Stifling Dissent Impeding Accountability
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Criminal Code 2003.Pmd 273 11/27/2004, 12:35 PM 274 No
273 No. 9 ] Criminal Code [2004. SAINT LUCIA ______ No. 9 of 2004 ARRANGEMENT OF SECTIONS CHAPTER ONE General Provisions PART I PRELIMINARY Section 1. Short title 2. Commencement 3. Application of Code 4. General construction of Code 5. Common law procedure to apply where necessary 6. Interpretation PART II JUSTIFICATIONS AND EXCUSES 7. Claim of right 8. Consent by deceit or duress void 9. Consent void by incapacity 10. Consent by mistake of fact 11. Consent by exercise of undue authority 12. Consent by person in authority not given in good faith 13. Exercise of authority 14. Explanation of authority 15. Invalid consent not prejudicial 16. Extent of justification 17. Consent to fight cannot justify harm 18. Consent to killing unjustifiable 19. Consent to harm or wound 20. Medical or surgical treatment must be proper 21. Medical or surgical or other force to minors or others in custody 22. Use of force, where person unable to consent 23. Revocation annuls consent 24. Ignorance or mistake of fact criminal code 2003.pmd 273 11/27/2004, 12:35 PM 274 No. 9 ] Criminal Code [2004. 25. Ignorance of law no excuse 26. Age of criminal responsibility 27. Presumption of mental disorder 28. Intoxication, when an excuse 29. Aider may justify same force as person aided 30. Arrest with or without process for crime 31. Arrest, etc., other than for indictable offence 32. Bona fide assistant and correctional officer 33. Bona fide execution of defective warrant or process 34. Reasonable use of force in self-defence 35. Defence of property, possession of right 36. -
Zambia Page 1 of 16
Zambia Page 1 of 16 Zambia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2002 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 31, 2003 Zambia is a republic governed by a president and a unicameral national assembly. Since 1991 generally free and fair multiparty elections have resulted in the victory of the Movement for Multi -Party Democracy (MMD). In December 2001, Levy Mwanawasa of the MMD was elected president, and his party won 69 out of 150 elected seats in the National Assembly. The MMD's use of government resources during the campaign raised questions over the fairness of the elections. Although noting general transparency during the voting, domestic and international observer groups cited irregularities in the registration process and problems in the tabulation of the election results. Opposition parties challenged the election result in court, and court proceedings remained ongoing at year's end. The Constitution mandates an independent judiciary, and the Government generally respected this provision; however, the judicial system was hampered by lack of resources, inefficiency, and reports of possible corruption. The police, divided into regular and paramilitary units operated under the Ministry of Home Affairs, had primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. The Zambia Security and Intelligence Service (ZSIS), under the Office of the President, was responsible for intelligence and internal security. Members of the security forces committed numerous, and at times serious, human rights abuses. Approximately 60 percent of the labor force worked in agriculture, although agriculture contributed only 22 percent to the gross domestic product. Economic growth slowed to 3 percent for the year, partly as a result of drought in some agricultural areas. -
Politics and the Media in Southern Africa I
Politics and the Media in Southern Africa I. Media and Politics: The Role of the Media in Promoting Democracy and Good Governance 21–23 September 1999 Safari Court Hotel Windhoek, Namibia II. Konrad Adenauer Foundation Journalism Workshop: the Media in Southern Africa 10–12 September 1999 River Side Hotel Durban, South Africa Table of Contents Introduction 5 I. MEDIA AND POLITICS: THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA IN PROMOTING DEMOCRACY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE Opening Remarks 9 Michael Schlicht, Regional Representative, Central and Southern Africa, Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAF) Opening Address 11 Ben Amathila, Minister of Information and Broadcasting, Namibia Obstacles and Challenges Facing the Media in: • KENYA 15 Henry Owuor, Nation Newspapers, Nairobi • MALAWI 17 Peter Kumwenda, Editor, The Champion, Lilongwe • SOUTH AFRICA 21 Xolisa Vapi, Political Reporter, The Independent on Saturday, Durban • TANZANIA 27 Matilda Kasanga, The Guardian Limited, Dar-es-Salaam • UGANDA 33 Tom Gawaya-Tegulle, The New Vision, Kampala • ZAMBIA 41 Masautso Phiri, Zambia Independent Media Association, Lusaka • ZIMBABWE 53 Davison S. Maruziva, The Daily News, Harare The Media and Ethics 55 Pushpa A. Jamieson, The Chronicle, Lilongwe, Malawi 3 Table of Contents The Media and Elections 59 Raymond Louw, Editor and Publisher, Southern Africa Report Investigative Journalism: the Police Perspective 65 Martin S. Simbi, Principal, Police Staff College, Zimbabwe Republic Police Seminar Programme 69 Seminar Participants’ List 71 II. KONRAD ADENAUER FOUNDATION JOURNALISM WORKSHOP: -
Zambia 2015 Human Rights Report
ZAMBIA 2015 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Zambia is a constitutional republic governed by a democratically elected president and a unicameral national assembly. In October 2014 then president Sata died in office. On January 20, voters elected Patriotic Front (PF) candidate Edgar Lungu president in a by-election. International and local observers considered the election to have been conducted freely and cited few irregularities. Although the results were credible, however, media coverage, police presence, and legal restrictions heavily favored the ruling party and prevented the election from being genuinely fair. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. The most significant human rights problems during the year were abuses by police, including reports of unlawful killings, torture, and beatings; political violence; restrictions on freedom of the press, assembly, association, and speech; and gender-based violence (GBV). Other serious human rights problems included life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest; prolonged pretrial detention; arbitrary interference with privacy; displacement of landowners; government corruption; child abuse; trafficking in persons; discrimination against persons with disabilities and members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) community; and child labor. The government took selective and halting steps to prosecute or punish officials who committed abuses, targeting mostly those who opposed the ruling party. Impunity remained a problem, as ruling party supporters were either not prosecuted for serious crimes or, if prosecuted, released after serving small fractions of prison sentences. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life There were several reports the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. -
Post-Populism in Zambia: Michael Sata's Rise
This is the accepted version of the article which is published by Sage in International Political Science Review, Volume: 38 issue: 4, page(s): 456-472 available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512117720809 Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24592/ Post-populism in Zambia: Michael Sata’s rise, demise and legacy Alastair Fraser SOAS University of London, UK Abstract Models explaining populism as a policy response to the interests of the urban poor struggle to understand the instability of populist mobilisations. A focus on political theatre is more helpful. This article extends the debate on populist performance, showing how populists typically do not produce rehearsed performances to passive audiences. In drawing ‘the people’ on stage they are forced to improvise. As a result, populist performances are rarely sustained. The article describes the Zambian Patriotic Front’s (PF) theatrical insurrection in 2006 and its evolution over the next decade. The PF’s populist aspect had faded by 2008 and gradually disappeared in parallel with its leader Michael Sata’s ill-health and eventual death in 2014. The party was nonetheless electorally successful. The article accounts for this evolution and describes a ‘post-populist’ legacy featuring hyper- partisanship, violence and authoritarianism. Intolerance was justified in the populist moment as a reflection of anger at inequality; it now floats free of any programme. Keywords Elections, populism, political theatre, Laclau, Zambia, Sata, Patriotic Front Introduction This article both contributes to the thin theoretic literature on ‘post-populism’ and develops an illustrative case. It discusses the explosive arrival of the Patriotic Front (PF) on the Zambian electoral scene in 2006 and the party’s subsequent evolution. -
Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
We Were Cut Off from the Comprehension of Our Surroundings
Black Peril, White Fear – Representations of Violence and Race in South Africa’s English Press, 1976-2002, and Their Influence on Public Opinion Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität zu Köln vorgelegt von Christine Ullmann Institut für Völkerkunde Universität zu Köln Köln, Mai 2005 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The work presented here is the result of years of research, writing, re-writing and editing. It was a long time in the making, and may not have been completed at all had it not been for the support of a great number of people, all of whom have my deep appreciation. In particular, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Michael Bollig, Prof. Dr. Richard Janney, Dr. Melanie Moll, Professor Keyan Tomaselli, Professor Ruth Teer-Tomaselli, and Prof. Dr. Teun A. van Dijk for their help, encouragement, and constructive criticism. My special thanks to Dr Petr Skalník for his unflinching support and encouraging supervision, and to Mark Loftus for his proof-reading and help with all language issues. I am equally grateful to all who welcomed me to South Africa and dedicated their time, knowledge and effort to helping me. The warmth and support I received was incredible. Special thanks to the Burch family for their help settling in, and my dear friend in George for showing me the nature of determination. Finally, without the unstinting support of my two colleagues, Angelika Kitzmantel and Silke Olig, and the moral and financial backing of my family, I would surely have despaired. Thank you all for being there for me. We were cut off from the comprehension of our surroundings; we glided past like phantoms, wondering and secretly appalled, as sane men would be before an enthusiastic outbreak in a madhouse. -
The Role of Intra-Party Primary Elections in Zambia’S Democracy: Lessons from Zambezi West Constituency
Isagoge, v. 1, n. 2, p. 38-62, junho, 2021, ISSN 2763-7123 Rio de Janeiro, Brasil THE ROLE OF INTRA-PARTY PRIMARY ELECTIONS IN ZAMBIA’S DEMOCRACY: LESSONS FROM ZAMBEZI WEST CONSTITUENCY O PAPEL DAS ELEIÇÕES PRIMÁRIAS INTRAPARTIDÁRIAS NA DEMOCRACIA DA ZÂMBIA: LIÇÕES DO CÍRCULO ELEITORAL ZAMBEZI OCIDENTAL Kenneth Kapalu Muzata Department of Educational Psychology, Sociology and Special Education, University of Zambia, Zambia [email protected] Received: 08/07/21 Accepted: 09/07/21 Published: 11/07/21 Abstract: Elections are one sure way people at the grassroots express their choice of who should lead them and discard those they feel do not serve them well. However, elections lose their meaning once a few individuals in the name of political party representatives usurp the power of the people to elect credible leaders. This was a qualitative study conducted to describe the factors that affect the credibility of primary elections using one case of Zambezi West Constituency. Participant observation was a method of collecting data from eleven key informants. An observation and interview guide were used to collect data. Data was recorded on Mp3 sonny recorder, iphone camera and notebooks. Transcriptions were done and themes identified during analysis. Findings show that generally the primary elections did not reflect the will of the people as the final outcomes were affected by natural and artificial factors. Most importantly, the elections were characterised by lack of transparency, fathergodrism, corruption, lack of planning for different terrains and vested interests by party officials in preferred candidates. It is recommended that community party members should be the ones allowed to vote for their candidates and not party representatives at ward, constituency, district and provincial levels. -
CRI11CAL ARTS a Journal Ipr Media Studies CRITICAL ARTS
CRI11CAL ARTS A Journal ipr Media Studies CRITICAL ARTS Editor Keyan G Tomaselli Consulting Editors Organizers Susan Gardner Durban: Mike Vaughan Joe Muller Oxford: Shaun Johnson Ian Steadman Sao Paulo: Ismail Xavier Ruth Tomaselli USA East Coast: Peter Davis Harriet Gavshon USA West Coast: David Mesenbring Editorial Board Business Manager Eve Bertelsen Neale Ferguson Tim Couzens Graham Hayman David Maughan Brown Robert Stam Published by: Distributed by: Critical Arts Study Group Critical Arts Study Group Printed by Central Printing Unit Rhodes University University of the Witwatersrand P O Box 94 I Jan Smuts Avenue Grahamstown 6140 2(H)1 Johannesburg, South Africa South Africa Copyright is vested with Editors ami individual authors. Contents Vol Z No 3 198 2 Notes on Contributors ii Editorial iii Preface: The National Press Union and the Steyn Commission: Getting the Press to do its Own Dirty Work -- Irvin Manoim iv MAJOR ARTICLES 'How to Set Your House in Order1: Read All About it in Steyn Commission II -- Keyan Tomaselli & Ruth Tomaselli 1 Soviets and Surrogates: Black Nationalism and the Steyn Commission -- Tom Lodge 23 BIBLIOGRAPHY The Steyn Commissions: An Annotated Bibliography Abner Jack 29 CONFERENCE REPORT Class, Race or Culture: Kho is the Enemy? The Botswana "Culture and Resistance" Conference -- Graham Hayman 33 INTERCHANGE Breaker Uorant: A Response -- Peter Strauss 49 Breaker Morant: Missing the Point? -- MM Carlin 51 Breaker Moranv and Questions of Interpretation and Critical Strategy: A Reply to MM Carlin and Peter Strauss -
Reforming the Crime of Libel
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE NYLS Law Review Vols. 22-63 (1976-2019) Volume 50 Issue 1 International and Comparative Perspectives on Defamation, Free Speech, and Article 7 Privacy January 2006 Reforming the Crime of Libel Clive Walker University of Leeds School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/nyls_law_review Part of the Criminal Law Commons, First Amendment Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Clive Walker, Reforming the Crime of Libel, 50 N.Y.L. SCH. L. REV. (2005-2006). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Law Review by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. \\server05\productn\N\NLR\50-1\NLR106.txt unknown Seq: 1 20-FEB-06 12:31 REFORMING THE CRIME OF LIBEL CLIVE WALKER* I. INTRODUCTION Criminal libel has a long and troubled history — longer and even more troubled than its counterpart in civil law. In its early guises, it was notable as an instrument of state repression alongside other variants of libel such as blasphemy and sedition and, in part, as a corrective to the end of press licensing. But its usage in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries became less state-oriented. Though its status as a crime inevitably brings with it an element of official sanction, criminal libel has latterly evolved as the weapon of most destruction in the arsenal of libel law. In this role, it has be- come a rarity but has survived attempts at eradication in England and Wales and even the United States. -
What Drives Input Subsidy Policy Reform? the Case of Zambia, 2002–2016
IFPRI Discussion Paper 01572 November 2016 What Drives Input Subsidy Policy Reform? The Case of Zambia, 2002–2016 Danielle Resnick Nicole M. Mason Development Strategy and Governance Division INTERNATIONAL FOOD POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE The International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), established in 1975, provides evidence-based policy solutions to sustainably end hunger and malnutrition, and reduce poverty. The institute conducts research, communicates results, optimizes partnerships, and builds capacity to ensure sustainable food production, promote healthy food systems, improve markets and trade, transform agriculture, build resilience, and strengthen institutions and governance. Gender is considered in all of the institute’s work. IFPRI collaborates with partners around the world, including development implementers, public institutions, the private sector, and farmers’ organizations, to ensure that local, national, regional, and global food policies are based on evidence. AUTHORS Danielle Resnick ([email protected]) is a senior research fellow in the Development Strategy and Governance Division of the International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, DC. Nicole M. Mason ([email protected]) is an assistant professor in the Department of Agriultural, Food, and Resource Economics at Michigan State Univeristy, East Lansing, MI, US. Notices 1. IFPRI Discussion Papers contain preliminary material and research results and are circulated in order to stimulate discussion and critical comment. They have not been subject to a formal external review via IFPRI’s Publications Review Committee. Any opinions stated herein are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily representative of or endorsed by the International Food Policy Research Institute. 2. The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on the map(s) herein do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) or its partners and contributors. -
Catalogue of the African Studies Library Film Collection in UCT Libraries Special Collections
Catalogue of the African Studies Library Film Collection in UCT Libraries Special Collections Any queries regarding the ASL film collection please contact Bev Angus ([email protected]) Updated:June 2015 Introduction In film, as with all other African Studies material in Special Collections, we collect comprehensively on South and Southern Africa and we are also committed to strengthening and broadening our film coverage of the rest of Africa to meet existing needs and to create new opportunities for research. Film is a powerful and accessible medium for conveying the stories and images of Africa, past and present. The African continent has a long and proud tradition of film-making, and has produced many film-makers of international renown. Our collection contains documentaries, television series and feature films made by both African and international film-makers. Besides supporting the teaching and research programmes of the University of Cape Town, the African Studies Library makes provision for the preservation of the films in the collection. Please note: The films in the ASL are primarily for viewing by members of the University of Cape Town community. For a collection of African films with public access see the Western Cape Provincial Library Service collection at http://cplweb.pals.gov.za Tips on searching the collection: To facilitate searching, click the binoculars in the toolbar. Select Use Advanced Search Options. If you know the title of the film, enter the exact title in the box and select Match Exact Word or Phrase in the dropdown box e.g. “Cry the Beloved Country” For a keyword search where the exact title is unknown or you are searching around a particular topic, enter appropriate keywords in the box provided, then select Match any of the Words in the drop-drown box below e.g.