Questions on Mao Zedong Thought/Maoism
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'New Era' Should Have Ended US Debate on Beijing's Ambitions
Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearing on “A ‘China Model?’ Beijing’s Promotion of Alternative Global Norms and Standards” March 13, 2020 “How Xi Jinping’s ‘New Era’ Should Have Ended U.S. Debate on Beijing’s Ambitions” Daniel Tobin Faculty Member, China Studies, National Intelligence University and Senior Associate (Non-resident), Freeman Chair in China Studies, Center for Strategic and International Studies Senator Talent, Senator Goodwin, Honorable Commissioners, thank you for inviting me to testify on China’s promotion of alternative global norms and standards. I am grateful for the opportunity to submit the following statement for the record. Since I teach at National Intelligence University (NIU) which is part of the Department of Defense (DoD), I need to begin by making clear that all statements of fact and opinion below are wholly my own and do not represent the views of NIU, DoD, any of its components, or of the U.S. government. You have asked me to discuss whether China seeks an alternative global order, what that order would look like and aim to achieve, how Beijing sees its future role as differing from the role the United States enjoys today, and also to address the parts played respectively by the Party’s ideology and by its invocation of “Chinese culture” when talking about its ambitions to lead the reform of global governance.1 I want to approach these questions by dissecting the meaning of the “new era for socialism with Chinese characteristics” Xi Jinping proclaimed at the Communist Party of China’s 19th National Congress (afterwards “19th Party Congress”) in October 2017. -
Contemporary China: a Book List
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST by Lubna Malik and Lynn White Winter 2007-2008 Edition This list is available on the web at: http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinabib.pdf which can be viewed and printed with an Adobe Acrobat Reader. Variation of font sizes may cause pagination to differ slightly in the web and paper editions. No list of books can be totally up-to-date. Please surf to find further items. Also consult http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinawebs.doc for clicable URLs. This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of courses on "Chinese Development" and "Chinese Politics," for which students may find books to review in this list; --to provide graduate students with a list that may suggest books for paper topics and may slightly help their study for exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not much should be made of this because such books may be old or the subjects may not meet present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan; many of these are now available on the web,e.g., from “J-Stor”; --to suggest to book selectors in the Princeton libraries items that are suitable for acquisition; to provide a computerized list on which researchers can search for keywords of interests; and to provide a resource that many teachers at various other universities have also used. -
German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar
02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
Answer: Maoism Is a Form of Communism Developed by Mao Tse Tung
Ques 1: What is Maoism? Answer: Maoism is a form of communism developed by Mao Tse Tung. It is a doctrine to capture State power through a combination of armed insurgency, mass mobilization and strategic alliances. The Maoists also use propaganda and disinformation against State institutions as other components of their insurgency doctrine. Mao called this process, the ‘Protracted Peoples War’, where the emphasis is on ‘military line’ to capture power. Ques 2: What is the central theme of Maoist ideology? Answer: The central theme of Maoist ideology is the use of violence and armed insurrection as a means to capture State power. ‘Bearing of arms is non-negotiable’ as per the Maoist insurgency doctrine. The maoist ideology glorifies violence and the ‘Peoples Liberation Guerrilla Army’ (PLGA) cadres are trained specifically in the worst forms of violence to evoke terror among the population under their domination. However, they also use the subterfuge of mobilizing people over issues of purported inadequacies of the existing system, so that they can be indoctrinated to take recourse to violence as the only means of redressal. Ques 3: Who are the Indian Maoists? Answer: The largest and the most violent Maoist formation in India is the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The CPI (Maoist) is an amalgamation of many splinter groups, which culminated in the merger of two largest Maoist groups in 2004; the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), People War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India. The CPI (Maoist) and all its front organizations formations have been included in the list of banned terrorist organizations under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. -
Socialist Planning
Socialist Planning Socialist planning played an enormous role in the economic and political history of the twentieth century. Beginning in the USSR it spread round the world. It influenced economic institutions and economic policy in countries as varied as Bulgaria, USA, China, Japan, India, Poland and France. How did it work? What were its weaknesses and strengths? What is its legacy for the twenty-first century? Now in its third edition, this textbook is fully updated to cover the findings of the period since the collapse of the USSR. It provides an overview of socialist planning, explains the underlying theory and its limitations, looks at its implementation in various sectors of the economy, and places developments in their historical context. A new chap- ter analyses how planning worked in the defence–industry complex. This book is an ideal text for undergraduate and graduate students taking courses in comparative economic systems and twentieth-century economic history. michael ellman is Emeritus Professor in the Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands. He is the author, co- author and editor of numerous books and articles on the Soviet and Russian economies, on transition economics, and on Soviet economic and political history. In 1998, he was awarded the Kondratieff prize for his ‘contributions to the development of the social sciences’. Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 128.122.253.212 on Sat Jan 10 18:08:28 GMT 2015. http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ebook.jsf?bid=CBO9781139871341 Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 2015 Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 128.122.253.212 on Sat Jan 10 18:08:28 GMT 2015. -
THE NATIONALIZATION of INDUSTRY* JOHN Jewkest
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LAW REVIEW VOLUME 20 SUMMER 1953 NUMBER 4 THE NATIONALIZATION OF INDUSTRY* JOHN JEWKESt I. CLAIMS FOR NATIONALIZATION ATIONALIZATION IS A METHOD of organizing and administering in- dustry whereby the community owns the means of production and the government is, at least in the last resort, responsible for its control. The crux of the idea is that the whole of one industry falling within the boundary of one nation should be subject to a unifying influ- ence. Contemporary nationalization, therefore, is a piecemeal and em- pirical approach to much wider ideas-such as that the whole of industry within one country should be brought under state operation or that the whole of the industry in the world might be usefully organized.to work to- gether under some supernational authority. This piecemeal approach, one industry at a time or one country at a time, is reflected in the view that certain industries are "ripe" for nationalization whilst others are not yet in fit form for the transfer from private to public hands.' * This article was originally presented at a dinner held in honor of Professors Jewkes and Roy Forbes Harrod at the University of Chicago, April 10, 1951. t Professor of Economic Organization, Merton College, Oxford University. I The tests for "ripeness" as set forth by different writers are confusing and not always consistent. Kautsky, The Social Revolution 144 (1902), argued that the big industries should be nationalized first: "Without a developed great industry socialism is impossible. Where, however, a great industry exists to a considerable degree it is easy for a socialist society to concentrate production and to quickly rid itself of the little industries." J. -
China (People's Republic
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:23 constituteproject.org China (People’s Republic of)'s Constitution of 1982 with Amendments through 2018 Translation of 2018 amendments provided by the NPC Observer This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:23 Table of contents Preamble . 3 CHAPTER I: GENERAL PRINCIPLES . 5 CHAPTER II: THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF CITIZENS . 11 CHAPTER III: THE STRUCTURE OF THE STATE . 15 Section 1: The National People's Congress . 15 Section 2: The President of the People's Republic of China . 21 Section 3: The State Council . 22 Section 4: The Central Military Commission . 25 Section 5: The Local People's Congress and the Local People's Governments at Different Levels . 26 Section 6: The Organs of Self-Government of National Autonomous Areas . 29 Section 8: The People's Courts and the People's Procuratorates . 32 CHAPTER IV: THE NATIONAL FLAG, THE NATIONAL ANTHEM, THE NATIONAL EMBLEM AND THE CAPITAL . 34 China (People’s Republic of) 1982 (rev. 2018) Page 2 constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:23 • Political theorists/figures • Preamble Preamble • Reference to country's history • Mentions of social class China is one of the countries with the longest histories in the world. The people of all nationalities in China have jointly created a splendid culture and have a glorious revolutionary tradition. Feudal China was gradually reduced after 1840 to a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country. -
1 Samir Amin Preface English Future of Maoism Mao Is
1 SAMIR AMIN PREFACE ENGLISH FUTURE OF MAOISM MAO IS BACK The Marxism of the Second International, workerist and Eurocentric, shared with the dominant ideology of the era a linear view of historical progress in which every society must pass first through a stage of capitalist development before being able to aspire to socialism. The idea that the “development” of some societies (the dominant centers) and the “underdevelopment” of others (the dominated peripheries) is an imminent product of the worldwide expansion of capitalism was completely alien. Understanding the polarization inherent in capitalist globalization is essential for formulating any view about transcending capitalism. This polarization lies behind the possible rallying of large fractions of the popular classes and above all the middle classes (whose development is itself favored by the position of the center in the world system) of the dominant countries to social-colonialism. At the same time, it transforms the peripheries into a zone des tempêtes, in a continual natural rebellion against the capitalist world order. Certainly rebellion is not synonymous with revolution, but only with the possibility of revolution. On the other hand, grounds for rejecting the capitalist model are not lacking in the center of the system, as 1968, among other things, illustrated. Undoubtedly, the formulation of the challenge by the Communist Party of China (CPC), at a given moment, in terms of the country-side encircling the cities, is too extreme to be useful. A global strategy of transition beyond capitalism in the direction of world socialism must articulate the struggles in both the centers and peripheries of the system. -
Reform in Deep Water Zone: How Could China Reform Its State- Dominated Sectors at Commanding Heights
Reform in Deep Water Zone: How Could China Reform Its State- Dominated Sectors at Commanding Heights Yingqi Tan July 2020 M-RCBG Associate Working Paper Series | No. 153 The views expressed in the M-RCBG Associate Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business & Government or of Harvard University. The papers in this series have not undergone formal review and approval; they are presented to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business & Government Weil Hall | Harvard Kennedy School | www.hks.harvard.edu/mrcbg 1 REFORM IN DEEP WATER ZONE: HOW COULD CHINA REFORM ITS STATE-DOMINATED SECTORS AT COMMANDING HEIGHTS MAY 2020 Yingqi Tan MPP Class of 2020 | Harvard Kennedy School MBA Class of 2020 | Harvard Business School J.D. Candidate Class of 2023 | Harvard Law School RERORM IN DEEP WATER ZONE: HOW COULD CHINA REFORM ITS STATE-DOMINATED SECTORS AT COMMANDING HEIGHTS 2 Contents Table of Contents Contents .................................................................................................. 2 Acknowledgements ................................................................................ 7 Abbreviations ......................................................................................... 8 Introduction ......................................................................................... -
Mao Zedong in Contemporarychinese Official Discourse Andhistory
China Perspectives 2012/2 | 2012 Mao Today: A Political Icon for an Age of Prosperity Mao Zedong in ContemporaryChinese Official Discourse andHistory Arif Dirlik Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5852 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5852 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 4 June 2012 Number of pages: 17-27 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Arif Dirlik, « Mao Zedong in ContemporaryChinese Official Discourse andHistory », China Perspectives [Online], 2012/2 | 2012, Online since 30 June 2015, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5852 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5852 © All rights reserved Special feature China perspectives Mao Zedong in Contemporary Chinese Official Discourse and History ARIF DIRLIK (1) ABSTRACT: Rather than repudiate Mao’s legacy, the post-revolutionary regime in China has sought to recruit him in support of “reform and opening.” Beginning with Deng Xiaoping after 1978, official (2) historiography has drawn a distinction between Mao the Cultural Revolutionary and Mao the architect of “Chinese Marxism” – a Marxism that integrates theory with the circumstances of Chinese society. The essence of the latter is encapsulated in “Mao Zedong Thought,” which is viewed as an expression not just of Mao the individual but of the collective leadership of the Party. In most recent representations, “Chinese Marxism” is viewed as having developed in two phases: New Democracy, which brought the Communist Party to power in 1949, and “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” inaugurated under Deng Xiaoping and developed under his successors, and which represents a further development of Mao Zedong Thought. -
A Stakeholder Analysis of the Soviet Second Economy by CHOI, Jae
A Stakeholder Analysis of the Soviet Second Economy By CHOI, Jae-hyoung THESIS Submitted to KDI School of Public Policy and Management in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF PUBLIC POLICY 2015 A Stakeholder Analysis of the Soviet Second Economy By CHOI, Jae-hyoung THESIS Submitted to KDI School of Public Policy and Management in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF PUBLIC POLICY 2015 Professor Chang-Yong Choi A Stakeholder Analysis of the Soviet Second Economy By CHOI, Jae-hyoung THESIS Submitted to KDI School of Public Policy and Management in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF PUBLIC POLICY Committee in charge: Professor Chang Yong CHOI, Supervisor Professor Jung Ho YOO Professor June Soo LEE Approval as of April, 2015 Abstract This research aims to demonstrate, through a stakeholder analysis, that the institutionalization of the second economy in the Soviet Union was a natural byproduct of the interaction among three major stakeholders of Soviet society: the state, the bureaucracy, and the people. The three stakeholders responded to the incentive structure of the socialist economic system, interacting with each other in order to enhance their own interests. This research argues that their interaction was the internal necessity or dynamics that formed this informal market mechanism and elevated it to a characteristic feature of Soviet society. i Table of Contents Abstract ...................................................................................................................................... -
IOJT Is an International Organization for Judicial Training Institutes Which Aims at Providing Its Members with the Opportunity
IOJT is an International Organization for Judicial training institutes which aims at providing its members with the opportunity to learn from one another, to share innovative approaches to the education of the judiciary and to build a strong network of people involved in judicial education. The idea of professional training for Judges is a relatively new one - the first such institutes were established after the Second World War. It was a common conception that Judges already knew everything, and didn’t need any training. This changed as the Judge's profession began to be seen as a skill that needs to be learned, up kept and updated. As such, the profession is similar to the practice of medicine or education, where the practitioners must be both idealistic and constantly updated in order to serve in the best possible fashion. It became clear that despite the many and various judicial systems prevalent in different countries there is a common denominator for the judicial profession as a whole. The need arose, therefore, to promote the exchange of information and ideas between these schools and institutes, as well as to assist countries in their initial steps to establish their own training schools. The initiative for the establishment of an international organization of judicial training institutes was first raised at a conference held in Sao Paulo, Brazil in 1997. A declaration stating the importance of international cooperation between institutes for judicial training, and calling for the establishment of an international organization designated to this issue, was signed. This has become known as the "Sao Paolo Declaration".