categorizations.In supportingideologies, and attendantpatterns addition,such categorizationshave direct of intergroup behavior (Jackman 1994; implicationsfor the structureand basic con- Lamont 2000). Mainstream sociological ditionsof social organization.That is, race,1 research,however, has focusedprincipally on racism,2and discrimination3are also, and the structuralmanifestations of race,racism, perhaps most fundamentally,bases and and discrimination,particularly as theychar- mechanismsof hierarchicaldifferentiation acterizeblack-white relations (Wilson 1978). thatshape the orderingof social relationsas Sociologistshave made signalcontributions well as the allocationof lifeexperiences and to the understandingof modernghetto job- lifechances (Zuberi 2001a). lessnessand poverty(Wilson 1996), of racial residentialsegregation (Massey and Denton 1 We conceive of race,or more broadlyethnoracial 1993),and offundamental disparities in accu- distinctions,as historicallycontingent social construc- mulatedwealth (Oliver and Shapiro1995). In tions.These distinctionsor categorizationswill vary in somecritical respects this work has expanded configurationand salience over time (Collins 2001; Omi 2001) as well as by importantintersections with to includemultiracial and multiethniccom- age, class, gender, and sexuality (Cohen 1999). parisonswith respect to both key economic Similarly,the practices and policies of government (Lichter and Oliver 2000; Smith 2001; play a major role in the understandingand social Waldinger1996) and residentialoutcomes effectsof these categories (Nobles 2000). Although such categorization may invoke consideration of (Charles 2001; Emerson,Yancey, and Chai physicaland biological markerssuch as hair texture, 2001). To a surprisingdegree, however, the skin tone and color, and other observable markers, microsocial processesnecessarily embedded neitherthese indicianor deep primordialimperatives in these structuralanalyses are stilllargely give ethnoracialcategories their social significance. unaddressed. 2 We conceiveof racism as a set of institutionalcon- ditionsof group inequalityand an ideology of racial Yet thebasic social processes invoked by domination,in whichthe latteris characterizedby a theterms race, racism, and discriminationare set ofbeliefs holding that the subordinate racial group quintessentiallysocial psychologicalphe- is biologicallyor culturallyinferior to the dominant nomena;sociologists ignore or downplaythis racial group.These beliefs,in turn,are deployed to prescribe and legitimize society's discriminatory basic insightat the discipline'speril. These treatmentof the subordinate group and to justify concepts concern the meanings of social theirlower status (See and Wilson1989; Wilson 1973). groupingsand how thosemeanings come to 3We thinkof discriminationas a "complex system guidepatterns of relations among individuals of social relations" (Pettigrewand Taylor 1990:688) recognizedas membersof particulargroups. involvingactions, subtle or overt,"that serve to limit the social,political, or economicopportunities of particular groups" (Fredricksonand Knobel 1982:31). * Direct correspondence to Lawrence D. Bobo, Discriminationmay be eitherdirect or indirect,and Department of Sociology, Harvard University, may have both short-and long-termconsequences Cambridge,MA 02138;[email protected]. (Pettigrewand Taylor1990). 319

This content downloaded on Mon, 25 Feb 2013 14:52:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 320 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY For thesereasons, sociologists and social To furtheradvance the impetustoward psychologistsof severalstripes have devoted "bridging,"this special issue now unites three greatenergy to unraveling"the problemof goals in seekingto increasesocial psycholo- race."4Yet broadand powerfulgeneral theo- gy's understandingof processes of race, ries of race,racism, and discriminationstill racism,and discrimination.One key goal of eludeus (See andWilson 1989; Winant 2000). thisvolume has been to encouragebridges Social psychologists,some argue,have been acrossmajor subareas, methods, and theories. slowto examinehow ethnoracial distinctions The challengeof building more general theo- may influencewhat have been regardedas rywill be met onlyinsofar as studiesacross otherwise general social psychological an array of "middle range" theories are processes(Hunt et al. 2000).Certainly the lit- broughtinto directdialogue on the various of distinctand eraturecontains a number problems,questions, and methodsof analysis vital clustersof intellectualactivity: some that typically distinguish and organize focuson problems(e.g., minority status and domainsof social research. performancein school), some on method A second goal has been to encourage (e.g.,surveys of racial attitudes),and others workof multiethnicscope. More and more on theory(e.g., status expectation states the- reachingbeyond the ory).One consequenceis thatthe field is not research is not only so muchbalkanized as composedof several black-whitedivide but also adoptinga strate- disparate,mutually insular intellectual com- gyof simultaneous and richmultigroup communities. parisons. As a result,a key challengefor scholar- Our thirdgoal is to highlightwork that ship in this area is to reach beyond the adopts a target-groupor minority-group boundaries of customary and specific frameof reference.For too long,social psy- researchproblems, methodologies, and theo- chological researchhas tended to assume ries.Theoretical advances often emerge from thatthe viewsof thosein minorityor disad- methodologicalinnovations, especially those vantaged positions were derived entirely whichbridge different methods of investiga- from,or simplya maladaptiveresponse to, tion.The domainof race, racism, and discrim- perspectivesand impositionson the partof ination,for example,has taken important thedominant group. stepsto addressthe influenceof contextual variablessuch as groupsize and degree of SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL economic inequality (Kinder and PROCESSES OF RACE IN MAJOR LIFE Mendelberg 1995; Quillian 1995) and to DOMAINS make use of hierarchicalmodeling (Quillian 1996; Taylor 1998), and of survey-based Even thoughwe lack broad,general the- experiments(Bobo and Kluegel1993; Kinder ories specifyinghow race, racism,and dis- and Sanders1990; Schuman and Bobo 1988; criminationoperate, at least,fortunately, we Snidermanand Carmines1977), as well as possessmajor theoretical approaches in vari- linkingin-depth interviews with surveys ous domainsof social life. Strong research lit- (Krysan1999). Each of thesesteps has deep- eratures exist in these domains. The ened ourknowledge significantly. contributionsto thisspecial issue offercriti- cal extensionsof ideas on identity,schooling, 4 A numberof recentreviews from distinct tradi- tions,covering far greater terrain than we may hope and achievementprocesses; organizations, to addresshere, deserve note.Critical assessments of labormarkets, and workplaces;interpersonal the survey-basedliterature can be found in Sears, interactionacross the color line; social struc- Hetts et al. (2000), Bobo (2001), and Krysan (2000). of Assessmentsof importantstrands in the experimental turaland psychologicaltheories prejudice; literaturecan be foundin Banaji and Hardin (1996), and thesocial and politicaleffects of the new Blair and Banaji (1996), Dovidio (2001), and Fazio immigration.We examine brieflyeach of and Olson (2003). Relevant qualitative studies are these domains and discuss how the new reviewedby Bonilla-Silva(2001), while Dawson and Cohen (2002) provide a cogent assessment of researchreported here helps to advanceour researchon race in politicalscience. knowledge.

This content downloaded on Mon, 25 Feb 2013 14:52:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RACE, RACISM,AND DISCRIMINATION 321 Identity,Schooling, and Achievement highand highschools, and PalestinianArab Processes Israelihigh schools), and withmultiple methods (open-endedsurveys and experimental Extensiveresearch on schooling,perfor- manipulations). mance,and achievementhas shownthat neg- and ative culturalstereotypes about racial Organizations,Labor Markets,and ethnic minorities can exert debilitating Workplaces effects on minority youths' academic achievement.A classic in the field,Ogbu's Anotherbody of researchexamines the (1986,1992) oppositionalculture theory, sug- influenceof race,racism, and discrimination geststhat low expectationslead minoritystu- in labor markets,workplaces, and organiza- dentsto feelambivalent about school and to tions.Many studies have documented the dis- disengageacademically, in thebelief that aca- advantaged position of blacks and other demic achievementis the sole purviewof racialand ethnicminorities in thecontempo- whitesand thattheir own hardwork will not raryurban labor market(Waldinger 1996; deliverthe expectedrewards. Minority stu- Wilson1996). The reason forthis disadvan- dentsthen discourage their peers fromsuc- tage,especially the significanceof race,has ceeding academically,or "acting white,"a been contested intensely.William Julius findingthat recentlyhas been called into Wilson (1978) argued famouslythat the question (Ainsworth-Darnelland Downey importanceof race in determiningblacks' life 1998; Carter2003; Cook and Ludwig 1997; chances was declining relative to class. Gould 1999;Lovaglia et al 1998). Similarly,economists and othersocial scien- Other research helps to explain why tistshave predictedthat the demandsof the minoritystudents who are alreadyengaged competitivelabor marketwould eliminate stillunderperform in relationto theirmajori- racialdiscrimination in theworkplace (Evans typeers. Steele's (1997) pioneeringwork on and Kelley 1991; Nee, Sanders,and Sernau stereotypethreat has foundthat when nega- 1994). tive stereotypesabout a group are made Despite theseassertions, numerous stud- salient,academic functioningamong mem- ies show thatcontemporary workplace dis- bersof thatgroup is impaired.Students who criminationremains a significantconcern. are alreadydisengaged are notsusceptible to Employersoften express stereotypical views stereotypethreat because they have long ofblacks, rate black workers as havingweak- since stopped trying.Indeed, Steele has er hard and softskills than whiteworkers, shownthat the effectof thesestereotypes is and openly acknowledgetheir own use of most perniciousamong those minoritystu- discriminatoryrecruiting and screeningpro- dentswith the deepest commitment to acade- ceduresduring the hiringprocess (Kirschen- mic achievementand a strongmotivation to manand Neckerman1991; Wilson 1996). As a achieve. result,employers hire blacks at far lower In thisspecial issue,Oyserman and her ratesthan whites, even withcontrols for dif- colleaguesbuild on theseworks, probing the ferencesin levelsof education (Holzer 1996). relationshipbetween racial and ethnicidenti- Discriminationbased on gendercompounds ty schemas and academic disengagement. issues of racialdiscrimination for women of This paper, which covers importantnew color,who report experiencing "double jeop- ground,helps to explainwhich students are ardy"(Suh 2000). Reportsof discrimination bestable to overcomethe harmfuleffects of do not appear to varymuch by social class, negativestereotyping and whichstudents are althoughthe frequency of suchreports tends mostlikely to succumb.Using three separate to increase withrising levels of education studies,Oyserman and colleagues test the (Bobo and Suh 2000). theory across multiple racial and ethnic In thisvolume, Harlow concentrateson groups (African Americans, Latinos, the familiarsetting of the university,explor- AmericanIndians, and PalestinianIsraelis), ingthe ways in whichrace influencesprofes- in multiplesettings (a low-incomeminority sors' experiences in, and perceptions of, middleschool, rural and reservationjunior undergraduateclassrooms. Her focusis not

This content downloaded on Mon, 25 Feb 2013 14:52:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 322 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY on the content or impact of employers' actual levels of prejudice(Bonilla-Silva and stereotypes,but ratheron how students' Forman2000). Furthermore,research dating stereotypesof theirprofessors affect the back to the 1950shas demonstrateda race- demands of the job. Using in-depthinter- of-interviewereffect: respondents adjust viewswith black and whitefaculty members, theirresponses on questionsconcerning race Harlow examineshow racial stigmaaffects accordingto the interviewer'srace (Hyman blackprofessors' "emotion work." In particu- 1954).In partthis may be the resultof con- lar she considershow students'assumptions cerns about social desirability:individuals about competencycan create the need for attemptto minimizetension during an inter- additionalimpression management work or, action,and therebyavoid topics or responses conversely,emotional labor thatshields pro- thatmight offend another party (Hatchett fessors'self-concepts from negative percep- and Schuman1975). In day-to-dayinterac- tionsby students. Harlow pushes the analysis tions,Cose (1993) suggestedthat black mid- further,examining the ways in whichdouble dle-class professionals were not always jeopardyinfluences black female professors' completelycandid withwhites about their experiences and demands. Her research rage regardingracism and discrimination pointsto dynamicsthat may operate in many because theyunderstood that voicing those organizationalsettings or contextswhere feelingswould anger or alienatewhites. blacks(or membersof otherhistorically dis- It is a mistake,however, to assumethat advantagedminority groups) occupy higher- the "truth" will be revealed only when status positions than consumersor other respondentsspeak with a personof the same employees who belong to the dominant race.Research indicates that blacks may face group. opposingpressures to declaregreater attach- ment to theirracial group or supportfor Contactand InterpersonalInteractions race-based social policies when speaking witha black interviewer(Anderson, Silver, A thirdbody of researchhas focusedon and Abramson 1988). Furthermore,the the degree of contactand interpersonalor "merepresence" of a black interviewermay intimaterelations between dominant-and triggerthe opposite effect, increasing whites' subordinate-groupmembers (Allport 1954; reported racial resentmentor negative Pettigrew 1998). Fertile and powerfully stereotypes(Devine 1989; Dovidio et al. cumulativework has examined,for instance, 1997;Wittenbrink, Judd and Park1997). the individual-level(Meyer 2000) and social In thisvolume, Krysan and Couper use psychologicalprocesses involved in creating innovative experimental simulations to and maintainingpatterns of racial residential understandmore clearly the mechanisms segregation (Bobo and Zubrinsky 1996; behindrace-of-interviewer effects. By manip- Charles2003; Farley et al 1994;Quillian and ulatingan interviewer'srace in botha "live" Pager2001). This research is especiallynote- and a "virtual" interviewwith black and worthyfor its multiethnicscope (Charles whiterespondents, the authorscan distin- 2000),its use ofsystematic experiments with- guishbetween (on one hand)effects on racial in surveys(Emerson et al 2001; Zubrinsky attitudesand social policypreferences that and Bobo 1996), and its linkingof open- resultfrom the "mere presence" of a member ended responsesor qualitativeinterviewing of a differentracial group and (on theother) withtraditional survey data (Krysan2002a, those whichderive from the social interac- 2002b;Krysan and Farley2002). tionitself. Much attentionhas been given to the degreeto whichindividuals are candidabout Theoriesof Whites' RacialAttitudes their opinions on racial matters.Recent researchhas shownthat whites' survey-based Despite whites'tendency to avoid mak- responsesto attitudesabout issues such as ingovertly racist statements (especially in the intermarriage,affirmative action, or the sig- companyof AfricanAmericans), it would nificanceof discriminationin blacks' life certainlybe a mistaketo assumethat whites' chances sometimesmay understatetheir racial attitudeshave not changedin the last

This content downloaded on Mon, 25 Feb 2013 14:52:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions RACE, RACISM,AND DISCRIMINATION 323 half-century (Schuman et al. 1997). over immigration(McLaren 2003; Quillian Nonetheless,despite a markedincrease in 1995), and of Native American treaties their support for formal racial equality, (Bobo and Than forthcoming)have yielded whitesremain quite reluctant to supportfed- strongempirical support for this theoretical eral policies that would bringabout these reasoning. goals.For morethan three decades, scholars Contributingto thisdebate, Hughes and belongingto threemain schools of thought Tuch attemptin thisvolume to adjudicate have proposedcompeting theories to explain between social-psychologicaland social- this paradox (Sears, Sidanius, and Bobo structuraltheories of racial attitudes by using 2000). repeated cross-sectionsof national survey The firstset of theories,at heart,are data to evaluatethe incidence of genderdif- social-psychological; they all share the ferencesin whites'racial attitudes and policy assumptionthat old-fashioned racism has not preferences.If prejudice is learned, the disappearedbut rather has been replacedby authorsreason, and ifit is in parta productof a newand differentbrand of racism,various- gender-specificsocialization, rather than of lycalled symbolic racism or racialresentment competinggroup interests,then we might (Henryand Sears 2002;Sears, van Laar,et al. find significantdifferences in attitudes 1997), subtle versus blatant prejudice between whitemen and whitewomen. To (Pettigrewand Meertens 1995), or other addressthis possibility, Hughes and Tuch con- formsof racism (Feagin 2000). Proponents of duct an extensiveanalysis of high quality these theoriescontend that whites' opposi- nationalsample survey data. Where it is rele- tion to affirmativeaction or to votingfor a vantto do so, theyalso can directlytest the black candidateis due largelyto theirnega- distinctgender socialization hypothesis. Their tive stereotypesor affectregarding African resultsdiffer in importantways fromthose Americans. Despite some disagreement reportedin otherrecent work (Johnson and about the exact contentof thisnew racism, Marini1998). proponentsof these theoriestend to share Accordingto the thirdand finalmajor thebelief that it, like itsold-fashioned coun- theoreticalstance, sometimes labeled princi- terpart,is transmittedfrom one generationto pled politics,whites' opposition to liberal the nextthrough early childhood socializa- racialpolicies is rootednot in anynew racism tion. norin competing group interest, but rather in A second set of theories,called social- race-neutralvalues and ideologies such as structuraltheories, differs from the firstin fairnessor individualism(Sniderman and thatit takescompeting group interests seri- Carmines1997). Althoughthese ideologies ously.These theories,which include realistic certainlyplay a role-indeed,the debate usu- groupconflict theory (Key 1949;Levine and allycenters on thesignificance or meaningof Campbell1972) and sense of groupposition thatrole-empirical and experimentalstud- (Blumer 1958; Bobo 1999), generallymain- ies have linked whites' racial attitudesto tain thatindividuals identify with their own oppositionto a wide arrayof explicitlyracial racial or ethnicgroup, that group conflict policiesincluding busing (Bobo 1983),affir- emergesfrom competing interests, and that mative action (Bobo 2000; Oliver and dominantgroups develop and propagateide- Mendelberg 2000), bilingual education ologies that maintainand even legitimize (Houvouras 2001; Huddy and Sears 1995), theirhigher social status (Jackman and Muha federal aid to blacks (Kinder and 1984; Sears, Sidanius, and Bobo 2000). In Mendelberg1995), and residentialintegra- these models,prejudice is not an irrational tion(Bobo and Zubrinsky1996; Farley et al. psychologicaldisposition amenable to curing 1994;Schuman and Bobo 1988). Racial atti- throughproper socialization. Rather, preju- tudes also influenceevaluations of political dice emergesfrom competition and struggle candidates in many contexts,not merely over real or symbolicresources and privi- when candidates of differentracial back- leges.Studies of key local electoralcontests groundscompete (Callaghan and Terkildsen (Kaufman1998), of the impactof groupsize 2002). Racial attitudeseven taint whites' on racialattitudes (Taylor 1998), of struggles preferencesfor policies that appear to be

This content downloaded on Mon, 25 Feb 2013 14:52:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 324 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY racially neutral but have become racially gistshave been hard at workstudying con- tinged in public discourse (Valentino, temporarypatterns of identity formation and Hutchings, and White 2002), including change,social adaptation,and the broader approachesto fightingcrime (Hurwitz and societaleffects of this "new immigration." Peffley1997; Johnson2001; Mendelberg Issues of identity(Alba 1990;Tuan 1999; 1997) as wellas welfare(Gilens 1999; Peffley, Waters1990) and of the hostsociety's reac- Hurwitz,and Sniderman1997). tion to this new wave of immigrantshave For attitudesabout welfare and crimein been a matterof particularconcern. Studies particular,negative stereotypes of African have documenteda rise in anti-immigrant Americans as lazy,welfare-dependent, or sentiment(Sanchez 1997) and have linked somehowculturally more prone than whites raciallymotivated violence to the growthof to violenceplay a prominentrole in whites' the black, Asian, or Latino population oppositionto these policies.Paradoxically, (Green, Strolovitch, and Wong 1997; Brezina and Winder'sarticle in thisvolume Pinderhughes1993). Empiricalstudies have suggeststhat whites' negative cultural stereo- shownthat perceptions of Asians', blacks', types of blacks are reinforcedby blacks' Latinos',and whites'intergroup competition lowersocioeconomic status, the very circum- forvalued economicand politicalresources stancethat many liberal racial policies were existand are politicallyconsequential, even if designedto redress.The authorsmove on to the absolutestrength of such perceptionsis reveal the social-psychologicalprocesses generallyonly low to moderate(Bobo and behindsuch circular reasoning, framing their Hutchings1996; Bobo and Johnson2000; approach with Ridgeway's (1991) "status Esses, Jackson,and Armstrong1998; Esses, constructiontheory." Using nationalsurvey Jackson, et al. 1999; McLaren 2003). data,they first demonstrate the link between Impressivecase studieshave emergeddis- whites'perception of blacks' low socioeco- sectingand interpretinginstances of intereth- nomicstatus and whites'belief that blacks nic conflictincluding the 1992 Los Angeles have a poor workethic; subsequently they riots(Baldassare 1994),the 1990 Red Apple illustratehow status generalization processes boycottin Brooklyn(Kim 2000),and occur- operateto influenceeven egalitarian-minded rences in variousother settings (Morawska individuals.In doingso, Brezinaand Winder 2001). The potentialfor minority coalition extendan importantline of thinkingon how formationand the obstaclesto such forma- lay or popular ideas about broader social tion also have attractedrecent attention; stratificationprocesses influence the dynam- some worksuggests that the shared status as ics of ethnoracial relations (Hunt 1996; minoritiescould bridgedifferent ethnoracial Kluegel 1990; Kluegel and Bobo 2001; groups(Garcia 2000). Kluegeland Smith1986). Another line of research has focused moreexplicitly on thenew immigrants' expe- The Effectsand Dynamicsof Immigration riencesand on the ways in whichthey are being incorporatedinto Americansociety. American society is undergoingpro- Early theories of immigrantassimilation, foundpopulation changes due to rapidimmi- based on theexperiences of European immigrationand differentialfertility rates (Zuberi grants,assumed fairly rapid and concurrent 2001b).Research on thedynamics and effects processesof economic,political, and cultural of immigrationon Americansociety dates assimilation.This "straight line" assimilation back,of course,to theearliest efforts by U.S. model assumed that over time,the immi- sociologists,including W.E.B. Du Bois's "The grants'children and grandchildrenwould PhiladelphiaNegro" and muchof the early move up the economic ladder and would ChicagoSchool work by Robert Park and his become more similar to mainstream peers. With Hispanics now the nation's Americans.The new immigrants'experi- largestethnoracial minority, and in view of ences, however, belie these now-dated continuedhigh rates of immigrationfrom assumptions.Research on currentsecond- Asia,Latin America, and manyother parts of generationimmigrants reveals a morecom- the globe,sociologists and social psycholo- plex process of "segmentedassimilation"

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(Portesand Rumbaut2001; Portes and Zhou probe the content,salience, determinants, 1993). More thanthe old immigrants,these and mutabilityof Asian and Latinostudents' new arrivalsdiffer from one anotherin a ethnoracialself identification. In these pat- varietyof waysincluding educational back- ternsthey search for indications about how ground, skills, wealth, family structure, thesegroups ultimately will be incorporated knowledgeof English,and skin color.Also intoAmerica's racial order. thereare differencesin the ways in which governmentpolicies treat various groups, in CONCLUSIONS the native population's reactions to their arrival,and in thesizes of the immigrants' co- Sociologistshave done muchto examine ethniccommunities. All of these elements the materialeconomic and politicalconse- influence socioeconomic outcomes and quences of sociallyrecognized membership determinehow or even whetherimmigrants in particularethnoracial categories. In them- will be integratedinto and acceptedby the selves, however,such differencesdo not hostsociety (Portes and Rumbaut2001). explainhow people developsuch categoriza- One componentof thisliterature on seg- tionsand identities,how they imbue ethnora- or mentedassimilation focuses on identityfor- cial groupswith meaning, whenand how theydraw on salientidentities, beliefs, and mation and change, examining how the feelingsin any particularcontext or setting. peculiarhistory of Americanrace relations Nor does theexistence of a set ofinstitution- influencesethnoracial self-identification al conditionsor outcomes explain when a amongnew immigrants.Mary Waters (1999) patternof racializedsocial interactionmay showshow West Indian immigrants hold onto be enacted routinely,challenged openly, or their ethnic national identityand resist transformedprofoundly. It is preciselyin adopting a black American identityin an answer to these typesof questions and at effortto avoid a stigmatizedsocial status and these points that the social psychologyof to stave offwhat they perceive to be down- race,racism, and discriminationbecomes an wardmobility. Yet becausethey have few tan- indispensableelement of any complete socio- gible ties to the West Indies and are logicalanalysis. immersedin a culturethat is fixatedon racial In the mostgeneral sense, the articlesin categorizationand antiblack stereotypes, this issue exemplifythe core ambitionof theirchildren (especially those in poor and social psychologicalresearch on race.They low-incomefamilies) adopt black racial iden- explore how society and social structural tities more readily.Portes and Rumbaut conditionscreate individuals possessing par- (2001) examine how second-generation ticulartypes of ethnoracialidentities, beliefs, immigrantsin south Florida and southern attitudes,value orientations,and the like.At Californiacome to self-identify;they find the same time,they show how individuals thatmany resist the pressuresto identifyin possessingracialized psychological attributes panethnicterms. Experiences of discrimina- and outlooks then interactand behave in tion,they find, encourage these teens to cling waysthat variously instantiate and reinforce, to theirnational identity, whereas living in an or challenge and transform,extant social inner-cityarea encouragespanethnic identifi- structuresof race.5 cation. For example,in Brezina and Winder's In this volume, Sears and colleagues workon perceivedeconomic disadvantage tacklethese difficult issues of identity forma- and howsuch perceptions translate into neg- tion and change among the "new immigrants,"with a focus on Latino and Asian S In one of the more cogentdefinitions of the core youthsattending a leadingpublic university. problem for social psychology,Dorwin Carwright These youths,the authorsargue, represent maintainedthat social psychologyis concernedwith the futureelites and thereforedeserve spe- "how society influencesthe cognition,motivation, cial consideration.Using an impressivesix- development,and behaviorof individualsand, in turn, wave longitudinalsurvey of Asian, black, is influencedby them"(1979:91). This conceptualiza- tion of the field is embraced effectivelyby James Latino,and whitestudents at the University House (1977,1981), Melvin Kohn (1989), and Ralph of California at Los Angeles, the authors Turner(1988), amongmany others.

This content downloaded on Mon, 25 Feb 2013 14:52:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 326 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY ative personalitystereotypes about blacks, change(Lee 2002).Harlow's research on the the authorsillustrate the flowfrom social emotionalmanagement of race in thecollege structuralconditions to individualpercep- classroomillustrates such processesdirectly. tions,and thento a patternof negativeracial Oysermanand colleagues'research on racial- attitudesand beliefs.That is, this work can be ethnic self-schemasexplores even more read as showingprincipally how social struc- explicitlypatterns of creativetarget-group ture shapes individualmakeup. Similarly, responseto prevalentnegative racial stereo- Oysermanand colleaguesshow how the pos- types. sessionof more elaborate racial self-schemas Second, some of the work included in maymore effectively equip membersof dis- thisissue builds new types of theoreticaland advantagedgroups to achievehigh levels of methodologicalbridges; this encouraging academic performance:their work can be trendis long overdue. Thus, for example, read as showingprincipally how individual Harlow'sin-depth interviews with white and makeupshapes social structure.The former blackfaculty members is not merelya prob- example illustrateshow individualpsycho- lem-focusedstudy of race in the college class- logicalmakeup and processesreinforce racial room. It is also a theoretically rich hierarchy and disadvantage; the latter deploymentof Goffmanianstigma theory, of demonstrateshow individualpsychological Arlie Hochschild's ideas about emotional makeupand processesmay transform exist- labor,and especiallyof Strykeriansymbolic ingracial hierarchy and disadvantage. interactionismand identitytheory. Thus The articlespresented here also exempli- Harlow'swork not only builds on otherinno- fythree significant lines of developmentfor vativedescriptive and typologizingefforts to thefuture of research in thisarea. First, some understandprocesses of discrimination(e.g., of thework springs from or directlyengages Bobo and Suh 2000; Feagin 1991),but also a target-groupor minority-groupperspec- providesthe theoreticalconcepts and logic tive.Studies of the natureand dynamicsof necessaryfor higher levels of generalization. prejudice,long the core of social psychologi- The sametheoretical reach can be seen in the cal researchon race,racism, and discrimina- workof Brezina and Winder, which effective- tion,have focusedoverwhelmingly on how lylinks survey-based research on thesources dominant-groupmembers view and treat ofracial stereotypes to theoriesof status con- membersof a subordinateor minoritygroup. struction(which were derivedlargely from Insofaras subordinate-groupmembers mat- laboratoryexperiments on task-oriented tered,it was largelyas personsdamaged by small groups).These authorstake a further theviews and conditionscreated by members step:they specify some of the work still need- of thedominant group (hence the Clarkand ed to more directlytest the mechanismsof Clarkdolls studies and an abundanceof work statusgeneralization at workin movingfrom seekingracial differences in self-esteem).6 perceivedeconomic disadvantage to a belief Now,however, we increasinglysee work in stereotypednegative traits. comingfrom minority perspectives that point Similarly,Krysan and Couperoffer inno- to modes of adaptationand understanding vativemethodological and theoreticalinsight "frombelow." These perspectivesare not in workthat they might have pursuedmerely merelyreactive and indicativeof damage as a narrowquestion: how to accuratelymea- inflictedby systemsof racialhierarchy. Such sureracial attitudes with new computer tech- adaptationsinvolve the potentiallypositive nologies.By treatingthe surveyinterview as and transformingeffects of the search for a socialinteraction, they show more than the positivesocial identity and progressivesocial advantagesand disadvantagesof different technologiesfor askingrace-related ques- 6 For an excellenthistory of scholarshipin thisvein, tions.They also simulateand experimentally see Daryl Scott's importantassessment of social sci- manipulatecross-racial interaction, and mea- entific and policy approaches to the African sure a largebattery of racial attitudes.With Americanexperience (Scott 1997). In particular,Scott thesedata not showwhen and shows how the assumptionof psychologicaldamage they only why has underminedantiracist thinking and trulyequali- the interviewer'srace mattersin personal tariansocial policy. versuscomputer-based interviews; in addi-

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tion,they actually help to specifycontempo- theyfind only a fewoccasions on whichgen- rarytension points in black-whiterelations der affectsracial attitudes; even thesespecif- (e.g., beliefsabout the prevalenceof racial ic cases usually are quite limited in discrimination).This findingappears to rep- magnitude.Their work obviouslydoes not resenta majorchange from earlier eras in the precludethe possibilityof more substantial studyof black-white relations, when the very genderingof the expressionof racial atti- goals of integrationand nondiscrimination tudes,given other types of outcome measures would have been the most sensitivetopics or other contexts of group relations.For dividingwhites and blacks,not whethersig- example,we possess both qualitative evi- nificantracial discrimination still existed. dence (Kennelly 1999; Wilson 1996) and Third,in some of thework in thisspecial more quantitativeconfirmation (Bobo and issue,the authorsconduct multiple ethnora- Johnson2000) thatwhites stereotype black cial groupcomparisons or helpto clarifyhow men and black women in differentways: race mesheswith critical intersectional issues black men oftenare seen as less reliable, ofclass and ofgender. The workof Oyserman moreaggressive, more threatening, and more and colleaguesand of Sears and colleagues involvedwith crime and drugs.On theinter- moves well beyondthe black-whitedivide. sectionof race and class,Brezina and Winder Oyserman and colleagues offeranalyses showhow ideas about groupsocioeconomic based on experimentswith black, Latino, attainmentinfluence the developmentof American Indian, and Palestinian Israeli racialstereotypes. youths;the researchis even cross-national. Our understandingof the dynamicsof Sears and colleagues addressa provocative race,racism, and discriminationis enriched question:whether recent Asian and Latino by studies that aim to bridge otherwise immigrantsare likelyto followthe "straight- insularintellectual communities defined by line assimilation"model or a moreracialized narrowlyfocused problems, single method- minoritymodel of integrationinto American ologies,or particulartheories of the middle society.Their work shows both the salience range.The researchreported in thisissue, by and thepolitical character of ethnic identities engagingin multigroupand cross-national in a large longitudinalstudy of youthsat a comparisons, using mixed or multiple- highlyselective public university. Yet it also methodresearch designs, and takingserious- reveals that these identitiesare not trans- lya target-group/minority-groupperspective, formedby thecollege experience into highly pointsus towardimportant new advances. politicizedattachment to panethnicor quasi- We are most likely to make large strides racialgroups. Instead, although ethnic identi- towardformulating well-specified general ty does not break down over the college theoryin race, racism,and discrimination yearsfor Asian or Latino youths,it remains when researchstrategies aimed at building centered stronglyon national ancestry thesetypes of bridges continue and flourish. groupsrather than on homogenizingpaneth- nic categories.Though their data are more REFERENCES limited,Sears and colleagues also contrast the Asian and Latino cases to that of the Ainsworth-Darnell,James W. and Douglas B. Downey.1998. "Assessing the Oppositional AfricanAmerican in experience, which a Culture Explanation for Racial/Ethnic continuingencounter with discrimination Differences in School Performance." and negativestereotyping by the dominant AmericanSociological Review 63:536-53. groupand cultureencourages the persistence Alba, Richard D. 1990. Ethnic Identity:The ofwhat they call "blackexceptionalism." Transformationof WhiteAmerica. New In regardto theintersection of race with Haven:Yale UniversityPress. othermajor bases of social division,Hughes Allport,Gordon W 1954.The Nature of Prejudice. and Tuchapply the groupposition theory of GardenCity, NY: AnchorBooks. Anderson,Barbara A., BrianD. Silver,and Paul R. racial prejudice(Blumer 1958; Bobo 1999) to Abramson.1988. "The Effectsof Electoral thequestion of genderdifferences in whites' Participationby Blacks in SRC National racialattitudes toward blacks. On thebasis of ElectionStudies." Public OpinionQuarterly an extensiveexamination of nationaldata, 52:53-83.

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LawrenceD. Bobo is theNorman Tishman and CharlesM. DikerProfessor of Sociologyand ofAfricanand African American Studies at HarvardUniversity. He is also currentlyacting chair of Harvard'sDepartment of African and AfricanAmerican Studies and actingdirector of the WE.B. Du Bois Institute.Professor Bobo is coauthorof theforthcoming book Prejudicein Politics:Public Opinion, Group Position,and theWisconsin Treaty Rights Dispute (Harvard UniversityPress). Currently he is workingon a studytitled "Race, Crime, and PublicOpinion."

CybelleFox is a PhD candidatein sociology and socialpolicy at HarvardUniversity, and a doc- toralfellow in Harvard'sMulti-Disciplinary Program on Inequalityand Social Policy.Her cur- rentresearch interests center on race,immigration, and thepolitics of redistribution.

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